Written Sources and African History: A Plea for the Primary Source.

The Angola Manuscript Collection of Ferno de Sousa Author(s): Beatrix Heintze Reviewed work(s): Source: History in Africa, Vol. 9 (1982), pp. 77-103 Published by: African Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3171600 . Accessed: 22/08/2012 20:48
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WRITTEN SOURCES AND AFRICANHISTORY: A PLEA FOR THE PRIMARY SOURCE. THE ANGOLA MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION OF FERNAO DE SOUSA* Beatrix Heintze Frobenius-Inst itut Frankfurt am Main

I The written sources for African history are scattered throughout the world, often in archives to which access is difficult. To reach them often requires a considerable of time expenditure and money, quite apart from the necessary linguistic knowledge. As a result, at least in the German-speaking world, much of the writing of African history and anthropology has for decades rested on published sources. Besides often leading to a exclusively serious deficiency of information, such an approach limits the degree of control to which written testimony can be subjected: even the most assiduous textual soon reaches its limits criticism if comparable information is lacking. In addition, where there are only a few published the historian sources, may all too easily be lulled into a false sense of security. To remedy this, it is not enough to plead for as much archival work as possible (a requirement that can today usually be taken for granted in any case) and encourage the publication of more primary sources. We should also pay more attention to the distinction between primary and that is, take more explicitly into account secondary sources, the proximity of a source to the historical event or situation all the other rules of concerned--quite apart from observing textual criticism. This paper therefore has two purposes. I wish to draw First, attention to a hitherto-neglected source for Angolan history in the first half of the seventeenth century--the manuscript collection of Fernoao de Sousa, Governor of Angola from 1624 to 1630. A rough review of its contents and arrangement will perhaps stimulate scholars to study it and facilitate I its use. Secondly, this source in the light of the history of propose to evaluate I shall comnarrative Ndongo. After a conventional description, with the three main secondary pare the manuscript collection sources for this period, using a simple statistical exercise. Whereas a verbal comparison would be overburdened with detail and would easily weary the non-specialized reader, this exercise HISTORYIN AFRICA, Vol. 9(1982)

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has the advantage of presenting the essentials of the comparison in a graphic form and, in this case, of demonstrating in a nutshell the marked superiority of the truly primary source. The history of the kingdom of Ndongo between 1617 and 1630 is particularly for such a comparison. suitable Not only do we possess a valuable primary source and several secondary sources, but this was also a decisive period in the history of the kingdom, There occurred during which the state lost its independence. the rise of the famous queen Nzinga, whose life was later celebrated in novels and who is still treated as a figure symbolic of anti-colonial An additional resistance. important political and military factor at this time was the Mbangala (the "Jaga" of the sources), who were forming new relationships with the Portuguese and the Mbundu (the main ethnic group in Ndongo). Finally, significant demographic changes were taking place in Ndongo, partly as a result of clashes between the Portuguese and Africans. The modern historiography of Angola in the first half of the seventeenth on the collections of century rests principally documents published by Brisio and Jadin and on Cadornega's contemporaneous historical work, Hist6ria geral das guerras angolanas These sources are complemented by some information (1680-81).' do Reino do Congo (c. 1624) provided by Cardoso in his Hist6ria and by Cavazzi in his famous Istorica Descrizione de' tre' Regni Compared with these works, Congo, Matamba, et Angola (1687).2 the hitherto Ulunpublished documents in the Arquivo Hist6rico tramarino in Lisbon (the most important archive for the history of Angola in this period) are of only secondary importance. On the whole, the sources are patchy and of poor quality. It is therefore that so little has been paid to attention surprising what is probably the most important source, the writings of Fernao de Sousa, and that these have not yet been subjected to a and evaluation.3 systematic analysis The collection of about 850 documents of widely consists and copies, differing types, both originals covering about 1700 These were later bound in two volumes (with closely-spaced pages. of Ajuda, 506 and 344 folios) and bequeathed to the library the Counts of Redondo. probably by Fernao de Sousa's descendants, 51-IX-20 They are now to be found there under the class-marks and 51-IX-21.4 Only a very small portion has been published.5 Besides written documents the collection contains five maps. The first f. 2) dates from 1622--before Fernao (C6d. 51-IX-20, de Sousa's arrival--and was apparently composed within the close who may entourage of Governor Joao Correia de Sousa (1621-23), even have dictated it himself. It shows the hinterland of Luanda, the Ensaca de Casanze. The detailed including legend describes the Portuguese war against mani Casanze and also includes important information." The second map (ibid., f. 4) was pretopographic pared under Fernao de Sousa, presumably in 1627 or soon after, and shows how land was divided along the Dande in the vicinity of Cuanza Island. It is damaged and incomplete: the top right-hand corner has been broken off. The three remaining maps (in Vol. 2) are concerned with the fortification of Luanda and its harbor. One was made on the orders of Fernao de Sousa. The other

A=0
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Fig.

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Governor of Angola (incomplete). of Fernho de Sousa, Genealogy and 51-VIII-46; Sources: Arquivo da BAL, Cod. 51-IX-20 Torre do Tombo, Chancelaria book 14, f. 32; Diogo III, Filipe Barbosa Michado, Lusitana Bibliotheca 53; 1747), (Lisbon,

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committee two were commissioned on 12 October 1626 by a special in Lisbon and sent to de Sousa in Angola on 18 April 1628.8 The written documents in the first volume are divided into several sections. At the beginning are four important deeds rethe carta do titulo do to de Sousa's status and office: lating (22 February 1624; f. 1), the regimento of the king to conselho the new Governor of Angola (20 March 1624; ff. 7-11), the instru;ao of the king to de Sousa (19 March 1624; ff. 13-14v) and secreta de Sousa's oath of office ("pZeito e menagem," 20 March 1624; In between (f. 3) there is a review of the cannon, ff. 17-17v). ammunition, and military posts in Luanda and the forts in the It is undated, but must have been written considerably interior. later than the other documents in this section.9 concessions The next section contains original letters, and government instructions issued to de Sousa in the (alvaras) Of about sixty documents, period from 1624 to 1635 (ff. 19-208). or triplicate a proximately one-third appear in duplicate (1a, Brasio has published twelve of these documents 2 and 3a via).10 of do his Some documents not in vol. 7 Monumenta. other really of de Sousa to Fransuch as the letters belong to this section, cisco de Castro (f. 171v; Brasio, Monumenta 7: 549-50) and to There are also three the king (20 February 1635; ff. 200-201v). letters dated 1653. These are totally out of place, as Fernao de Sousa had been dead for at least ten years by this time.11 They were addressed to his grandson, who bore the same name. of this collection, The next section is the most significant on Angola and the general reports detailed information containing of de Sousa. At the beginning are three reports which did not from de Sousa's pen: an account of the various sources originate of income of the crown in Angola, written in Porto on 23 May 1633 or the anonymous author may have been a feitor (ff. 210-212v; the provedor da fazenda, even, if he was then back in Portugal, of a special Soares de Albergaria); Dionfsio an undated consulta committee, concerning an expert opinion prepared by Luis Mendes of Luanda (ff. 214-14v); and on the fortification de Vasconcelos a short undated report by Joao Nunes de Andrade, describfinally ing how he was captured by the Dutch dn his voyage to Sao Jorge da Mina in 1626 (f. 216v).12 This document is heavily damaged It at the lower corners, so that not all of it can now be read. is followed by a very informative report on Angola (ff. 217-19v), which to my knowledge has never been published. Although unsigned and undated, there can be no doubt that it was written by de Sousa after his return to Lisbon. It is divided into the following chapters: Guerras do Reino de Angolla (f. 217) Conquista do Gouerno de Angolla (f. 217v) Viagem pera Angolla polla altura primeiro se uinha polla Costa e pode vir por S. Tome (f. 218) Portos do Reino de Angolla (f. 218v) Pouagoens do Reino de Angolla (f. 219) Gouernadores do Reino de Angolla (f. 219v)

WRITTENSOURCES AND AFRICANHISTORY

81

The principal and of the two volumes item of this section as a whole is the lengthy general report by Fernao de Sousa on his term of office, addressed to his sons (ff. 220-274v). Hitherto only small extracts have been published by Brisio, Felner, and myself.13 De Sousa compiled this report during the years 1624-30, adding to it as time went on, so that the sequence of events he described ran very roughly parallel to the sequence of his life while writing, the interval in between amounting often to several months and possibly even to a year (at the beginning) or two. (This may be deduced by comparing the span of time covered by each narrative section dealing with a particular theme.) The report gives relatively few dates. De Sousa's method of narration was to present individual thematic fields gathered tooften reaching far back into the past, and gether in bundles, this generally provides us with no more than chains of events For running in parallel sequence, with relative chronology. this reason the letters of the governor to the king that have survived from this period are an important aid towards a more accurate dating. One of the exceptions to this generalization is the description of the first campaign against Nzinga, which was composed step by step on the basis of the dated situation reports of the commander, Bento Banha Cardoso, and which even from Nzinga and the reply of reproduces word for word a letter Other letters, in their original Cardoso.14 too, are inserted wording, such as those from de Sousa to Bento Banha Cardoso of 5 March 1627 (f. 240), to Manuel Barbosa of 9 March 1627 (f. 240v; Brasio, Monwnenta 7: 503-04) and to Angola a Are, king of Ndongo, of 27 March 1627 (ff. 242-42v; Brisio, In addi506-07). ibid., the numerous summaries of de Sousa's letters, tion, particularly to his subordinates in Angola, not only contain significant inbut also provide valuable in dating for assistance formation, he generally in some detail as well as their gives their contents date. Inserted into this main report to de Sousa's sons are several other reports that he originally addressed to the crown but that are known to us only through this source. The most important is the report of 30 January 1627 to the Secretary of State Francisco de Lucena (ff. 235-39), from which Brasio has published an extract Another report, (Monumenta 7: 497-99). published by concerns the tribute chiefs Felner, (ff. 241-41v).15 paid by vassal This conscientious which deserves to be published general report, in extenso, forms the principal source for the history of Ndongo in this period. It also includes extensive often information, and generally about other aspects of the very detailed reliable, term of office, the administration of governor's particularly Portuguese Angola, the slave trade, and the quest for copper and other metals. This section concludes with an undated "Lembranpa pera em os panos que sua que modo se podem passar a pagar em bom dinheiro e as fazendas que estam deposiMagestade tem no Reino de Angolla, tadas" (Memorandum on the way in which the [palm-] cloth [currency] which His Majesty possesses in the Kingdom of Angola can be converted into good money, and on the goods which have been deposited [and how they can be transferred from Africa]). The memorandum

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was written by de Sousa (ff. 275-78). The next section contains nearly 130 copies of letters and reports from de Sousa (ten of them written after his return to addressed to the king and various government bodies Lisbon), (ff. 295-371v, 435-37). complement the main genThey usefully It is possible with their eral report of the previous section. events and decisions more precisely. help to date individual of them have been published.16 Not much more than one-fifth Mention should be made of several particularly informative and detailed such as the long letter of 15 August 1624 (ff. reports, in Brasio, Monwnenta 7: 248-50), 295-300 ; extract published of 10 December 1624 (ff. 306-13; extract in Brasio, the letter the Relagao de Dongo of 6 September 1629 ibid., pp. 273-76), of 8 July 1626, 26 the three reports on tribute (ff. 326-27), July 1631, and 7 December 1631 (ff. 331v-32, 360v-62, 367-71), the report of 6 August 1631 on events in Ndongo (ff. 362-63), of Luanda dated 15 October and the account of the fortification 1631 (ff. 363-66v, with an appendix). from de Sousa to other letters There follow about sixty-five such as Diogo de Castro (Governor of Portugal), Duque de people, Antonio Mascarenhas, Diogo Lufs de Oliveira (GovVillahermosa, of Benguela), ernor of Brazil), Lopo Soares Lasso (capitao-mor the king of Kongo (four letters, three of which have been pubthe Count of Soyo (published by Brasio), the lished by Brasio), wife of de Sousa, and many others (ff. 372-94, 401-02v, 441-44v)17 in between relate The notes inserted to minor business tasks (of a more private or semi-official nature) that de Sousa was to perform. They are grouped together under the heading "Lemdo que se me encarregou do Reino de que hei de dar rezao brancas (Record of the commissions I have received from the kingnelle" dom [of Spain and Portugal] and which I must there render an account of) (ff. 394-400v). The next thematically distinct section contains ninety-seven copies of deeds drawn up in 1627-28 concerning land concessions on the Bengo, Dande, Quilunda, and Cuanza rivers and (sesmarias) in the regions of Lake Quilunda and Sequele (ff. 449-84v). In the second volume there are eleven more deeds of this nature, reto land concessions on the Cuanza and the Icua, as well ferring as in the Ensaca de Cassanze (C6d. 51-IX-21, ff. 321-29v).18 The remaining documents in the first volume do not form a Only the most important can be mentioned here: homogeneous group. e do "Lembranga do estado em que achej a elRey de Angolla, da guerra que lhe deu o governador Luiz Mendes" principio (Memorandum on the state in which I found the King of Angola and on how the war of Governor Luis Mendes [de Vasconcelos] him began) (n.d.; ff. 414-15v). against "Memoria dos ordinarios e extraordinarios e mais officiais que ha neste Reino de Angola..." (Memorandum on the ordinwho and on other officials ary and extraordinary [salaries] hold posts in this kingdom of Angola), written by the ouvidor Soares de Albergaria, n.d. [1629 or 1630] geral Dionisio

AND AFRICANHISTORY WRITTENSOURCES (ff. 422-23v; published in Felner, Angola, 529-30).

83

directive "Regimento do ouuidor geral de Angola" ([royal] issued in of Angola) (ff. 242-25v, to the chief justice in Luanda on 3 Lisbon on 5 February 1628 and registered April 1629). "Regimento pera o capitao Joao banha de Sa e Phelippe boniny so that Captain fazerem o que se nelle declara" (Directives, Bonini may do what is therein reJoao Banha de Sa and Filipe issued by Fernao de Sousa in Luanda quired) (ff. 426-26v), Bonini and Joao on 19 July 1627, with observations by Filipe of their journey to the supposed Banha de Sa on the results mines of Ndongo, dated 29 September 1627). "Pressos e medidas que se ha' de fixar na feira de Dongo que ElRej ha de faser em Macangacajta pera a compra das pessas" (Prices and measures to be laid down in the Ndongo which the King [of Ndongo] will set up in market-place, for the purchase of slaves) a Caita (f. 428, issued Macanga by Payo de Arailjo de Azevedo on 15 October 1625). of the military A list campaigns of Lopo Soares Benguela from 10 May 1627 to 31 March 1629 (ff. Lasso in 429-430v).

e de Mobanga e "Informac' o das minas da terra de Moquilla, fez felipe boninj com Joao que nellas Ango e delygencia about the mines in the region[s] banha de Saa" (Information of Moquila, and of Mobanga and Hango, and about the measures taken there by Filipe Bonini, together with Joao Banha de Sa) (ff. 504-05, Joao Banha de Sa to Fernao de Sousa, 3 or 5 October 1627). is more poorly organized The second volume (Cod. 51-IX-21) after the three loose maps At the beginning, than the first. memoranda mentioned above, there are about twenty-two detailed written by de Sousa after his return from Angola and addressed The eleven most important have to the government (ff. 5-65). In between them been published by Brasio (Monumenta, vol. 8). from Manuel Pereira Coutinho, de Sousa's successor is a letter in Angola, to the king (3 March 1632; ff. 39-40 and 66), on which de Sousa's opinion was sought (ff. 40-41v; Brasio, ibid., 194-98). The next section, headed "Treslado dalguas cartas e de outras couzas necessarias pera os gouernos di quaisquer estado" (Copy for the government of of some letters and other things necessary letters and deeds of various of model contains any state), copies kinds (ff. 72-88v). of a book Almost all the remainder of the volume consists and other documents from de Sousa's in which all the major letters It was begun by his were recorded (ff. 96-293). term of office Luis Correa Coelho on 3 July 1624 and continued after secretary, On the first Antonio Leitao. Coelho's death by his successor,

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"Book of letters of His Magesty and of page there is a note: the documents and things of importance that the honourable Governor Fernao de Sousa has had issued during his term of office in this kingdom of Angola..." in this book are not arranged according to theme. The entries it does not contain Contrary (?) to the note at the beginning, The bulk of the docfrom the king to the governor. any letters to the government (some uments are copies of de Sousa's letters that appear in the first to the versions with small additions of appointment or confirmations volume) and nearly 120 letters in some cases together with the oath of office of appointments, in full or, more often, merely of the person appointed (either as a note with a date). There is also a fragmentary list of of the presidios who were appointed during commanders (capitaes) more deof this governor (f. 96. A similar, the term of office is found in the first volume likewise tailed list, incomplete, between folios 485 and 486, unpaginated). decrees (proThis section also contains numerous letters, and general directives edicts visoes), (regimentos) (portarias), Most of those dealing with (bandos) by de Sousa. proclamations were addressed to subordinate individuals Portuguese in Angola; but a few were sent to Africans, such as the one to the king of Only a small portion Kongo dated 8 October 1624 (ff. 202-02v). has been published.19 important documents Among the particularly are the regimentos to Manuel Dias (6 September 1624; f. 129v)20, Bento Banha Cardoso (n.d., ca. January 1626; ff. 133v-35v)21, and Antunes Payo de Aratjo de Azevedo (27 August 1628; f. 170v)22, Nunes Leitao (11 and 16 June 1629; ff. 174v-77v, 278-79v). documents. The second volume ends with several miscellaneous mentioned above (ff. These include the eleven land concessions documents from the 321-23v, 326-26v, 327v-29v) and some official the royal "regitime before de Sousa's term of office, including das fazendas dos defuntos e absentes" mento dos officiaes (dirfor the goods of those deceased ective to officials responsible dated 23 May 1614 (ff. 298-314). and those absent),

II These brief remarks on the contents of the two volumes may for the history of Portuguese give some idea of their significance for the history of the Angola in this period, and in particular state of Ndongo, for which they represent the most important A comparative analysis of all the source material has source. enabled me to put together a far more complete and differentiated picture of the history of Ndongo, laying the basis for a comprehensive reinterpretation of these critical years. 23 Yet this source contains virtually no sensational new facts.24 The most important events of the period are already known in some form or of portions of other, if only as a result of the publication in many cases this manuscript collection. What we have hitherto

SOURCES WRITTEN AND AFRICANHISTORY

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for the verification or falsifilacked are points of reference cation of existing data, or a key that might enable us to evaluate and interpret them. As an example we may take the visit of Nzinga to Luanda. De Sousa's information puts an end to much of the speculation on this subject. He confirms Cadornega's statement (made only in passing, overlooked or not taken seriously and therefore by of the king of Ndongo were that all three sisters historians) in Luanda at the time of Governor Joao Correia de Sousa together and were baptised there.25 Nzinga's godfather was indeed Correia de Sousa, as all the sources testify; yet her godmother was neither nor the governor's wife Mendes stated (as by Cadornega) Jeronima Almost certainly she was Ana da Silva, (as stated by Cavazzi). of Francisco Antunes da Silva and wife of Payo de the sister Cambo was bapAraljo de Azevedo. Furthermore, Nzinga's sister tized not as Barbara (as alleged by Cadornega and Cavazzi) but as Maria. Nor did Nzinga and her sisters go to Luanda entirely of their own free will: they were to serve as a pledge of the good conduct of the king of Ndongo during the critical phase of the peace negotiations. During the brief interregnum of Pedro de Sousa Coelho (1623-24), Luanda a second time Nzinga visited in 1623, on this occasion as the king's envoy, unaccompanied by her sisters.26 The principal value of the manuscript collection, however, does not lie in such corrections or in particularly outstanding Of greater significance events. is the wealth of small items of information and the fact that it is possible to arrange and combine them in a chronological order that is reasonably precise. It becomes clear, for example, that the first open breakaway movements among the vassals and slaves of the Portuguese took place at the time of the Dutch attack, that is, while the military forces of the Portuguese were mainly tied to the coast. Using this mosaic of information, and a assisted criticism by textual we can construct a chronology comparison of different versions, that reveals a that the proposal to wage war on Ndongo received of supplies under Bento Banha impetus from the arrival strong Cardoso. This decision was not implemented until news arrived of the expulsion of the Dutch from Bahia. It also now seems clear that the decision was made with the aim of nipping opposition in the bud and not of warding off a real, imminent danger (as the crown had prescribed). The danger of a general insurrection of African vassals to the vigorous war developed only in reaction preparations being made in Luanda and Ambaca and the march of Bento Banha Cardoso into the interior. are Equally informative the clear indications that Fernao de Sousa deliberately provoked a casus belli that would provide legal justification for the long-planned campaign (cf. his policy towards Are a Quiluange). These are merely a few of the many examples that show how important the exact chronological sequence of events and expressions of opinions is for an interpretation. In this respect, above the de Sousa manuscript collection is far superior to the all, secondary sources. is the fact that the information is not Equally significant

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confined to the political Numerous direct and indirect sphere. references are made to economic questions, such as records of vassal the ambiguous attitude of the governor towards tribute, chiefs who did not pay, revenue from the slave trade, hints of the presence of too many or too few slave ships in the harbor, the quest for precious metals, and many other topics.27 This information offers the basis for a complex, essentially politicoof the political actions of de Sousa.28 economic, interpretation The significance of this manuscript collection, particularly in relation to later secondary sources, can also be demonstrated in another way. Here I must warn against two possible misunderThe comparison which follows is not intended to give standings. the impression that historians have hitherto relied only on secNor do I wish to propose a new method which ondary sources. could facilitate the practical work of the historian. Such a value comparison can only present in graphic form the informative of the sources and their relationship with one another after the work on them has been completed. the scale of judgInevitably ment is the historian's own or someone else's historical reconstruction and interpretation (which will always be to some extent subjective). The comparison is based on a catalog of 100 chronologicallyon the history of Ndongo between arranged items of information 1617 and 1630. It derives from my assessment of all available sources and is mainly concerned with events. inThe authors' on the other hand, have been ignored because they terpretations, are far more difficult to evaluate and quantify, and because they are largely for this comparison. irrelevant Twenty-six of these items of information were formulated as generally as possible and classified as "principal items of information" (see Appendix The remaining seventy-four items of information make I, List I). the testimony of the principal items of information more specific or represent less essential events (see Appendix 1, List II). Of the 100 items of information, about 50% refer to Afro-Portuguese 26% are concerned with events that mainly involved Afclashes, 13% deal mainly with the Portuguese, 7% fall within the ricans, and the remaining 4% do not belong to any of missionary field, these groups (six items cover two topics). In the subsequent classification of the sources, and evaluation two main symbols and two supplementary symbols have been used, and blank spaces indicate "no information Horizontal given." that the information its content is in shading indicates exists, essentials and it is placed more or less in the correct correct, that it exists chronological sequence; vertical shading indicates but has considerable with regard to content and/or chrondefects to use in modern research. Black ology that make it difficult circles show that for a particular item of information there exists detailed whereas white circles supplementary, information, a serious piece of misinformation, indicate unintentional generally The most important secondary sources (see Appendices 2 and 3). with which the de Sousa manuscript collection will be compared are Cadornega, Cavazzi, and the "Catilogo dos governadores do reino de Angola."29

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de Cadornega went to Angola in 1639 Antonio de Oliveira his death in about 1690. and lived there till He began his career as a soldier, but later served as a petty magistrate in in Luanda. His three-volume Masangano and as a town councillor Hist6ria geral das guerras angolanas was completed in 1681.30 it remains one of the most important sources Despite its defects, for the history of Angola in the seventeenth As one century. would expect, it was written from a partisan Portuguese perspective. It rests both on written documents--mainly primary sources-and on oral questioning of eyewitnesses and people who had known all of whom were probably Portuguese. eyewitnesses, virtually The first volume recounts the historical events between 1575 For the period previous to the author's arrival and 1648. in the years which interest us here (1617-30), Angola, including a secondary source. Cadornega's work must be considered Jopo Antonio Cavazzi de Montecuccolo was an Italian Capuchin father who lived in Angola as a missionary from 1654 to 1667 and His second stay received no mention again from 1673 to 1677. in his Istorica Descrizione de' tre' Regni Congo, Matamba, et Angola, which appeared in Bologna in 1687, nine years after the author's death. his sources, Cavazzi's and the separate life, of his work are now relatively well stages in the long genesis known. 31 It was originally of conceived merely as a history the Capuchin mission, but the final version contains a wealth of ethnographic and general historical Most of it information. was obtained from oral and written reports of other missionaries, some information was the result of a thorough reworking of litand a small portion was based on personal obsererary sources, As far as the period that interests vation. us is concerned, the book is a secondary source. assessment of AfroCavazzi's is as pro-Portuguese as that of Cadornega Portuguese relations and since he condensed his material to a greater extent, his attitude seems even more dogmatic. Much later, at the end of the eighteenth century and beginthe Hist6ria de Angola of Elias Alexandre ning of the nineteenth, da Silva Correa and the anonymous "Catalogo dos governadores do reino de Angola" were written.32 Since these two compilations are virtually identical for the years 1617-30, I shall discuss only the "Catalogo." Here, as in Cadornega, the deeds of PortuBoth works are considerguese governors occupy the foreground. also much more precise ably more concise, yet in some details than Cadornega, so that if the authors knew Cadornega's work (as is to be assumed), they must also have had at their disposal other sources which were more reliable, with regard particularly to dates. The most important primary source for the years from 1624 to 1630 is the de Sousa manuscript collection. For the years before 1624 his reports, too, are merely secondary sources (see Fig. 2); but they appear to rest on very reliable primary sources and were composed much nearer to the time of the events than were the writings of Cadornega and Cavazzi. Consequently they also contain more information than these authors and the chronology of this information is more reliable. They are nevertheless

A
1617o--

1618
1619 162o

1621
1622

1623 1624
Arrioa/ ofFerno
1625---n

de

Luanda

Jousa

1626 1626 -

1624? 1629 163o 1631

Fig.

2:

Time-span

of de Sousa's

reports

on Ndongo.

ff. 326[A] ReZagao de Dongo, 6 September 1625 (Cod. 51-IX-20, n.d. ff. 414-14v); 27); [B] Lembrangas, (Cod. 51-IX-20, [C] Re1624- 30 (Cod. 51-IX-20, ff. 220-74v). sons, lagao to de Sousa's This encloses the rela9ao to the Secretary of State (30 January and the relapato dos tributos, n.d. 1627; ff. 235-39) 241(ff. 23 February 1632 (Cod. 51-IX-21, ff. 19-29; 41v); [D] Relagao, 2 March 1632 (Cod. 51Brasio, Monumenta 8: 131-54); [E] Rela9ao, ff. 30-32v; IX-21, Brasio, Monumenta 8: 156-63); [F] Irnforma9ao ao Conselho da Fazenda, 6 August 1631 (C6d. 51-IX-20, ff. 362and other documents of de Sousa (C6d. 51-IX-20 63); [G] Letters and 21, passim).

WRITTEN SOURCES AND AFRICANHISTORY distinctly (see Fig. inferior 3). to what de Sousa wrote between

89 1624 and 1630

oo

98(o)

82(7)

1 7617-1624

i1624--163o
fatr/a

as a Fig. 3: Comparison of de Sousa's contributions and secondary (1624-30)source. Unprimary (1617-24) shaded spaces indicate information with defects in content and/or chronology (cf. vertical shading in Appendix 2). Four examples can illustrate has been applied (cf. Appendices List I, Item 12: how the approach 1 and 2). outlined above

Death of Ngola a Mbande, king of Ndongo33

All four sources contain this piece of information, but it is only on the basis of the statements of de Sousa that we can fit it in and date it relatively (to the spring exactly of 1624) (that is, positive main symbol for de Sousa; positive main symbol with reservations for the other sources). Whereas the "Catalogo" confines itself statement to the (correct) that Ngola a Mbande was already dead by the time de Sousa took that the king died during the term office, Cadornega alleges

of office

and Cavazzi gives the date of the king's death as 1627. Both of these are serious peices of misinformation and are therefore represented Were we by a negative supplementary symbol.

of Governor Joao Furtado de Mendonpa (1594-1602)

90

BEATRIXHEINTZE to follow either of them, this for our interpretation. would have serious consequences

List

II,

Item 42:

Nzinga's war against Are a Quiluange the capture of six Portuguese34

and

is given only by de Sousa and This piece of information The latter, however, places it in a later phase Cadornega. based on Cadornega would of the war, so that an interpretation from one based on de Sousa. assess this event very differently main symbol with I have therefore given Cadornega a positive as be a negative would reservations: inappropriate, symbol a really serious piece of the statement does not represent misinformation. List Item 49: Nzinga received (Mbangala)35 no support from the "Jaga"

II,

dated to May of This statement, which can be precisely is found only in de Sousa. 1626 and appears fully reliable, that Nzinga was supWere we to rely on Cadornega's allegation ported by the Mbangala throughout the campaign, this would so a negative our interpretation: distort suppleconsiderably mentary symbol for Cadornega. List I, Item 19: Nzinga adopted "Jaga" (Mbangala) customs36

Like the death of King Ngola a Mbande, this statement is of Ndongo that I for the history of such crucial significance It item of information." it as a "principal have classified item of information is the only principal lacking in de Sousa. but probably In Cadornega and Cavazzi it is given explicitly, in the chronological sequence; the "Cataplaced incorrectly Thus logo" merely records Nzinga's apostasy from Christianity. main symbol with reservaall three receive merely a positive item of information, to the principal In addition tions. to that contributes Cavazzi provides supplementary information after of Nzinga's political a deeper understanding position hence a positive her adoption of Mbangala customs: supplementary symbol. in Fig. 4, items of information If we compare the principal de Sousa is clearly (96%), but the other sources still superior well (73%, 50%, and 50%). There are, however, a high do fairly in Cadornega items of information of "problematic" proportion in the The proportion (5 out of 19) and Cavazzi (6 out of 13). (2 out of 13). "Catilogo" is somewhat more favorable If we compare the sources on the basis of all 100 items of of de Sousa (91%) is more information (Fig. 4), the superiority

WRITTEN SOURCES AND AFRICANHISTORY

91

o100o%

96(4) (3) 81(27) 73 19)

max.
5o(23) 3(64) 5O(8)

M/771.

53(24)

29(bo)

Joaia
prncipoa/

Cadornego Caoazz'

Cat6/ogo
in

0/ a/iemr

items of informaohon i(Lisf of informoahon (Lj.Islondlni

Cod +.o.+ Cai7. max. 26) 41, Appendr loo) max. Appenalx I,

items of Fig. 4: Comparison of sources: principal information and all items (percentage classification according to the two main symbols in Appendix 2). Unshaded spaces indicate information with defects in content and/or chronology (cf. vertical shading in Appendix 2).

marked in relation to the three later sources (43%, 26%, and 29%). the interpretation and chronological Furthermore, arrangement of the information given by Cadornega, Cavazzi, and the "Catalogo" are rendered still more difficult of less reliable by a series and several statements serious pieces of misinformation. Even if one puts all three secondary sources together, their inferiority to de Sousa remains almost as great. They then offer a somewhat higher total number of items of information, but when several versions are offered for one item of information there are hardly any points of reference from which to select the "correct" one, and so the gain in knowledge is small in relation to the increased number of "problematic" In other words, cases. the three sources complement and corroborate one another only to a small extent, the fact that each of them has its pardespite ticular of information. Thus Cavazzi tendency in the selection than the other secondary sources on provides more information the mission but half of total of 7 items), (4 out of a possible this information must be classified as "information with

92

BEATRIXHEINTZE

of interpretation."37 difficulties De Sousa, with six "unimis superior to Cavazzi, although peachable" items of information, for four of these items he, too, is merely a secondary source. The relationship among the sources is similar if we focus on matters concerning Africans De Sousa's insolely (Fig. 5). formation (26 out of 28 possible items) is of unimpeachable qualCaity and also merits three positive supplementary symbols. vazzi's share is a mere 43% and Cadornega's information (39%) is impaired by a particularly high proportion (28%) of statements that are difficult to interpret and by four pieces of misinformation.

93(o) 86(o)

71ir(28)

47 (11) 43(18) 39(28) 29(11)

14(6)

49(4)

Jousar

coadornega
(max.-14)

Cavazzi
"Africon",informafion

Caftdioo
(mrox.28)

(max. 53 ) Slnformarno n on A.46ro-Porfuguese c/lorhi4

"Porfuguese'"inFormabion

PercenNote: Fig. 5: Comparison of sources by topic. tages refer to the maximum number of items of informaUnshaded spaces indicate in each topic. tion attainable in content and/or chronology information with defects (cf. vertical shading in Appendices 2 and 3).

the nature and purpose of Cadornega's work and Considering of the "Catalogo," it is not surprising that they contain a relaabout the Portuguese. Here tively large amount of information reliable (as is Cavazzi, although the Cadornega is strikingly latter on this subject); but the provides much less information

SOURCES AND AFRICANHISTORY WRITTEN

93

of "problematic" a remarkably high proportion "Catalogo" contains In this field, items. too, de Sousa is greatly superior to the other sources both in the quality and in the quantity of his information (Fig. 5). De Sousa provides even more material on clashes between the which were a central theme in the govPortuguese and Africans, seconernor's term of office. Apart from Cadornega, the latter on this subject dary sources contribute very little (Fig. 5). In general it can be asserted that de Sousa is far superior to the other sources in every respect. His writings appear to be distinguished by an absence of serious pieces of misinformation comparable to those that impede the use of Cadornega's work De (the most important of the three later secondary sources). Sousa also provides by far the most supplementary items of information (sixteen, as against one each in Cadornega and Cavazzi), all but one of which date from his own term of office, when he is a primary source. A comparison of de Sousa's six most important reports on that even this source Ndongo (A-F in Fig. 2), however, reveals is by no means as homogeneous as might appear (Appendix 3 and the number of items Fig. 6). Quite apart from other criteria, of information contained in each document varies Luckily, greatly. some of the documents complement one another and it is possible textual criticism to recognize by means of careful discrepancies and tendentious more easily reporting than, say, with Cadornega. Above all, the numerous letters, and other short instructions, documents on individual topics serve as a useful means of testing de Sousa's statements. the value of a source can be characterized Admittedly only with statistics. very superficially Also, future researchers and ranking the may prefer other ways of selecting, weighting, items of information on which this comparison is based and may evaluate of the sources quite differently. individual testimonies I am convinced, values I have used however, that the statistical here would thereby undergo only minor upward or downward alterations and that such a revision would leave the essentials of my I therefore conclusions intact. consider this comparison to be more than a mere game. Its results draw attention not only to the value of a particular, hitherto neglected source, but also of the proximity of any source to the events to the significance it describes. It is of course possible to generalize only to a limited extent on the basis of these results. In all too many cases there does not exist any primary source that is quantitatively so outstanding; and qualitatively and for some areas the existing or even have been primary sources may already be more accessible Where this is not the case, however, to a large extent published. there is a danger--a very real danger in view of likely cuts in the human sciences--that for reasons of time and cost, scholars will have to be content with whatever sources are directly at This has been the case with the writings of de hand. Fernao Sousa: in hisstudied and utilized they have been intensively have already torical but those that reconstruction, portions only

94
loo%

BEATRIXHEINTZE

91(3)
80(3)

58(4) 47(4)

4) A-3
29(0)
260o)

42(4)
38(5) 37(8)

CadorneqaCovozzi Cq/logo Jowa/o/a/

(100) (loo) (100o) (oo)

(52)

(47)

(61)

D
(96)

E (Moo)

(84)

Fig. 6: Comparison of six reports of Fernao de Sousa with as a whole and with the three the de Sousa collection inUnshaded spaces indicate later secondary sources. in content and/or chronology formation with defects (cf. The Note: vertical shading in Appendices 2 and 3). for attainable maximum number of items of information each source is given in brackets and is the basis for each percentage.

this applied also to myself). been published (until recently, The lesson to be drawn is valid in this region for every century from the of the Portuguese, but particularly since the arrival in the It applies both to history seventeenth century onwards. and economic sense and to a much broader kind narrower political Of special of history that embraces culture as a whole. imporin many of which research has tance are the missionary archives, only recently Quite apart from the many areas where even begun. and non-written the archives sources leave us in the lurch, large on insofar as they rely solely areas of African historiography, still rest on feet of clay. published sources,

AND AFRICANHISTORY SOURCES WRITTEN NOTES

95

comments on the to Adam Jones for his valuable *I am grateful it into English, and for translating draft of this article first I should also and to Gisela Wittner for drawing the diagrams. of the library of Ajuda, Melba M. like to thank the director for their help during my research Ferreira da Costa, and her staff there, which was kindly financed in part by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. 1. Ant6nio Brisio, Monumenta Mission6ria Africa occiAfricana. Louis vols. 5-10 1955-65); (Lisbon, series, dental, ist d'apres les Jadin, L'ancien Congo et l'Angola 1639-1655, et espagnoles archives neerlandaises romaines, protugaises, Hisde Z'Institut 1975. Brussels, (3 vols.: Bibliotheque in the also documents de appen20-22); Rome, torique Belge et les Capucins du Congo dices of idem, "Le clerg" seculier de l'Instiet d'Angola aux xvie et xvii e siecles," Bulletin tut Historique Belge de Rome, 36 (1964); idem, "Pero Tavares, au Congo et ses travaux apostoliques missionnaire jesuite, de Z'Institut en Angola," Bulletin Historique Belge de Rome, sur le Congo et l'Angola 38 (1967) 293-393; idem, "Relations tir"es des archives de la Compagnie de Jesus, 1621-1631," Bulletin de Z'Institut Belge de Rome, 39 (1968), Historique de Cadornega, Hist6ria geral 361-440; Ant6nio de Oliveira ed. Jose Matias Delgado and Manuel das guerras angolanas, Alves da Cunha (3 vols.: Lisbon, 1940-41). du Royaume du Congo (c. 1624), 2. Mateus Cardoso, Histoire annotated translation by Frangois Bontinck in collaboration with J. Castro Segovia (Louvain and Paris, 1972) [Etudes use the modern d'Histoire 4], Today most scholars Africaine, annotation: which contains detailed translation, Portuguese Joao Ant6nio Cavazzi de Montecuccolo, Descrigao hist6rica dos tr~s reinos do Congo, Matamba e Angola, trans. and ed. Graciano Maria de Leguzzano (2 vols.: Lisbon, 1965 [first in Bologna, 1687]). published 3. Alfredo de Albuquerque Felner,Angola. (Coimbra, 1933), Jose and Ralph Matias Delgado (editor of Cadornega's Hist6ria) made 4 de 1948-55) vols.; Lobito, (Hist6ria Angola. Delgado and unsystemuse of this source, but only in an uncritical of Ndongo between 1617 As far as the history atic manner. this in I have attempted to rectify and 1630 is concerned, Staates Ndongo (Angola). "Das Ende des unabhlngigen my article Neue Chronologie und Reinterpretation Paideuma, (1617-1630)," 197-273. 27(1981), C6d. da Ajuda (hereafter Biblioteca 4. BAL). Old class-marks: and 51-VIII-31. 51-VIII-30 5. Brasio, Monumenta, vols. 7-8; Felner, Angola, 519-30; Heintze,
"Ndongo,"

6. 7. 8.

Ultramarino in Lisbon there is a In the Arquivo Hist6rico of this map. faded and scarcely duplicate legible See BAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, Perhaps even by de Sousa himself? ff. 365, 365v-66. on one or both maps (I do not have a BAL, C6d. 51-IX-21,legend complete copy of the second map);BAL,Cod.51-IX-20,ff.157,159, 364v. A map ordered by the king on 23 December 1634 and sent

appendix.

96

BEATRIXHEINTZE to de Sousa on 14 February 1635, has not been found. See f.198. A terminus post quem for the date of this review is the arrival in Angola of Bento Banha Cardoso with fresh supplies on 1 September 1625. Each duplicate copy was sent by a different ship and generally by a different route, in order to minimize the risk of being lost. See the letter of his son, Tome de Sousa, to Afonso de Barros do Arquivo Caminha, dd. later than 2 December 1643, in Boletir 251 (no. 40). Colonial, 1(1950), Hist6rico Vasconcelos' opinion probably dated from 1625 or 1626 (cf. The special Brasio, Monumenta 7: 356). committee, however, 12 October 1626 met on at least two separate occasions--on (cf. the two maps in BAL, C6d. 51-IX-21) and at the beginning of the 1630s, when de Sousa, having returned from Angola, took part in its deliberations (cf. BAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, f. 200v). Brgsio, Monumenta 7: 505, 524-29, 640 (see also ibid, 497"NdonFelner, Angola, 471-72; Heintze, 99, 503-04, 506-07); go," appendix. Published in Heintze, They have also "Ndongo," appendix. been published in modern Portuguese in Delgado,Hist6ria de several misreadAngola 2: 102-03; but this version contains ings. Felner, Angola, 471-72. Twenty-six of the documents in this section have been published in full in Brgsio, Monumenta, vols. 7-8, together from four others. Five further letters with extracts pubUltramarino are lished by Brasio from the Arquivo Hist6rico in BAL, C6d. identical with corresponding letters virtually 51-IX-20. Eight have been published in Brasio, Monumenta, vol. 7. is one from the feitor of in this section Among the letters from the Bishop Loango to de Sousa (ff. 382-82v) and letters of Kongo and Angola to the King of Kongo and to the Count of All are in Brasio. Soyo (f. 383v). Felner (Angola, 524-28) lists 96 of the 97 deeds copied in C6d. 51-IX-20 (names of the beneficiaries, size, and location as well as ten of of the land concession that each received), the eleven deeds copied in C6d. 51-IX-21. Mainly in Felner, Angola, 519-24; also in Brasio, Monumenta 7: 549-50; Heintze, "Ndongo," appendix. Felner, Angola, 522-24. Heintze, "Ndongo," appendix. Ibid. Ibid. One of the few "new" items is the attempt by Governor Luis his victory over Ndongo and Mendes de Vasconcelos, following of King Ngola a Mbande, to set up a puppet king in expulsion f. 414). This attempt was thwarNdongo (BAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, and had no distinguishable ted by the inhabitants political consequences. Although mentioned by Felner Angola, 209, this has been ignored by subsequent researchers. incident

9. 10. 11. 12.

13. 14.

15. 16.

17.

18.

19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

WRITTEN SOURCES AND AFRICANHISTORY 25. f. 350v. See also f. 362; Brasio, MonuBAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, The menta 8: 137, and Cadornega, Hist6ria, 113, 115n1, 116. V ? 106; "Catvisit took place in 1622: Cavazzi, Descridao, do reino de Angola," Arquivos de Analogo dos governadores gola, Ser. 1/3 (1937) [1825], 480. f. 326v; Brasio, Monumenta 8: 136, 157. BAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, See Beatrix Heintze, "The Angolan Vassal Tributes of the

26. 27. 28.

17th Century," Revista de Hist6ria

29.

57-78. of this source is not by any means confined The significance of Ndongo. information to the history It offers valuable on on the Portuguese in Angola and the many topics, especially of their community. There is probably no administration other seventeenth-century source which offers such rich material on this theme. Out of approximately 900 persons with names mentioned in this source, about 310 lived Christian outside the African continent, had been in Angola before de or arrived only after his departure. Sousa's term of office, Of the remainder, 122 were or became landowners during the surtime. On the basis of a cursory preliminary governor's twelve persons, six vey I have only been able to identify of whom were landowners in Angola, as baptized Jews, but the number must have been somewhat larger. An unknown, but no doubt considerable, names number of persons with Christian were mulattoes or acculturated about sixty can be Africans: in the with certainty on the basis of statements identified de Sousa collection. The number of non-Portuguese Europeans is extremely difficult to ascertain. Unless I have overlooked important evidence, two Dutchmen, only two Castilians, and one Frenchman are mentioned explicitly. der Afrikaensche Olfert Dapper, Naukeurige Beschrijvinge das Possessoes saios sobre a Statistica III: Portugezas. e suas dependencias (Lisbon, 1846) are Angola, Bengue7la, for the history irrelevant of this period, although valuable in other respects. Jose Matias Delgado in Cadornega, Hist6ria, 1: xii-xiii. See especially the introduction Leite de Faria by Francisco in Cavazzi, Descrimao (1965), 1: xi-lviii; John K. Thornton, of "New Light on Cavazzi's Seventeenth-Century Description Elias Alexandre da Silva Correa, Historia de Angola ( 2 vols: For the "Catalogo" see Frangois Bontinck, Lisbon, 1937). "Braves remarques relatives au 'Catalogo dos Governadores do Reino de Angola'," 69-78. Studia, 39(1974), f. 326v, 414; Brasio, Monumenta 8: 137, BAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, 158; Cadornega, Hist6ria, I, pp. 53f (but cf. 83n3); Cavazzi, 482. Descrimao, V ? 106; "Catalogo," Cf. f. 229v; C6d. 51-IX-21, f. 135. BAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, Brasio, Monumenta 7: 418; 8: 161. f. 233 (see also f. 343 for ca. January BAL, C6d. 51-IX-20, Cf. Heintze, 1628). "Ndongo," 240n225; Cadornega, Histbria, I, 130-31, 137, 144, 148-49.

Econ6mica e Social,

6(1980),

Gewesten (Meurs, 1668) and Jose Joaquim Lopes de Lima, En-

30. 31.

Kongo," HA, 6(1979),

253-64.

32.

33. 34. 35.

98 36. 37.

BEATRIXHEINTZE in connection with I, 140, interpreted Cadornega, Historia, the statements on the same subject on 130-31, 137, 144, 148V ? 107; "Catalogo," 482. 49; Cavazzi, Descrigao, The items on the mission are List Cf. Appendices 1 and 2. I: 11, 22; List II; 15, 18, 19, 27, 36. I hope to publish the most important sections of the de Sousa manuscript collection.

99 APPENDIX1: 1 PRINCIPAL ITEMS and Other Items

DE VASCONCELOS MENDES GOVERNOR

1 = 1617-1621

2 3 2

Drought in Angola Ngola a Mbande becomes king

A MBANDE IS KING NGOLA 4 Rebellion of Caita Calabalanga

3 4

PORTUGUESE CAMPAIGN AGAINSTNDONGO PORTUGUESE ALLIANCE WITH THE 'JAGA' 5 'Jaga" = Casa, Donga, Casanze

NGOLA DRIVEN OUT BY THE PORTUGUESE 6 'Portuguese' puppet king in Ndongo a failure

6 7

FORT HANGOMOVED TO AMBACA DEFECTION OF THE 'JAGA' AND THEIR EXPULSION BY THE PORTU-

GUESE
7 Defection: Casa and Donga

8 9 10 11 8

Many chiefs beheaded by the Portuguese Second Portuguese campaign against Ndongo to the islands in the Cuanza Ngola a Mbande retires Portuguese campaign reaches Matamba

A 'JAGA' REMAINSIN NDONGO (CASANZE) 12 Portuguese have 190 vassals

GOVERNOR CORREIA DE SOUSA

13 = 1621-1623

14 15 16 10

with Ndongo Portuguese peace negotiations Faria Barreto and M. Dias visit Ndongo Treaty clauses

NZINGAVISITS LUANDA 17 Her sisters visit Luanda

11

BAPTISMOF NZINGA
18 = 1622

19

Baptism of her sisters

100 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 12 Governor Sousa Coelho Luanda Nzinga visits Agreement confirmed Bishop is governor Luanda Envoy of Ngola a Mbande visits Agreement confirmed Sousa Coelho prevents its implementation Plight of Faria Barreto from Ndongo

A MBANDE DEATHOF NGOLA 28 29 Rumor of his murder by Nzinga Son of Ngola a Mbande stays with Casa

13

NGOLA A MBANDE NZINGASUCCEEDS 30 31 of Nzinga - usurpation Accession Nzinga murders the son of Ngola a Mbande

14

DE SOUSA FERNAO GOVERNOR

32 = 1624-1630

33 34 15

Portuguese demands presented to Nzinga Slave market at Ambaca opened

PORTUGUESE DEFENSEAGAINSTTHE DUTCH SUCCESSFUL 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 Portuguese slaves seek refuge with Nzinga in exchange for missionaries fails Their extradition of war. Not implemented Portuguese resolution Cardoso reaches Angola with supplies Further slave markets opened Are a Quiluange summoned to Ambaca for Are against assistance Portuguese military Nz inga Nzinga's war against Are and the capture of six Portuguese

16

PORTUGUESE TO FIGHT NZINGA. GOAL: A VASSAL RESOLUTION KING 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 War aims and vassalage clauses Cardoso leaves Luanda February 1626: Envoys of Nzinga rejected in Moseque Imminent insurrection March route of Cardoso Portuguese attack on Dumbo a Pebo Nzinga is without a 'Jaga' in the Cuanza Portuguese conquer islands Smallpox in the Portuguese army camp Nzinga attacks Portuguese military Nzinga returnes the Portuguese captives

101

17

FLIGHT OF NZINGA 54 Route of Nzinga's flight

18

NZINGAFLEES TO 'JAGA'
55 'Jaga' = Casa

19

NZINGAADOPTS 'JAGA' CUSTOMS 56 Death of Are a Quiluange

20 21

A ARE BECOMES KING OF NDONGO NGOLA AS A PORTUGUESE VASSAL 57 58 59 Treaty clauses as king, 12 October 1626 "Election" Reasons Ngola a Are is illegitimate.

22

A ARE IN PUNGO ANDONGO BAPTISMOF NGOLA 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 in the Cuanza Nzinga returns to islands Nzinga's mani lumbu executed by Portuguese Casa deserts Nzinga New Portuguese campaign against Nzinga by the Dutch menace Interrupted Death of Cardoso His successor the campaign Azevedo continues in the Matamba frontier area Portuguese 'Jaga' Casanze marches from Matamba to Oando in the Cuanza Nzinga leaves islands

23

BY THE PORTUGUESE SECOND FLIGHT OF NZINGA. PURSUED 70 Route of Nzinga's flight

24 25

BY PORTUGUESE NZINGA'S SISTERS CAPTURED NZINGAFLEES TO 'JAGA'

71 'Jaga' = Casanze

72 26

Nzinga on the east

bank of the Cuango

REFUGEES IN THE NORTH, EAST AND SOUTHOF NDONGO MANY NDONGO 73 74 Portuguese consider deposing Governor Pereira Coutinho Ngola a Are

Appendix

2:

Items of information in Fernao de Sousa, Cadornega, and the "Catalogo." The maximum possible Cavazzi, number of items of information for each source is 100.

roauf aC

aoCl6 o

I S36 2 3

oura CoadCoo.6Ca1 I 37 38 39

4141 6

46

911
8 39 12 17

5o

5 541 16 lo ...Zo -1-8 i-

56

_-

57 15 8

I9 i11
24
22

=59
60

23
o
o

24 25

64 62 63

12 -o13

S2i6 27
29

64

66
69

67
68

28

25 144

32

33 34 35

26

o o

71 72 73 74

151
_i mna posi/#oe m'n6o/

IT]] paroi/iema/g sym6o/ w// 7e of 6ef? on //' demarca

pr/incoa/ LisZ /&em/

reervah'ons een pr/mnary

* upp/emenary J/m6o/ posri/'e, o n9ga/7be Jupp/emen,ary ym&o/ ona/seconaory source

iTI.

oMler i/#'eme ."

Appendix

3:

Items of information in six documents of Fernao Sousa (cf. 2). Fig. The maximum number of items of information Note: for each source is given in brackets. possible D E

de

I
2

F
36

38

I1 IIII!11--l4

4o
_
16

3
4

lll
5

II

111111
5
6

42 43 111111 46 111111
44 45

41

6
7

S7 8 9 ---11-

47 48 49 So 5o 52

)8 1111

64

53

19

62 - 56

26

!11
28 1 29

zo-66
58 69

5 _2 3426
31
32

-64 2665
24
~---------

535

73 I (52) (47) (61) (96) (0oo) (84) * par/Q7o 0

pfl porihbe
-

Jy17mbo/ parinhe, main

rn7 qainm6o/

reveruah'iona line ofdenmarcan/on 6ehueen primnory anadeconalary

wi/-h

sapp/em&n7iaory. Aary symbo/ negaLoe, slo/emen

mbo/

sourc

o/her L/tZ pr/incipa/ /enA/; L/r:1 /.iems