Valrie Marquis Final Essay RELG 363 McGill, April 9th 2008

Religion and Art Performance in South India

Indian music and dance are intrinsically linked with Hindu religion in the popular mind. However, although arts and religion always have been in dialogue throughout Indian history, their relationship to each other cannot be reduced to a simple equation (arts=religion). Various art traditions, at different points in time, have related to religion in different ways. This paper will explore the relationship between sacred text and performance in three specific contexts: devadasis at the Tanjavur court, modern Bharathanatyam and the Saivas otuvars tradition. It will also discuss the ways in which the sacredness of arts discourse has served ideological purposes in the larger traditions of male musicians and female dancers, and will identify how religion contributed differently to those two trends. Sacred text and performance for the devadasis at Tanjavur Court The many elements composing the devadasis personage have come together around the 17th century under the Tanjavur court patronage (Soneji, Jan 15th). Although in popular history the devadasis of the past is thought to have been exclusively linked to temples, in fact, she could perform in three different contexts: the temple, the court and homes or salons of private patrons (Soneji, Jan 15 th). In the enclosure of

the temple, the devadasis performed daily ritual functions like the waving of the pot-lamp in addition to singing specific songs for waking the diety (melukolupu), putting the deity to sleep (unjal). This type of performance represented only a small fraction of the devadasis activity. More commonly, the devadasis performance at the temple occurred in its public space and was secular, destined to popular entertainment (Soneji, Jan 15th). Although little scholarly work has been done on the content of the performance at Tanjavur court, it can be speculated that an important portion of the courtly repertoire was of secular content. Such content would have mostly depicted erotic stories between Krishna and his lovers; alternatively, the Sara bhendra Bhupala Kuravenci, provides an example of a romantic story between a female protagonist and the king Serfoji II (Soneji, Jan 20th). The most important dimension of the devadasis performance in its traditional context is abhinayam, or the use of representational gestures to elaborate on the primary meaning of the interpreted text. In this context, the sacred text is not static, but constantly re-interpreted in a unique lyrical way, as a performed commentary (Soneji, Jan 20 th). As this technique is mostly improvised, it requires great skill on the part of the interpreter, and its mastery differentiates a novice devadasis from a professional of the art. One of the last prominent hereditary holder of the courtly devadasis tradition is Tanjore Balasaraswati. She is described as a proud 2

defender of the original content of the devadasis repertoire, during the time when the revival movement sought to purify the devadasis tradition of its erotic components. For Balasarasvati, there is no incompatibility between sringara or erotic love and bhakti: Sringara is bhakti-in-dance; there is, and can be no dichotomy between bhakti and sringara (as cited in OShea, 1998, 46). This idea of communion with the divine through devotion that will be discuss further in relation to the Shaivas otuvars context is found in Balasarasvatis understanding of dance, but this communion is believed to happen through the experience and expression of sringara: Sringara, which is considered to be the greatest obstacle to spiritual realization, has itself become an instrument for uniting the dancer with Divinity (Balasarasvati as cited in OShea, 1998, 46). The authority of Balasarasvatis tradition is not primarily rooted in sacred text but rather in her familial and instructional lineages (OShea, 1998, 52). Consequently, she was a sceptical witness of the reconstruction and restoration of the form using ancient texts: Indeed, dancers of the Tanjore court style often express discomfort with the use of aesthetic theory as a direct basis for information about the choreography of bharata natyam [] Studying theory in the form of ancient treatises for application in the dance and as a justification for incorporating new units of movement, therefore, constitutes a compromise of the authenticity of the dance form (OShea, 1988, 53). Sacred text and performance in modern Bharatanatyam Paralleling the anti-Nautch movement of the first half of the 20 th century, the dance revival movement strove to preserve what they saw as the valuable aspect of the tradition, i.e. the dance form itself. To 3

render the form suitable for those who were to become the new elite holders of the tradition, the main actor of the revival, Rukmini Devi, believed in replacing the sringara dimension, which she saw as a degrading element of the form, by a strictly devotional dimension (OShea, 1998, 47). To redefine the form, Rukmini did not rely on the living devadasis tradition, but rather on ancient text like the Natyasatra, which she saw as a justificative piece for linking dance with a pan-Indian tradition originating in the distant past (OShea, 1998, 53). The very name given to this modern form, Bharatanatyam, (bharata stands for India) has become a justification for this pan-Indian origin, obliterating the fact that this arbitrary name has been purposely chosen by the actors of the dance revival (OShea, 1998, 53). The use of the sacred text in this context is not based on an actual historical or spiritual connection but is rather purely instrumental, so to provide firstly the stamp of authenticity of the past (Soneji, April 7 th) and secondly to invest the actors of the revival with authority and respectability. Another alteration to the relationship between text and

performance after the revival is the quasi-abolition of abhinayam. Indeed, Rukmini, who has been influenced by ballet, incorporated much of the ballet aesthetics (clean lines, perfectly choreographed

movements) in the classes taught at Kalakshetra, simultaneously leaving out abhinayam (Soneji, Feb. 10th). In Rukmini Devi: Rethinking the Classical, Janet OShea reviews Rukminis creativity in a positive light. Rukmini, by choreographing 4

pieces, mostly dance dramas, invented the category of the dancerchoreographer. By doing so, OShea argues, she merged two

traditionally separate roles: the female dancer and the male nattuvanar, and she democratized the dance form by taking it outside of its hereditary lineage (OShea, 2002, 230). The use of the Natyasastras theatre theory and of the pan-Indian dance discourse enabled this

process. OShea further appreciates Rukminis way of having reshaped the form by relying on the values of the past rather than on mimicking its form (OShea, 2002, 233- 234). Yet another innovation brought into the dance revival by Rukmini is the use of Nataraja as an iconic deity for dance. Although the orientalist scholar Ananda Coomaraswamy is responsible for first making the connection between dance and this deity, Rukmini is the first person to incorporate an image of Nataraja in her stage-performances (Allen, 1997, p. 233 of coursepack). Nataraja was suited for the dance revival in that he provided a new respectability to for dance and he was also compatible with the nationalist ideal: Siva as the cosmic dancer Nataraja was free from the kind of criticism that an earthly, sensual, often philandering Murugan or Krishna could come under from social reformers and was full of resonances suggesting spiritual detachment and masculine power, images invoked by both revivers of dance and Indian nationalist politicians (Allen, 1997, p. 235 of coursepack). As efforts were made both to take dance outside the temple context and to eliminate the erotic connotations of dance, Nataraja standed as a hybrid figure: a clearly religious one that yet suggested spiritual

detachment and could be introduced in secular performances. For contemporary Bharatanatyam practitioners, not possessing and

displaying a Nataraja image is almost unconceivable (Gaston, 1991, 158). Along with the re-emergence of the debut recital and the worship of the ankle bells, the introduction of the Nataraja icon on the stage are now part of the religious legacy of dance (Gaston, 1991, 153). For her part, Balasarasvati, as other members of the hereditary tradition, felt that Natarajas worship on the stage was phoney and inappropriate (Gaston, 1991, 158). In Dance and the Hindu Woman, Anne-Marie Gaston demonstrates that, ironically, Bharatanatyam has more ritual attached to it today than it had during the period of its revival when strenuous efforts were made to dissociate the modern form the original (1991, 150). Since the credibility of dance has been linked to its new religious dimension (with Nataraja), contemporary practitioners are expected to establish their religious credentials in the competitive context of the dance scene by making a conscious effort to accentuate the religious spectacle (Gaston, 1991, 170, 171). Mobilization of religion in the anti-Nautch movement The ways in which religion has been mobilized have been so far discussed mainly in relation to the dance revival movement and to the changes that occurred between performance and sacred text before and after its occurrence. Religion has also been mobilized in the anti-Nautch discourse and its protests. The anti-Nautch movement is mainly embodied in the figure of Muthulakshmi Reddi, who combined ideals of 6

Victorian morality, first-wave feminism and the medical discourse. In her view, devadasis are victims of a, although previously pristine and pure, now degenerate and immoral institution, maintained by superstitious religious beliefs and the supremacy of male sexuality (Reddi, 1929). She arbitrary identifies the practice of temple dedication or marriage to the deity as the source of the problem, and consequently militates, with success, for the abolition of this practice, and eventually of the devadasis tradition altogether. The fate of religion in this context can hardly be separated from nationalist interests. While Reddi accuses the association with the temples of being detrimental to devadasis, she is not rejecting the Hindu religious heritage altogether. On the contrary, what she is doing can be understood as a purification of this heritage which is simultaneously used as an icon for Indian identity in the nationalist discourse, just as dance also becomes during and after the revival (Soneji, Jan 29th). Interestingly enough, in response to Reddis attack on their respectability, the devadasis who organised themselves under the Madras Devadasi Association also refer to an idyllic past of ritual purity (Madras Devadasis Association). They therefore use religion as a justification for their institution and their art, although the few signatures in the memorial include Bangalore Nagaratnamma, renown for being part of the Mysore court tradition and therefore not tied to temples (Soneji, Jan. 29th). Sacred text and performance for the Saivas otuvars 7

The tradition of the Shaivas otuvars emerged with the Tamil Bhakti movement in South India between the 6th and 10th centuries. The Bhakti movement refers to a devotional spiritual trend which relied on chanting as a way to unite with the divine. The sacred texts used for this purpose were composed by the saints of the traditions; the alvars for the devotees of Vishnu and the nayanars for the devotees of Shiva. Of these saints, some are historical figures while others are quasi-biblical personages (Soneji, March 10th). During the chanting performance, at least three elements come together: God, the saints and their poems, and the singing devotee surrounded by the audience (Soneji, March 10th). The poems are understood as the words of an incarnation (the saint) of the divine. They represent a way to access the divine through the human performance of their singing. On both Shiva and Vishnu sides, these poems are considered the Tamil Vedas, meaning that they have the spiritual authority of sacred texts just as the Sanskrit Vedas. The otuvars or araiyars who perform the ritual singing of the poems in the temple or at a special event act as the second mediators (after the saints) between God and the audience. In a sense, while the performance of the saints have been fixed in time by the composition of the words, the ritual performers are continuously re-enacting this communion with the divine and making it accessible to the audience. In The lives of a text, Indira Viswanathan Peterson addresses the relationship between Tamils Saivas and the singing of the Tevaram Hymns. She underlines the fact that Whether he sings the hymns in 8

pre-set melodies and rythyms or in the freer viruttam style, the otuvar sees his performance as being faithful to the words of the saints, and himself as the vehicle or medium for those words (73). Consequently, in contrast to a Karnatak music performance, the emphasis of the Tevaram concert is not on the musical virtuosity of the performer, but rather on the quality of the mediation between the sacred aspect of the text and the performance offered to the audience (Peterson, 74). According to Peterson, this fact confirms the continuing importance of the

experience and expression of devotional love in Tamil Saiva religion (75). In addition to guiding collective devotional experience, when sung in private, the words of the saint offer guidance and comfort in daily life. This confers to the texts the double function of being both of ceremonial and personal usage, two separate categories in mainstream Hinduism (Peterson, 58-59). The mobilization of cast status in the elaboration of Karnatak concert music Nagasvaram players are non-Brahmins hereditary holders of a music tradition that has very common origins to that of Brahmindominated Karnatak concert music. In T. N. Rajarattinam Pillai and caste rivalry in South Indian classical music, Yoshitaka Terada shows how Nagasvaram players were deliberately put aside in the emerging trend of concert music at the beginning of the 20 th century. As instrument associated with the temple, the nagasvaram never managed to get fully incorporated in the concert context. In fact, Brahmins saw it 9

as an inferior concert instrument, not suited for the kind of elitism they want to build around concert music. The fact of Brahmins dominance in the contemporary musical tradition emerged with Karnatak concert music in the early 20 th century, as there was no castbased hierarchy in music at the Tanjavur Court (Soneji, personal communication, April 2nd). Brahmins further deliberately put forward their connection with the classical trinity (Tyagaraja, Diksitar and Sastri), as a way to legitimize their predominant role in the elaboration of Karnatak music. These three figures are not only member of the Brahmin cast, (Smarta Brahmins) they are further treated as spiritual figures, and Tyagaraja in particular is as much recognized for his contribution in music than as for his spiritual achievements. Indeed, the biography of Tyagaraya contains all the elements typically found in saints hagiographies (Jackson, 1993). In this perspective, by identifying themselves more strongly than nonBrahmins musicians do with those icons, (and by making these three personages into icons in the first place) Brahmins assert themselves as the holders of both musical and religious heritages (Terada, 2000, 478479). Or, put differently, they may use their connections with this musical and religious heritage to assert the supremacy of their cast status (Soneji, personal communication April 2nd). Different roles for religion in female dance tradition and male musician tradition

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In both the male musical tradition and the female dance tradition, art practices that used to be reserved to non-Brahmin lineages (exclusively in the case of the dance form or partly in the case of the music form) have been taken away from their hereditary holders. Simultaneously, new elites have taken on these practices in a process that make them global, first in India, and then beyond. These globalized practices of music and dance become national icons of Indianess, along with Hindu religion, in India and abroad. One main difference between what took place in music versus in dance is that most of the actors of the music reform (the Madras Music Academy), were already part of the Brahmin cast. So Brahmins, who only represented a part of the hereditary musician tradition, attempted to claim most of the cultural and musical heritage for themselves. On the other hand, the actors of the dance reformation never have been hereditary participants in the dance tradition. Also, in the making of Bharatanatyam, dance first needed to be separated from its religious origin, which in this case has become polluted and associated with degradation. This has not occurred in music, where the religious association has been maintained all along. However, both contemporary traditions have been struggling with the paradoxical need of displaying more clearly the religious in relation with their art, while the actual religious dimension of it may be in fact be decreasing. This has already been shown in the case of dance, with the increasing need for displaying Nataraja worship during stage 11

performance. In regard to the music tradition, Terada mentions that The projection of themselves [Brahmins] as artistic descendants of one of these three saint-composers by allying themselves to their lineage compensates for the lack of saintliness in contemporary musicianship (2000, 478). This need of displaying the religious can be explained by a need to justify ones authority as part of a continuing, Indian heritage. Lastly, the usage of sringara as a way to get in communion with the divine is definitely specific to the female dancer tradition. While both male musicians and female dancer speak of bhakti, the role of sringara for its attainment is unique to the dance tradition before its reform. Conclusion This paper has explored how various art traditions, at different points in time, have related to religion. It focusses on relationship between sacred text and performance in the context of devadasis at the Tanjavur court, modern Bharathanatyam and the Saivas otuvars tradition. It discusses the ways in which the sacredness of arts discourse has served various ideological purposes, sometimes

contradictory, in both traditions of male musicians and female dancers. It also compares and contrasts the roles of religion in those two trends. In conclusion, religion has been in continuous relationship with the arts traditions, but the nature of this relationship has been flexible and multifaceted. Therefore, a categorical statement like all arts in India are sacred is problematic since it dismisses a more complex reality.

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References Allen, Matthew Harp. 1997. Rewriting the Script for South Indian Dance. The Drama Review 41 (3): 63-100. Gaston, Anne-Marie. 1991. Dance and the Hindu Woman: Bharatanatyam Re-ritualized. Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women, ed. Julia Leslie. Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 149-171. Jackson, William. 1993. A Life Becomes a Legend: Sri Tyagaraja as Exemplar. Journal of the American Academy of Religion LX (4): 717-36 Madras Devadasis Association, The Humble Memorial of Devadasis of the Madras Presidency, 6 pages OShea, Janet. 1998. Traditional Indian Dance and the Making of Interpretative Communities, Asian Theatre Journal 15 (1): 45-63. OShea, Janet. 2002. Rukmini Devi: Rethinking the Classical. In Rukmini Devi Arundale, ed. Avanthi Meduri. Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass, 225-243. Peterson, Indira Viswanathan. 1989. The Lives of a Text : The Role of the Tevaram Hymns in Tamil Saivism. Poems to Siva: The Hymns of the Tamil Saints . Princeton: Princeton University Press, 51-75.

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Reddi, Muthulakshmi. 1929. Why Should the Devadasis Institution in the Hindu Temples be Abolished? Madras: Central Co-operative Printing Works, 1-14

Terada, Yoshitaka. 2002. T.N. Rajarattinam Pillai and Caste Rivalry in South Indian Classical Music. Ethnomusicology 44 (3): 460-90.

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