Violencia Femicida: Violence against Women and Mexico's Structural Crisis Author(s): Mercedes Olivera and Victoria J.

Furio Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 33, No. 2, The Mexican Presidency, 2006-2012: Neoliberalism, Social Movements, and Electoral Politics (Mar., 2006), pp. 104-114 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27647925 Accessed: 22/10/2010 14:04
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Violencia Femicida
Violence and Against Women Mexico's Structural Crisis by
Mercedes Translated Olivera by Victoria J. Furio

is and sadism against women inMexico of violence the country. The causes throughout of women of this are associated the increase in extreme poverty, with violence unemployment, the disintegration and social polarization economy, of the peasant imposed on Femicide the poor by neoliberal and violence be con may policies. therefore An extreme the increase expression in murders sidered components of the current structural crisis of the capitalist system.

Keywords:

femicide,

violence,

structural

crisis, Mexico

The World lence charge? of

of the same mill, Bank and IMF, two grindstones on us. . . . In such a "democracy," the free market

imposed who's

the vio really in

?Eduardo

Galeano

Women

are

being

murdered

in Mexico

at

an

alarming

rate.

Since

the

1990s this rate has increased so dramatically?in

sion of neoliberalism?that, under pressure from

direct relation to the expan

feminists, the government

has finally had to recognize

expression of the country's

it as a national problem.
current crises of governability,

It can be viewed as an
internal security,

and respect for human rights. there have been episodes of multiple murders of women, Although femicides, linked to particular regions, as in the case of Ciudad Ju?rez, for example, at this point it is a pathology that has spread throughout Mexico. In 2002 there were more than 5,000 cases nationally (Lagarde, 2005), and the
Mercedes Olivera is a researcher de Ciencias of the Universidad at the Center for Higher Studies ofMexico and Central America y Artes de Chiapas and a member of the Center for Women's Women's Movement. She has recently published De cambios

and the Independent Rights sumisiones Furio is a Latin y rebeld?as: Mujeres (2004). Victoria ind?genas de Chiapas as well as a translator and converence Americanist interpreter currently living inNew York. LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, DOI: 10.1177/0094582X05286092 ? 2006 Latin American Perspectives Issue 147,Vol. 33 No. 2, March 2006 104-114

104

Olivera

/ VIOLENCIA

FEMICIDA

105

number may
are women also beaten, of

reach 8,000 by the end of 2005. For the most part, the victims
burned, childbearing or age murdered poisoned. The fact with that guns or knives, but many are so are rarely the perpetrators

punished
continue

and that the number and the viciousness

to increase reveals the government's

of crimes against women

political incapacity to deal

with this kind of crime. Many of these killings

occur in public security

are carried out by unknown

In the majority of cases,

assailants. Others
women are

actions.

however,

murdered by someone known to them or related through work, family, or romantic involvement. According to theWorld Health Organization, 70 per cent of the women murdered throughout the world in 2002 were victims of their husbands or lovers (Urias, 2005). Their bodies, often found on the
street, show the brutality carried out against them: a large percentage are

beaten and tortured before their deaths. With theMexican congressional representative Marcela
femicide rights?a gender lence as but direct violence is exerted the extreme and that against against extreme end of a range of of violations economic, Much of expression

Lagarde,
social,

I view
human and vio

of women's political, this

is structural women an

in nature.1 for being expression

generalized

women?that of male

is, it is misogynous. power, is present in vari

Violence

women,

ous forms and degrees throughout their lives. As a naturalized part of the cul ture, symbols, institutional functioning, and cultural prescriptions, it shapes identities and internalizes subjectivities. In all societies the cultural models
for being a woman assign positions to women that subordinate them to the

personal and institutionalized power of men, creating real and symbolic inequalities. These inequalities are expressed in direct or hidden messages,
discriminatory freedom and actions coercion, and excluding omissions, exploitation, lack of resources, limits on feel objectification, self-depreciation,

ings of guilt and shame, deception,

tions offensive sponsibility, persecution. war. violence against women harassment, and comparisons,

and false justifications.

develops verbal threats,

In all these situa

from insinuations, abuse, sex, rape, irre and and

progressively

intimidation, forced

betrayals, It even appears

abandonment in other

to beatings, realms such as

counterinsurgency

From this perspective, femicide and femicidal violence can be identified as specific forms of gender violence, which is defined by the United Nations
as a mechanism of domination, control, oppression, and power over women

(UN, 1979). Although gender violence does not always result inmurder, it does increase the possibility of it.Gender violence is a constant violation of
the human in the rights of women and girls. Its presence in government, in the home, church, on and the street, community, in the workplace, organiza

106

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

tions and within couples allows tension and hatred to build up and reaffirms and reproduces gender relations of domination/subordination. In this article,
I analyze briefly some of the structural causes of recent violence against

women neoliberal
our

in Mexico.

the failure of the together, they demonstrate a or to either of democracy in model system development provide Taken

country.

Having defined femicide and femicidal violence as a direct expression of the structural violence of the neoliberal social system, we could pursue its causes in the political realm or in the ways in which individuals have been divided and battered by the violent dynamics of social transformation. Putt ing the neoliberal mandates into practice through institutionalized patriar chal power, Mexico's so-called political class and its business and financial sectors have undermined and violated both society's and individuals' rights,
interests, and needs. In the case of women, one outcome of the processes on

both levels has been murder.

At we must the same also time take as we into consider the These the increase in violence within of the against women, and vio account increase are the of violence other side families systemic

personal

violence

in general.

lence of the neoliberal

which tarian, men are driven

social structure, which

to hypermasculinity, of male identity

creates a social ecology

the violent, to preserve authori that iden

in

aggressive

aspects

exaggerating in an attempt

tity. The counterpart of these attitudes is found in the subordinate positions of women in relation both tomen and to institutionalized masculine power. In the face of neoliberalism's increasing demands, the dysfunction and obsoles
cence of these stereotypes is ever more evident. The disturbances they have

always produced in personal relations are inflamed by the current social vio lence. Conflicts within couples and families as masculine domination is into and increase the levels of vio steadily brought question delegitimized
lence and, of course, produced the risk by of murder. These conflicts social are multiplied under alco the pressure unemployment, poverty, polarization,

holism,
with

and insecurity, among

the many

other problems

that fill daily life

tension.

NEOLIBERAL

DYNAMIC,

ECONOMIC-POLITICAL

CRISIS,

AND VIOLENCE AGAINSTWOMEN

The United Nations committee that recently investigated themurders and disappearances of women in Ciudad Ju?rez and Chihuahua concluded that they had to be seen not as isolated cases but as a product of a "situation of vio lence in a structurally violent society" (UN, 2003). It therefore recommended

Olivera

/ VIOLENCIA

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107

"combating

criminality

concurrently

with

the

structural

causes

of

gender

violence,
ual abuse,

including domestic,
homicides, kidnapping

intrafamilial and public incidents such as sex

and disappearances." Its report associates

these cases with the high density of the cities bordering the United States and with the establishment of maquilas and the predominance in them of poorly paid female workers. The lack of job opportunities for men, the report states,
"has changed the traditional dynamics of relations between the sexes ... cre

ating a situation of conflict towards women because [the changes in employ ment patterns] have not been accompanied by a change in either traditional patriarchal attitudes and mentalities or the stereotyped vision of the social roles of men and women" (CEDAW, 2005: 7-11).
Indeed, omy, poverty, and migration?all unemployment, more the disintegration acute since the Salinas of the peasant econ (1988? government

1994) accelerated
governability,

neoliberal

policies?are,
structural

along with the national crisis of

causes of the increase in violence

the most

important

against women. Boltvinik maintain that in 2000 more

poor or extremely poor.

and Hern?ndez Laos (2000; Boltvinik, 2000) than 75 percent of the country's population was
to a recent survey, this figure now exceeds

According

official sources recognize only 80 percent (Boltvinik, 2005). Although between 45 percent and 52 percent as poor, a survey by the Organization of American States (OAS) concludes that Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia form a extreme in Latin America because, in addition to high of "triangle poverty" rates of poverty, they demonstrate insufficient progress with regard to the "reduction of maternal mortality (which is as high as Africa's) and unem
ployment, the provision of universal primary education and sanitation, and

sustainability." This situation is the result of the intense social polarization brought about by neoliberalism, which has deepened historical in governments that inequality and fostered corruption and inefficiency environmental
maintain oligarchic, authoritarian, and patriarchal social structures even

though they are now disguised as democracies (OAS, 2005). InMexico, where neoliberal policies are applied dogmatically,
national and transnational companies and financial institutions

favoring
costs,

at all

President Vicente Fox has adopted a discourse that systematically denies the exasperating social realities experienced by the population, among them social, legal, and political exclusion in both urban and rural marginalization,
areas, and a critical absence of human rights. The government reports that the

economy has grown by 3.4 percent a year and that poverty has been reduced in this six-year period by 6.1 percent. This is something of an illusion, how ever, because in fact we have barely returned to the levels of poverty that existed before the crash of 1995. Moreover, the growth described refers only
to the macroeconomic level. What poverty reduction there is in rural areas is

108

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

actually

due

to the

transfer

of

resources

by

government

assistance

programs

and to remittances from the United States, both of which are used more for according to the United consumption than for investment.2 Consequently, Mexico is Nations Development among the countries in Latin Program, America with the least improvement in human development in recent years, with barely 1.3 percent growth in per capita income between 1990 and 2003 (UNDP, 2005). During this same period real salaries remained stagnant, increased from 600,000 in 2000 to 1,027,000 in 2005 while unemployment and inequality increased to the point that "5 percent of the income from the richest households would be enough to pull 12million Mexicans out of poverty, reducing the national poverty rate from 16 percent to 4 percent" (Gonz?lez and
Vargas, tral and 2005).3 And, of course, bad they northern Mexico, as and marginalization inequality more severe are much in the are south, in cen where

there is a high percentage of indigenous people and peasants. Growth in industrial production and exports is also somewhat fictitious,
since mal most of it comes transfer, from and the maquiladoras, volatile capital with little value added, mini petro technology investment. Meanwhile,

leum production is on the point of collapsing, both because of the rapid exhaustion of reserves accelerated by demand from the United States and
because of the use of the profits to cover the country's current expenditures

rather than for reinvestment (Gonz?lez and Vargas, 2005). The widespread poverty that results from these conditions has forced women to join the labor market under conditions of great inequality and vul nerability, basically because of their lack of training4 and freedom of move ment and because the jobs to which they have access are in services and the
informal 10to economy, 12-hour days with low and unreliable service, incomes.5 restaurants, Many and women small work factories in domestic

of labor?the growth without any guarantees or benefits. The flexibilization the economy has facilitated an of temporary, informal work?throughout increase in the exploitation of women, in the process feminizing poverty, access to jobs, and exploitation. According to a national survey, in 2005 95.38 percent of women considered economically active were employed in
informal jobs in services and sales or some combination of the two. One

in small establishments and the fourth of those in sales were self-employed rest worked for others, although not all received salaries (INEGI, 2005). Pov
erty nal and marginalization gangs. have also forced women into prostitution or crimi

The massive integration of women into the labor force in search of a wage has effectively destroyed the traditional model of a sexual division of labor without changing the collective imaginary thatwomen are dependent on men

Olivera

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109

and that their obligations

women continue to bear

are in the home. In addition to working

the responsibility of domestic chores, child

for wages,
care, and

the organization of daily life, forcing them into double and triple work days. But women are also questioned and made to feel guilty on the neighborhood and the community level and through the discourse of the right-wing govern ment, which, for example, holds them responsible for juvenile delinquency. Supposedly, by "opting" to work outside the home, women are "neglecting this dis theirmaternal obligations." Beyond ignoring men's responsibilities,
course failure deflects attention from the fact that violence and unemployment are a of government.6

The contradictions between the vision and the reality of being a woman not only affect the situation and subjectivity of women but cause a crisis in the images men have of themselves. The reason for this is that the changes in women's situations often lead them both to become fuller citizens and to
develop their woman's decided own consciousness. gender resources troubles income on is greater For than many The many fact men, that women acquire in cases and manage a has of the in which the woman self-image

especially or in which that of her partner men the stereotypical

separation.

macho makes symbolically

men rity to direct under

it difficult to accept roles that are inferior either objectively or to those of their mates. It is not uncommon in this situation for
their aggression against is often their wives the cause and of children. Men's insecu divorce, circumstances abandonment,

these

and murder.

One symptom of the breakdown in traditional families and the increase in women's responsibilities and work outside of the home is the large and grow ing percentage of households headed by women, almost 40 percent in 2005. This one figure brings together the employment crisis, the absence of fathers in the lives of children, and the redefinition of feminine roles. At the same
time, changes in women's economic situation, while they may increase indi

vidual women's possibilities of self-determination, do not thereby lead to the elimination of subordinate gender and class status. The reason for this is that
the cultural and economic contexts in which these changes are occurring are

not yet themselves changing. These individual and social ways of being
and altering them will involve a more

are deeply embedded in our Bourdieu [1999] calls habitus), (what contexts
profound transformation.

in addition to the economic distress of the middle class and Meanwhile, the poor, there is the fact that the peasant model of production is breaking
down, forcing a wave of rural workers to migrate to the United States. Several

factors have contributed to this, almost all of them related to the implementa tion of neoliberal policies. The privatization of communal lands (propiedad

110

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

social), which became possible only with the changes to Article 27 of the Constitution in 1992, has been promoted in recent years through the Programa de Certificaci?n Agraria (Agrarian Certification Program?PROCEDE), par ticularly in the north and central regions of the country, where large tracts of
arable land have been urbanized or rented for agro-industrial production. In

addition to defining boundaries and dividing the land of each ejido or com munity, PROCEDE has permitted placing individual titles for plots in the
names of family heads, mostly men. Women have in general been excluded

despite the fact thatmost of them work the land and that under the ejido regi men the plots were considered family property. Nationally, women with personal rights to land constituted only 16.31 percent of holders of ejido and communal land in 2001 (INEGI, 2001). Most were widows who were holding the land until their eldest sons, heirs to the
title, came of age. The women recognized by PROCEDE, however, are even

fewer. According to the 2005 Registro Agrario Nacional (2005), in Chiapas, for example, between January 1993 and May 2005, women held land rights in only 14.25 percent of the communal units and 11.74 percent of the ejidos. In all, barely 0.7 percent of communal
owners are women.

landowners and 3.4 percent of ejido

Despite the fact that they have no rights as title-holders, in general women manage family plots when their husbands migrate. This of course adds to their burdens, because even though they may hire others to help work the
land, they remain responsible for cultivating and harvesting it. Even worse,

many migrants sell their family plots to pay for their travel and the services of a "coyote" to get them to the United States. Women and children in these
cases are even more dependent on men's remittances, which are, of course,

always at risk as men are captured and expelled from the United
their lives in the attempt to cross the border, or after months

States, lose
or years of

absence start new families in the "States." With migrants now tending to stay two years or more in the United States, wives left behind essentially become single mothers, which places great stress on them and their children (Bartra, 2005).7 Finally, privatization has extended to public services. Reduction in health services is felt in the quality of life of most Mexicans and is statistically
detectable in, for instance, the relative increase in maternal and infant mortal

ity (UNDP, 2005). Given lack of resources and prenatal care, population growth, which continues to be high in rural sectors (3.6 percent), occurs at the expense of women's health, evidenced by their rapid aging and high morbid
ity rates. tion has Public ever education fewer resources has also for suffered, scientific and and even public higher educa technological development.

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VIOLENCE AND UNGOVERNABILITY

The of these economic arises crisis from has the given existence rise to various of guerrillas types of social violence. One have

whose

movements

repeatedly been violently repressed. The massacre thatmost tragically illus trates this official violence without occurred in 1997 in Acteal, Chiapas, where a paramilitary force trained by the army attacked a group of more than 50 people, most of them women and children, suspected of supporting the
Zapatistas. Refugees from surrounding hamlets, the victims were trapped

and murdered in a Catholic chapel. After the slaughter, the assassins mocked the symbols of maternity by hacking the women's breasts with machetes and extracting the fetuses from those who were pregnant (Olivera and C?rdenas, 1998).
Beyond Chiapas, terror is also the objective of the army's permanent

militarization
state police. harassment, killing generate of men

of Guerrero
The the destruction threat of

and Oaxaca,
of villages, sexual violence, almost of fear.

typically
cornfields, jailings, always

in close coordination with

and harvests, as well and served terror, thousands as the to

disappearances,

and women?all a climate

unpunished?have of such

and perpetuate

In the face

of campesinos
lence have

have fled their land, poverty,

and women have seen

illness, and intrafamilial vio

their freedom of movement cur

increased,

tailed (SIPAZ, 2005). But, surprisingly, official violence has also stimulated women as well as men to defend their villages, even blocking the army's
entrance to their communities with their bodies on occasion, as recently hap

pened inXo'yep, Chiapas (Speed, 2000). Counterinsurgency strategies have also taken the form of development programs competing for adherents with the organized resistance groups, predictably leading to internal divisions and
confrontations Meanwhile, within so-called communities. organized social violence has also become a crisis

for the government despite the significant expenditure to combat it. Much is recent in the which in for instance, cartels, years have spent, fighting drug
been at war among themselves over distribution zones and control of points

of entry into the United States. Thousands of deaths have resulted. Narco corruption is so great that official security structures have had to be continu ally replaced as gang members penetrate or bribe the police. Recently (Sep tember 2005) several top police officials, including the federal director of Public Security, died in a suspicious helicopter crash thatmany in themedia and the public believe to have been caused by drug gangs. Some researchers and journalists now believe thatMexico has become like Colombia in the
sense that the narcos have practically become a parallel power. President Fox

112

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

and the government have tried to conceal the extent of the violence, but it has surpassed all their efforts. Indeed, the murders of women that first attracted attention to femicide as a national problem were those of Ciudad Ju?rez, which many journalists and activists believe may be related to the powerful
drug cartels along the U.S.-Mexican border.

The proliferation
unemployment, ple. Such gangs have on

of violent youth gangs

and a permanent and in the puts the become

is also associated with poverty,

lack of prospects to young for young women The peo in particu increase risk, with in

narco-trafficking,

threat larger young

lar, especially rapes, robberies,

the borders and

urban women

centers.

kidnappings

at constant

very little institutional protection. Misogyny

violations the of women's rate human rights. second-highest of murders

is a recurrent trait of the gangs'

the state with of the many

In Chiapas, for example, of women after Chihuahua,

bodies found exhibit the marking "MST" or just "S" carved somewhere the body as a terrifying insignia of the border gang Mara Salvatrucha.
In recent years, one of the pretexts for direct U.S. intervention inMexico

on

has been the struggle against insecurity and violence, which always employs
violent means in return. President Fox was recently pressured to broaden the

scope of Mexico's
with U.S. officers

own border patrols and accept a program of joint activity

in the border areas of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Tamaulipas.

However,
these men

in addition to the serious crime problems

these who by are also are almost common the crossing as often criminals. points victims of

that were used to justify

institutional crime migrants, as of

actions, and women

for undocumented

offenses

committed

The last element

the country tions alike

that contributes
justice

to insecurity and impunity throughout

system. NGOs wherever and government occur, are institu rarely they

is a nonfunctional report that murders

of women,

treated with professionalism by prosecutors and judges. Not only are most cases inadequately investigated and documented but the justice system's treatment of the families affected is truly inhuman (Lagarde, 2005). While
punishing ring, it might those who commit these murders might not stop them from occur serve as a deterrent.

The justice system's deficiencies

nize that no one is even sure of

in this regard have forced us to recog

of murders inMexico in general.

the number

on This recognition has led Congress to establish the Special Commission chaired the feminist Marcela Over the Femicide, by Representative Lagarde. past several months this commission has brought together a significant num ber of feminists from around the country to conduct an investigation in the 11 states with the highest incidence of murders of women. The results, along with proposals for public policies to resolve the problem, are expected by the end of 2005 (for preliminary data, see Comisi?n Especial, 2005). The problem

Olivera

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113

is so deep,

however,

that

in order

to make

progress

the women

of Mexico

need to participate
ism, or oppression,

in building
and to do

a different world,
must struggle

one without
against

violence,

sex
sys

that we

the neoliberal

tem that has invaded our lives.

NOTES
violence against women is considered here to be any act directed at the feminine result in injury or physical, sexual, or psychological suffering, including threats of such acts, coercion, or arbitrary deprivation of liberty either in public or in private life. These acts constitute violence even when their origin lies in custom or the personal characteristics of those 1.Gender sex that may who them (Feministas de Chiapas, 2004). than 8 million Mexican migrants work to Mexico send remittances salary discrimination, 2. More commit in the United that will States and, despite the existing billion in 2005 approach US$20

(Bartra, 2005). 3. The report suggests that one of the reasons that neoliberalism has had less success than lowered trade barriers too quickly. is that the last three governments expected inMexico 4. On a national level in 2000,11.7 15 and older had no education. A little percent of women more to get than 50 percent of women had some schooling, but only 9.4 percent had managed higher education. The poorest states had much lower rates. For example, inChiapas 28 percent of and only 4.5 percent have had higher education the women have had no education, (INEGI, 2005). 5. Such

discrimination in particular. In strongly affects peasant and indigenous women Chiapas, for example, many indigenous women make craft products that they may sell directly to consumers but more typically sell through middlemen who retail them in tourist markets in Mex ico or even abroad. Although there are some cooperatives that export in the solidarity market, most artisans barely recover their investment in materials, much less the value of their labor. with of the Congreso Mundial de la Familia, held inMexico City in 2004 government (La Jornada, February 4, 2004). sponsorship 7. See the articles in this issue by Delgado Wise, Ruiz, and Barkin for more on the causes and effects of the changes in the rural economy. 6. See the conclusions

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114

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