Indo-Celtic Connections: Ethic, Magic, and Linguistic

Stefan Zimmer Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitt Bonn

The intimate connections which link the Celtic and IndoAryan world are well known among scholars, but rarely studied nowadays, as specialization progresses at an ever growing pace. The sheer mass of publications produced every day precludes cultivation of general or comprehensive knowledge in larger fields, let alone comparative studies. This was different two generations ago when Celtic scholars such as Myles Dillon took Sanskrit classes as an indispensable element of their education.1 His various lectures (e.g., Dillon 1947, Dillon 1973, and last his book Celts and Aryans. Survival of Indo-European Society, Simla 1975, are proof of the fruitfulness of such broader perspectives.2 The common traits of the Celtic and Vedic languages and literatures, and the similarities of many cultural features3 in India and the Celtic lands has been observed right from the beginning of IE Studies. Great scholars like Ernst
his letters (ed. Fischer-Dillon 1999). In one of them, dated 20 May 1924, he refers to his duty to `trace roots in Kielhorn (no. 125 of the collection, p. 190). The passage is grotesquely misunderstood by the editors who comment (footnote 153): `Kielhorn is a part of Heidelberg [which is nonsense, by the way] instead of referring to Kielhorns well-known Sanskrit grammar. 2 Dillon 1975 includes a short history of research, and a vast array of parallels in need of further study. Other collections are to be found in Vendryes (1918), Meid (1968), Kretschmer (1970: 125-145), Polom (1988), Watkins (1990), Kdderitzsch (1998). More is hidden in various IE literatures; cf. Schleraths discussion of AV 4,12 in his article on the Merseburg charms (1962) which is important for the interpretation of Cath Maige Tuired (ed. Gray 1982) 33. Binchy (1938: 78; 1970) gives precious hints; Knochs comparisons (1943) are limited to the content though formal parallelisms may well exist in his materials. Campanile (1977) points to wider-ranging connections within the IE tradition. 3 Cf. OIr banchomarba - OInd putrik - Greek 7pklhroV `heiress, more precisely the `Erbtochter, i.e., the only or eldest daughter who has no brothers: She inherits as if she were the only or eldest son. This is clearly a pan-Indo-European institution preserved in OIr law.
1 Cf.

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Windisch and Heinrich F. Zimmer were Sanskritists and Celticists alike, and many Indo-Europeanists were able to connect words, grammatical items, and literary phenomena observed at both ends of the IE world. General linguistics, based on the results of Romance dialect studies, have confirmed a general rule of thumb, viz . that in the development of large linguistic communities, lateral zones are most likely to retain earlier fashions when innovations arise, the latter rather emerging from central regions. Several generations of scholars have assembled a vast array of lexical, grammatical, phraseological and cultural items shared exclusively or prominently among Celtic and IndoAryan. The interpretation of that bulk of material is not always straightforward, and the discussion, especially in Ireland, sometimes seems to have taken ideological aspects. There may well have been tendencies to overestimate the IE heritage in Irelands traditions, but there are still tendencies to underestimate it as well.4 This cannot be discussed here. The aim of the present article is to publish a few recent findings which might further enrich the older collections. Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive comparative study of Celtic and Old Indian literatures where one could easily find the relevant references to the appropriate scholarly publications. For the poetic formulas, Rdiger Schmitts famous book Indogermanische Dichtersprache (Schmitt 1967) assembles the great majority of parallels; but after nearly 35 years, it needs updating, especially as Schmitt seems to have paid relatively little attention to Celtic in general.

Ethics: A special fashion of princely hospitality

Presumably in all civilizations, one of the virtues of a great personality is his or her generosity. Though potlatch does not belong to IE ethnological categories,5 the enormous
4 Cf.

the deliberately provocativeand therefore quite usefulbook by Kim McCone (1991). 5 At least according to modern ethnological understanding, as shown, for example, by the (anonymous) definition given in the 1994-1998 Encyclopaedia Britannica: `ceremonial distribution of property and gifts to affirm or reaffirm social status, as uniquely institutionalized by the American Indians of the Northwest Pacific coast. This was seen differently by earlier scholars, cf. e.g., Mauss (1925) and Hubert (1925). The former explicitly speaks of potlatch in Old Celtic times, and `en Trace, chez les Germains et dans lInde antique, referring to his earlier publications.

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importance of hospitality is well attested in IE languages6 and literatures. A very interesting case seems to be that a king provides food and drink in abundance for everybody. This special form of generosity is attested both in Vedic India and among the ancient Celts. The near identity of the details makes it a striking ethic parallel. Poseidonios of Apameia (XXIII frg. 18, transmitted in Athenaios, Deipnosophistai 4.37, printed, e.g., by Zwicker 1934: 14-15), tells the following story: Posidonius again, describing the wealth of Lovernius, father of Bituis, who was deposed by the Romans, says that to win the favour of the mob he rode in a chariot through the fields scattering gold and silver among the myriads of Celts which followed him; he also made an enclosure twelve stades square, in which he set up vats filled with expensive wine, and prepared a quantity of food so great that for several days all who wished might enter and enjoy what was set before them, being served continuously. After he had finally set a limit to the feast, one of the native poets arrived too late; and meeting the chief, he sang his praises in a hymn extolling his greatness and lamenting his own lot in having come late. And the chief, delighted with this, called for a bag of gold and tossed it to the bard as he ran beside him. He picked it up and again sang in his honour, saying that the wheel-tracks made by the chariot on the ground on which he drove bore golden benefits to men.7 That this was not a unique event, due to the whim or political propaganda of Lovernios, is made clear by a report of Phylarchos (middle of the 3rd c. BC) about the richest man among the Galatians, Ariamnes, which is also preserved in Athenaeus Deipnosophistae (IV 150 d, printed by Zwicker I 5-6 without the first sentence). His generosity is unlikely to have come to the knowledge of Lovernios in Gaul, living two hundred years later. Rather, we see a strong cultural tradition followed in both instances. Among 8 the Celts, says Phylarchos in the sixth book [=F.H.G. I 336], many loaves of bread are broken up and served lavishly on the tables, as well as pieces of meat taken from the cauldrons; no one tastes these without looking first to see whether the king has touched what is set
6 Cf.

the etymologies of E lord and lady, and the family of Latin hostis/hospes. is Gulicks translation (1928: 195). 8 This again is the translation by Gulick (1928: 187).
7 This

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before him. Again in book three [ibid. 334], the same Phylarchos says that Ariamnes, who was a very rich Celt, publicly promised to entertain all Celts for a year, and he fulfilled this promise by the following method. At various points in their country he set stations along the most convenient highways, where he erected booths of vine-props and poles of reed and osiers, each booth holding four hundred men and even more, according to the space demanded in each station for the reception of the crowds which were expected to stream in from towns and villages. Here he set up large cauldrons, containing all kinds of meat, which he had caused to be forged the year before he intended to give the entertainment, sending for metal-workers from other cities. Many victims were slaughtered dailybulls, hogs, sheep, and other cattlecasks of wine were made ready, and a large quantity of barley-meal ready mixed. Phylarchos continues: `Not merely the Celts who came from the villages and towns profited by this, but even passing strangers were not allowed to depart by the slaves who served, until they had had a share of the food which had been prepared. There is no need to try to prove that generosity is one of the most important qualities of any leader, chief or king, all over humanity. What is, however, characteristic in our stories here is the neat parallel in the way these large carousals are offered to the public. Here are some examples from Old Indian literature: Chandogya-Upaniad 4.1.1 (cf. Jamison 1996: 178): J narutir ha pautray nah radddevo (Ms. -deyo) bahud y bahup kya sa / sa ha sarvata vasathn m paym cakre sarvata eva me tsyantti Jnaruti Pautray na had r a d d (lit. `vow, here a personification of hospitality) as his deity, was giving much, was cooking much. He had lodgings (-vas-ath-) constructed ( mcaus., periphr.perf.) everywhere, [saying] From everywhere they will [come to] eat my [food]. The Upaniad, unfortunately for us, does not tell the story, but is preoccupied with philosophical speculations. Another neat parallel, especially to Ariamnes detailed masterplan, is contained in Emperor A okas measures to improve travel facilities throughout his empire, depicted by
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himself in his inscriptions (middle of 3rd c. BC). In the 7th pillar inscription (Topra version), we read: dev nampiye piyadassi lj hevam h: maggesu pi me niggoh ni lop pitni ch yopag ni hossanti pasumuniss nam amb va iky lop pit. [$$$] akakosikyni pi me udup nn ni kh nppit ni nissidiy ca kl pit. p n ni me bahuk ni tatta tatta k lpitni pabhogye pasumunissnam.9 `The Beloved of the gods, the Friendly-looking King spoke thus: And on the roads, I had [an unknown species of] trees planted: they will provide shade for animals (lit. cattle) and men (humans); I had planted mango-orchards. $$$ And every half mile [2 km; or: every eight miles 32 km? this would be one yojana, the standard marching distance per day for an armed force], I had sunk wells [or: water tanks?], and resting-places constructed. Many watering-stations [or: taverns, cf. pali pnm id.] had I constructed there and there (= all over, throughout the country) for the benefit of animals and men. From the context it is clear that in the passage marked $$$ we have to understand another pabhogye pasumunissnam for the benefit of animals and men or some such formulaic expression; the mango fruit is also meant to provide food and refreshment for the travelers. The Emperor goes on to explain why he did all this: for love of mankind, of goodness, out of respect for the Law (i.e., the teachings of the Buddha). The motif of the all-giving king is very popular throughout Indian literature, especially among Buddhists. They are often termed sarva-d t- `All-giver. There are many stories about kings giving away even their wife and children, or their own flesh and blood to nourish animals and demons.10 One of them is mentioned below. The common traits in the passages cited here are much more characteristic than just the usual exaggerations of hospitality and generosity: the king or prince orders the
9 Text 10 Jamison

from Bloch (1950: 169-70). The following translation is mine. 1996: 153ff. gives a number of examples from the sphere of (over-)generous hospitality (one of them is referred to here). A fine case study is Meissig (1995).

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construction of special eating establishments, and offers food to everybody over a certain period, or in Aokas case, forever, but on a smaller scale: just water and fruit are free. Phylarchos, by the way, does not even attempt to give an explanation for Ariamnes generosity; did he find it natural? Poseidonios, for his part, interprets the anecdote about Lovernios from a political point of view; furthermore, he gives precise historical indications. Lovernious is the father of the hero being deposed by the Romans, so the story must have taken place some time during the early 1st century BC. We are safe to assume that Poseidonios heard the story during his ethnological expeditions in Gaul, probably southern Gaul. The theme of generosity, of course, often recurs in Irish Wisdom literature, e.g., Audacht Morainn 55f,g: Apair fris ... bad eslabar, bad garte `Tell him, let him be ... generous, hospitable,11 but never with such detail. A peculiar development is to be seen in Ireland12 where the virtue of boundless generosity has been institutionalized in a societal rank termed briugu `hospitaller.13 The Law Texts, with their characteristic zeal for details, give minimum requirements for several grades of briugu . It is perhaps safer to keep to current maxims, to entries in annals, and to literature to get a glimpse of what a briugu really was.14 It is clear that he must have been very rich (the Laws speak of his `hundredfold wealth: one of his epithets is ctach `he of hundred, a word like our `millionaire). He cannot refuse hospitality to anybodyif he does, he loses his status: brugaid [MidIr form] cch co eitech `A man is a briugu until refusal (Tecosca Cormaic 31.9, ed. Meyer 1909). He must have caire ainsic, arus for tuathset, fo cen fria cach nguis a never-dry cauldron, a dwelling on a public road, and a welcome [lit. under the head or under his head] 15 to every face (Bretha Nemed Tosech, Corpus Iuris Hibernici 2220.8-9).
11Kelly

(1976: 16-17); Ahlqvist (1984: 160-1) counts the passage as no. 17fg. is no such institution in Wales. 13This word is of unknown etymology, according to Vendryes, LEIA. 14The following passage is based on Kelly (1988: 36-38); all translations here are his. 15Not listed in DIL; given as idiom by Strachan (1944: 52).
12There

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Wealth, combined with such hospitality, offers a possibility for social advancement: if he has twice the land and property of a lord (flaith), he attains equal rank with him. An ollam briugad , a `chief hospitaller has equal rank with the lowest grade of king or with a chief poet. It seems as if the office survived for many centuries. The Annals of Innisfallen record s.a. 1108 the death of C enaig hua Mil Guirm, flaithbriugu, `noble briugu, of eastern Munster, and the Annals of Loch C s.a. 1403 that of Muircheartach g hua hilidhi, brugaid c a d a c h conich, `rich briugu of hundredfold wealth. Fergus Kelly, in his Introduction to Early Irish Law, equates the briugu with what is called fer tige oged `guest-house owner or battach `provider of food; these terms are used more often in the annals, and sometimes such people are recorded as having had other professions as well. The last one cited by Kelly is an dochtir Mac Eogain Duinnshlibe (Annals of Loch C s.a. 1527), `a guest-house owner and an expert in medicine and most other arts. I can hardly follow Kelly so farthese persons seem to have been rather innkeepers, publicans, hoteliers, or surgeons with a private clinic. An anecdote preserved in the `Annals of Ireland (ODonovan 1860: 70-71) relates a case where extraordinary generosity was extraordinarily rewarded. The hero, King Fnnachta Fledach (`the Festive) was not a briugu . Nevertheless, he earns considerable rise in rank by his exemplary behavior: An Fionnachta tra ba daidhbhir dochonigh ar ts. Ro baoi tc 7 bn aige. N raibhe imurro do seilbh aige aucht aoun damh 7 aon bh. This Finnachta was at first poor and indigent. He had a house and a wife, but he had no property but one ox and one cow. One night, the king of Fera Ros travelling in the region asked for boarding in his house. Fnnachta entertained him as well as he could, slaughtering his ox and his cow, thus preparing a royal dinner for the king and his retinue. Afterwards, the king gave him in gratitude ln mr b 7 muca iomdha 7 caoirigh co na mbuachaillibh, a large herd of cows, and many pigs and sheep, with their herdsmen, and the kings wife gave the same amount to Fnnachtas wife. Though the story may sound

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slightly Biblical,16 the basic message is genuinely Celtic and Indo-European. Generosity is, however, a basic human virtue, and highly appraised everywhere in the world. There is no trace of professional generosity in Britain, but of course, British kings and princes had to display that virtue as well. Some of them obviously did it in a most remarkable way, thereby earning the epithet Hael `the Generous.17 It is well attested for a number of historical persons (and also others whose historical existence cannot be proven). They are mentioned very often in the older literature, and figure prominently in collections like the Triads [TYP] (Bromwich 1978, q.v.). The oldest are Rhydderch Hael ap Tudwal Tudclyd, king of Strathclyde, + 614 (see TYP) - (OW Riderc, L Rederch, Rodercus ), one of the Three Generous men of Britain, according to triad 2 of TYP (cf. Bartrum 1993: 567-568); Nudd Hael ap Senyllt, a prince in North Britain (cf. Latin Nodus [or: Nudus] Liberalis1 8 ). He was a first cousin to Rhydderch Hael and Mordaf Hael, and like these two, is called one of the Three Generous men of Britain. Was an exceptional degree of generosity hereditary in that family, or was the triad in question fixed at a court of one of the familys members? Ithel Hael ap Hywel ap Emyr Llydaw (this Llydaw probably is a place in south-east Wales, not Brittany), a legendary ancestor of many saints, figuring in a genealogy of the 14th c. (Bartrum 1993: 392); Mordaf Hael ap Serwan, a contemporary of Rhydderch mentioned above, another one of the Three Generous men of Britain (Bartrum 1993: 483); Rh(i)ain Hael of Rhieinwg, legendary grandfather of St Asa or Asaph ( c. 500);19 Senyllt Hael ap Dingad, (OW Senilth), a prince in the North (Galloway?), c. 460, once called `the Third Generous one of the
the fattened calf slaughtered by Abraham for his guests (Gen 18,7), the calf prepared for the exhausted Saul by the witch of Endor (1 Sam 28,24), or the poor widow giving her last two mites [pennies] (Luk 21,2). 17This is not to be confounded with Breton Hoel, the name of several kings of Brittany, corresponding to W Hywel. 18 This person is mentioned on the Yarrow Stone, dated early sixth c., therefore most probably referring to an ancestor of the same name and epithet (see Bartrum 1993: 509). 19Bartrum (1993: 552). Rh(i)ain seems to be a W form of L Reginus .
16Cf.

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North, but not included in the common triad mentioned above. Sadyrnfyw Hael, bishop of Mynyw (OW Saturnbiu Hail Miniu), + 831 according to the Annales Cambriae. His son Cuhelin (= OIr CChulainn) is mentioned as a witness in Chad 5 (LL xlvi) (Bartrum 1993: 573). An explanatory story for the epithet is preserved only for the first person in this short list, viz. Rhydderch. We are told that he never refused his sword to anyone who asked for it, but when its propertiesif actually drawn from its scabbard, it would burst into flamewere appreciated, it would be returned to him.20 This seems to be late romantic fiction.21 Nearer to the truth, and to tradition, comes another story summarized in TYP 54:22 Teir Drut Heirua Ynys Brydein : Vn o nadunt ... Yr eil ... Ar trydydd Drut (Heirua) pan ddeuth Aydan Vradawc hyt yn Alclut y lys Rydderch Hael, ac nyt adewis na bvyt na llyn na llvdwn yn vyw. `Three Unrestrained Ravagings of the Island of Britain: The first of them .... The second ... And the third Unrestrained Ravaging (occurred) when Aeddan the Wily came to the court of Rhydderch the Generous at Alclud (= Dumbarton); he left neither food nor drink nor beast alive. The title, drud heirfa, is literally `expensive prodigal destruction, `teure Verschwendung in G. This, together with the context excludes any possible misunderstandingAeddan did not steal or rob Rhydderchs court: he was immoderate in eating and drinking, comparable to the sinner in the first instance given in the Triad, where we read: Vn o nadunt, pan doeth Medravt y lys Arthur yg Kelliwig yg Kerniv;
20Cf.

Rowlands (1959) and Bartrum (1963: 462). (1978: cxxxi n.1) speaks of a `cynical explanation. See ibid. 505 a reference to another anecdote of Rhydderchs generosity in the L Life of Kentigern by Jocelyn of Furness. 22Text and transl. cited from Bromwich 1978.
21Bromwich

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nyt edewis na bvyt na diavt yn y llys nys (treulei), a thynu Gvenhvyuar heuyt oe chadeir vrenhiniaeth. Ac yna y trewis baluavt arnei [ModW palf-od ]. `The first of them (occurred) when Medrawd came to Arthurs court at Celliwig in Cornwall; he left neither food nor drink in the courts that he did not consume. And he dragged Gwenhwyfar from her royal chair, and then he struck a blow upon her. This is enough to understand the true and deeply rooted sense of Hael: a prince so called cannot refuse anything, just like Ariamnes insisted that everybody, including passing strangers, had to partake in the feast, just like Lovernios who could not send back the belated bard, and gave him gold instead. And there is still more in the story: what is said about Medrawd and Gwenhwyfar in the triad, is a euphemism for what really happened, as we know from other sources. The Historia Regum Britanniae X,13 bluntly relates: Reginamque Ganhumaram violato iure priorum nuptiarum eidem nefando venere copulatam fuisse. Medrawd, after usurping his uncles throne, also claims, and subsequently takes by force, his uncles queen for himself. The British tradition depicts Arthur as a weak old king, a rex otiosus, who has to suffer all that. But behind these understandable explanations, or better: later rationalizations, age-old princely virtues are hidden. Arthur, the Ideal King of Britain, cannot but cede to all claims, as bold and indecent they might be:23 just like the fabulous Indian kings who, confronted with still more exuberant claims, could not but give away woman, children, and, finally, their own body.
23This

confirmed by RBB 229,24-9 (= Brut in RB, ed. Rhys-Evans 1887), cited in TYP 148: Nachaf genadeu o ynys prydein yn menegi y arthur ry daruot y vedravt y nei uab y chvaer goresgyn ynys prydein a gvisgav coron y teyrnas ... a thynu gvenhvyfar vrenhines oe riein gadeir a ry gysgy genti gan lygru kyfreith dvywavl y neithoreu `Behold, messengers from Britain relating to Arthur (what) has happened to Medrawd his nephew, the son of his sister: conquering Britain and putting on the crown of the kingdom ... and dragging Gwenhwyfar the queen from her royal chair, and having slept with her, thereby breaking (contaminating, soiling) the divine law of marriages. By inserting `divine, the Christian author, probably unwittingly, made clear the difference between traditional Celtic customs (such as the usurpers marrying, even by force, the wife of the deposed king) and Christian moral ideas.

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Magic pots and cauldrons

Magic, i.e., the art of controlling supernatural powers, must have played an important rle in many old IE cultures. Due to their very nature, magic practices are, as a rule, kept secret, are not confined to literature, and are therefore rather rarely attested. Exceptions to this rule of thumb can be expected only at the fringes, where magic touches ritual, warfare, or medicine. I think that our term `magic is not very helpful in describing peoples practices in those day. Any attempt to distinguish strictly between `rational and `irrational would have been incomprehensible to everybody before the time of the Greek philosophers, and to most people before the Age of Enlightenment. It is still rather difficult in our own day.24 Anyhow, in stories about events we would classify as of supernatural or magic origin, certain implements occur more often than others. Among those, various vessels, often cauldrons are mentioned, their powers described.25 Here, the use of magic cauldrons for medical purposes is discussed. Indian mythology knows `a number of heroes whose original births were mismanaged [and who] undergo second gestations in pots (Jamison 1996: 63, referring to Jamison 1991: 228-242). 26 The atapatha-Brhmana (K nva 2.4.2.14-15 = Mdhyamdina 1.4.5.12-13) tells about the birth of Atri, a rather mysterious person with many mythical and ritual connections.
a student, I used to listen to a Jewish philosopher who enjoyed demonstrating elegantly that modern techniques are essentially nothing more than just a different kind of magic... 25 It is impossible to list all such items attested in the various Indo-European literatures. They may of course be found in non-Indo-European literatures also. The Ossetic Among (also: Uac-among, Nart-among), the `revealing (or `[true] news revealing and `[true] Nart-revealing) might be worth mentioning here, nevertheless. It is a drinking vessel whose function is to prove or disprove the adventures told by the hero to his family, the Nartes. If the story told is true, the vessel raises up to his mouth (or the drink contained starts to stir, or even to overflow, depending on the version); sometimes, it is also described as inexhaustible. The most accessible translations of the relevant texts are those of Georges Dumzil (cf. Dumzil 1930: 137-138, 1960: 44-46, 1965: 207-208; and Dumzil 1968: 439-575, with many references, also to the textual editions). 26The following textual passages are cited from Jamison 1991: 213-239. My translations only deviate in some minor details from Jamisons.
24 As

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Manas (Mind) and V c (Speech) are in dispute about who is better of the two. They go to Prajpati who decides in favour of Manas. s ha prokt v g vsimiye tsy grbhah pap ta ... td u hedm dev rtah siktm crman i v kumbhym v babhrus. td dha sma pcchanty traiv t3d ty traivti. tt tri h smbabhva. `She, then, contradicted, Speech, was astonished. Her embryo fell [down] (or: flew [away]) [i.e., she miscarried] ... The gods then carried [together, away?] this poured-out seed in a skin or a pot. Then they asked: Is that here? Here indeed. Afterwards, it became Atri. Unfortunately, we are not told how this happened. Was the pot an incubator? In the RV, the Avins (once also Agni, the god Fire) are credited with rescuing Atri from a hot, dark and narrow container called variously gharm- `hot or bsa- `hot cleft in the earth. It seems as if the container was too hot, for in two verses, the Avins put snow on it (8,73,3) or make it cool (10,39,9). The actual breaking of the vessel, or pulling out of the captive, remains unmentioned, but can be presumed on the basis of similar stories, e.g., a miraculous healing of a feverish boy in the Jaiminiya-Brhmana (1.151) by putting him into a hot cleft in the earth, and rescuing him later with the help of Agni. There are other cases in Vedic literature, most probably to be linked with the same mythological event, but too complex to be discussed here. Clear parallels are found in later epic lore. The Mah bhrata `presents a number of remarkably similar stories in which pots or other womblike enclosures are used to incubate not-yet-viable embryos (Jamison 1991: 237). Unfortunately, these funny tall tales cannot be told here, and a sober list must suffice for the present purpose: In Mbh 1,14,13, the mythical snake sisters Kadr and Vinat lay eggs which are put in sopasvedeu bhneu, in sweating pots for 500 years; afterwards, a thousand sons are born from Kadr s eggs, but when Vinat breaks one of her two eggs, she only finds a half-formed creature.27
27In

primordial times, Kadr and Vinata are daughters of Prajpati Daka and wives of Praj pati Kyapa. They are not humans, but ngas, snakes. In the

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In Mbh 1.57,89, the famous warrior Dron a is called after the dron-, the trough or bucket in which his fathers spilled seed was kept. In Mbh 1,107,11-22, G ndhr, the wife of Dhtarara, is pregnant for two years, but no child is born. In desperation, she aborts herself, and carries forth a lump of flesh like a congealed globule of blood. The seer Vysa `who had promised her one hundred sons, tells her to prepare one hundred pots filled with ghee [clarified liquid butter] and to sprinkle the aborted flesh with cold water. The ball then divides into one hundred tiny embryos, which are kept in pots. After a certain time, these pots are to be broken, and in fact, one hundred sons and one daughter (sic) are finally born. In Mbh 3,104,18-21, Vaidarbh, wife of king Sagara, bears him a `bottle-gourd embryo (kind of pumpkin); when the furious king wants to throw the nasty thing off, a voice from heaven orders him `to remove the seeds from the gourd and to keep each in a sweating pot full of ghee. After due time, 60,000 sons are born from these installations! In Celtic tradition, the motif is split into at least two parts. The pots function of restoring life is taken over by the cauldron, one of the most important objects of Celtic culture, well attested by archeological finds28 and literary occurrences. With regard to the great familiarity of these stories, only a few points need to be recalled here in order to show the parallels. Among the many cauldrons in Celtic lore, 29 miraculous
Mahbhrata and in the Purnapacalakana (vama III), Kadr is the ancestor of the ngas. For the oldest version of their myth, see Kath Samhit 23,10, and the Suparndhyya (there, Vinat lays three eggs, from which Vidyut, the lightning, Arula, the charioteer of the Sungod, and Garua/Suparna, the bird who brings Soma from heaven, are born; therefore, Vinat is also named Suparn). Cf. Jacobi (1903). Many thanks to R. Shnen-Thieme, SOAS; G. von Simson, Oslo; M. Witzel, Harvard, for friendly advice in epic matters. 28Imported (Greek) cauldrons in princely graves (Vix, Hochdorf, etc.) must be kept separate. Genuine Celtic cauldrons are only seldom found intact, e.g., that of Dux/Duchcov, found 1882 in a hot-spring, dated c. 350-300 BC. See further Jacobi (1974), Hachmann (1971: 649-657), Gerloff (in press). I am obliged to Sabine Gerloff and Norbert Baum (archeologists at Erlangen) for these references. 29The peir penn annwvyn, the `cauldron of the Head of the Otherworld is only briefly alluded to in the Old Welsh poem Preiddeu Annwvyn `The Spoils of Annwfn: Neu peir annwfyn pwy y vynut / gwrym am yoror amererit / ny beirw bwyt llwfyr ny rytyghit `It was the cauldron of the Chief of the Unworld that was

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ones play important rles [note possible links here to the Holy Grail]; one of those fabulous objects is the peir dadeni , `the cauldron of re-birth, depicted in three scenes of the Second Branch of the MW Mabinogi, the story of Branwen uerch Lyr (PKM 34, 18-21: Bendigeidvran offers the cauldron to Matholwch; 35-36: Where the cauldron came from, and how it was brought from Ireland to Wales; 44, 9-21: The cauldron in action, reviving slain Irish warriors, and its destruction by Efnissyen who feigns to be a dead Irishman, is thrown in, and breaks it by stretching his arms and feet).30 It may be fitting to cite at least one extract of the last, and most important passage, for there some details are indicated: Ac yna y dechrewis y Gwydyl kynneu tan dan y peir dadeni. Ac yna byrywyt y kalaned yn y peir, yny uei yn llawn, ac y kyuodyn tranoeth y bore yn wyr ymlad kystal a chynt, eithyr na ellynt dywedut. `And then the Irish started to kindle fire under the cauldron of
soughta ridge of pearls around its brim. It does not boil a cowards food; it was not destined (to do so). (Book of Taliesin, poem no. 54, l. 15-18; text cited from Loomis 1956: 133-136; Kochs translation, in Koch-Carey 1995: 290; for older discussions, see the notes and references in Loomis). The poem gives no explicit answer to the question if Arthur did succeed to take it off from Caer Sidi. 30The other famous type of cauldron is the cauldron of plenty: OIr coire file (also used as epithet for a man, Fingal Rnin 472), originally belonging to the Dagda ( coiri an Dagdai, C M T 6), from which is said that n tgedh dm dimdanach adh `No company ever went away from it unsatisfied. Cf. further the enormous onethirty cows would go into itowned by C Ro in Aided Con Roi, called the `calf of three famous cows who fill it every day with their milk (cf. Thurneysen 1913: 211-2; 1921: 433-4); and the one conquered by Arthur from the Otherworld in Preiddeu Annwvyn (lines 618-20), gwrym am y oror a mererit, `niello (?) and pearls around his rim (line 16, cf. Haycock 1984: 60, 70). A rather similar object is the mwys Gwydneu Garanhir in Culhwch ac Olwen, mentioned also in the Triads (TYP 240): either everybody finds the food of his wish in it (C&O) or it increases a hundredfold all food put into it (TYP). I refrain from tracking possible Biblical reminiscences, or further folklore parallels. [The meaning `basket given by GPC and copied by Birkhan (II, 59, 232) is to be doubted: W mwys, Ir mias (cf. the newly found Mias Tighernin in the National Museum at Dublin), etc. are loans from VLat msa `table; therefore, they denote various types of tables, trays, platters, flat dishes, but hardly deep hollow containers such as baskets.] Ordinary cooking cauldrons are, of course, also attested, e.g., with the giant Diwrnach in Culhwch ac Olwen. Haycocks suggestions (ibid.) of identifying several of these cauldrons cannot be substantiated from the scanty tradition. Further references to magic cauldrons may be found in Loomis (1956: 156-8).

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rebirth. And then one threw the dead bodies in the cauldron till it was full; and the next morning, they rose as fighting men as good as before, except that they could not speak. From this rather dry statement, it has to be inferred that the dead bodies were heated, perhaps even cooked, in order to bring them back to life again. 31 This second life is rather strange, and we are never told another word about any of these zombies. The contexts suggest that they perish together with all other Irishmen, and all British fighters as well, except the wounded Bendigeidvran and his last seven followers. The second part of the Indian motif, supplementary gestation, is also found in the Mabinogi , but the incubator here is not a pot, but a cist, a box (not a chest, as it is called llawgist `hand-box). One might have a slight suspicion that this `box could be due to Biblical influence: is it the casket of Moses (cawell in the Welsh Bible)? Anyhow, we find it in the W version of the story of the birth of Lleu Llaw Gyffes, most probably the counterpart of the Irish pagan god Lug Lmhfhada.32 The theme of that Celtic gods career through the various traditions cannot be discussed here,33 only the story of his wonderful birth concerning here. In the Fourth Branch of the Mabinogi, the Mabinogi of Math uab Mathonwy, King Math, in need of a new footholder, has to test the virginity of the candidate, Aranrhod, the niece of Gwydion. In stepping over the kings magical wand, she gives birth to mab brasuelyn mawr, a big boy with blond hair (this is Dylan Eil Ton), and rhyw bethan, something small. Before anybody else can get a look, Gwydion takes it up, wraps
procedure has been compared with Medeas magical practice of rejuvenating old people by killing them, and cooking their bodies cut in pieces in her magic cauldron: see the story of Pelias whom she tricks by demonstrating her powers by rejuvenating an old wether, but refusing her magic herbs to Pelias daughters, a scene often depicted in classical art. For textual references, see Sophocles, Kolchides frg. 491ff.; Ovid, Metamorphoses 7, 163ff. The Celtic peir dadeni may have been influenced by the Greek mythos, but a number of characteristic aspects have no classical parallel: first, it is the cauldron which has the magic powers, independent of any sorcerers spells or herbs; then, the dead have not to be dismembered, and do not come out rejuvenated but simply alive again, and even with reduced natural faculties. 32 Also spelled lmfhota. For an explication of the epithet, and its IE connections, see Zimmer (2001). 33The sparse W materials are collected or referred to by Bartrum (1993: 40810).
31 This

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it in a piece of silk, and hides the packet in a `hand-box under the feet of his bed. Shortly after, we are told, Gwydion `hears a shout in the box under his feet. Having opened it, he sees a little boy, uab bychan, stretching his hands through the cloth. Gwydion lifts him up and brings him to a nurse, and provides for his upbringing. After one year, he is the size of a two-yearold; in the second year, he is already big enough to go to court. Gwydion rears him there. At four years, he looks as if he were eight. And then follows the story of how he meets his mother, and in spite of her curses, finally gets a name, weapons, and a wifeall this through the tricks of wily old Gwydion, who, by the way, is his father, as is only alluded to. Gwydion later succeeds in saving and even restoring his life in later adventures which dont need to be retold here. It has been claimed many times that the Gundestrup cauldron represent scenes from Celtic mythology, including the peir dadeni. As all this depends on archeological theories which are far from secureas to the date and place of origin and final deposition34 of this marvelous object, at least one plate (Fig. 1) should be shown here which according to many scholars shows a scene comparable to the Mabinogi passage cited above.

Fig. 1. Scene from the Gundestrup cauldron.

The parallel between Indian and Celtic lore is clear

34 See

the recent summaries by F. Kaul (archeologist) and M. Warmind (historian of religion) in RGA 13. 1999, 195-213. Both suggest Thracia, today the Rumanian/Bulgarian border region, and c . 150 BC; the Cimbri are reputed to have brought it to Denmark. But see also Hachmann (1991).

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enough to postulate the cauldron of rebirth as a common IE literary motif, deeply rooted in a mythological context which, unfortunately, itself is widely lost.

Historical Syntax: How to address two (or more) people

In an address to two gods, a curious semantic feature in both Sanskrit and Greek has been remarked on long ago. For the first deity, the vocative case is used, but not, surprisingly, for the second: his name appears in the nominative.35 Here are first the classical attestations: Homer, Ilias 3, 276-280: 276 Ze pter (voc), Idhqen medwn, kdiste (voc) mgiste (voc), 277 HliV (nom) q, V pnt 7for ( V) ka pnt 7pakoei(V) (v.l. P3 P 40 Allen 7for ... 7pakoei as Od. 11,109 and 12, 323) ...... 280 5meV mrturoi ste fulssete d rkia pist O Father Zeus, reigning from Ida, most famous, greatest, and Helios [the Sun-god], who look(s) on all and listen(s) to all, .... you are (or: shall be)36 witnesses, you (shall) watch over true oaths! Rigveda 1,2,6 v yav (voc) ndra (nom) ca sunvat / y tam pa niktm O V yu [the Wind-god] and Indra, you both shall come to the meeting-point of the [Soma-]pressing (sacrifier)! This deviation from the rules of ordinary syntax is an old anomaly which cannot have been invented by the respective
35 Curiously enough, if two human beings are addressed, Homer uses two vocatives, as seen in Ilias 23, 492-3: mhkti nn caleposin 6mebesqon 7pessin / Aan (voc) Iomene (voc) te, kakoV 7pe o0d oike Dont address each other any more with harsh words now, / Aias and Idomeneus, with bad (ones), as this is not fitting. 36The verb forms are both indicative and imperative.

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poets. This is underlined by similar cases, co-occurrences of vocative + oblique cases, such as in Avestan Yasna 32,9 t u xd mainiieus mahii / mazd (voc) a sic (dat) ysmaibii (dat) gerez These utterings of my mind, I lament to you, o Mazd, and to the Truth. Various explications have been given to the feature since the classicist Friedrich Rosen first observed it 1838, summarized in the classic monograph by Rene Zwolanek (1970). All this put aside, a recent proposal by Klaus Strunk which is based on earlier studies, especially by Bertold Delbrck (1888: 472-476), shall be expanded in this paragraph. When I listened to Strunks paper37 (10 July 2000), I immediately remembered a Celtic feature not mentioned by him. This Celtic contribution to the complex may further strengthen his explanation. Strunk starts from two observations. First, it is clear that the enclitic connective particle IE *kue, as a rule, connects parallel parts of speech, mostly case forms. Second, we find two types in the older IE languages, A*kue B*kue, and AB*kue. a) Vedic: MS 1,8,6 (ed. L.v.Schrder 122,19): mnu ca ... man y ca Adam and Eve, Greek: Homer, Ilias 1, 544 (etc.): pat$r 6ndrn te qen te father of men and gods, Latin (only archaic and formulaic): Plautus, Asinaria 577: ut meque teque ... decuit as it was suitable for me and you, Ovid, Metamorphoses 9, 409: exul mentisque domusque far from [nearly: driven out of] (my) mind and (my) home; b) Vedic: RV 1,22,13: mah dyah p thiv ca the great Heaven and the Earth,
37 I

am deeply obliged to Professor Strunk for his generous permission to make free use of his hand-out, and to refer to his results in this article (letter of 20 August 2000). He himself plans to come back to the subject in another publication. Here, I have tried to make as explicit as possible what I took over from him, where I deviate from his interpretation, and what I might contribute to his findings.

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Greek: Homer, Ilias 1, 255: PramoV Primoi te padeV Priamos and his children, Latin (grammatical standard), e.g.: Senatus populusque Romanus Senate and People of Rome, domi militiaeque at home and in the army. Strunks argumentation takes three steps: 1. Type b) above is secondary compared to type a), i.e., due to ellipsis. 2. One has to take into account Delbrcks observations of a third type, viz. without explicit first member of the syntagm, e.g., RV 8,34,16 yd < ahm > ndra (nom) ca ddvahe (1st dual med.) what we both partake, < I > and Indra, B 1,1,4,5 tt samjm evitt < asyi > knjinya (dat) ca vadati nd any nym hinsta (3rd dual subj act) ti this he [the priest] speaks as agreement, this indeed, for38 < her = the earth > and the black antelopes skin: `these two should not hurt each other. The radical ellipsis of the first member is of course only possible and sensible if the context is transparent enough to allow the proper understanding: here, the dual number is crucial. 3. Type b) above is to be equated with this hyper-elliptical type, because the vocative is not a grammatical case like the others. It usually stands alone, or outside the syntactic structure.39 In phrases like those cited above as type a), the vocative gives a semantic hint, providing the context necessary for proper understanding. This is a very convincing solution. I leave it to the reader to insert the suppressed pronouns s, tvm, taibii ) in the Homeric, Vedic and Gathic passages cited above. Just one more remark on the Greek text. As the variant shows, the editors are divided over the correct reading, i.e., whether the 2nd or 3rd
38 Strunk translated spricht ... zu, taking the datives as indirect objects. It seems more likely to me to understand the datives in the sense of a dativus commodi, because the addressed is normally put in accusative case, and, perhaps even stronger, what follows here is a third person dual, not a second. The priest does not speak to the earth and the skin, but on behalf of both. 39Strunk points to the Stoic definition of the vocative as prosagoreutikn prgma , action of addressing, i.e., not a grammatical, but a pragmatical category.

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person verbal forms are to be put into the text of Il. 3, 277. It follows from the explanation just cited, that 3rd persons are to be preferred. There are close Celtic parallels40 to the phenomenon, not mentioned by Strunk nor by Zwolanek or elsewhere in the literature on Ze pter HlioV q, as far as I can see: With unmentioned 1st person: Flire engusso 5th March: I cind tricha bliadan conricfem and 7 t. (Stokes 1905: lxi) `After thirty years, we will meet here, [viz . I] and you. With unmentioned 2nd person: LL 251b25 In tan dorega-su cot baib anair doridisi, fidbaid sund inn aidchi dadaig 7 Finnabair. `When you (sg) will come with your kine back from the east, you (pl) will sleep here that night together, [viz. you = Froech] and Finnabair. With unmentioned 3rd person: Annals of Innisfallen a. 721: dornsat sid 7 Fergal. `They made peace, [viz . he = Cathal] and Fergal (Mac Airt 1951: 104-105). LL 270a241 : Rogab-som didiu iarsin rge Laigen 7 batar hi cor 7 Cobthach. `He now took over the kingdom of Leinster afterwards, and they were in peace, [viz . he = Labraid Men] and Cobthach.42

40 Even

in Irish Latin, as H. Zimmer (1893: 155-6) was able to show: salutaverunt se invicem et Lasserianus `they saluted each other [viz. he = Fintanus] and Lasserianus (Vita Fintani). 41H. Zimmer (1893: 154) gives two more attestations of the passage. 42In the following passage no preposition is used, its function obviously taken over by the preverb: conrncatar 7 Dubthach `They met and Dubthach (nom), traditionally understood as `They met, Patrick and Dubthach. The full texts runs as follows: Dalluid Ptricc o Themuir hicrch Laigen, conrncatar 7 Dubthach maccu-Lugir ucc Domnuch Mr Crathar la Auu Censelich `Patrick went from Tara into the province of Leinster, and they (i.e. he) and Dubthach maccu-Lugir met at Domnach Mr Crthar in Hi-Cennselich (Stokes 1887: II 344-5). On this type, see further Meid (1968) and the comments of Kdderitzsch (1998: 390-391), with notes and references.

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With inflected prepositions and without mentioning the first party: First person: Wb 10d1 dnni et Barnaip `for us, [viz. me] and Barnabas (nom). Second persons: TBC (LU 5268, Fergus adressing Etarcomol who intends to fight against C Chulainn): Scth lim namm comrac dib (dat) 7 C Chulainn (nom). `Weary with me [= I dislike], indeed, an encounter for you (pl.) and C.C., i.e. `Weary would be ... between you (sg.) and C.C. Third persons: CMT 10: Fechta [Ms. fectha] cath Muighe Tuired etorra (acc) 7 Fir Bolc (nom). `The battle of Mag Tuired was fought between them and the Fir Bolg., i.e. `between them, viz. the Tuatha D and the Fir Bolg (Gray 1982: 24-25). Senchas Airgall: ba mr ind imserc bi eturru 7 in r (nom). `Great was the mutual love which was between them, [viz. the three Collas] and the king [Muiredach] (Meyer 1912: 318 l. 29-30). Death of Crimthann, Par. 7: do-roinde sth celgi etarro 7 a clann (nom). `She [Mongfhind] made a false peace between them, [viz. Crimthann] and her children (Stokes 1903: 178). LL 20a17 Iss inund m(thair) dib 7 int Eochu Uairches (nom). `Its the same mother for them [viz . him] and Eochu Uairches. Ml 68d11 Air is coitchen doib 7 in chanin remeperthe (nom). `Because it is (the commentary) common for them, [viz. this text] and the text mentioned before. LL 285b47 imma-n-arnaic dib 7 in maccailech (nom). `There was a union for them, [viz. him = the young unnamed cleric] and the young nun. In Old Irish, a noun may stand in the nominative when its syntactical relationship is clear from a preceding word, as
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Thurneysen GOI 156 put it. This is a rather common construction, not to be confounded, however, with the nominativus pendens type, as Pokorny seems to do (Pokorny 1925, 1969: 104).43 These are all clear cases of Strunks and Delbrcks hyperelliptical type. Their testimony is, I believe, of great value, as it shows that this feature of IE poetical language is not restricted to Aryan and Greek, and may therefore be seeen as a pan-IE trait with much greater probability as before. And if we look at it from the Celtic side, it is equally important, I believe, that the particular Irish constructions, which seemed up to now to belong to the various features of Insular Celtic syntax deviant from the average European (or Indo-European) modelsome of which have roused sometimes wild suspicions about non-IE substrates on the islescan safely be linked to the mainstream IE tradition. They are specific enough to allow the assumption that the Common Celtic poetical language, unfortunately almost completely lost, once existed in forms very similar to those attested in Greek and Sanskrit. References
Ahlqvist, Anders 1984 Le testament de Morann. tudes Celtiques 21: 151-170. Bartrum, Peter C. 1963 Tri thlws ar ddeg Ynys Brydain, tudes Celtiques 10: 443-477. 1993 A Welsh Classical Dictionary. People in History and Legend up to about AD 1000. Aberystwyth: National Library of Wales. Binchy, Daniel A. 1938 Sick-maintenance in Irish law. riu 12: 78-134.

the nominative might appear rather ungrammatical so that word order alone secures the proper understanding of the phrase: TBC (LU 5641-2, C Chulainn relating the story of Ferguss sword): Rogab Ailill a mbagul inna cotlud, hseom (nom) 7 Medb (nom). `Ailill has taken their danger (hazard) in their sleep, he and Medb, i.e., `Ailill took them unawares, him (= Fergus) and Medb. This may be explained differently: a mere listing of persons involved, as in the phrases cited by Thurneysen GOI 156 c), d), e); or else as another (short, or shortened) nominal sentence added to the forgoing, such as in Thurneysens example ibid . under b). I exclude all of these from the present discussion.

43 Sometimes,

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Celtic suretyship, a fossilized Indo-European institution?. In: IndoEuropean and Indo-Europeans, ed. G. Cardona et al. Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Philadelphia Press (repr. in The Irish Jurist 7, 1972, 360-372).

Bloch, Jules 1950 Les inscriptions dAsoka, [dites,] traduites et commentes. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Bromwich, Rachel 1978 Trioedd Ynys Pridein. The Welsh Triads. 2nd ed. Cardiff: University of Wales Press [TYP]. Campanile, Enrico 1977 Parallles irlandais lhymne avestique Mithra. propos de la langue potique indo-europenne. tudes Celtiques 15: 7-18. Delbrck, Bertold 1888 Altindische Syntax. Halle: Niemeyer (= Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1968) Dillon, Myles 1947 The archaism of the Irish tradition. Proceedings of the British Academy 33: 245-264 (Sir John Rhys Memorial Lecture). 1973 Celt and Hindu. Dublin: University College (Osborn Bergin Memorial Lecture). 1975 Celts and Aryans. Survival of Indo-European Society. Simla: Institute of Advanced Studies. Dumzil, Georges 1930 Lgendes sur les Nartes, suivi de cinq notes mythologiques. Paris: H. Champion. 1960 propos de quelques reprsentations folkloriques des Osstes. In: Festgabe fr Herman Lommel , ed. by Bernfried Schlerath. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 38-46. 1965 Le livre des hros. Lgendes sur les Nartes. Paris: Gallimard. 1968 Mythes et pope, vol. I: Lidologie des trois fonctions dans les popes des peuples indo-europens. Troisime partie: Trois familles. Paris: Gallimard. Fischer, Joachim & John Dillon, eds. 1999 The Correspondence of Myles Dillon 1922-1925. Irish-German Relations and Celtic Studies. Dublin: Four Courts Press. Gerloff, Sabine in press Atlantic cauldrons and buckets. Studies in typology, origin, and function of multi-sheet vessels of the late Bronze and Early Iron Age in western Europe.

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Gulick, Charles B. (ed. & transl.) 1928 Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, vol II. London-New York: Putnam (= Loeb Classical Library). Hachmann, Rolf 1991 Gundestrup-Studien. Untersuchungen zu den sptkeltischen Grundlagen der frhgermanischen Kunst. Bericht der RmischGermanischen Kommission 71/2: 565-903. Haycock, Marged 1983/84 `Preiddeu Annwn and the Figure of Taliesin. Studia Celtica 18/19: 52-78. Hubert, Henri 1925 Le systme des prestations totales dans les littratures celtiques. Revue Celtique 42: 330-335. Jacobi, Gerhard 1974 Werkzeug und Gert aus dem Oppidum von Manching, chapter 5 Gefe aus Holz und Metall - Kessel. (Ausgrabungen aus Manching 5), 142-150 with table 34. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Jacobi, Hermann 1903 Mahbhrata, Inhaltsangabe, Index und Concordanz der Calcuttaer und Bombayer Ausgaben. Bonn: Dmmler 1903 Jamison, Stephanie W. 1991 The Ravenous Hyenas and the Wounded Sun, Myth and Ritual in Ancient India. Ithaca - London: Cornell University Press. 1996 Sacrificed Wife / Sacrificers Wife. Woman, Ritual, and Hospitality in Ancient India. New York - Oxford: Oxford University Press Kelly, Fergus 1976 Audacht Morainn. Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies. 1988 A Guide to Early Irish Law. Dublin: Institute of Advanced Studies. Knoch, August 1943 Die Gnomik der irischen Frhzeit im Lichte der alten indischen Spruchweisheit. Zeitschrift fr celtische Philologie 23: 314-348. Koch, John T. and John Carey 1995 The Celtic Heroic Age. Malden, Mass.: Celtic Studies Publications. Kdderitzsch, Rolf 1998 Indo-iranisch-keltische bereinstimmungen. Zeitschrift fr celtische Philologie 49-50: 382-395. Krause, Wolfgang 1924 Die Entwickelung einer alten elliptischen Konstruktion in den idg. Sprachen. Kuhns Zeitschrift fr vergleichende Sprachforschung 52: 223-249.

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Kretschmer, Paul 1970 Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache. 2nd edition. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Mac Airt, Sen 1951 The Annals of Innisfallen. Dublin: Institute of Advanced Studies.

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Mauss, Marcel 1925 Sur un texte de Posidonius: Le suicide, contre-prestation suprme. Revue Celtique 42: 324-329. Meid, Wolfgang 1968 Indo-European and Celtic. Scottish Studies 12: 45-56. Meissig, Marion 1995 Knig ibi und die Taube. Wandlung und Wanderung eines Erzhlstoffes von Indien nach China. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Meyer, Kuno 1909 The Instructions of King Cormac mac Airt (Todd Lecture Series XV). Dublin. 1912 The Laud Genealogies and Tribal Histories. Zeitschrift fr celtische Philologie 8: 291-338. Loomis, Roger Sh. 1956 Wales and the Arthurian Legend. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. McCone, Kim 1991 Pagan Past and Christian Present in Early Irish Literature. Maynooth: An Sagart. ODonovan, John (ed.) 1860 Annals of Ireland: Three Fragments copied from Ancient Sources by Dubhaltach Mac Firbisigh. Dublin: Irish Archological and Celtic Society. PKM Ifor Williams, gol., Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi. Caerdydd: Gwasg Prigysgol Cymru 1930.

Pokorny, Julius 1925 Zum irischen Nominativus absolutus. Zeitschrift fr celtische Philologie 15: 384-6. Polom, Edgar C. 1988 Indo-Aryan lexical correspondences with Celtic and Italic. In: Energeia und Ergon, Sprachliche Variation - Sprachgeschichte Sprachtypologie. Studia in honorem Eugenio Coseriu, ed. by Jrn Albrecht, Jens Ldtke, Harald Thun, vol. II, 213-223. Tbingen, Narr.

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Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, begrndet von Johannes Hoops. Zweite Auflage, hrg. v. Heinrich Beck u.a. Berlin: de Gruyter 1968-.

Rhys, Sir John and J. Gwenogvryn Evans (eds.) 1887 The Text of the Mabinogion and other Welsh Tales from the Red Book of Hergest. Oxford: J.G. Evans [RB]. Rowlands, Eurys I. 1959 Y tri Thlws ar ddeg. Lln Cymru 5: 33-69. Schlerath, Bernfried 1962 Zu den Merseburger Zaubersprchen. In: II. Fachtagung fr Indogermanische und Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft Innsbruck 1961, Vortrge und Veranstaltungen, 139-143. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beitrge zur Sprachwissenschaft (= Schmitt 1968: 325-333 = Schlerath 2001: 649-655). 2000 Kleine Schriften, 2 vols. Dettelbach: Rll. Schmitt, Rdiger 1967 Dichtung und Dichtersprache in indogermanischer Zeit. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1968 Indogermanische Dichtersprache. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Stokes, Whitley 1887 The Tripartite Life of St Patrick, with other documents. London: Stationary Office. 2 vols. 1903 The Death of Crimthann Son of Fidach, and the Adventures of the Sons of Eochaid Muigmedn. Rvue Celtique 24: 172-207. 1905 Flire engusso Cli D. London: H. Bradshaw Society. Strachan, John 1944 Stories from the Tin, 3rd ed. by Osborn Bergin. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy. Strunk, Klaus 2000 Zum Erkenntniswert sprachlicher Anomalien und Besonderheiten. Unpublished lecture, Cologne 10 July 2000. Thurneysen, Rudolf 1913 Die Sage von Curi. Zeitschrift fr celtische Philologie 9: 193-234. 1921 Die irische Helden- und Knigssage bis zum 17. Jahrhundert. Halle: Niemeyer. 1925 Zum syntaktischen Gebrauch des Nominativs im Irischen. Kuhns Zeitschrift fr vergleichende Sprachforschung 53: 82-86. GOI A Grammar of Old Irish. Dublin: Institute of Advanced Studies 1946 (reprinted)

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Vendryes, Joseph 1918 Les correspondances de vocabulaire entre lindo-iranien et litaloceltique. Mmoires de la Socit de Linguistique 20: 265-285. Watkins, Calvert 1990 Some Celtic phrasal echoes. In: Matonis, Ann T.E. and Daniel F. Melia (eds.), Celtic Language, Celtic Culture, Festschrift for Eric P. Hamp, 47-56. Van Nuys: Ford and Bailie (= Watkins 1994: 741750). 1994 Selected Writings , ed. Lisi Oliver. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beitrge zur Sprachwissenschaft. Zimmer, Heinrich F. 1893 Keltische studien. 9. Syntaktisches. Kuhns Zeitschrift fr vergleichende Sprachforschung 32: 153-157. Zimmer, Stefan 2001 On the prehistory of OIr lmfhada, W llawir. In: hAodha, Donncha (ed.), Filscribhinn Ghearid Mhic Eoin, Dublin: Four Courts Press [in press]. Zwicker, Johannes 1934 Fontes religionis Celticae. pars I Berlin: de Gruyter (vols. II, III Bonn: Rhrscheid 1935, 1936). Zwolanek, Rene 1970 vyav ndraca. Studien zu Anrufungsformen im Vedischen, Arischen und Griechischen. Mnchen: Kitzinger.

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