Educational Policy

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Religious Conversion to Islam and Its Influence on Workplace Relationships in American and Egyptian Schools: A Case Study
Melanie Carol Brooks Educational Policy 2010 24: 83 DOI: 10.1177/0895904809354319 The online version of this article can be found at: http://epx.sagepub.com/content/24/1/83

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EPX354319EPX10.1177/0895904809354319Educational

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Religious Conversion to Islam and Its Influence on Workplace Relationships in American and Egyptian Schools: A Case Study
Melanie Carol Brooks1

Educational Policy 109 24(1) 83 The Author(s) 2010 Reprints and permission: http://www. sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0895904809354319 http://epx.sagepub.com

Abstract This single-subject case study explored one teachers religious conversion to Islam and her workplace relationships in the United States and Egypt. Key findings of the study suggested that social context of schools influenced workplace relationships. As a Muslim-American teacher working in the American public schools, she was uncomfortable revealing her Muslim identity. Teaching in an Islamic-American school, she was welcomed as a member of the community. In Egypt, she viewed the schools through an American lens and chose to outwardly disapprove of administrative decisions. Her Muslim identity had no bearing on her ability to gain acceptance; rather, it was her overconfidence and ego that harmed her workplace relationships. Although Amy failed to foster positive interpersonal relationships while teaching, she continued to pursue teaching, hoping for a better situation at another Egyptian private school. Keywords Islam, Religious Conversion, Teacher Lives, Workplace Relationships

Introduction
Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world (Bagby, Perl, & Froehle, 2001; Smith, 1999) and increasing numbers of American women are converting to Islam (Dirks & Parlove, 2003; Eck, 2001; Fluehr-Lobban, 2004; Haddad, 2006; Mansson, 2006). For many American women, adopting an Islamic
1

University of Missouri Columbia

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lifestyle requires substantial alteration of their daily activities, such as daily prayers and food restrictions (Mansson, 2006). As a result, new converts often encounter unexpected reactions to their religious conversion that fundamentally change their personal and professional relationships (Anway, 1995). Anway (1995) surveyed female converts and found that 46% of converts described parental responses to their conversion as negative and stressful (p. 46). Similarly, new converts to Islam reported experiencing employment discrimination and derogatory remarks in workplace settings (Pugh, 2005). Currently, there is no research that explores how religious conversion to Islam influences teacherworkplace relationships. Such an exploration is important because conversion to Islam obliges new believers to interweave the practices of Islam into their daily lives such as offering salat, or praying five times a day, avoiding haram, that which is forbidden, and offering zakah, charity. Not only are new believers obligated to live an outwardly Islamic lifestyle but also do many undergo internal changes that reposition their worldview to that which appropriately reflects Islamic tenets. Considering these changes, it is important to explore how conversion influences teacherworkplace relationships. Historically, the teaching profession in the United States was inextricably connected to the personal life of teachers. Teachers were viewed as moral authorities, and as such, their characters and reputations were incessantly under public scrutiny and examination (McClellan, 1999). Although less directly connected today, society nevertheless continues to hold teachers to higher social and moral standards (Honawar & Holovach, 2007). Teachers in the United States are expected to be ethical and trustworthy (Fallona, 2000; Mackenzie, 1909), two values that often conflict with Western stereotypes of Muslims (Shaheen, 2000). Negative stereotyping of Muslims, such as their being viewed as terrorists, fanatical, and violent, are frequently depicted in American newspapers, television, and film (Nacos & Torres-Reyna, 2007). To better understand the complexities of religious conversion to Islam and workplace relationships, the following sections provide an overview of extant research on religious conversion, women and Islam, and workplace relationships in schools.

Religious Conversion and Individual Change

During the early 20th century, the typical religious convert was seen as possessing a sick soul afflicted by spiritual melancholy or suffering with a discordant personality or divided self, a sense of lost meaning, dread, emotional alienation, [or] a preoccupation with ones own limitations and sinfulness (Granqvist, 2003, p. 174; James, 1902). Once converted, individuals experienced a sense of well-being having been twice-born (James, 1902). Other religious scholars (Coe, 1917; Starbuck, 1899) similarly viewed religious conversion as an abrupt, yet positive, change for individuals.
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By the mid-20th century, the focus of conversion studies changed with the expansion of psychology, sociology, and anthropology (Rambo, 1995). Researchers within these fields began to conceive religious change as a longer process of individual transformation situated within dynamic social contexts. Religious converts were viewed as active seekers (Kilbourne & Richardson, 1989), choosing and negotiating their individual religious identities. Lofland and Stark (1965) developed a causal process model to explain religious conversion. Criticized as too orderly (Snow & Machalek, 1983), other researchers portrayed religious conversion as a gradual search for self (Richardson, 1985; Zinnbauer & Pargament, 1998) or a response to a sudden stress where the individual actively seeks the spiritual to cope with lifes challenges (Pargament, 1996; Richardson, 1985; Seggar & Kunz, 1972). Snow and Machalek (1983) and Staples and Mauss (1987) developed sociological frameworks to identify how and when religious conversion occurs. According to their research, conversion impacts an individuals fundamental view of himself or herself and his or her perceived role(s) in society. In addition, religious converts affirmed their new identity by actively participating in the creation of a new self that was reflective and in accord with their inward change. Although research has found religious conversion influencing individual change, little research has explored this phenomenon in relationship to the dynamic work of a teacher (White, 2009). Pajak and Blase (1989) studied the influence of the personal life on the work of educators and found that certain individuals have particular personal interests, personal traits, spiritual beliefs, [and] personal experiences that predisposed them for careers in education (p. 292). Pajak and Blase also found that teachers who were able to incorporate their personal interests into their lesson plans experienced increased satisfaction, enjoyment, fulfillment, and pleasure in their work (p. 298). Teacher religiosity provided a beneficial connection [to] their professional lives (Pajak & Blase, 1989, p. 299). Yet, Pajak and Blase acknowledged the possibility of religion negatively influencing the work of a teacher, especially when a teachers spiritual beliefs conflicted with their professional work. Although Pajak and Blase briefly discussed the connection of religiosity to teaching, White (2009) emphasized the need for further exploration of this topic.

Women, Islam, and Conversion to Islam

Western converts to Islam are often questioned as to why they would join a religion many perceive as hostile to women (van Nieuwkerk, 2006). Originating from a society where women were viewed as chattel and could be bought and sold as needed, Islamic cultures have varied in their

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interpretations of gender equity (Parshall, 1994). Some Muslim societies keep their women sequestered in homes or insist they wear complete veils when they go out in public[or] invoke the Quran as permission to beat ones wife (Parshall, 1994, p. 165). Female converts, however, readily deny their subjugation by referring to the Quranic teaching of gender impartiality which states that women and men are equally accountable for their thoughts and deeds (Sura Ahzab 33, Quran). Consequently, religious converts often view the subjugation of women as culturally sanctioned and opposed to Islams true teachings. In addition to the importance of male and female role differentiation, women choose to convert to Islam for many other reasons including, but not limited to, morality, modesty, security, the sense of belonging, the sense of identity, close family ties, care and community, and deference to the elderly, as well as traditional notions of respect for women (Jawad, 2006, p. 157). Women who convert to Islam are faced with the challenge of negotiating their new identity as a Muslim along with navigating misguided and inaccurate conceptions of Islam. This can become even more complex for teacher negotiation of workplace relationships.

Workplace Relationships for Teachers in Schools

Teachers who successfully integrate positive professional relationships into their work lives are happier and more satisfied (Farber, 1991; Pajak & Blase, 1989). Numerous researchers have focused on the importance of teacher relationships (Dewey, 1916; McAdamis, 2007; Noddings, 1988; Sapon-Shevin, 1995; Westheimer, 1998). Dewey (1916) stressed the significance of creating positive relationships in schooling. Without fostering interaction and relationships, Dewey worried that schools would become irrelevant and provide students with a misguided and inappropriate education. McAdamis (2007) discussed the importance of teacher relationships in schools, whereby the nature among the adults within a school has a greater influence on the character and quality of that school and on student accomplishment than anything else (p. 7). Taking a different approach to workplace relationships, Noddings (1988) emphasized the role of caring in schools. Her research discussed the need for schools to promote and encourage caring relationships within a schools organization, its curricula, and in its teaching practices. Westheimers (1998) study of school community and teacher work highlighted the value of creating meaningful relationships in schools where interaction and participation, interdependence, shared interests and beliefs, concern for individual and minority views, and meaningful relationships are fostered (p. 12). Johnson (1990) described the ideal school as one that has

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Yet, recent graduates from teacher education programs find Johnsons (1990) description far from the reality of their workplace (Kardos & Johnson, 2007). Often, new teachers are socialized for teaching positions in the absence of adequate consideration being given to the norms and organizational structure prevailing in the schools in which they are to be placed (Conforti, 1976, p. 358). Rosenholtz (1989) stated that new teachers had to negotiate workplace norms with little direction in the details of practice and faced the challenging task of resocializing themselves to workplace norms (p. 17). Adding to this challenge was the frequent lack of authentic mentorship and schools not openly supporting instructional sharing (Brooks, 2006; Lortie, 1975). Rosenholtz explained, teachers become turf-minded, unable and unwilling to impinge territorially on the domain of others classroom practice (p. 69). Lortie (1975) called this teacher isolation, and found it based in the organization of modern schooling where individual teachers were responsible for certain subject areas. This organizational structure continues to largely dominate public schooling, allowing teachers little opportunity to collaborate and share classroom experiences and lesson plans (McLaren, 2007). With this isolating organizational structure, meaningful interactions can be difficult for teachers to promote and sustain. To counteract workplace isolation, Rosenholtzs (1989) study found several essential components that facilitated teacher retention, namely, positive feedback, learning opportunities, successful management of student behavior with schoolwide support, collaboration, and strong parental involvement. Cole (1991) stressed an integrated approach to establish positive workplace relationships by recognizing the interaction between teacher individuality and their distinctive school cultures. Able to establish positive interpersonal relationships, new teachers were more willing to continue working in schools that provided interpersonal support mechanisms (Darling-Hammond, 2001; Johnson & Birkeland, 2003; Jones & Pauley, 2003; Sargent, 2003; Williams, 2003). Yet when a teachers religious belief system changes, questions remain as to how this inward and outward change influences workplace relationships. In Egypt, teachers generally have markedly different experiences with their workplace relationships to that of American teachers. Farag (2006) found that

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some teachers reported feeling a sense of isolation, not based in lack of collaboration or classroom remoteness but in something as simple as reading a newspaper which may send unacceptable messages to other teachers in the school, garnering negative reactions (p. 117). Along the same lines, the teachers Farag interviewed felt that the teaching workforce seemed to lack a sense of educated professionalism where academic interests were commonly replaced by topics such as sports and television dramas (Farag, 2006). Teachers were critical of their coworkers lack of academic knowledge. A teacher commented, Some teachers have such a low scientific and cultural level that they transmit their superstitions to the students. A female teacher, for example, quite seriously told her noisy class that if they didnt keep quiet she would make the jinn (spirits) take over (Farag, 2006, p. 117). Farags (2006) interviews with teachers revealed a strong dislike for uncommitted teachers, which hindered workplace relationships. In addition, Farag discussed the absence of a professional teaching community as largely a consequence of competition and the hierarchical organization of Egyptian schooling. He stated, The general lack of collective action among teachers is compounded by a lack of solidarity brought about by competition and hierarchy within the profession. As one teacher states, the opportunity for one teacher depends on the abolition of the other. Similarly, factionalism and favors based on primordial ties prevails among teachers. One teacher points out, If a schools deputy is from the village of Ayat, the next thing you know the entire school faculty is from Ayat. (Farag, 2006, p. 128) This nepotism undermines the Egyptian educational structure and makes it challenging to find collaborative and positive workplace relationships. Taken as whole, Egyptian teacherworkplace relationships are challenged by a mix of nepotism, lack of collaboration, distrust, and criticism. The teacher in this study, an American Muslim convert, faced learning to navigate not only her new faith but also new workplace relationships as she changed schools and cultures.

Method
The decision to employ qualitative methods in this study was motivated broadly by a need to develop a deep understanding of a teachers religious

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conversion and how this influenced her workplace relationships in United States and Egypt. As Bogdan and Biklen (2003) suggested, qualitative inquiry is especially appropriate when the research demands an understanding of how teachers come to develop the perspectives they hold (p. 3) and make sense of their lives (p. 7). I was interested in how a teacher made sense of her workplace relationships as well as how she actually behaved. The conceptual framework that guided the study focused on religious conversion, gender and Islam, and workplace relationships. In particular, I was looking at this teachers unique experiences of converting to Islam and how this influenced her workplace relationships in both the United States and Egypt. This topic is important because scant research has explored religious conversion among teachers even though conversion to Islam among women is increasing.

Participant Selection
This study centered on one woman who converted to Islam. A single participant in a case study is not uncommon. Yin (2002) explained, in the classic case study, a case may be individual . . . the early case studies in the Chicago school of sociology were life histories (p. 22). I chose to ask Amy1 to participate in this study because I first met her as a math education major at a large midwest university and knew that she continued to teach after her conversion to Islam in 2001. Amy taught in public and Muslim schools in the United States and currently lives abroad in Egypt working as a middle school social studies teacher. In The Man in the Principals Office, Wolcott (1973) discussed his specific reasons for choosing Ed as his research participant. However, whereas Wolcotts aim was to find as typical a principal as possible, I chose Amy for other reasons that make her a unique and appropriate participant. First, she taught in different settings, including both public and private schools. Second, her religious conversion reflects the increasing numbers of American women choosing to become Muslim. I also had access to her home and workplaces. Last, given this topic and research design, my intimate knowledge of her was a benefit (Creswell, 2007; Wolcott, 1973). Our relationship is discussed more fully at the end of this section.

Data Collection and Analysis

I gathered data through interviews, observations, and school-based documents (Merriam, 1998). I tape-recorded 9 semistructured interviews grounded in the conceptual framework that explored issues pertaining to her religious

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conversion, personal life, and work experiences. I also conducted 10 observations of her formal teaching and informal interactions during her workday at her schools in both the United States and Egypt. Yin (2002) stressed the importance of using various sources for data collection. These multiple data sources were critical to develop the kind of nuanced, thick, and rich description necessary to explore the many conceptual facets of this study and the connections between them. To this end, I strove to collect data that offered a holistic picture of how Amy made sense of her work relationships as a Muslim convert. Data analysis was conducted through an inductive and iterative process. I first sorted the data into the initial categories of religious conversion, gender, Islam, and workplace relationships. Within each of these categories, I identified the initial themes of alienation, acceptance, fear, and frustration and explored these further using the constant comparative method (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003). After themes were developed within each category, I sought to identify patterns that connected across categories. This also helped me explore emergent themes and trends in the data. Again, I gathered subsequent data about underdeveloped themes and underrepresented or underdeveloped concepts until themes become theoretically saturated. Finally, I sought to identify conceptual patterns that transcended categories.

Limitations
In regards to limitations of case study methods, Merriam (1998) commented, mistakes are made, opportunities missed, personal biases interfere (p. 20). In this study, I was the primary instrument for gathering and analyzing data (Merriam, 1998, p. 20). As such, I was limited by my humanness and biases. To offset this, I remained attentive to personal bias on data collection and asked Amy to provide clarification, elaborate on certain ideas, and provide me with her insights to help me better understand her perspectives. I also confronted my own beliefs by recording my personal reflections in a journal to help guard against inappropriate subjectivity, which could result in misrepresentations or distortions (Rambo & Reh, 1992). Merriam (1998) asserted, The key concern is understanding the phenomenon of interest from the participants perspectives, not the researchers (pp. 6-7). I was obliged to acknowledge my own partiality, opinions, and prejudices as I sought to understand how Amy made sense of the world (Merriam, 1998). In addition, as a single case study, I did not make generalizations as to religious conversion, teaching, and women in Islam. I was only able to present this teachers experience through her single perspective. Merriam (1998)

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commented, human instruments are as fallible as any other research instrument (p. 20). As such, I sought to be aware of my biases without imposing my biases on the participant or the data. Last, this study took place over a period of 2 years. During this period, data were collected via interviews, observations, and documents. Observations took place at two schools, International Islamic Academy in Georgia, and Ghaly School in Cairo, Egypt. It is important to note that this study includes interview data on schools where Amy taught before the beginning of the study. Data gathered on these schools were wholly reliant on her recollections. Although I include this data, it was not triangulated. The following section discusses my perspective and position in the study.

Researchers Perspective
Wolcott (2002) discussed the importance of identifying the risks and benefits of intimacy in fieldwork. He suggested a need for heightened sensitivity toward the problem, and to not be dishonest about anything one says, which is not to say that one is therefore advised to reveal everything (p. 161). Wolcott advised researchers to delve as deeply as necessary to answer the research question (p. 161). Taking this advice, I entered the field alert to the issue of intimacy, cognizant of my personal biases, and honest in my reporting (p. 162). I am a White, middle-class woman who has previously worked as a teacher in Thailand and in the U.S. public school system. I am 8 years older than Amy and initially met her during her undergraduate years at a large, midwestern public university. She was a practicing Catholic at the time and occasionally we would go to Mass together. We talked quite a bit about religion and spiritual issues. About 1 year into our friendship, I asked her to be my sponsor for the Rite of Christian Initiation for Adults (RCIA) where adults enter into the Catholic faith. She gladly accepted, and we attended the sessions together. I was initiated into the Catholic Church, and soon thereafter she surprised me by expressing her concerns about Catholicism. It was a few months later that she told me of her conversion to Islam. Over the next couple of years, I continued my spiritual journey as a Catholic and she as a Muslim. Our friendship continued even though we both relocated several times to different states. I slowly became more skeptical and disenchanted with Catholic teachings and slowly stopped participating. Yet, while I was pulling away from religion, Amy was becoming more involved with Islam. Currently, I would classify myself as agnostic. We continue to discuss religion, although she maintains a strict Islamic perspective.

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When I shared the idea of this project with her, she was more than willing to participate and discuss her experiences. Over the course of our friendship, we have established a strong rapport that allowed for in-depth discussions on sensitive topics. Yet this study may be hindered by our friendship in that I have previously expressed my personal thoughts and biases about religion and teaching. Having knowledge of my perspectives may have deterred Amy from fully disclosing her beliefs and experiences. To offset this, I sought to acquire data from numerous sources, including observations, school documents, and interviews. In addition, I wrote reflective journal entries to record my thoughts, reactions, and experiences throughout the course of the study. Due to the subjectivity of this research, it was vital that I maintained a reflective journal to document my biases as they developed and as I became aware of them throughout the study. As I wrote the findings, I included pertinent journal entries that revealed my thoughts to maintain transparency in the evolution of my biases. In this way, I was better able to observe my own behavior and its influence on data collection. Overall, my close relationship with Amy was a benefit in that it provided this study with the depth needed to effectively complete this inquiry.

Overview of Amys Life

This section begins with a brief overview of Amys life before and during the study. This synopsis is included to help the reader understand Amys background and the order of events she refers to throughout the study. Amy was raised in a lower-middle class home on the outskirts of a large midwestern city. She described her family as typical Americans, rural. She attended public schools and a conservative Catholic church. She described her family as not particularly religious, although Amy became involved in church activities as a teenager. She stated, My mom tried to act religious and she made us go to church. When I got my drivers license, they stopped going. Her life with her family was chaotic, disorganized, and often verbally abusive. She explained, I remember the fights. I remember my real dad walking out of the house. I remember waiting on the porch for him and him not coming. Her mothers behavior was unpredictable: I was afraid of my mom because I never knew what to expect. One day the rule might be to not sit on the sofa. The next day the rule might be to put your shoes on the sofa. I never knew what to do. There was no set routine. Amys younger sister acted out to gain attention: My sister chose to be irritating. She was always more frustrated, I think, than I was. She could

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never finish a task. She was always moving on to something else. Amys mother suffered from chronic depression and mood swings, and her stepfather took a quiet and passive stance in the background. Amy described one experience between her mother and her stepfather that occurred when she was 17: My mom had threatened to kill herself and I didnt know if when I went home I would find my mom or something else. My boyfriends mom called my dad and then between the two of them they decided that I would not go home until my dad went home and called to say that everything was okay. Then it started this whole thought process with my dad, Should I put your mom in the hospital? Should I not? My dad didnt have that in him to take that action. After that my parents marriage went downhill very quickly. As a way to escape the commotion, Amy concentrated on school and sought refuge in her nightly homework. She explained the importance of always having homework, I always had homework. I made sureto my teachers frustrationthat I always had homework. I didnt want to go home without a book. Homework gave me space to do what I wanted, to be lost in my own thoughts. Having earned good grades, Amy received two scholarships, lost one, and then relied on school loans to fund the rest of her higher education. She enrolled in a traditional teacher-preparation program for middle school math and social studies. She chose to major in math and social studies because her father said to her, make your hobby your career and youll never work a day in your life. Amy thought about this and she stated, I remembered how much fun I had teaching kids at the church. So, I told my dad that I wanted to be a teacher. I also really enjoyed math. As it turned out, I had chosen all of my extracurricular choices in the humanities. I had enough credit to get my teaching certificate in social studies. While studying to be a teacher, Amy met a Muslim man, Imad, who introduced her to Islam. Unconvinced, and in an effort to convert Imad to Catholicism, Amy studied Islam. She stated, When I first started studying it, it was to find out what was wrong with Islam to make him Catholic. So, I could tell him, You see this? This is wrong. This is where Islam is off and you need to fix this. What I was finding out, however, was that there was more in Islam that I agreed with than in Christianity. Islam was fitting me better.

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Amy privately converted one month before the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centers in 2001. She reflected on this time, Imads sister called me. She was so worried that I was going to change my mind. I was like, its okay. Im fine. In December 2002, she accepted her first public school teaching position at Robbins Elementary in a rural Mississippi town. Without getting married, Amy and Imad moved to live near his family. In 2003, Imad moved out of his parents home and moved into Amys apartment. Their relationship was rocky; Imad was self-interested and concerned about studying for medical exams. Amy worked hard, financially supported the household, and dreamed of marriage. Her first teaching position was difficult. She struggled connecting with the teachers and students because of her religion, I always felt like I had to hide my faith from the parents, from the kids. I always felt incomplete, not comfortable. The following year, she accepted another position as a math teacher at Asher Middle School in a larger town about 15 minutes from her apartment. Amy felt more successful as a teacher in this school. She taught math and was actively engaged with curriculum planning. She had a good relationship with one of the assistant principals and felt a sense of community at this new school. Imad passed his medical exams and secured a residency position in Philadelphia. They moved together and decided to marry. Amy began work on her masters in education at a small college while Imad worked through his 1st year of residency. Yet 1 year into the marriage, Imad asked for a divorce. He admitted to having another relationship with a woman at the hospital. Amy was faced with a decision: to move home and live with her temperamental mother or to find a teaching position on her own and start her life over. She explained her decision, I had really wanted to teach in an Islamic school because I always felt like I wasnt accepted in the public schools. Not so much by the students, the students loved me, but by my colleagues. During the time in Philadelphia, Amys involvement with Islam increased. She attended weekly prayers, enrolled in Arabic classes, and befriended a few Muslim women. She began eating halal meat. During the divorce process, Amy searched the Internet for Islamic schools and sent her resume to several across the country. The International Islamic Academy in Georgia responded first and asked her for an interview. She drove to Greenville, Georgia for the interview and was impressed at the kindness of the principal and the schools focus on Islam and Arabic. After 2 weeks of deliberation, Amy accepted the position. While teaching at the International Islamic Academy, Amy also worked as a nanny for the secretary of education at the mosque, Nurah. Nurah asked Amy if she would like to meet an Egyptian man looking for a wife. Amy was

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interested, and over the course of 3 months, she became acquainted with a 39-year-old divorced man in Cairo, Egypt. Amy was 26 years old and not concerned that he also had two sons from a previous marriage. They communicated frequently online and he invited her to visit him in Egypt. She felt comfortable with this possible match because it was coming through a friend and because I had been recommended, it was viewed pretty much like, okay they are talking, they have some things in common, lets invite her to see how she is going to be in Cairo. While in Egypt, Omar and Amy liked each other and became officially engaged. Amy arrived with three suitcases in June 2007. She secured a teaching position at a private school, Zaki International School, and began work in the fall. The schools lack of organization frustrated her. She disagreed with many of the principals decisions, found it difficult to work in the school, and decided to move to another private school, Ghaly School, 2 months later. Not completely satisfied with Ghaly, Amy completed the year and secured another teaching position at Haven Academy for fall 2008. Overall, in the course of her teaching career, Amy taught in two public schools and one Islamic school in the United States. During her 1st year in Egypt, Amy taught in two different private schools. The following sections present the themes that emerged from the study.

Findings
The findings are organized geographically and chronologically and offer insights into how she made sense of herself as a Muslim and how this influenced her workplace relationships in two different contexts, the United States and Egypt.

Workplace Relationships in the United States

Feeling alienated by coworkers in pubic schools. Amys first teaching position was as a math teacher at Robbins Elementary. She had difficulty fitting into the community and saw this stemming from her religion. Although no one at this school knew she was Muslim, being a Muslim limited social opportunities with other teachers. She explained, When I first started teaching in Mississippi, well, that was hard. I was in a new town, a new city and I couldnt go to bars anymore. The only

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people I could make friends with were the people at the mosque who really werent accepting me yet because I didnt know how to act around them. Its not their fault its just the way it worked. While at Robbins Elementary, Amy was fearful of her coworkers reactions if they learned she was a Muslim, I was worried about not being accepted; I was worried about being fired . . . I mean, this was Mississippi. I was so afraid to let anybody know that I was Muslim. So, so afraid. I didnt tell anybody. Amy left Robbins Elementary at the end of the year. Amy found that she never felt accepted. Even after she revealed to her coworkers at Asher Middle School that she was Muslim, she continued to experience difficult interpersonal relationships: It was just more the matter that they had no clue and they didnt know they were being insensitive. Amy found that she did not connect with other teachers and really didnt feel welcome in the public schools and as a result sought employment in an American Islamic school. She explained her choice, When you teach in an Islamic school, it gives you this position within the community that everybodys going to get to know you right away. The community is central to the religion, not because you are a minority but because of the religion itself. Amy relocated to work at the International Islamic Academy in Georgia to gain a sense of community that she did not experience in the public schools. A sense of acceptance in an American Islamic school. Although Amy felt that she was knowledgeable about Islam, it was not until she began to work at the International Islamic Academy that she was afforded many opportunities to practice and learn Arab culture. From the beginning of her work at the Academy, Amy developed good relationships and felt accepted into the community: I knew right away. When you are a Muslim and you enter a new community, right away doors are open for you. You automatically have a sense of family, and you have friends. People are going to show you around the town. Even the principal let me live at her house for three months while I saved the money for an apartment. These are not things that culturally people like us do. Amy had very little money to furnish an apartment after her divorce from Imad. The school community was very generous toward Amy: I didnt have many things to furnish an apartment. They gave me a bed with brand new mattresses. The desk that I have my computer on was

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Brooks given to me, the bureau was given to me, the beautiful tablethe most beautiful table I have ever had in my lifewas given to me, and four chairs, the two love seats, the couch, the table stand, most of my kitchenware was given to me and then the teachers themselves, they had a house warming party for me and they gave me a gift card for Wal-Mart where I bought my microwave and my vacuum cleaner. I didnt spend any money on this apartment and its the best apartment Ive ever had.

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Amy quickly became a leader in the school because she was one of the few teachers with an official teaching certificate. This leadership role often added more work to her schedule: For a few months I had to take over a secondary classroom because we had a sick teacher. I was lucky the parents were happy with this situation, but they wanted me to take it permanently. I said that this wasnt an option because I already had a combined fifth- and sixth-grade classroom. The board of education told me that I was taking the easy way out. That made me really mad and then the next day a woman from the board made the excuse that they didnt know I was teaching the fifth and sixth grades. They knew I was teaching fifth and sixth grades! To keep the friendship, I said that I thought there was probably a misunderstanding there somewhere. But, I continued for a few months writing lesson plans for the class. It was a lot of work; double the work because I was still teaching my class. I think that the teacher took advantage of the situation and I got stuck with the short end of the stick. Amy quickly learned that yelling or outwardly showing frustration while at the school was highly inappropriate. Amy encountered difficult moments at the school, but she realized that as a Muslim, it was important to maintain a proper image. She explained her approach, I do get mad, but if I yell, I hurt the other person and then that other person remembers that. But, if I dont yell, then at least we remember that we werent cruel to each other. Even if I was at that moment thinking she was an ass, okay, I didnt call her that. So now, she doesnt have this feeling that I at one time thought she was a real jerk. Showing your feelings isnt really a good thing. Sometimes its better to hide your anger or hide your emotions and just be nice with people. I think this is healthy because in life we have to learn self-control and selfdiscipline.

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While teaching at the International Islamic Academy, Amy changed her behavior and brought her responses more in line with Arab expectations and values. In addition, being accepted into the community gave Amy the feeling of being an aunt or a second mom to her students. She stated that she felt great responsibility toward them because here the teacherstudent relationship extends far beyond a traditional teacherstudent relationship that one might have in a public school. It is more like an extended family. When I observed at the school, Amy asked that I wear a hijab. At first I was taken aback because I thought the other women might think it strange to see a non-Muslim wearing a hijab. She replied, If you want to fit in and be more accepted, then you should wear a hijab. The women will be more likely to talk to you if you are covered, and the students will probably be more comfortable. I was not convinced, but agreed. I saw a few teachers not wearing a hijab and it made me feel a bit foolish. I wondered if I really needed to cover. The principal asked me how I liked wearing it and I responded that it was nice. To my surprise, the principal responded that I was International Islamic Academys first visitor. While observing at the Academy, I attended a PTA meeting and watched Amy take a leadership role. She made great effort to maintain a good reputation with the parents and the board of education for the school. She was the first to speak at the meeting, With academics, everything is going well. We need to work on accreditation and teacher turnover. We need to focus on keeping teachers and raising salaries, benefits, and attracting people who can stay. This includes hiring male teachers who can stay. The parents were concerned about the schools low enrollment. Amy responded that one of the main problems was the facility, the schools name is a problem. One male parent sided with Amy and stated, We need to have the value of Islam, to keep the Islamic identity, but not call it an Islamic school. The principal responded, That wont work. As long as we are connected to the masjid, any other name will be rejected. Throughout the meeting, Amy felt free to speak her mind, but was equally cautious in her comments. She recognized the importance of being well-thought of at work. Amy felt accepted by the head of the board of education because she recommended her as a possible wife. She explained, Their recommendation means so much. If they didnt like me, they would never have introduced me to Omar and his family. Therefore, working at International Islamic Academy provided Amy with opportunities to learn how to be successful teaching in a Muslim school and working in an Islamic environment. She worked hard to be seen as a proper Muslim woman and, for the most part, was able to maintain this reputation.

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Workplace Relationships in Egypt

Challenging her coworkers. Having left a successful school experience at the International Islamic Academy, Amy entered teaching in Egypt with confidence. However, from the beginning of her employment at Zaki International School, Amy experienced difficulties relating with the two principals of the school. She was charged with teaching math and social studies and was frustrated by their approach, The principals think that you do not need a history book because everything is on the Internet. Find your own resources, make photocopies. Amy saw this as unreasonable and stated that she did not have the extra time to write a complete curriculum. In addition, the principals at Zaki required monthly homework packets. Amy stated, It was really frustrating and then one principal was saying that the assignment plans were cutting edge and that these were new things happening in the states. This is not a good idea because students wait for the last minute or they do it all upfront. It takes the focus away from instruction in the classroom and puts the focus on the assignment and the grade. I was like youre stupid. You have no brains! Either of the principals. Amy disagreed with this approach and did not hesitate to voice her dislike to the principals, You guys are making me feel like I dont know how to teach. I hate teaching now. I dont want to do it as a career anymore. I told them that their policies were wrong. Amys overconfidence in her knowledge of teaching pedagogy worked against creating positive and supportive work relationships. In addition, Amy wanted a workplace where everything was organized and exacting, When it is by the book, then I know how to behave and what to teach. It is too difficult when rules are changing all the time. In an instant message conversation, Amy and I discussed her school and how she was fairing at Zaki. She wrote, I truly think my principal is crazy. She wants us to complete one and a half books in math this year. I told her the possibility was that we could look at the objectives and find overlaps, other than that, we needed to get a new curriculum focused on skills rather than problem solving. Amy became increasingly frustrated by what she viewed as incompetent leadership. She wrote in an instant message, I HATE THIS SCHOOL. The

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admin doesnt care. As long as the parents are complaining, they are going to bend until they are happy. This year, I really hate teaching. Over the course of the 2nd month of school, Amys relationships with the principals further declined. She spoke of an incident, Yesterday one of the principals gave me a sideways compliment. This is the one that broke the camels back. She said, for not knowing how to teach English, you are doing a good job. Amy was furious about this comment and said to me, I know Im a good teacher and I also know that I am doing a good job teaching English, even if I dont have a credential! Once you learn how to teach, you can apply those skills to any subject area. Amy made it clear that the problems she experienced were not solely of her making. She described the teacher turnover Zaki experienced during the first 2 months of school: The school hired an American teacher who quit. Then they hired another Egyptian teacher who quit. Then they decided that they were going to rearrange the teachers schedules and so they wouldnt have to look for another teacher. That is stupid. These people have masters degrees in school leadership and curriculum. None of them have doctorates in education. Even though Amy did not have a doctorate in education, she was critical of the school leadership who likewise did not have a terminal degree. Amys belief that she was the most knowledgeable caused her much frustration and dislike for Zaki. As a result, Amy sought other teaching positions and decided to accept a middle school social studies position at Ghaly School. She explained the reason why she chose Ghaly, I really liked the school. The first thing that I saw at the school was the principal yelling at parents because their childrens homework wasnt finished. The parents were trying to say that it was the teacher who wasnt clear about the homework assignment. Amy felt reassured by the principals attitude toward parents: It is common to blame the teacher. The parents think that because they are paying money, that they are actually the ones running the school. But, at Ghaly, Ms. Magda shouted at the parents, Your child is in such and such grade, you shouldnt be babying him. You should be standing

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behind the teacher. You should be asking your child if he did not understand the assignment, why not go ask a friend? We are raising students who will learn. We are not raising students who want to play. If you want them to play they can go to any other school that will gladly accept your money. Amy liked the principals no-nonsense approach toward the parents. Consequently, Amy decided to quit Zaki International using the excuse that she was returning to the states to take care of her sick mother. Speaking to her via iChat during this time, Amy wrote that she was extremely frustrated by the schools resistance to her resignation, We had to get a lawyer because the school would not accept my resignation letter. The principals are threatening going through CITA (The Commission on International Trans-Regional Accreditation) who Zaki is certified through, to have my teacher certification removed. Now, this school is really crooked. I expected the school to understand my mom being sick, and when they werent, my mind was made up that I was leaving. You know, my mom could really get sick, this might really happen. I couldnt believe it. Amys mother was not sick, and she was hoping that this lie would allow her an easier exit from the school. Amy stated, The principal and assistant principals said that they were sorry about my mom, but they also thought I was exaggerating my moms illness. I said, even if I am, it is my right within the first 3 months to quit. At this time, what was left of a professional relationship had deteriorated. Amy stated angrily to the principal, I dont like this. I dont like that. Ive told you this. I told you that. And she looked at me and said, if you cant do the assignment, then we will let you go at the end of the year. I said what are you talking about? I can do my assignment just fine. They just didnt get it. Amy did not continue her employment at Zaki, and they never pursued removing her teacher certification through CITA. Zaki refused to pay her salary for her last month of work. Reflecting on her time at Zaki, Amy stated that she learned to not look at a schools mission statement expecting that is how it was going to be. Amy was highly critical of Zaki International Schools curriculum and its leadership. She outwardly expressed her dissatisfaction, which resulted in strained and difficult

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working relationships. At her new school, Ghaly School, Amy respected her principal. She was charged with teaching seventh- and eighth-grade middle school students and began working in November, replacing a British teacher who resigned from the school. On her 1st day, Amy stated, The kids were very excited. They were really happy to know that they werent going to have their old teacher. Actually, the first two lessons were spent answering what I do, what my husband does, why I came to Egypt, and if I liked Egypt. Although the students responded positively to Amy, she struggled with classroom discipline and order. She joked, Sometimes at the beginning of class I tell them this is not a democracy. This is a dictatorship and I am the dictator! Observing her teaching at Ghaly, I was surprised by her difficulties with students as she always spoke highly of herself as a teacher. Yet, while observing her class, I noticed she commanded little authority and was largely ineffective as a teacher. Amy struggled connecting with her students. Classroom discipline was difficult and she often resorted to yelling at the students. In her second class, Amy sent two boys to the principals office. They soon returned with the head teacher who entered the classroom and announced, Why were these boys sent out of the class? They will be dismissed if this continues. The boys returned to their seats and the class quieted down. Amys classroom management problems created a strain on her relationships with Ghaly school leaders. The principal and head teacher frequently intervened to quite the class or remove problematic students. While I sat in the teacher lounge, the head teacher said to Amy, Why do you have such difficulty with the boys? They are only boys and you are the teacher. Although Amy enjoyed better relationships with the school leaders at Ghaly, she had little control over student behavior. At the end of the school year, Amy left Ghaly School and accepted a teaching position at Haven Academy. Haven Academy offered the International Baccalaureate Diploma (IB), a rigorous and internationally accredited middle and high school program. She accepted the position believing that an IB program would enroll academically minded students and provide her with an unproblematic teaching position where she would have positive relationships with both coworkers and students.

Discussion
Amy felt out of place teaching in American public schools. She struggled to form relationships at her places of work, largely because she was fearful of

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her coworkers reactions to her religious conversion to Islam. This fear increased her sense of alienation from the public school communities. Numerous researchers discussed the importance of relationships in schools. Pajak and Blase (1989) found that teachers who maintain good interpersonal relationships at work are happier and more satisfied. Dewey (1916) stressed the importance of creating positive relationships throughout the school community, and McAdamis (2007) suggested that the nature among the adults within a school has a greater influence on the character and quality of that school and on student accomplishment than anything else (p. 7). Noddings (1988) emphasized the importance of caring in schools and infusing the ethic of care throughout the curricula. Yet Amy resisted creating workplace relationships in the American public schools. At her first school, Robbins Elementary, Amy did not participate in after-school functions and never felt connected to the school or its community. The following year, Amy enjoyed teaching and working with the students at Asher Middle School but continued to feel isolated from her coworkers. She prayed in secret, felt awkward during Christian prayers, and was frustrated by the PTA serving pork. During Ramadan, she told a few of her coworkers that she was Muslim and was bothered by their ignorance of Islam. Overall, Amy did not feel comfortable as a Muslim convert in the public schools in which she taught. Amy was of the opinion that being an American and a Muslim was the perfect combination for an Islamic school. She saw herself as uniquely positioned to relate well with both the Arab and American teachers. Similar to Rosenholtzs (1989) findings concerning positive teacher socialization, while at the International Islamic Academy, Amy received positive feedback and successfully managed student behavior. Rosenholtz stated that teachers benefit from participating in learning opportunities, working with others, and having strong parental involvement. Yet Amy did not embrace learning opportunities or collaboration with her coworkers. She rejected parental involvement and preferred to work alone and be trusted as a professional educator. Although Amy did not want professional development opportunities or collaboration with other teachers, she accepted personal help from Muslim teachers and viewed the school community as an extended family. In the Islamic school, no boundaries separated Amys personal life from her professional life. Amy did not see this as a problem or an intrusion; rather, she felt honored that they liked her enough to furnish her apartment and recommend her for marriage. Johnson (1990) described the ideal school as one where colleagues are fully engaged with each others work. Amys workplace relationships at the International Islamic Academy allowed her to be a whole person and engaged as a teacher and as a member of the larger Muslim community.

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Amys professional relationships in Egypt stood in stark contrast to her time at the International Islamic Academy. She did not participate in any activities outside of what was stated in her contract and became protective of her time. Conforti (1976) found that to be successful, new teachers must learn to function appropriately in the school setting (p. 358). Amy often disagreed with curricular and organizational decisions and was easily frustrated at what she viewed as poor management. Farag (2006) stated that Egyptian teachers felt a range of disappointment and frustration and were often critical of their coworkers academic knowledge and their lack of commitment to the profession (p. 117). Similarly, Amy assumed that she knew what was best for students and often disapproved of other teachers techniques. Amy complained about the mandatory homework packets and the educational philosophy behind its implementation. Amy frequently referred to her having earned a masters degree in education and holding teacher certification as reasons to support her criticisms. Amys critical approach to Egyptian school leaders greatly hindered her from establishing positive workplace relationships. Amy also had difficult relationships with her students. She yelled and threatened her students and became visibly angry and upset. Amys demeanor as a teacher in Egypt was counter to the cultural norms of female behavior. Muslim women were expected to be respectable, well-mannered, and moral (Haddad, 2006; Jawad, 2006). Yet Amys lack of professional manners led to much anger, misunderstandings, and frustrations from both school leaders and students. Amy was oblivious to how her behavior created a difficult work environment for her in Egypt with her colleagues and her students. She did not reflect on her behavior and regularly cited others as responsible for the many problems she faced at school, as indicated by her quickness to place blame for poor behavior and low academic achievement. Rosenholtz (1989) stated that teachers derive their strongest rewards from positive and academically successful relations with individual students and from the external recognition they receive from colleagues, parents, and principals (p. 423). Amys difficulties establishing successful workplace relationships thwarted the rewards she received as a teacher. Accordingly, Amys lack of insight into how her conduct was inappropriate for the cultural context made it difficult for her to maintain positive work relationships, ultimately contributing to her departure from both Zaki International School and Ghaly Academy.

Summary
Amy was drawn to Islam because she found that it provided solid answers to her most pressing questions about God and life. Amys religious conversion

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to Islam was a gradual process and influenced both the ways she viewed the world and the ways she worked with people. As a Muslim-American teacher working in the American public schools, Amy felt alienated from other teachers and administrators. Initially, Amy was fearful to reveal her Muslim identity, causing her much anxiety and apprehension. Yet when she finally exposed her religious beliefs, she was annoyed by the teachers ignorance about Islam and became Islams unofficial spokesperson. At the Islamic school, Amy was welcomed as a member of the community. She felt respected for her knowledge about education and her skills as a teacher. Although Amy earned less than the United States poverty level, she found acceptance in the Muslim school. Amy became a member of the Muslim community and was able not only to increase her knowledge about Islam but also, as she felt, to better understand and function within Middle Eastern norms and mores. She developed strong and positive relationships with her students, the faculty, and the schools administrator. She felt competent as a teacher and cultivated caring interpersonal relationships. Her identity as a Muslim was not questioned, and it was in this context where she felt most whole. In Egypt, Amy viewed the Egyptian schools through her American lens, and chose to outwardly disapprove of administrative decisions. The fact that Amy was a Muslim neither had much bearing on her work as a teacher nor did help her create positive working relationships. Amy paid less attention to her identity as a Muslim female teacher and focused on what she perceived as incompetent school leadership and ineffectual school organization. At Zaki International, Amy entered the workplace overconfident in her skills as an American-trained teacher. She was quick to voice her negative opinions and outwardly blamed school leaders. At Ghaly Academy, Amy struggled with classroom management, and the stress of teaching the students at Ghaly contributed to her finding another teaching position for the following school year. Amys effectiveness as a teacher rested on her level of acceptance into the school community. At the beginning of her teaching career, Amy was anxious about her Muslim identity. This anxiousness largely prevented Amy from establishing workplace relationships. Amy felt most comfortable teaching at the International Islamic Academy, a small school focused on Islam and academics where she felt accepted. Yet in Egypt, Amy entered the workplace with a heightened sense of self-importance. Her Muslim identity had no bearing on her ability to gain acceptance; rather, it was her overconfidence and ego that harmed her workplace relationships. Although Amy failed to foster positive interpersonal relationships while teaching in Egypt, she continued to pursue teaching, hoping for a better situation at another Egyptian private school.

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Amys experience as a Muslim teacher in the American public schools can shed light on the importance of recognizing and supporting teacher individuality. Cross-culturally, however, it was less her religious preference and more her ego that ultimately hindered the creation of positive and supportive workplace relationships. Future research may offer more insights into teacher religiosity and school-based support mechanisms to foster positive interpersonal relationships. In an international context, subsequent research could explore the influences of religion, international teachers, and the role of ego as it pertains to workplace relationships. Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author declared no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

Notes
1. All names are pseudonyms.

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Bio
Melanie C. Brooks is an Assistant Teaching Professor in the School of Information Science and Learning Technologies at the University of Missouri-Columbia and holds a Ph.D. in Sociocultural International Development Education Studies from Florida State University. Her current research is focused on international school library development, information equity, and teacher religion. Her work has been published in Educational Policy, Etc: A Review of General Semantics, Encyclopedia of the Social and Cultural Foundations of Education, and the International Journal of Urban Educational Leadership.

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