Journal of Northern Luzon, Volume XXXIV, Nos.

1-2,

June 2011-May 2012

Reminiscences of the Second World War among the Survivors of Mayoyao, Ifugao1 Carina B. Attanglan2 and Fe Yolanda G. del Rosario, Ph.D.3 Abstract
The Second World War constituted a most painful chapter in the life of a people. For the surviving folks of Central Mayoyao in Ifugao where its ravages were greatly felt, their sufferings emanated from both the Japanese and the guerillas. This qualitative research thus, attempted to surface their collective experiences including their reactions to Japanese presence, the nature of Japanese Occupation, their sufferings, and its aftermath in their socioeconomic life. Key informants revealed that they were confronted with feelings both of courage and fear as they adapted to these conditions. Moreover, while they were conscious of their cultural traditions, the circumstances of war prevented its practice. The demands of survival also had its toll on their social relations. However, opportunities in the form of war damages gave some of them a chance to explore business and live comfortably after the war. Although it does not provide a complete picture, it is nonetheless a humble contribution to Mayayaos local history.

Keywords: ravages, collective experiences, Japanese Occupation, aftermath 1. Introduction War has always been a part of human experience. Unforgettable sufferings including the loss of life and occupations, starvation, forced labor, torture, violence and deprivation of human rights are not only confined to the battle fields but also felt in the society as a whole. Its effects leave their imprint not only

1 2

Likha Award School of Arts and Sciences, SY 2011-2012 AB History student School of Arts and Sciences, Saint Marys University, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya Author 3 Director University Research Center, Saint Marys University, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya Adviser /Co-author
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on the resources of the country and its national economy, but also impress psychological problems among the people. In the recorded history of man the Second World War was the most widespread marked by the death of civilians, soldiers, the destruction of the environment, and the use of nuclear weapons in warfare. While it had its origins in Europe, it escalated into Asia when Japan as an ally of the Axis Powers soon entered the war bringing Asian countries including the Philippines into its path. As Setsuho and Jose (1999) note, The Japanese Occupation of the Philippines stands out as an extreme example of both human and material devastation. The surrender of the United States-Philippine forces in Bataan Peninsula in April 1942 and on Corregidor in May of the same year gave the Philippines its finality. Meanwhile the Henangas first experience of the invaders took place when prior to their formal occupation of the town, the Japanese sent four planes to bomb the PC headquarters. Accordingly, people went into hiding because of their fear. The second was in an ambush in September 1942 that left 30 Japanese dead. By the second week of October, the Japanese retaliated by burning the barangays nearest the ambush site where their comrades died. Already at the outset, war brought with it psychological, physical, and emotional disruption, which left deep-seated scars and untold pain. Such memories weighed heavily in the researchers desire to document her own peoples experiences that the present generation may learn. This study was, thus, geared towards an in-depth understanding of the Japanese Occupation in Mayoyao, Ifugao through personal accounts of some surviving folks. Accordingly it answered the following: (1). What were the initial reactions of the survivors to Japanese presence?; (2). What was the life situation of the people during the occupation?; and (3). What was their life after the liberation with particular attention to their economy and social order? 2. Method 2.1. Research Locale At the outbreak of the war, there were five municipalities under the old Mountain Province namely: Burnay (later changed to Lagawe by virtue of R.A
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3380, the capital of the province), Kiangan (seat of government during the Japanese Occupation), Banaue, Hungduan and Mayoyao which finally gained provincial status on June 18, 1966 from the Mountain Province by virtue of Republic Act No. 4695. Bontoc was then the capital (Municipal Socio- Economic Profile). Mayoyao, is one of the largest municipalities of Ifugao in terms of land area, and has the most number of barangays (27). It is bounded on the North by Paraceles, Mountain Province; on the West by Banaue, on the South by Lagawe and Isabela Province and on the East by the Municipality of Aguinaldo. One of the tourist spots is the memorial mountain of Nagchajan, the place where the Japanese Imperial forces and combined Filipino-American forces fought until the end of the liberation. The people in Mayoyao are composed of the Henanga occupying the central portion and the Ayangan occupying the western side of the town. The Henanga are the subjects of this study.
Figure 1.1. Map of the Ifugao Province highlighting the Municipality of Mayoyao.

Courtesy of the Mayoyao Municipal Planning Office

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Figure 1. 2. Map of Mayoyao highlighting the places where the Japanese Occupation took place.

Courtesy of the Mayoyao Municipal Planning Office

Fig. 1.3. Bgy. Poblacion

Fig.1.4. Bgy. Central Mayoyao

2.2. Methods and Sources A historical inquiry, the research employed the use of documentary sources and informal interviews, unstructured questionnaire, and personal dialogues with survivors who were direct witnesses of the war. Focus group discussions
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were done to validate the information for coherent collection and discussion. The respondents individual experiences were considered to triangulate information. Photo documentation was also utilized to include pictures of the key informants and the interviews and of images, relics, and historical marks to give more substance to the study. 3. Results and Discussion 3.1. The Initial Reactions of the Survivors to the War and the Japanese Occupation As earlier stated the Henangas first experience of the Japanese occurred with the bombing of the PC headquarters. Mrs. Josephine Bilagot, who was a mere child at the time recalls: I was at the top of our guava tree in our backyard picking its fruits when I heard an unfamiliar sound above me; when I looked up I saw four unfamiliar flying object (s) with scary sounds. I did not know how I was able to get down from the guava tree because I was crying and shaking in fear When I saw my younger brother, his face was very pale and was (sic) shaking also in fear. After a few hours, some of the Philippine Constabulary soldiers came to check on our welfare; they told us that those are Japanese planes and the fires are bombs. We agreed with our neighbors to evacuate in the nearby mountains because the police made sure that the Japanese would come back. The bombing that took place caused unwarranted fear on the people even when they have not yet seen the Japanese. Stories about the brutality they inflicted on soldiers of the Death March and others like the rape of women and the killing of anyone who would not obey them circulated. Accordingly, all of the people in central Mayoyao evacuated to the nearest forested mountains only to return a week after, since there was no sign of the Japanese anyway. But even in
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the confines of their own homes, they were not at peace because they could not tell when and what time the Japanese would come. Given this predicament, Mayor Balajo and the elders devised a plan to inform them of the coming of the Japanese. Young able-bodied men were assigned to guard the possible entry points so they could warn people to leave when the enemy came. To support these volunteers, the people contributed rice, vegetable and firewood; some younger boys also cooked and fetched water for them. Mr. Hermoso Bimmutag, one of the boys, said of the runners: They were the fastest runners and were able to shout loud. Two men were stationed at the Habbang River, the boundary of Banaue and Mayoyao; two men were also stationed every after a kilometer. The message was relayed from post to post until it reached the last man who shouted Hapon! and anybody who heard the information would also relay this to their neighbors so they could leave their homes. This strategy kept them from hiding momentarily enabling them to continue their daily tasks; so from the months of June to August of 1942, they worked in their rice fields and in their kaingin. Males, however, stopped hunting and the traders halted business with the Provinces of Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya for fear of their lives. Since the school was closed as a result of the bombing, the children were home most of the time waiting for the information from the runners so they could relay the message to their parents who were working nearby. The semblance of normalcy, however, was disrupted with the arrival of 19 Japanese soldiers in September of 1942, who, noting the absence of majority of the people in Central Mayoyao, demanded that they assemble the following day (Angiwan, 2002). Immediately, the Henangas pounded more rice for their evacuation and prepared to leave their homes and to cease work in their kaingin. A week later 29 Japanese led by Lieutenant Tokakora and by a local named Guzman and his son Lejton with three cargadores from Banaue arrived (Angiwan, 2002). When they did, Mayor Balajo showed himself to the officer who commanded him to bring in the people the next morning. The thought bothered
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Balajo because he knew that the latter would not heed to the request. He however, showed himself the next day informing Tokakora that it was impossible and hard to assemble the people in a short time. Tokakora ordered him to come with them instead to Kiangan the next day to get some reading materials about the new government for distribution to the people. Balajo was restless because he did not want to betray the people who trusted in his leadership. Meanwhile, when Sergeant Navara of the Mayoyao Constabulary learned that the Japanese planned to stay, he secretly met with the Henanga warriors, elders and some leaders, and noted shamans of Anchiwog, Mapawoy to plan an ambush. The leaders especially the parents and relatives of the trainees who died in Bataan wanted to avenge the loss of their sons (Interview, 2010). That night shamans or mumpfunies performed the halupoy, a kind of curseprayer sacrifice that was directed to the Japanese. It was said that the result of the halupoy, through the reading of the spleens of butchered animals like chicken and pigs, was favorable to the plan (Interview, 2010). Before dawn, Navara informed Balajo about it; accordingly, the latter convinced him to abort the plan to prevent a possible bloodbath since the enemies were well-equipped. Navara instructed him instead to wear something white for the warriors to recognize him easily. This presented a serious dilemma to the Mayor, who could not decide if he will go with the Japanese with knowledge about the plan or to run away with his family. In the morning, he chose to go with the Japanese. The ambush did commence and lasted until sundown. In that battle some 28 Japanese including the men from Banaue except two cargadores were killed (Angiwan, 2002). Lieutenant Tokakora eluded the ambush and escaped, but some of the Philippine Constabulary who were also waiting at Habbang River killed him. Those hiding near the ambush site came and helped in carrying the heads of the Japanese. The ambush was followed by the celebration of the Tigkaw highlighted by animal sacrifices, much playing of gongs, and dancing over the heads of the Japanese soldiers.

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Figure 1.5 A re-enactment of the Tigkaw Celebration

In about two weeks, another group of Japanese arrived in Mayoyao, accompanied by men from the neighboring places to bury the headless bodies of their comrades. They warned that if the people would not come out and surrender they would suffer the consequences of what they did. No one dared to respond to their warning; instead, when the Japanese left, they came out from their hiding places and pounded more rice and prepared what they needed in their evacuation, like salt, pots and matches. They no longer worked in their rice fields because they feared that the Japanese would suddenly show up since the runners left their post also to prepare for the evacuation. On the second week of October 1942, a company of Japanese soldiers with many civilian allies from the neighboring places arrived in Mayoyao and began burning the town in the afternoon of their arrival (Angiwan, 2002). They started with Barangay Binhang and Mapawoy, the nearest barangays to the ambush site. The following day they continued the conflagration up to Barangay Chaya down to Bongan, Mayoyao Proper, Banhal, Linog, Chumang and Balangbang. Eastern Central Mayoyao was spared because some of the PC soldiers were hiding in the forested areas near the barangays. The people who evacuated to the nearby mountains looked down at their houses and Central Mayoyao going up in flames. This was the second massive evacuation of the people in Central Mayoyao. Soon, the Japanese and their Ifugao collaborators returned to Banaue, after the whole of Central Mayoyao was razed to the ground.

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June 2011-May 2012 during the Japanese

Fleeing to the mountains, the Henangas left their farms and kaingins uncultivated, spending most of their time in hiding. Setsuho and Jose (1999) describing the life of the people in Davao during the Japanese occupation said that the peoples life in the evacuation was harsh for they ate any available plants in that area and made shelters out of bamboo, cogon and coconut leaves. The Henangas shared similar experiences enduring hunger and sleepless nights. Their houses were burned and bundles of palay stored in their rice granaries including other belongings were also burned. Mr. Elorde Lahina attested to this difficulty, saying: Life was very hard because we ate a little and even ate some fruits that are not familiar to us and we were not used to eat. We only ate twice but often once because we were economizing the little rice left for the children. We tried also to eat the runo shoots and rattan shoots, and it was good that it was safe. We cooked inlugkaw (lugaw) which was tasteless because there was no salt or sugar to mix. We bore (sic) that kind of situation, hoping that the Japanese will never come back. They also realized that mosquitoes, flies, leeches, thorny grasses, razorleafed undergrowth, insects, worms, and other creeping creatures were as deadly as their foes. Mrs. Adeline Bummael recalls this situation in the mountain: We evacuated to Liwo to a small cave. At night I kept on turning because I cannot sleep because of the insects noise and some insects landed on my skin. One of my playmates feared the leeches. In our evacuation area, most of my playmates suffered diarrhea because of the unclean water. We were also prohibited

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to play because there are sharp woods and stones and my father once saw a big snake. Those who chose to stay in the mountains because they had nothing to go back to, expressed that they had to make-do with what was available, as described by Mrs Chagkami Maayon: One night, the rain was very heavy, we were like rats that were almost drown. Our food for dinner was all wet, but we still ate it because that was all we have. We did not sleep and we cannot make fire because our matches and the ground were all wet, we wanted to go home. Most of the people thus, experienced food shortage their only hope being the second crop ready for the next harvest. But the people would not just come out and harvest the ripened palay because of the frequent coming and going of Japanese alongside some Ifugaos who were now collaborators. Moreover, not all of them had planted the second crop. These developments led some concerned leaders to accept the challenge of surrender. Consequently, Mr. Bonifacio Atluna, Sr. who lost in his candidacy for mayoralty together with Luchug, Itina and Polesta, walked from Mayoyao and surrendered to the Japanese officers in Bontoc, Mountain Province in the mid-week of December 1942 to stop the sufferings of the people (Interview, 2010)
Fig. 2.1. Mr. Bonifacio Atluna, Sr.

Courtesy of Mr. Conrado Atluna

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On January 1, 1943 the Japanese reorganized the municipal government of Mayoyao. Placing it under the supervision of Japanese authority signified its formal takeover by the Japanese. Appointed as Mayor was Mr. Bonifacio Atluna; meanwhile the former Mayor Balajo remained in the mountains and later became a guerilla. Yet people continued to hide in the mountains and some of them were now suspicious of the sudden surrender of Mr. Atluna, who by this time was perceived as a Japanese collaborator. With peace and order established, the people were forced to come out from their hiding places because of hunger and sickness. They were desperate for food and root crops, so they dug here and there for some leftovers that hungry rats and monkeys had missed. Unable to construct new houses the usual way, they had to sleep in make-shift huts. They also had to do away with the rituals accompanying the planting and harvesting cycles because of the circumstances of war. Moreover, the demands of survival forced them to fend for themselves. According to key informants, prior to the arrival of the Japanese, people were generous to their relatives and neighbors. Food being readily available, anyone could gather fruits from someone elses backyard after securing permission. With the onset of food shortage, gathering came to be restricted to family members. Sharing and helping was, thus, compromised. Mrs. Mancheng Lahina said: I used to sleep and eat in my cousins house, but everything changed (sic). Her family no longer shared (sic) their foods and I even heard her father telling her that they reserved their leftover for their next meal. As a child, I kept a secret disgust to my uncle. I only understood (sic) when my mother explained the condition of our living at that time. In order to have something to begin with, what was left of their burned houses were dugout and carved into wooden spoons and bowls. They got some lumber from the nearest mountains and built temporary houses. The changnga (bayanihan) system did not apply because each family must build their own
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house; moreover, food was not enough and there was no viand to be offered. It was in the last quarter of 1943 when they started to reconstruct their houses from good wood available from the nearby forest; neither did they perform their traditional practices in constructing it. Ahin (salt), ente (sugar cane) and tehmar (matches) were scarce. They could not beg from their relatives and neighbors because they were of the same plight. But the men helped their wives in the rice field and in cleaning their deserted kaingin in the mountainsides, trying at best to produce what little they can. When the Japanese put up their garrison in Mayoyao, the civilian population was given the basic orientation regarding Japanese culture and etiquette. Everybody was taught to bow their heads in greetings. Aside from this, curfew hours that started from six in the evening until six the next morning were imposed. Anyone caught in the middle of the curfew hours was jailed for two days and was penalized by cleaning the trails and the Japanese barracks. Meanwhile, many of the males were inducted into the local police. Called joins, they accompanied the Japanese at patrol duty while introducing the Japanese rules. To the Henangas, bowing was interpreted differently. It meant asking for confirmation/acceptance such as when a person passes by he would say umuja (I will pass), umuy ami (we will pass), and when they meet in the way they would say itao (goodbye), nangamong (see you again); and if they did not want to answer verbally, they just nodded or bowed their heads as an affirmative response. Given the differences in cultural meanings, the Henangas often times forgot to bow their heads because they were not used it, so they just passed by the Japanese along their way. This was the reason why the Japanese got infuriated and often punished them. The imposition of curfew hours by the Japanese made the life of the people miserable, especially for the hunters and traders. Moreover, weavers no longer weaved because they concentrated on producing food. Meanwhile, the school that was disrupted in the early part of 1942 was reopened where Niponggo was introduced as an additional subject. During the first day of classes, only few pupils entered. As such the Japanese forced the parents to send their children to school. Together with the Mayoyao police they roamed
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around and imposed punishments on those who did not like to send their children to school. For instance they required them to pound 10 bundles of palay at the Japaneses barracks every day while the children had to clean the foot trails and pathways for one day. Because of this mandatory punishment, the enrollment increased. A month after only a few Japanese stayed in Mayoyao as the others returned to Kiangan. The soldiers who were left served as teachers while the others helped the police to establish peace and order. The Japanese teachers visited the classrooms only twice a week to check on the progress of the pupils in the Japanese language. Soon, the Japanese transferred the school to Onagol (the same ground where the CICM missionaries built the Our Lady of Assumption Academy) because of the increasing number of the pupils. The parents had their changnga (bayanihan), with the food provided by Atluna and the Japanese (Angiwan, 2002). The women also got cogon grasses in the mountains for roofing. Accordingly, the shortage in food, the restrictions provided by the curfew hours, the suspicions of both sides made earning an honest occupation twice as difficult; consequently, it led others to stealing and grabbing others property. Moreover, the mutual trust and confidence among the people was breached; for instance farming tools left in the rice fields were no longer found the next day, and some of their chickens were missing. Siblings and relatives vied and competed over real property. In Mayoyao practice, only a few were looked up to as wealthy; the majority were tenants because real properties such as pajaw (rice fields), upfu (residential lot) including the pfalay (ancestral home), pinuchu (family forest) and heirloom were owned by the family clan. But in terms of property inheritance, the first child inherited the real property of the father who in turn inherited from his parents. The second child inherited the real state property of the mother, which she also inherited from her parents. In the traditional practice, real property was inherited as a whole by one child, from the eldest to the second without division. Accordingly, the cultural and social philosophy behind this practice was to keep the real property intact so that it could be passed from one generation to another because such represented the
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soul and life of the clan ownership as himpangapo (Angiwan, 2002). If the parents were able to acquire some rice paddies as conjugal partners, such property was given the third and fourth. These civil cases could not be settled by the Japanese authorities especially when both parties were relatives. Another reason why the negotiation and settlements failed under the Japanese government was the problem of communication. For the sake of settling disputes the Japanese allowed certain traditional methods, influenced by traditional beliefs and practices, especially when the case was not resolved and the suspect was not known. For instance theft, some land disputes like the case of huchar (land grabbing), was committed when a person without permission worked the rice field of another and claimed it as his own. These traditional methods were commonly understood as trial by ordeal. The Japanese then allowed the elders to mediate by imposing the trial by ordeal witnessed by the public. Mr. Benito Pakelman explained that there were five kinds of settling disputes but these two processes or methods were the most common and easiest to perform at that time, especially if the complainant wanted an immediate result. When the Japanese occupied Mayoyao, following the surrender of local officials, the people returned from the mountains but they hid every time they saw the Japanese patrolling with the local police. Their location and dispersed houses were a sort of defense because they were built within the proximity of the rice terraces but the allop (double stone walling) enclosing the yard could expose any passersby. The imposed curfew hour was also a good excuse for them to shut their doors to the guerillas. As such, they were not only avoiding the Japanese but even the guerillas as well. Although, they called it peacetime, in reality there was no peace because they were at the mercy of two opposing forces: the presence of the secret spies of both the Japanese and of the guerillas. The miibipfun (night neighbor talk), one of the peoples past time before they slept, where they talked about their whole days work and their plans in the morrow stopped because of the Japanese curfew and the presence of the guerillas lurking in the dark. The men no longer went home late in the evening nor did they drink rice wine with their neighbors.

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Often times, however, they could not avoid getting in contact with the Japanese because of the presence of the local police who knew them. According to the key informants, the women were always distant. This is the reason why there were no Henanga Japanese mistresses. When they became tired of hiding and avoiding, they practically pretended to support the Japanese government by bowing their heads and inviting them during festivities in their barrios. On the other hand, they gave in to the food demands of the guerillas and to the men they attended whenever there was a night meeting. So being accommodating seemed a small price to pay for smooth relationships; yet, the people knew that they were threading on dangerous grounds. As the days passed by, everything was changed because a cultured and kind commander replaced the strict Japanese commander. Another reason why there was a sudden change of treatment from them was because the new Japanese commander spoke English fluently and said that he himself did not want war (Interview, 2010). With his presence and Mr. Balajo on the side of the guerillas, the people continued their barter and the daily tasks in their kaingin and rice fields. In this brief interlude the Henanga discovered that the Japanese loved to watch their customs and traditions as long as these were done in public like the practice of butchering pigs and chickens during healing rites, marriage celebrations and feasts. Wealthy families invited the Japanese during these occasions for they could provide and afford the things that were needed at that time. Traditional wedding rites were of three kinds but the lavishness was dispensed with given the scarcity of food. They also loved to watch the hanggor (arm wrestling) or the gkubfu (feet wrestling). According to Elpidio Lahina, Sr.: The Japanese watched the natives dancing and even had their bets on the arm and feet wrestling. They also drank the pfupfud (rice wine) and when intoxicated, they were carried by the local police to their barracks.

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Fig. 2.2. Hanggor (arm wrestling)

Fig. 2.3. Gkubfu (feet wrestling)

In the twenty months that the Japanese stayed in Mayoyao, it was midyear of 1944 when the people particularly the children finally learned to deal with the Japanese (Angiwan, 2002). Selling vegetables and chickens or trading for salt or dried fish that the Japanese brought from the lowlands, seemed to work for the two. They also bought rice from the people or replaced it with one chupa of salt. They had banana and vegetable plantations and they also introduced gardening to the people and prohibited the hunting of wild animals and the cutting of tall trees. 3.3. The Henangas life in the aftermath of War The Japanese-organized government in the Philippines known as the Second Republic, which was headed by President Jose P. Laurel, marked its end when the Americans returned to liberate the Philippines. Agoncillo (1990) cites that General Douglas Mac-Arthurs army landed in Leyte on October 20, 1944 and they were welcomed as liberators. The Leyte beaches were severely bombarded by the American bombers and fighter planes and the path to Leyte was cleared on that same day, paving the way for the allied forces to liberate the Philippines (Agoncillo, 1990). Casualties ran high because of the Japanese feeling that surrender meant dishonor. Ancheta (1977) noted that despite of the Japanese counter- attack, Allied landings were made at Lingayen Gulf on January 9, 1945. On March 3, 1945 the Americans won the war in Manila and Baguio City was captured from
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the Japanese on April 26 (Ancheta, 1977). The Japanese soldiers had no option for retreat but to climb the Cordillera Mountains. Thus, the good relations which the people enjoyed for only two months because of the appointment of a kindhearted Japanese commander was shortened with news about the landing of the liberation forces in the Visayas. Those who were defeated in the lowlands retreated to the mountains of Ifugao; still others from Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya, Bontoc and Kalinga arrived in Mayoyao to escape the liberation forces (Angiwan, 2002). This culminated in a battle where four battalions were engaged to liberate Mayoyao. Finally on August 9, 1945 the Japanese capitulated after 13 days of fierce fighting. In the commotion that ensued, 1,120 were killed, 153 were captured, 2.95 canons, trench mortars, machine guns, several rifles, hand grenades and documents were retrieved (Angiwan, 2002).

Fig. 3.1. Some material remnants from the Japanese Occupation of Mayoyao.

Fig. 3.2. Some of the unspent bullets recovered from the site of Mt. Nagchahan.

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But the battle for liberation and the aftermath of war proved an even greater challenge for the people of Mayoyao. Caught in the cross fires, they scattered everywhere and forced the people to go further into the interior of the mountains to avoid getting killed. Impressed with American courage, the people supported them. The arrival of the liberation forces was both a boon and a bane to them. Having tasted American goods for the first time, the people particularly the children, suffered from dysentery and diarrhea causing casualties among them.

Fig. 3.3. Mt. Nagchajan where the battle which led to the fall of the Japanese army took place on August 1945.

When the people finally came out from their evacuation place, they found Central Mayoyao literally darkened with big flies hovering over the unburied decomposing corpses of horses and humans. The decaying debris contaminated water flowing from the streams, brooks, and springs. Hence, water, was not safe to drink, and the air was unbearable. There were only a few casualties attributed to food shortage. There were more affected by the epidemics of dysentery, high fever, cholera and malaria especially since there were no doctors to attend to the sick nor were there medical supplies to keep the diseases at bay. The people then resorted to boiling camote until burned and mixing them with boiled water, which they drank. The forests in the northern and eastern part of Mayoyao that used to be populated by wild animals like the deer, the wild carabao (malon), the everpresent namuloh (wild pig), the pannii (big bats) and the tugwi (monkey-eating
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eagles) were now burned after the bombardment (Angiwan, 2002). Most of the men who were able to secure rifles and bullets spent weeks in the Eastern Mayoyao forests hunting what was left of wild animals to have something in exchange with salt and medicines from Isabela for their families (Angiwan, 2002) War left many people ravaged, diseased, and undernourished. Most of the people were left with no livelihood so that the solidarity that kept people together was broken, leaving individuals to fend for themselves. With the onslaught of drought, the rice terraces and the kaingins could not sustain the needs of the people. Forced by circumstances, many of the people left Mayoyao towards the direction of present day Alfonso Lista and Aguinaldo to toil the vast unclaimed lands. There was a shift in the mindset of people: their generosity turned into a businesslike mindset where nothing was free. After the war, classes resumed. The war damage claims, which they retrieved from the Americans, made the people materialistic and individualistic; yet, education helped strengthen and preserve the cultural heritage from the past. Mr. Abraham Aba-ac gave a good insight on the impact of the Second World War to the people and to the community of Mayoyao as a whole: The experience and effects of the Second World War made the people realize and accept the importance of education as a means of social and economic advancement in terms of status. Through the influence of education and Christianity, the students who finished their studies came back and contributed to the educational and social development of Mayoyao, which started in the 1960s. The value of inherited real property and heirloom was now replaced by the value of education so that a poor but educated man can marry one from the traditional families. While wealth was the source of honor and prestige in the past, education and profession now became the means of attaining honor and prestige. Today reciprocity continues to be in the nature of helping members of the community and clan who are in need of hachang (money and palay) in times of death/ funeral or pforhan (giving material help) to anyone who wants to buy a rice paddy or

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anyone who needs to pay huge amounts of money to keep from getting imprisoned. In retrospect On August 8-9, 2011 the Local Government of Mayoyao launched and celebrated the first year of Lenong Ad Majawjaw (Peace Festival in Mayoyao), recognizing the sacrifices of the Mayoyao veterans and the unforgettable experiences of the people for the liberation of Mayoyao. The researcher participated in the launching of the Tribal Music Festival with the employees from the Department of Education and some officials and staff of the Local Government Unit. The LGU approved August 8-9 as the official local holiday in Mayoyao, celebrating yearly the Peace Festival. To quote from the message of Major General Rommel Gomez, Commanding General of the 5th Infantry Division, Camp Melchor Dela Cruz: We are celebrating the LENONG AD MAJAWJAW (PEACE FESTIVAL) because the real last stand of the Second World War happened here in Mayoyao and what we are celebrating in Kiangan is the victory day. But let us not forget that when we say peace; let us stand for the meaning of that word peace equally. The memoirs of the Second World War did not only victimize one race but even Japanese, Americans and Filipinos were victims too

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Fig. 3.4. The Historical Landmark attesting to the battle that took place in Mayoyao.

4. Conclusions and Recommendations From the historical writings, and first-hand interviews and dialogues with the key informants, I was able to establish that indeed the survivors reminiscences of the war were stories of survival, fear, tears and sacrifices. They were stories of endurance as they were like fugitives in their own land, sleeping on cold ground and on empty stomachs, and learning to serve two masters, the Japanese and the guerillas. But the Second World War also helped them gain new ideas outside of their traditional world, particularly the poor, who freed themselves not just from the physical and psychological cruelties of war, but also the realization that there was opportunity outside their place and accepted education as a means of gaining social and economic advancement. Recommendations 1. To the Henanga that they may continue to appreciate the value of their own history and inspire the lives of the next generation.
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2. To the Local Government of Mayoyao that it may be inspired by the wealth of the peoples history and aggressively support its research and documentation for the preservation of their oral history. 3. To future researchers and writers, so much more can be learned from the collective memories of people and which should be done while the informants are still alive. This study is far from finished. In its simplicity it is just a survey of the first-hand experiences of my people during the Second World War. A more in-depth study of the effects of war in the lives of the people can still be done on the economic, political, and socio-cultural aspects. A further study can also be done on the issue of collaboration as a means of survival. Probably, a separate story can be made on the adaptive mechanisms of the people during and after the war. Indeed there is a wealth of information that can be derived from the collective memories of people. References Agoncillo, T. A. (1965). The fateful years: Japans adventure in the Philippines. Philippines: R.P. Garcia Publishing Company. Ancheta, C. A. (1983). Liberation of Northern Luzon. Manila: National Bookstore. Ancheta, C. A. (1977). Triumph in the Philippines. Manila: National Bookstore. Angiwan, M. Sr. (2002). Mayoyao cultural and political history. Baguio City: The Alternative Publication, Baguio Colleges Foundation. Baclagon, U. S. (1952). Philippine campaign. Manila: Graphic House, Liwayway Publication. Dumia, M. A. (1979). Ifugao world. Quezon City: New Day Publishers Hartendorp, A.V. H. (1967). The Japanese occupation in the Philippines. Vol. 1,
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Journal of Northern Luzon, Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, Makati City: William, J. Slaw Foundation.

June 2011-May 2012

Nieva, A. A. (1997). The fight for freedom. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. Setsuho, I. & Jose, R. T. (1999). The Philippines under Japan. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Zaide, S. M. (1994). The Philippines: A unique nation. Manila: All- Nations Publishing Co. The Commonwealth of the Philippines (2010) Retrieved October 10, 2010 from Wikipedia.org/wiki/Commonwealth _of the_ Philippines. Key Informants: Initial interviews were conducted on October 2010, with intensive sessions from November to December 2010. Follow up interviews commenced on April 2011 with the following: Mr. Abraham Aba-ac, 89 years old, retired School Supervisor. Mr. Martin Abuggao, 79 years old, retired teacher, now a politician. Mr. Santiago Balajo, 97 years old, appointed Mayor during the Japanese Occupation. Mr. William Chugasna, 84 years old, a shaman or native priest, a youngster during the Japanese occupation. Mr. Chalanao Maguiwe, 95 years old, a soldier during the Japanese occupation. Mr. Pedro Mombael, 78 years old, a teacher during the Japanese Occupation. Mr. Benito Pakelman, 98 years old, family man during the Japanese Occupation.
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Journal of Northern Luzon, Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, Mr. John F. Piligan, 85 years old, a politician today.

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Mrs. Josephine Bilagot, 79 years old, a child during the Japanese Regime. Mrs. Feliza Olguahon-Chulana, 79 years old, retired teacher. Mrs. Rosie Atluna-Maguiwe, 83 years old, first child of Bonifacio Atluna, who was appointed Mayor by the Japanese.

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