CNAS Journal Vol. 39 Social Movement After Liberalism, Marxism... by Prof. BK Mabuhang

AFTER LIBERALISM, MARXISM LENINISM AND MAOISM WHAT NEXT 'ISM' DOES NEPALESE FATE ADHERE TO?
Balkrishna Mabuhang Abstract This article is divided into four major parts. First part highlights the social diversity and discrepancies along with the efforts to build a monolithic nation state. The second part tries to review the theoretical discourse on pluralism and its derivatives Nepal has perceived to be, and experienced on political, ideological, and social enigmas. Third part reveals the major discrepancy on Maoist insurgency and popular Second People's Movement. And fourth part sheds light on Constituent Assembly, state restructuring, and conclusion. Social Diversity with Discrepancies Despite its heterogeneity, Nepal is neither a melting pot like America1 nor is like People's Republic of China which is trying to maintain the homogeneity with an overwhelming majority (96%) of Han nationality. Rather, we are closer to the Republic of India in terms of its spatial proximity, social and cultural accessibility and diversity in languages, Indigenous Nationalities (INs), and religions. Despite of profound ethno-demographic and linguistic diversities concentrated in different geographical locations, and watersheds of multiculturalism, Nepalese Nation State building project could not envisage them as fundamental premises. However, states that are enriched by different languages, cultures, religions and traditions are to consider diversities as opportunity (Majeed et al., 2008). Both neighbouring countries, China and India, have accommodated their diversities to the fullest extent, no matter what political system they are practising. In Nepal, there are 5 Development Regions, 14 zones, 75 districts and many other local units; none of them is identified with social, cultural, linguistic and regional sentiments and population not least in nomenclature. Development, minus socio-cultural values, of the last six decades could not address the development destitute; nor could the socio-cultural groups who were marginalized against national integration be protected. The present structure was introduced in 1972, followed by the one in 1982, during the autocratic Panchayat regime. The process of subdivison of the country into
Contributions to Nepalese Studies, Vol. 39, (Special Issue 2012), 35-83 Copyright 2012 CNAS/TU
36 CNAS Journal, Vol. 39, (Special Issue 2012)
five development regions: Eastern, Central, Western, Mid- Western and Far Western by creating a series of north-south growth axes or development corridors to tie-in the economy of Tarai with that of the hills (Gurung, 2005a). However, at the moment, many development experts argue that the present structure, a five-regional development model can promote complimentarily between the two topographical economies by facilitating movement of trade, labour, and capital. The essence of making a vertical unit which comprises Tarai, hill, and mountain, Bohora (2003) argues it mirrors the major river basins of Nepal and thus will make development of water resources easier by minimizing hill versus Tarai conflicts in sharing the benifit. However, Nepal has the least significant experience in working with reciprocity in the development sector between mountain, hill and Terai region in the last 6 decades. In fact, the current regional structure was purely a conception of the elite and development experts in the ruling hierarchy; it was not a grass root demand, which is so prime in designing the units and subunits of the state. The ruler centric performance of the structure showed that it was designed neither for devolution of political power to the people nor for addressing any grievances of the marginalized socio-cultural groups (Sharma, 2007). Despite their alleged Indian background, administrative terminologies and place names of the early Lichavi period were mainly in non-Sanskrit language (cited in Bista, 1991). However, this was subsequently replaced by Sanskrit in a very tricky way, since Casteism has played a predominant role in the governance of Nepal. During Panchayat era, Hindu nation state ideology was imposed in such a way that even the existing names of mountains, places, rivers, and even individuals' were replaced by those names that were very alien to local culture, and inhabitants. For example, 'Chamchamlungma' (Limbu languages) is called Mt. Sagarmatha (Sanskrit), similarly Mt.Phaktanglungma to Mt.Kumbhakarna, Mt. Chen-chenlungma to Mt. Kanchanjangha and so forth (Chemjong, 1964). One interesting feature we can visualize in the travelogue of Late Dr. Harka Gurung (2007) on suffixes to the names of rivers, mostly, in the hill area is that, they end with 'wa' in the eastern part of Nepal, with '-di' in central part, and with '-gad' in the mid and far western parts. The words- 'wa' in Limbu language, 'di' in Magar language, and 'Gad' in Khas language, all stands for water or springs. But the river names follow from east to west: Mechi, Koshi, Bagmati, Narayani, Gandaki, Rapti, Bheri, Seti, Karnali, and Mahakali; all sound feminine and they mostly stand for Hindu deities. In this way, were chosen also the names of political units after the names of mountains, places and rivers. The central
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 37
authority in Kathmandu, decided everything without consulting the local inhabitants. So, despite their apprehension, the INs could not stand against the State during the autocratic Panchayat regime. The nomenclature of substates was also indifferent to interests of local inhabitants. On the other hand, the process of state building resulted in ethnic stratification (Hagen, 2007). During the State- building process, many ethnic groups lost land to high-caste Hindus, as was the case for the Limbus of far eastern Nepal in the nineteenth century (Caplan, 1970). There are numerous similar cases found in different groups. According to 2001 Census, Chepang, a small hill IN group accounts for about 50000 population concentrated in the mid-hill and is divided into 5 districts, followed by Raji with 2399 population divided into three districts and Thami with population 22,999 divided into two districts. Even in Tarai, Dhimal has 19,537 population divided into two districts, and Tachpuria with 13,250 population is divided into two districts. Similarly, Hayu with 1,821 population is divided into two districts, and Hyolmo with 570 population in central mountain is also divided into two districts. The worth noting point in this narration is that the State while building its sub-states, deliberately overlooked the existence of such multicultural groups. There was no consultation with INs, ethnic groups, linguistic and cultural groups and local inhabitants. The State tried to disperse the multicultural population guided by a unitary set of thinking; also it often considered social diversity the constraint for developments, and this all contributed to inhibit the existence of acquired identities.2 There are some groups of INs, such as Kumal, Bhujel and Kusunda; linguistically called potentially endangered, endangered and moribund respectively, who are well neither well off economically, nor represented politically or advanced educationally. There are 100 caste/ethnic groups, the National Census 2001 reported. Out of them, only 18 groups are demographically visible, that is each exceeds more than 1 percent of the total national population according to 2001 national census and cumulatively they account for more than 81 percent of the total population. It shows the remaining 88 caste/ethnic groups, though numerous in numbers, accounts for less than 19 percent population (Mabuhang, 2009). Of the larger groups, Chetri of hill origin accounts for 15.8 percent of the national population, followed by hill Bahun (12.7 %), Magar (7.1 %). Tharu (6.8 %), Tamang (5.6 %), Newar (5.6 %), Muslim (4.3 %), Kamai (3.9.0%), Yadav (3.9%). Rai (2.8 %), Gurung (2.4 %), Damai (1.7 %), Limbu (1.6 %), Thakuri (1.6%), Sarki (1.4%), Teli (1.3%), Chamar (1.2%), and Koiri (1.1%) and so on. There are interesting tendencies Nepali
ethno-demography shows. On the one hand, hill Hindu highest caste group Bahun accounts for the second largest population, but is not concentrated in any geographical area, is rather spread across Nepal especially in the hill region. On the other extreme, the lowest stratum of Hindu, Dalit group that includes like Bishwokarma, Pariyar, Mijhar, Wadi and Gandharva - does not concentrate on any particular geographical location. It is also spread across the country especially in hill region. In contrast, INs are concentrated in particular geographical points in all regions- mountain, hill, and Tarai. The former two- Bahun and Dalit- are of the same stock, and are a dichotomy in the Hindu hierarchical value structure, whereas, the latter groups do not
belong to this cultural structure. Historical Legacy of Nepal Most states grew round a nucleus and expanded by conquest and aggrandizement; the case of Nepal was no different (Gurung, 1986). Until the mid-18th century, the territory presently occupied by Nepal was a congeries of diverse political units. The valley, popularly known as Nepal khaldo was inhabited by Newar community and was surrounded by the largest group Tamang in between Budhi Gandaki in the west and Dudhkoshi in the east. From Dudh Koshi to Arun river, there are more than a dozen of different Kirati offshoots, historically known as Nau lakh Kirati (nine hundred thousand Kirati)
by number and as Koich and Khambus nomenclature. Beyond Arun river, up to Tista river, the area was popularly known as Limbuwan However, the Sughauli treaty signed between Nepal Government and the East India Company in 1816 maintained the Mechi river, the eastern border of Nepal. So, Limbuwan was divided into two modern nation states, Nepal and India. Political organizations were loosely formed of tribes with some confederations. Das Limbuwan (of Ten Limbus chiefdoms) was well established during the medieval period in far eastern part of present day Nepal (Chemjong, 6th edition 2003). West of Nepal Valley, the Magar inhabited Gandaki basin in the lower hill with a confederation of Bahra Magarat (Twelve States) mainly along lower Kaligandaki, followed by the higher region occupied by the Gurung with a league of Gyu Rong (Nine Chiefs), later supplanted by the Ghale from Manang. Bahra Magarat disintegrated with the penetration of Khasa Thakuri from the west and Sen Thakuri from the south. By the 18th century, the Gandaki basin had at least 24 (chaubisi) petty states led by Thakuri chiefs. Gorkha was the easternmost lordship in direct contact with the Nepal valley. The Khasam realm built in Karnali basin extended to a large area west of the Gandaki, except the northern belt of snows (Jadan), had a homogenous Khasa population. The Khasa Mallas of Jumla had an imperial tradition from 11th to 14th century including Kuman, and Purang in Tibet. Apart from this the southern part comprised about 18 percent of land that was covered up by dense forest known as charkoshe jhadi, where more than a dozen INs, including different types of subgroups of Tharu, and other ethnic groups inhabited fighting the endemic Malaria disease.
Let us begin with the well chanted saying of Prithvinaran Shaha, "...if everyone is alert, this will be a true 'Hindustan' of the four jats (caste), greater or lesser, with the thirty- six classes (Stiller, 1968)." There are different versions of it, but it depends on how one perceives the Nepalese society and interprets it (Mabuhang, 2011). Prior to emergence of Prithivinaran Shah, Sen Dynasty overran different strata of both inner Tarai and Tarai, stretched from west to east and that they were competed for the Hindu Pati (Head of Hindus) was prevalent among them (Stiller, 1968:13). According the Chronicles of Sen Dynasty, they came from Chittaur of India. Despite King Prithvi Narayan had subjugated all Sen kindoms of petty states ( Baishi and Chaubisi), he had a mission to create an Ashali Hindustan (Hindu's true holy land) with four Vernas- Brahman, Chhetri, Baishya and Sudra and 36 Jats (denomination of each verna), means either the plurality within the Hindu custom and cultural realm or beyond it, is not clear. Prime Minister Junga Bahadur Rana introduced Muliki Ain (Civil Code) in 1854 based on the casteism to enforce Hindu culture and values through statutory provisions in the society. King Mahendra scrutinized some direct discrimination, made sure that some traditional practices and belief system were maintained, however, the legal instruments' jurisprudence was to be Hindu values and ethos (Hofer, 1979). The discrepancy persistently exists even today though Nepal was declared a Secular, Federal and Republic State by the first meeting of Constituent Assembly. It was not joyful for those who were in status quo, however, when CA became unable to promulgate the constitution of new Nepal, there is a debate if the CA decisions would be commendable or not. An Enigma of Hindu Nation State Building The early 19th century, European idea was that a nation requires a state to express its will (Burghart, 1993). Nation states of West Europe attempted to create culturally homogenous polities, which are harmful to the very idea of diversity (Oommen, 2008). Nepal was built as a nation of only Hindu cultural values and ethos against numerous INs, cultural and linguistic groups. So, it was a nation- state based on a faulty premise. A partyless Panchayat system which was propounded by King Mahendra lasted for 30 years because it was taken for granted to express Hindu values: religion, culture, language, and country code in the name of a system devised based on its own soil and water. However, as fundamental aspects of Panchayat, which King Mahendra envisaged, was what the Europeans adopted in the early 19th century that a nation requires a state, but this served the interests of only the Khas Arya group. Nepali nation was also designed to serve the interest of an ethnic
group characterized with Hindu King, Hindu religion, language, culture, and ethos against others. This was a recurrent theme the Rana Period (18461951) enhanced by adopting the country code (Muliki Ain). In contrast, democracy and freedom of culture, language, and belief in every sector invoked the ideology of secular state as well. The debate on the issue of Hindu religious kingdom versus secular state which pertinently occurred in political discourse prior to and during the drafting of the 1990 constitution showed that the tradition was still very much alive (Whelpton, 1997). It is quite common to regard 'Nepali nationalism' as simply a borrowing from the nineteenth century European ideology. According to Worsely, 'Nationalism is also a form of ethnicity... it is the institutionalization of one particular ethnic identity by attaching it to the state' (cited in Oommen, 2012). The Nepali nationalism is also strongly felt by those whose language, culture, symbols, and heroes are taken care of by the State. They are fully articulated in education, media, bureaucracy, and culture, costumes, and help create a self-conscious of nationalism. The curriculum, textbooks, and reading materials from the primary school up to higher secondary school are found unfriendly to the pupils of INs (Mabuhang et al., 2005). Though the Gorkha chiefdom was expanded to a larger nation, it couldn't retain 'Gorkha' as the name of largely extended nation state. Rather, it borrowed the name of 'Nepal' from 'Nepal Mandal' that confined Kathmandu Valley in the core dwelled by Newar INs, and its periphery. The language of Gorkha was called Gorkha Bhasha (language) until 1909 (cited in Burghart, 1984). The National official News paper is still called Gorkha- Patra (Paper of Gorkha). But, ironically Gorkha rulers accepted the name Nepali for their language, instead of retaining Gorkha Bhasha. One plausible reason is that Nepal was much bigger, civilized, and it had a long history, and all this was an attraction. Consequently, the country received the name Nepal and the language was called Nepali and also it was given the state of lingua franca among the multilingual speakers of Nepal. Another plausible reason could be that Gorkha showed cruelty while attacking Kathmandu; so, it may have come as a gesture to heal the pain. Gorkha rulers adopted both the name of country and the name of the language along with deities that 'Nepal' had traditionally in Kathmandu valley. When Nepali became the lingua franca, it was imposed upon as the medium of the school level education across the country including Kathmandu valley. Not only did the imposition of Nepali language force the multilingual people to receive education in the second language, but also it began the process of acculturating them into Hindu
culture and values. One interesting case of conversion through education is instantiated here. In Humla district, the people from the villages of Barain, Buwa, Kallasa, Kuti, Puma, and Nepka have given up their Tibetan culture (Lama, 1993). It was during the Panchayat reign that, in the name of national integration, King Mahendra pushed Hinduism deep into the northern belt. Lama shared the story of his own experience:
"I was one of the boys who went to Mahendra Jana Jagriti Pathsala (Mahendra Public Awareness School) in my village Todpa. In the year 1965, my teacher Sita Ram Paudyal changed my name from Tshewang given by the village Lama to Chhakka Bahadur.
Many Tibetan (Tibeto Burman language family) speakers that inhabited the hills gave up their cultural heritage and took up Hindu way of life. This process was introduced across the country. For example the real name of poet and Chancellor of Nepal Academy, Mr. Tilbikram Nembang was Ojhahang Nembang in Limbu language. Similarly, the real name of former Ambassador for Japan, Ganesh Hyonzan was Phurba Hyonzan in Tamang language. The case analysis of the educational profile of Panchthar district in eastern Nepal, illustrates that there are 371 schools. Out of them,3 schools named after Hindu deities account for 206 (55.53 %), followed by Hindu literary words (29.9 %), Limbu literary words (11.9 %), Buddhist (2.0 %), and Rai (0.5 %). Meanwhile, Panchthar is one of the core districts of Limbuwan, where Limbu population inhabits dominantly (40 %), followed by Rai (14 %), Bahun (12.5 %), Chetri (10.7 %) and so forth. This gives a glimpse of phenomenon of Hindu nationalism imposed upon the multicultural people of Nepal. Even after declaration of the republican state, when the Vice- president of Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal took an oath in Hindi language with Dhoti, Kamij costume4, it was seriously raised among the hill Nepali linguists. Although his mother tongue is Maithili and it is quite common to speak Maithili in his resident and he served as the Justice in Supreme Court in Nepali language; how dare he go against Nepali language? His taking oath in Hindi was dubious. The reason was that the party nominated him as a candidate of VC, but he raised the issue Hindi to be recognized as the regional lingua franca in Tarai-Madhes. However, Hindi songs are quite common during Hindu religious functions and marriage and other functions and party events both even in rural and city areas among the hill people. One instance, Madhesi people often take as an example of behaviour of hill people is how they welcome the elect Indian Idol- 2007, Mr. Prashant Tamang from
Darjeeling district. He was supported by many hill groups. People from Darjeeling district, Sikkim, Nepal and many other places voted overwhelmingly for Prashant in the contest. Responding to a petition against the Vice-president Jha, Supreme Court ruled against the Vice-president and asked him to take oath in official language. However Jha rejected the verdict and argued that if all the languages spoken in Nepal 'are given due respect' he can consider re-taking oath. The Vice President position became vacant by charging him that he could not perform any duties in capacity of the Vice President and was not entitled to special security and privileges. After six month off duty Vicepresident was reactivated from 7 February, 2010, after he took a fresh oath of office and secrecy in Nepali language,5 and national dress6- labeda Suruwal, Coat, and Topi). Taking oath in mother tongue other than Nepali is permitted after a recent amendment in current Constitution. This is all the by-product of mono ethnic nationalism tried to establish in Nepal for the last almost a century long history. It really shows a manoeuvring the State did to homogenize different cultural groups into Hindu religion and culture. Also, the state tried to homogenize all languages into hill Nepali language. However, there is a counter argument also. The local elites had to learn the ruler's language and at least display Hindu symbols in order to prove loyal and be treated on an equal footing with emerging Hindu elites (cited in Gellner, 1997). And it is also a phenomena well established with regard to Sanskritization where social mobility and opportunity grasping are necessary to come into the mainstream from the perspective of periphery (Rex, 1976). As the counter movement against Hindu Nation State comprises three major streams namely INs movement, Madhesi movement, and Dalit movement along with religious minorities are persistently challenging the mono-ethnic nation state. Of them, INs issue is cropping up with distinct and different identities than the Hindu nation state since 1991. There are three words confusingly used in Nepali language: Jat (caste), Jati (Ethnic), and Janajati (Nation). The third one is popularly used in both neighbouring countries, like 'Nationalities' in People's Republic of China, and Tribal Communities in Republic of India. There are other three words: Adibashi (Indigenous), Aprabashi (Migrant), and Mulbashi (Main inhabitant) are also become important in Nepal since 1993.7 However, both neighbouring countries do not accept the word Indigenous in their context. Gurung (1996) argues that Nationalities (Janajatis) is used now a days instead of Ethnic (Jati), where as Adibashi (Indigenous) is also used in place of Nationalities.
Adibashi is related to time frame where as Janajati is related to community or a cultural group. The third one Mulbashi (Main Inhabitant) is also in the discourse instead of Adibashi (Indigenous). It is argued that all mongoloid stock of socially, culturally, and racially different groups are indigenous, but not Janajatis and Adibashis. Because these two words connote the meaning of nomad or migrant, Chairman of Mongol National Organization (MNO) argues. However, this is not fit epistemologically, since there is not an issue of main (mul) and branch (hanga). From Hindu four- fold point of view there might be mul (four verna), and hanga, (thirty six caste), but when we talk about the dichotomy of Hindu four-fold system and INs, then this does not exist. He stresses that Adibashi/ Janajati implies the migrant, nomads, as Gypsies does in Europe (cited in Hagen, 2005). However, Adibashi/ Janajati word has been used persistently in the last three decades and the State also has recognized them as "Adibasi/ Janajati""by removing all sorts of existing economic and social inequalities and to set up and develop their healthy social life based on justice and morality, thus consolidating the national integrity, and preserving such peoples' identities and cultural diversity by developing their language, literatures, arts, scripts, religions, and cultures and by creating special opportunities for their education, well-being and employment (NFDIN, 2003)."
However, Nepal Federation of Nationalities (NEFEN) defined Indigenous Peoples as Nationalities (Janajatis) in 1991:
"...a community with its own mother tongue and traditional culture but not falling under the traditional four-fold varna of Hindu Varna system (NEFEN, 1991)."
As an inference, we can summarize that the mono- ethnic nation state building is ended with the aspiration of people who fought for democracy and accommodation of diversity in a larger national8 state. In order to synchronise the issues that were left as legacy of the mono-ethnic nation state, a newly emerging federal state needs to accommodate them in an innovative way. Pluralism John Hick, the most famous philosopher, is advocating a religious pluralist position. Hick argues that we should view all of the great world religions (e.g. Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism) as providing equally efficacious paths to the same Real because all have an altruistic message at their core (Meeker, 2007:193). He argues that but not all religions are 'true' in the more common propositional sense because they obviously assert contrary
views. However, Hick argues that being nice to everyone does not require being right about everything. He contends that people of all religions view the Real through their own peculiar cultural lenses, which are influenced by historical precedents, environmental conditions, and so on. The Real is thus constructed in the image of the particular cultures of the adherents. In Hick's own words:
'religious exclusivism and religious pluralism are of different logical kinds, the one being a self-committing affirmation of faith and the other a philosophical hypothesis'.
Despite the separation of church and state in America, religion and politics have long influenced each other in ways direct and indirect (Elshtain, 2003). This theme was advanced by Alexis de Tocqueville, who argued that the nation's religiously formed democratic optimism was something new under the political sun, for it led, in practice, to the associational enthusiasm he observed when he toured America during the Jacksonian era. That church and state in America are in fact separate means. America has secular government - but it does not mean that American society is a secular society. Reacting to the nativism of the Americanization movement Kallen (1970 [1924]) initiated the philosophy of "cultural pluralism" that would eventually be embraced enthusiastically by liberal reformers of his time and, years later, would become a dominant shibboleth of both liberals and conservative intellectuals on ethnicity and minority issues (quoted in Elshtain 2003). In Kallen's racialist formulation, individual people in America are inherently members of groups and ethnic stratification is culturally (if not genetically) rooted, making it absurd to argue for the kind of unity that assimilationist vision argues. By the 1990's "multiculturalism" became the term of choice for those advocating a vast range of pluralist positions, from those wishing to acknowledge the demographic diversity of American society to those wishing to over-turn a Eurocentric hegemony. Very similar kind of notion the Neplease pluralists also resemble. They don't like to say Hindu a religion; rather, it is the 'Sanatan' (tradition) practices in the region of Brahmputra river in the east to Indus in the west. The Hindus no more look apart from the other people of Nepal than a tree does from its trunk (Sharma 1997: 490). In contemporary Hinduism we find attempts to broaden the meaning of Sanatana Dharma as the eternal Hindu religion and to also embrace the religious traditions of the Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, and all the traditions of Hinduism (Dimitrova, 2007). But it is also a tricky manipulation that all practices including Buddhist come under the Hindu. It simply tries to mess
with the different philosophy and value of a particular submerged into another. Pluralism is a multi-faceted concept. Conn (1973) postulated at least four distinct ways in which the term pluralism has been used. First, "value pluralism" is one way in which societies exhibit several competing value systems; and societies do not have value pluralism when they are of 'ideational consensus'- acceptance of a common symbol structure, that is, agreement not only on broad principles but also on the terms in which these principles will be expressed. Second, "Cultural Pluralism" refers to the existence of multiple cultural groups within a society. Due to cultural factors and economic or status factors that arise in connection with modernization, society constitutes multiple groups. Referring Haug (1967), Conn argues that young nations may experience the existence of pluralism in a society covering large sparsely populated areas, engaged chiefly in agriculture and the poor. Their governmental functions are still shaky and unstable, as literacy rates are low and various interest groups that struggle confusedly for dominance tend to increase the intensity of more plural polity. Third, "Structural Pluralism" focuses on the structure of political system in which the number of issues are raised and resolved with the notions of decentralized decision making. And lastly, "Social Pluralism" where the diversity arising from modernization characterizes the society with diverse interests that are allowed to organize and compete with each other formally and informally for rewards. Socially pluralists societies allow organizational interests and competition independently as an intermediary body between government and citizen. Now, of much concern here is what to do for social pluralism with democracy. Though it is complex, there are four ways of relationship Conn proposed between social pluralism and democracy: First, Social Pluralism socializes the individual to democratic norms. Second, it increases the exposure of individual to political questions and helps increase participation. Third, it provides alternative leaders for democratic systems. and Fourth, it provides alternative policies for democracies. As Manley (1983) says, 'even inside the pluralist school, serious doubts have arisen about the theory's ability to explain the American system: the relationship between pluralism and such central issues of democratic theory as equality, distributive justice, and peaceful social change.'
A close reading of James Madison (or, for that matter, Marx) shows that there is no necessary contradiction between groups and class. Madison treats groups as subdivisions of the broad social division between those with and without property, but after the rise of socialism and class analysis in the nineteenth century, pluralism and class analysis were pitted against each other. Toward the end of his pioneering study of groups, Bentley (1908) took up the question of class and made it clear that group theory was intended as a critique of class theory. In Bentley's view, Marx's theory of class struggle was a crude form of group theory. The failure of the so-called proletariat to unite behind a common interest and seize power proved Marx wrong, in Bentley's view (cited from Manley, 1983). Indeed, Bentley (1908, p. 467) says, "A proletariat class, such as Marx and Engels conceived it, simply did not exist." It indicates something different notion in the context of Nepali society where more than 90 percent people rely on their subsistence economy which is basically agriculture. Every household is the unit of society, and every clan has a distinct and different affinity than an ideology. Sometime people feel awkward when members of a clan annoy each other on political or ideological matters. Multiculturalism The term multiculturalism was first introduced in Canada in 1971 as part of the government's policy to deal with the two main communities in the country- the English speaking settlers and the French speaking counterparts (Kymlicka, 1995). Since then this concept has taken on new dimensions and today it is used to discuss issues of diversity as a result of race or ethnicity, class, gender, culture, and sexual preference. Multiculturalism is considered a leftist political ideology that sees all cultures, their mores and institutions, as essentially equal (Kumar, 2011). There is not any hierarchy between and among cultures; they is simply different. Multiculturalism represents a new kind of universalism one where integration of individuals into the state is not predicated on a total disengagement from particularistic community ties. Rather, people are included into the nation state as members of diverse but equal ethnic groups. And the state recognizes that the dignity of individuals is linked to the collective dignity of the community to which they belong. A multicultural society needs a broadly shared culture to sustain it. Since it involves several cultures, the shared culture can only grow out of their interaction and could both respect and nurture their diversity and unite them around a common way of life. Typically, multiculturalism here is a social
doctrine that distinguishes itself as a positive alternative for policies of assimilation, connoting a politics of recognition of the citizenship rights and cultural identities of ethnic minority groups (Kymlicka 1995; C. Taylor 1992) and, more generally, an affirmation of the value of cultural diversity. Ideas of multiculturalism and minority rights have been 'internationalized' in two distinct ways (Gellner 2001). First, a discourse of multiculturalism is circulating amongst elites who participate in international networks of activities, scholars, and policy makers. Through these networks, a certain way of talking about ethnocultural diversity is being diffused around the world, premised on principles of tolerance and ideals of Justice. Within this discourse, minorities are seen, not as problem to solve or a threat to be neutralized, but as legitimate members of the state whose identity and culture must be respected (Kymlicka et al. 2005). Second, formal international standards of minority rights are being adopted by international organizations such as the UN, the World Bank, and the ILO. These organisations have attempted to codify minimum standards for the behaviour of states in relation to their minorities, and to establish mechanism to monitor state compliance with them. Kymplicka raises the question what do we mean by Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights? He put on three important aspects the western democracy has been observing: Minority Nationalism, Indigenous Peoples, Immigrant Groups and Metics (temporary migrants). In the context of Nepal, diversity especially concerned with identity, autonomy, is related either with Minority Nationalism or Indigenous Peoples. So these two aspects are discussed here. Minority Nationalism Will Kimlycka (2005) argues:
The first concerns the treatment of sub-state/ minority nationalisms, such as the Quebecois in Canada, the Scots and Welsh in Britain, the Catalans and Basques in Spain, the Flemish in Belgium, the Germans in South Tyrol in Italy, and Puerto Ricans in the US. In all these cases, we find a regionally concentrated group that conceives of itself as a nation within a larger state, and mobilizes behind nationalist political parties to achieve recognition of its nationhood, either in the form of an independent state or through territorial autonomy within the larger state.
Most of the states felt that to have a regional group with a sense of distinct nationhood was a threat to the state. So various measures the nation states made to erode this sense of distinct nationhood, including restricting
minority language rights, abolishing traditional forms of regional selfgovernment, and encouraging members of the dominant group to settle in the minority groups homeland, so that the minority becomes outnumbered even in its traditional territory. In contrast, Majeed et al. (2008) argue that diversities are not to be considered as a burden but as an asset that states can build upon. Unfortunately, however, diversity is often considered by politicians as a problem that states have to accommodate. On the contrary, one has to consider diversities as an opportunity for states that are enriched by different languages, cultures, religions, and traditions. It doesn't mean that accommodation of diversity will bring peace in a state rather it would contribute to sustainable development as well. In India, during the colonial period the British considered religion to be the primary marker of difference in Indian society; so they set policies towards religious communities. Over time, they introduced some limited democratic institutions and a concept of civil society, community and caste identities granted recognition in a number of state institutions like the army, the law and the franchise (Kumar, 2011:29). The Congress defended the notion of a pluralist society and a neutral state based on equal citizenship. However, Congress also promised recognition and protection for religious communities and non-discriminatory state policies at the same time. It also rejected the British view that India was not a nation and articulated a secular and inclusive nationalism in which there would be equal respect, equal opportunities and equal liberty for all, regardless of their religious affiliations or social location. All countries just mentioned have accepted the principle that these substate national identities would endure for indefinite future, and that their sense of nationhood and nationalist aspirations would be accommodated in one way or other. This accommodation had typically taken the form of what we could call 'multinational federalism'. It was creating a federal or quasi federal subunit in which the minority group formed a local majority, so that it could exercise meaningful forms of self government. At the beginning of the twentieth century, only Switzerland and Canada had adopted this combination of territorial autonomy and official language status for sub-state national groups. In two broad patterns of cultural diversity, Kymlicka (1995) argues, 'nation' means:
"...a historical community, more or less institutionally complete, occupying a given territory or homeland, sharing a distinct language and culture. A 'nation' in the sociological sense is closely related to the idea of a 'people' or a 'culture'- indeed, these concepts are often defined in terms of each other. A country which contains more than one nation is,
50 CNAS Journal, Vol. 39, (Special Issue 2012) therefore, not a nation- state but a multination state, and the smaller cultures form 'national minorities'. The incorporation of different nations into a single state may be involuntary, as occurs when one cultural community is invaded and conquered by another, or is ceded from one imperial power to another, or when its homeland is overrun by colonizing setters."
Cultural diversity may arise from individual and familial immigration where such immigrants often coalesce into loose associations which Kymlicka says 'Ethnic Groups':
"..which typically wish to integrate into the larger society, and to be accepted as full members of it. While they often seek greater recognition of their ethnic identity, their aim is not to become a separate and selfgoverning nation alongside the larger society, but to modify the institution and laws of the mainstream to make more accommodating of cultural differences."
Oommen (2008) argues that 'national minorities':

"have historically legitimate claims to an ancestral homeland; as in the case of Scotish and Welsh peoples in Great Britain or an adopted homeland, as in the case of the French in Quebec in Canada and the Spanish and Portuguese peoples in Latin America.....the national minorities only when viewed in the wider context of the federal polity but they are usually majorities within their homeland."
In regard to ethnification and destruction of diversity, Omman argues:

Ethnification is a process through which the link between territory and culture is attenuated, and the possibility of a nation sustaining its integrity is put into jeopardy.
There are at least six different types9 of ethnification Oommen pointed out. Similarly he also analysed the ethnification is a process through which some collectivists are defined and perceived as outsiders. There are at least four contexts in which this happens: 1. When the mainstream cultural community in a multination or polyethnic state asserts that it constitutes the nation, and that others should be assimilate in the interests of the "nation"- Waspization in US, Russification in the former Soviet Union, and Hanization in China 2. Even, when a collectivity belongs and lives in its homeland, it may be perceived as cultural outsider because of its actual or attributed
association with conquest and colonization. Hindu view Muslims and Christians who are natives of India as cultural outsiders, and not as part of the nation. 3. When descendants of a people may be defined as aliens and driven out, even after they have been in a country for several centuriesTurks in Bulgeria. 4. A people may be driven out of their ancestral homeland because their religion is different, for example the Zoroastrians and Baha's of the Persian Gulf earlier and the Hindus of Kashmir valley recently. Indigenous Peoples Indians and Inuit in Canada, the Aborigines of Australia, the Maori of New Zealand, the Sami of Scandinavia, the Inuit of Greenland, and Indian tribes in the US have been in the struggle of recognition and self-identification, self development and right to self determination. In the past, all these countries had the same goal and exception that IPs would eventually disappear as distinct communities, as a result of dying out, or intermarriage, or assimilation (Kymlicka, 2005). Various policies adopted to speed up this process, such as stripping IPs of their lands, restricting the practice of their traditional culture, language, and religion, and undermining their institutions of self-government. However, there has been a dramatic reversal in these policies, starting in the early 1970s. Today all of the countries just mentioned accept, at least in principle, the idea that indigenous peoples will exist in the indefinite future as distinct societies within the larger country, and that they must have the land claims, cultural rights (including recognition of customary law) and self government rights needed to sustain themselves as distinct societies. Indigenous peoples were considered as the temporary society in the late 60s. When ILO Convention 107 urged the member states to adopt the necessary policy measures to bring such temporary societies into the main stream that extremely hurt native peoples or indigenous peoples across the world. By virtue of their struggle and genuine argument, international community became ready to update the instruments, so as ILO formed a task force to study about the Indigenous Peoples. All accumulated issues are now identified with social identity that polity less likely spelled out in the history. However, the federalism compliment with social diversity and identity issue too is less likely to be discussed in the Nepalese political discourse.
Ideology and Democracy An ideology is: - an organized collection of ideas, "scientific ideas"; - it can be thought of as a comprehensive vision; - as a way of looking at things, as in common sense and several philosophical tendencies, or a set of ideas proposed by the dominant class of a society to all members of the society. The main purpose behind an ideology is to offer change in society through a normative thought process. - Ideologies are systems of abstract thought applied to public matters and thus make this concept central to politics, - Every political tendency entails an ideology whether or not it is propounded as an explicit system of thought. - Positive characteristics like vigour and fervor and negative characteristics like excessive certitude and fundamentalist rigor. Organizations that strive for power will try to influence the ideology of a society to become closer to what they want it to be. Political organizations (including governments) and other groups (e.g. lobbyists) try to influence people by broadcasting their opinions.
When most people in a society think alike about certain matters, or even forget that there are alternatives to the status quo, we arrive at the concept of hegemony (Wikipedia).
The term ideology usually refers to a systematic, elaborated and delimited system of thought, like political ideologies or religious doctrines (Schmid, 1981). In macro-sociology Marxist as well as liberal, ideology is often considered as a level or instance of a social formation, or as a social subsystem. Then ideology is opposed to other levels or subsystems, like economy or politics, and refers to a particular institutional space. Liberal Democracy and Nepalese Polity What view should liberals take of the internal practices of non-liberal religious and cultural minorities within liberal democracies? This issue has divided liberal opinion into two main camps (Crowder, 2007). In one camp are those who see liberalism as standing primarily for the autonomy of the individual person; and in the other, there are those who identify liberalism with maximal toleration of the beliefs and practices of different social groups. This debate raises fundamental issues in liberal political theory, and it has attracted a variety of contributions from leading theorists since the 1980s. Among the most significant of those contributions was the exchange between
Will Kymlicka (pro-autonomy) and Chandran Kukathas (pro-toleration) in the early 1990s. However, both arguments are complementary to each other rather than contradictory when we take their perspectives in case of Nepal. Autonomy is the prime question for those groups who are distinct and different and have been discriminated and excluded for the last two and a half century. But they are still living in their traditional homeland with dominant population even tolerating the predominance of Hindu high caste. Now the rights of those excluded and marginalized groups, despite their overwhelming demography and the territory belonging to them, have begun to be claimed with the advent of democracy. Now, the challenge is whether liberal democracy would be able to manage it, and the suppressed group would have the space to stand on equal foot with the dominant groups. So, the 'table' is begun to turn and toleration is synchronically shared among the groups who are sharing the table. And it is also important to have a degree of tolerance to be a pluralist. Yet, the political parties dominantly brought up in mono-ethnic nationalism are still conservative and reluctant to be accommodative. In this crucial juncture, Nepalese polity might take an unwanted discourse- extreme left and right. One is arguing, first for freedom, democracy and accountable government through parliamentary democracy, and second is arguing for development, prosperity, and of course accountable government through democratic centralism, but there does not seem to appear any meeting point. It is an outcome of the discourse gone through dream of Liberalism, Marxism and so on. In promotion of both democratic and communist perspective, from 1930s to 1960s, an increasing number of Nepalese studied in India and imbibed the discourses of nationalism, Maxism, and civil rights which flourished there (Gellner, 2001). There are several political changes that have taken place, and in every time more or less an old regime would be abolished with the popular support through people's movements hoping that a change would take place along with newly adopted system. With greater hopes of freedom, Nepalese people fought agianst Rana oligarchy and that ended in 1951 with the active leadership and semi-armed struggle against the Rana regime amidst the 20th century. The commitment made by B.P. Koirala, founder of the Nepali Congress (NC), on the eve of establishment of NC said:
".. It is so pity that Nepalese don't have their organization that fought for modernity, but All Indian Organization (Akhil Bharatiya Sangathan) needs to be formed by incorporating Nepalese with overarching aim to fight for accountable- government and freedom of India.10"
NC was founded in 1947 by Nepalese dissident exiles in India as Nepali National Congress (Whelpton, 1993). Many dissidents had also been active in the Indian Nationalist Movement and in adopting the organisation's basic principles: combination of socialism and parliamentary democracy as its goal and Gandhian non-violence as its tactics. Later, the name was changed to Nepali Congress in 1950 when it was amalgamated with Nepal Democratic Congress, an organization set up by estranged members of Rana family. It is to be taken in notice that NC was premised on three pillars: modernity, accountability, and liberty. Also to be noticed here is that the political parties along with King Tribhuvan were committed to promulgate the Constitution through Constituent Assembly, but they were jeopardized because of a decade long transition. After carrying out a research into the case of prolonged transition and the actual situation the nation was facing, Nepali Congress (NC) leader B.P Koirala in 1958 took a stance against holding a CA calling it highly unnecessary. So, King Mahendra promulgated Constitution of kingdom of Nepal with consensual agreement between the monarch and the political leaders. After which, parliamentary election was held the same year in which NC secured more than two third majority NC showed that it was committed to democracy. Following the aftermath of Rana oligarchy, multiparty democracy ran with political perplexity whether power lay at Naranhity Durbar (office of King) or at Singha Durbar (office of Priminister) for a decade. According to Prasai (2011)11, people began to utter a curse, "May Congress intrude into your house!." He says, "This was to vent their anger at the party and the administration for reason that the police gave clean chits to NC activists' who were arrested for stealing." One of the reasons why rumour spread against Congress government was due to the campaigning of Yogi Naraharinath, Chairman of 'Karmavir Mahamandal'. Eventually, King Mahendra seized the power by arresting elected Prime Minister along with his team by accusing12 that parliamentary democracy was alien to the traditional political culture of Nepal (Burghart, 1993). The proclamation of Panchayat system's nurtured the Hindu Religious kingdom against the backdrop of parliamentary system's failure. The elected NC government failed to mobilise the administration to serve the people's interest. With the power interest of the Monarch, the multiparty democracy was restrained in 1962, and Nepal survived with the dark age of 30 years. Democracy was crushed for three decades. However, NC even launched armed insurgency remaining in semi underground situation. Its top leaders B.P. Koirala, G.P. Koirala and others were in exile. In 1976, when Indira Gandhi's state emergency had made India a less
congenial place of exile, B.P. Koirala returned Nepal, announcing the cause of 'national reconciliation' and although court proceedings were started against him in connection with the party's previous violent campaigns, he was eventually released. Panchayat did not envisage diversity under its communitarian principle. There were 6 class organizations as the sister organizations of non-party Panchayat system namely Youth, Women, Agriculture, Ex-Army, and Elderly were organized time to time; but didn't have any arrangement for INs, Dalit, Madheshi, Muslim, etc. There were dissidents within the Panchas who were from different INs, ethnic, religious, and regional communities; so they had an apprehension and worry about their deteriorating situation of identity. They couldn't express it, since they had accepted the sole authority of Hindu religious kingdom and authoritative leadership of king. Some social organizations established during 1950-60, during democratic period, the Backward Classes Organization established in 1956, included the Gurung Welfare Organization (Gurung Kalyan Sangh), Tharu Welfare Society (Tharu Kalyankari Sangh), Kirat League, and Dalit Sangh. With the prohibition of political parties who were in favour of democracy, Panchayat swept away all social organizations that could make democracy much more broad-based. The apprehension of Panchas concerning their communal issues was expressed covertly, which the Monarchy communicated its angry reactions through brand names "MaGuRaLi" which meant a combination of Magar, Gurung, Rai, and Limbu. Later it became larger "SheTaMaGuRaLi" by adding "SheTa" (Sherpa, Tamang) (Gurung, 1997). During Panchayat period, King Mahendra was aware that NC was in exile in India so, one day they might come to take over the power. In order to neutralize the Indian support for struggle for democracy, King initiated keeping good relation with China and getting it involved in emergent political dynamics. He wrote a letter to Chairman Mao Tse Tung through his envoy Khagendra Jung Gurung (personal conversation with Mr. Gurung). According to Gurung, King Mahendra gave him an assurance that he might deliver the Swiss Confederational democracy, if all the national got united. Since India was accessible to and culturally convenient for Brahmins, so many relatives of Pundits who visited Banaras especially for religious purpose allured them for education too. As Soviet Union became an attractive place for Marxist or communist blocs, many Nepalese youth also were destined to Russia for the purpose of study and its allies also opened the avenue for Nepalese to learn technical subjects. In addition, they gained practical experiences of what communism and socialism can deliver the
people. This phenomenon might be the reason that influenced a significant number of population with the ideologies of Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism. Despite State restrictions to read and write books against Monarchy, books and literature on Marxism, Leninism, Mao Tse Tung and Zuche Thought were published in Nepali languages sponsored by various Friendship associations. This discourse largely imparted the ideology of Marxism, Socialism, and Nationalism to Nepalese readers and intellectuals. Chin Sachitra (China Pictorial) in Hindi language was abundantly available. Common people would read stories and see colourful pictorials and indirectly get influenced as well as influence other people with ideas about communist state and society. Most of the bookshops freely distributed Chin Sachitra as the cover for books and copies. Apart from that, walls inside the rooms were covered up by Chin Sachitra. So people would enjoy watching photographs of Comrade Mao STe Tung, Chao-enlai, Comrade Chu Teh and so on. Seeing these great leaders with smiling faces, working with farmers, peasants, and ethnic minorities emotionally and psychologically embalmed many readers with feelings that communists regime would be far better than the Monarchy. In this way, common people were found to be sympathetic towards communism, especially in the hills. Marxism and Leninism (ML) The ideological of Marxism, Leninism and Maoism were taught to peasants in small hots, in the dark rooms with soundless conversation for fear of life threats from Rana dictatorial regime about only six decades ago. When Rana oligarchy was thrown away, and after about a decade Panchayat autocracy came and more or less the same phenomenon occurred for three decades from 1960-1990. People fought against it and restored the multiparty democracy. They entertained enormous hopes and thought that it was their dreams come true. Not quite satisfied with the functioning modality of parliamentary democracy, then a small tiny fraction of communist party began phenomenally the same kind of teaching to people by whispering to their ear against the malfunctioning system. The people's war against feudalism and all kinds of forces that suppressed the Nepalese people needed to be crushed down by armed struggle. However, armed struggle was rather an old and common strategy of communist groups who believed in societal change through class struggle. A radical, Communist Party of Nepal- CPM (ML) was once active in Jhapa in the seventies. The revolutionaries cut the heads of landlords and declared to establish the dictatorship of peasants, workers, and proletariat
groups through new democracy as comrade Mao Ze Dung established against the internal feudalism and external imperialism in the fifties. With the 'Core Principle' of democratic centralism (Janabadi Kendriyata) extracted from Marxism, Leninism and Mao Tse Tung thought the CPM (ML) adopted armed struggle under the broader principle of class struggle established in the eighties. It made the Panchayat autocracy in the nineties when ML also joined NC. There were as well so many other organisations involved in the struggle. ML came out over ground in the aftermath of Panchayat in the nineties, and become CPN (UML). In reality, Marxist, Leninist, and Mao Tse Tung thought spread in South Asia, when Naxalites Movement developed in the seventies in India with the active leadership of Charu Majumdar. ML originated with the school of Charu Majumdar in Jhapa, but after 16 years, dissolved into parliamentary democracy following the discourse of Jyoti Basu of west Bengal incidentally. And now what is on ground is the liberal democrats that relies on market. Nevertheless Maoist emerged as revolutionary force and social change agent in the Nepali society. There can be differing opinions, but the truth is the entire society is passing through a sociopolitical paradox. And this is a persistent question. Apart from political commitment and struggle against Panchayat regime, late 1989 was also characterized by economic hardship caused by the trade embargo which India had imposed on Nepal. When iron is hot, one has to beat to bring it into size; political leaders too sped up their movement against the Panchayat system. The third dimension of the revolution was one of ethnic and religious conflicts cropped up against the Panchayat (Hoftun, 1993). Though it came lately, it was fundamental to fuel the movement against the Panchayat autocracy and to get success in the democratic movement. However, as the saying goes, the morning shows the day, in the victory day celebration in Open Theatre (Khula Manch), the third rank leader but with strong hold among party cadres of NC, G.P. Koirala declared that the first peoples' movement symbolized the victory of all forces including the Panchas. In such an excited mass meeting, people showed their dissatisfaction, pelted stones and shouted against him. Over three decades' long tug of war between democratic forces and Monarch ended in the nineties, but the descendant of B.P. Koirala in Nepali Congress, G.P. Koirala never gave attention in creating a dialogue between freedom and national interest as the two sides of a single coin. Consequently, people at the grassroots started feeling that multiparty party democracy would not protect the interests of both the people and country. The leaders kept only chanting but ever failed to define democracy at the grass roots. It
was often said 'infancy' had to face the armed struggle at 6 when Maoist declared the People's War. Ganesh Man Shingh,13 an iron leader of NC, of Newar ethnic background, who led the first peoples' movement for the reinstatement of multiparty democracy, had also shown his dissatisfaction. While he passed away, he had already quitted the party, and he was charged by his opponents that he became a communal at the end of his life. Communism (Nationalism) versus Other 'Isms' This discourse of communism and other 'isms' engaged both Pancha and nonPancha that is NC and Communists camps during Panchayat period of thirty years. It was believed that the period contributed to the growth of communism in Nepal. Communists invoked INs largely, and taught them well that Max, Lenin, and Mao all fought against the high caste/class chauvinism, so it is a matter of core principle of Communists to go against Hindu King, Kingdom, and ensure the autonomies for respective communities. This notion was well established. So INs' understanding of struggle against monarch was a fight against mono-ethnic nation state and to achieve the autonomy, whereas that of other groups' was a fighting spearheaded against feudalism. As a result, INs largely joined the communist parties, not the congress party. The communist ideology says that any kind of discrimination and suppression is against the Marxism, so class struggle is the only strategy to get rid it. So, struggle against Hindu casteism also comes under the principle of Marxism, Leninism, and Mao Tse Tung thoughts. But very surprisingly, two pro- Marxist Magar leaders left their party in the aftermath of Panchayat autocracy in the nineties. Leaders Mathwar Singh Thapa from NCP (Puspalal group), and Gore B. Khapangi from ML, among others formed a party called National Peoples' Liberation Party (Rastriya Janamukti Party). Despite their enthusiastic start in building a political party aiming to address INs issues in the beginning, mostly retired soldiers who had given their potential skill and knowledge to British Crown and Indian govenments were found gathered under the active leadership of the two active post- communist ideologues. It was ironic, since most of the soldiers' background was either British Gurkhas or Indian Gorkha Rifles, they appeared apathetic towards the communists. However, their INs background and the issue the party raised especially the question of proportional representation with population in all sectors attracted them. Since, social exclusion was rampant, the principle party adopted attracted the cadres. Another interesting phenomenon was that intellectuals of INs' background seldom joined the party.
There was another initiative to form the party led by INs personalities. It was mainly of leaders once associated with Panchayat. That was Nepal Rastriya Janajati Party led by Khagendra J. Gurung, Kajiman Kandangwa and Bhadra K. Ghale. They manifested that Nepal should adopt federalism based on ethnic identity. There were 12 units they proposed with names representing INs, Ethnic groups, and Languages.14 After the promulgation of Constitution, the party ought to change its name: Nepal Jana Party under the chairmanship of Bichar S. Kandangwa, since the constitution did not permit the party with the communal connotation such as Janajati (Nationalities). Meanwhile, Pashupati Sena was permitted as a political party. In fact, Janajati community comprised very few intellectuals who didn't join the polity intended to raise INs issues, though they experienced various kinds of discriminations. Sociocultural and political grounds for INs issue were comparatively poor, since the polity on identity was part and partial of the major parties. Gurung (1985)15 wrote a monograph on discriminations and exclusion the State made against Janajati community. It was banned by the local administration so that very few readers might have an opportunity to read it. On the other hand, politicians who fought for democracy or new-democracy would have largely understood that such discriminations would be healed when Panchayati autocracy ended. So, they didn't go vigorously on various aspects of democracy and didn't leave their parties. During the last ten or fifteen years, multiculturalist model has begun to be pushed by ethnic activists and has begun to receive some, though as limited, official recognition (Gellner, 2001).
INs intellectuals who were politically also trained felt strong sense of unity that ultimately lobbies with the state and create awareness about own socio-economic, cultural, and political rights. So, they organized a series of meetings jointly with the political invoked Janajati leaders. When intellectuals differed from the political leaders who were strongly committed to form political party, the discourse split into two ways: one went to form a party and second went to form a Federal level organization of Nationalities. So, Nepal Federation of Nationalities (NEFEN) was established in 1991, by representing eight16 INs organizations. NEFEN defined INs the community with its own mother tongue and traditional culture and does not fall under the traditional four-fold Hindu Varna system. It has plainly declared that those social or ethnic groups who fall under the Hindu hierarchical ladder are not eligible for becoming Janajati, because thye need also to have their own territory. Thereafter, the new word Janajati (Nationalities) was introduced in Nepal for the sake of Indigenous/ Tribal/ Native/ Aboriginal/ Inuit/ Sami/ or whatever word is used across the world. In the context of Nepal, the word has meant two
60 CNAS Journal, Vol. 39, (Special Issue 2012) important aspects: one it is distinct and different from the mainstream group (Hindu Religious Hierarchical Population), and has the territory from time immemorial and two it felt threat due to State's encroachment and is in an endangered position. It appealed the international community to protect their basic human rights as other's are taken into account.
Since the Constitution of Nepal 1990, also expressed certain welfare measures for Janjati, it became imperative for political parties to form a Task Force. At the same time, one has to discuss here what democracy really meant for such a diverse society in religion, language, ethnic groups and Indigenous INs.17 The light at the end of the tunnel goes to Maoists who set forth the goal of Republicanism. As a result, the Hindupati-Asali Hindusthan-Hindu Kingdom constitutionally ended on 28 May 2008. Political parties reached consensus to turn Nepal into a Federal Republic State. And, it was about 'u' turn for NC to agree to adopt the change. The other side of the democracy- social diversity, its cleavages, and stability is often ignored, then to flatter as nations' heritage, ornament, etc. and interested to talk about individual liberty is the maximum benefit democracy can deliver. The general people felt the Constitution of Nepal 1990 did not address the minimum aspirations they had. Most of those the state killed in Kathmandu Valley during 1990 movement were Newars who belonged to the local community and were non-political. Their family members often expressed dissatisfaction with the political parties for their disregard of victims of the movement (Ogura, 2006).The belief, expectations, and hopes were overwhelming that democracy would deliver rights and respect to INs, Dalits, Muslims, Madhesis and others. However, multiparty democracy went in very classical way. The classical liberal democratic model and its variants denied constitutional recognition to distinct communities as bearers of rights, who placed emphasis on enforceable human rights, including the rights to individual practice of one's religious, cultural, or linguistic preferences in a national democratic frame work (Haysom, 2002). Though, larger number of left wings somehow joined the reinstated multiparty democracy, even believing that further amendments to the constitutional would fix their expectations, the political leaders just remained glued to the rhetoric that it is the best constitution of the world. The attitude sent a negative massage to the grassroots. Things did not go as expected. The Constitution failed to address the tripod of issues: one, INs' issue of autonomy, Madhesis' issues of regional/ linguistic autonomy; second, Dalits' issues of end untouchability and special protection measures as a reparation;
and third, other crosscutting issues including religious minorities. One of the interesting features CPN/UML projects is that it approaches to prolitariat and peasants' dictatorship, and one day it will reach socialism. One of its INs community cadres, Biran Rajbanshi, committed suicide18 in the Central Office of the party simply because while his party was in power, Madhav K. Nepal was Prime Minister, and Bhim Rawal was the Home Minister, among others, could not support him by appointing his son, Shambhu Rajbanshi, in a nominal Jagir (service). It is remarkable here that in every reshuffling of the government more than 1500 political appointees newly formed government can replace especially in executive level. And thousands of job seekers can go into job market at least on daily-wage, contract and temporary basis through them, but it didn't happen in case of voiceless people, despite their entire life contribution. However, the party still claims that Marxism and Leninism is its guiding principle; it is committed to work for proletariat, peasants and farmers, and it will give special treatment to INs, Dalits, Madheshi, Muslims, and others. Maoist Insurgency: A Dichotomy of Class and Identity Issue Class Issue: A radical leftist group invoked by Maxist, Lennist, and Maoist thoughts believed that without armed struggle, the feudal institution of monarchy would not be abolished. With the restoration of democracy in the nineties and constitutional Hindu Monarchy, many leftist groups joined multiparty democracy. But, a tiny fraction led by Pushpa K. Dahal (Prachand) and Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, even after joining the parliamentary democracy in 1992, skewed into armed struggle in 1996. Unlikely, people believed in the scope of armed struggle, it gained a significant size and made a devastating effect on the State. Many studies and accounts agree that one of the reasons behind the armed struggle was that the multiparty democratic government misused the police force as did the Panchayat autocracy for thirty years last. The other important reason was INs, Dalit, Muslim, Women, Madheshi, and other groups could not be satisfied by the democratic governance that centred itself in Kathmandu. In fact, for some groups like the INs, political exclusion increased in the parliament, cabinet, administration and judiciary after 1990 compared to the autocratic years 1962-90 (Lawoti, 2005). Human Rights Violation was overlooked during Panchayat period. Annual reports published on Human Rights began to set forth, since the restored multiparty democracy ensured HR in its fundamental principal. Following the first half of the decade showed that Human rights violations increased unexpectedly during 1992- 1996 (INSEC, 1996). Despite the
democratic state delivered some basic rights such as freedom of press, freedom of assembly, and so on, common people could not distinguish in their life between the performance of Panchayati autocratic regime and multiparty democratic system. One of the fundamental aspects of human rights, such as social, cultural, and groups rights were restrained during the so called democratic system. Identity Issue: Under the multiparty democracy, many INs felt a strong sense of freedom, so they wanted the democratic constitution ensure their group rights. Bishwanath Upadhyaya, chairman of constitution drafting commission expressed dismay over the fact that the vast majority of suggestions to the commission were concerned with issues of regional, linguistic, ethnic, and religious identity (Hutt, 1994:35). Main discrepancies lay in the identification of multiple identities relative to social, cultural, linguistic, and regional issues which Nepal could not address ever since its inception, because the orientation was dubiously towards Ashali Hindustan not its plurality. Let us recall back the first people's movement and the cleavages the newly declared constitution tried to address:
Political parties are free to organise, the proportion of the legislature that is directly elected is larger than it has ever been, and the power of the palace, though still substantial, has been greatly reduced. But communal groups have been granted only minor, non- fundamental concessions. Though Radio Nepal now broadcasts news bulletins in Hindi and Newari, full news summaries may only be heard in Nepali or English. Similarly, Nepali remains the language of government and post-primary education throughout the kingdom. Some concessions have been made to women's groups, but these are mostly nominal while the demand for a secular state forced only one change: the granting of a right to all sects and denominations to run and maintain their own institutions. The demands of Tarai organizations have been largely ignored, Human Rights groups have been more successful: the death penalty has been abolished, there is protection against discrimination on the basis of religion, race or gender, and protection against preventative detention. Some of these rights are granted only to Nepali citizens, while the constitution itself discriminates against women in its section on nationality: according to Article 9, the children of male citizens are considered Nepali by descent, while those of female citizens must reside in Nepal for 14 years before they can become citizens (Hoftun, 1993).
In contrast, Sharma (1997) argues:
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 63 "Nepal has liked to believe that, despite its cultural diversity, its history has been marked by an ethnic harmony in a multi-ethnic society, free of all kinds of ethnic tension. He argues ethnic politics in Nepal first surfaced in the year leading up to the referendum of 1980. The Nepal Federation of Nationalities (NEFEN) put on 17 point demand, Sharma doesn't accept them arguing that NEFEN (Nepal Janajati Mahasangh) and others reflect a totally different perception of Nepal's political, economic, social, and cultural processes from that of the Hindu Majority."
Issues of Peasants, Workers, and Proletariat In reviewing the first five years of the Peoples War, Maoist party concluded that it could not achieve its political objectives by means of a protracted Peoples War alone. So, the leaders decided to adopt a strategy of urban insurrection, as well as work to mobilize a general public rebellion phrased as the Prachanda Path that referred to a fusion of the Chinese model of the Protracted Peoples War and the Russian model of urban insurrection (Ogura, 2008). In Maoist understanding, People's War (PW) was 80 per cent politics and 20 per cent warfare (Verma et. al, 2007). Hardly 5 years reached, the infancy of multiparty democracy, however, faced the major stroke of Maoists', armed revolution following their decision to go for PW. In the areas of their influence and dominance, like Rolpa, Rukum, Jajarkot and Salyan, they started attacking landlords and government functionaries and local leaders of congress party and their voters. In the mean time with the direct guidance of Central authority, district level administration used excessive force on the Maoists' local activities. The unleashing of violence by the Maoists was also retaliation against the severe police action against their activities under a military operation code named 'Romeo' during 1994-95 (Muni, 2004). The human rights violations made by the state side reported in human rights reports really shook everyone how inhuman a democratic regime could go. The story of conflict is something different. Prior to Maoists' emergence as an influential force in the remote areas of Rolpa, Rukum, Salyan, and Jajarkot, local leaders of Panchayat entered into NC, and perpetuated the suppression against the Maoist local cadres. The grudges the Maoist had with Panchas during Panchayat would have been ended at least with the restoration of democracy, but the reality turned out differently. Panchas took refuge in NC and this trickily changed the environment and suppression continued. NC could not deliver the administration that ensures democracysecurity, freedom, and accountable government. Rather a pattern had been established: the left would take to the streets against the landlords,
exploitation and so forth and the Congress government would use brute force to maintain law and order (Thapa, 2003:42). Congress' misuse of the police force fuelling of the situation spearheaded the armed insurgency. Barsha Man Pun from Rolpa, one of the deputy Commanders of P W, argued:
We are communists, so we always talk about the class struggle. Firstly, in our society there are distinct economic classes of rich capitalists, poor peasants and labourers. Secondly, most of the people in power are IndoAryan high caste Hindus, but very few people from the lower castes and Janajatis [ethnic groups] are included in the power structure. Thirdly, people from regions such as Madhes [a plain region bordering with India] and Karnali [a Himalayan region in western Nepal] have traditionally been excluded from the power structure. Fourthly, outcaste Hindus and the Dalits, are still discriminated against, even in the 21st century. And fifthly, partly because of the Hindu religion, women in Nepal do not have equal rights with men in relation to property, education, health and so on. We fought peacefully for these oppressed classes for several years through the parliament and the street movement. But the government tried to suppress us by using police force and charging us with thousands of false crimes. In particular, after Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala of the Nepali Congress dissolved the House of Representatives because of an intra-party dispute in July 1994, we concluded that the parliamentary system in this country cannot work for the betterment of the people. We therefore decided to quit parliament and boycott the mid-term election in November 1994 (cited in Ogura, 2008).
Largely Kham Magar, INs of remote villages joined the underground people's movement. One of the reasons they came to join with Maoism is their lucid and natural behaviour pretty much suited with Mao Tse Tung's, "Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for Attention".19 The ideology of the Nepalese Maoist movement is strongly egalitarian and communalistic: these two features are attractive to the Magars because they have always stressed the sense of equality and mutual help which prevails among their group (Lecomte- Tilouine, 2000). The 'fusion' well chanted by Maoist leaders sounds philosophical and implies different meanings. Every component of the society understood it relative to their plight and concern. Hence, it may have different meanings for different people. As a result, people joined the movement by sacrificing their lives and possessions. It was a fusion basically of insurrection between urban and rural; the political and the armed; caste and class or something else. It really asked for further study and diagnosis. In spite of this, a lot of social scientists made efforts towards it. However, the initiatives have not
focused on the root causes of conflict especially focusing on subjugation, suppression, discrimination, and exclusion of larger proportion of population, such as INs, Women, Madhesis, Dalits, who were looking for avenues. On the other hand, over the years, subjugation, exclusion, discrimination and isolation turned the excluded groups into the peasants, workers, and proletariat class. So, from both angles, either social discrimination or economic deprivation, excluded and marginalized population was very much in combustible condition. Here is an excerpt taken from Ogura's study on Beni attack, to substantiate the socio-cultural background of combatants. Table 1: Common Characteristics of Maoist Guerrillas Involved in Beni Attack in 2004
1 Age Most of the armed Maoists were under 25. There were many children carrying long guns that almost reached the ground due to their small height. There were some senior volunteers over fifty. More than 30 % of the armed Maoists were women. Most of the armed Maoists were Dalits (low castes), Mongoloids and Tharus. Most of the volunteers were either Magars or Dalits. There were also Kshetris, Bahuns, and Tharus among them. There were many Maoists with black faces20 The Maoists were speaking some language of western Nepal. They were speaking languages that the people in the bazaar didnt understand. Some Maoists were speaking a Hindi-like language21 They were using code language while checking memos. Some Maoists were holding communication sets that looked like cordless phones and communicating with people elsewhere. Armed Maoists were wearing combat dress very similar to that of the RNA. Most of them were wearing cloth shoes of the Gold Star brand22 Some Maoists bought Gold Star shoes in Beni bazaar. The body of a Maoist was later found, holding new
Gender and ethnic group/caste
Languages
Equipment and dress
66 CNAS Journal, Vol. 39, (Special Issue 2012) Gold Star shoes that he had just bought in Beni. Many volunteers were wearing stained clothes. They looked as if they had not changed their clothes for many days. Some volunteers said that they had been taken for programmes by force. Some volunteers were wearing sandals. Some volunteers were cleaning the guns of guerrillas. One child said that he had walked seven days to reach Beni. Some volunteers said it took twelve days to arrive in Beni from their district. All of them appeared to have come from outside of Myagdi district. They didnt know about the topography of Beni. Some Maoists didnt even know about the location of the Kali Gandaki river. Local Maoists made plans about where to set up the treatment centres. Some Maoists were accusing the local Maoists of bad management. Local Maoist leaders including Pravin were seen in Beni bazaar. Maoists dug holes to bury bodies beforehand. They carried bodies as far away as possible from the front line. Some bodies had their right arm raised as if doing ll salm (red greeting). Some bodies were covered with red party flags and some were wearing black bands around their heads. They were not afraid to die at all. Some Maoists fired towards helicopters from the ground. They drank beer but no hard drinks.
Volunteers
People from distant places, outsiders
Role of the local Maoists
After death
Fearless
10
Behaviour
Source: Ogura, 2004 Ogura has presented the Beni attack of Maoist in a beautiful manner. When you read her article, presumably you feel that you are watching a film. The purpose for which Maoists' caused the Beni attack was strategically important because they wanted to show their strength which was parallel to that of the state. And one of its objectives was to give the massage to the state
that the Maoists were approaching to the centre very soon, and similar kind of attack was supposed to be caused in the east as well. According to Magar:23
"This Beni attack was the last action under the strategy of unification of decentralized actions. Magar reports in the article that Avinash , the Third Battalion Commander of the PLA, told him that they had already completed the process of decentralized actions, dependent centralization, and unification of decentralized actions, and were preparing for highly centralized attack(cited in Ogura, 2008).
Most of the fighters were below 25 years. This is proven by the guns the Guerrilla carried because they were longer than their heights. Culturally, Nepalese women in the rural areas particularly from Bahun and Chhetri caste groups did not feel comfortable to be out without their parents or guardians. Guerrilla consisted of almost one third women, and among them two to three women were from Bahun and Chhetri groups. In Beni attack, there were guerrillas largely from Dalit, Magar, and Tharu INs. From the dominant groups such as Bahun and Chhetri there were comparitively less number of people. Linguistically they were of Tibeto- Mongoloid group especially from Kham Magar. Also, there were those who spoke the regional languages of the Western hill and those who sounded like speakers of Hindi, perhaps they were the speakers Tharu or Maithili, or Bhojpuri languages. In esssence, the local residents did not understand them much. These are some very striking features of Maoist insurgency and of their guerrillas. Maoists were found reluctant to shed light on these features when a political discussion was held in the civil society. Late Dr. Harka Gurung shared his perception while a group of INs intellectuals met him just after a week the Maoists became public. He said,
"Don't worry about the management of physical weapons, rather you should cautiously work while you manage the human weapons, I mean Dalit, Madheshi, INs, along with Youth and Women (Author was present in the team)."
It was not coincidence that the Maoist strongholds were in west Nepal, particularly, Rolpa and Rukum, where the Magars are dominant (Thapa, 2003:79). However, the Maoists may mystify it and say the fusion was between People's War and Peaceful Political Movement by putting aside the INs issues along with Dalit, Madheshi, Women and Muslim. This does not mean a virtual conjunction of these two contenders against the State, which is semi-feudal for the Maoist and communal for the INs. Despite this objective
difference, the radical struggle of the Maoists is being reinforced by ethnic liberation front while the civil movement of Janajati has benefited from such identity formation that had been long suppressed (Gurung, 2005b). But when Madheshi People's Right Forum (MPRF) broke away from the Maoists and launched the Madhesh Movement clearly hinted that Maoists are not sensitive towards the deprivation of identity. However, the socio-economic marginalization of the mid-western coupled with the "fighting spirit" of local ethnic communities- especially the "Magar Clan"- triggered the armed uprising (Pandey, 2005). Kham Magar is a Tibeto- Burman population living in the mid Western part of Nepal. Historically, linguistically, and culturally they considered it a nation. People were angry when politicians politicized their life in the aftermath of the restoration of democracy and the after the launching of the insurgency. It is important to mention here that the Leninist discourse on right to selfdetermination is asserted by Maoists across the country. It is dogmatic to advocate the Leninist perspective of right to selfdetermination up to secession in the context of Nepal. However, the essence of right to selfdetermination is camouflaged with the rhetoric of its misinterpretation in such a way that people in general do not even want to hear a word about it. April Movement 2005 and Its Consequences It is well taken that April Movement did settle the Maoist insurgency by bringing them into mainstream politics and uprooting the two hundred forty years' institution of old Hindu Monarchy. It is really the breakthrough Nepali polity did, but what it yields has become the pertinent question when at the "Constituent Assembly," all parties agreed as a process to resolve all issues messed up. Obviously there were many hopes and beliefs, but the unanswered question at this moment is what was the goal, the mission and the vision of April Movement for political leaders, indeed. Unlikely the Captain Maoists along with other major political party leaders seem to be in confusion. It is well understood that Maoists who fought for 'New democracy' and when it came in agreement with other forces, it was imperative to leave the dictatorship of protracted proletariat, peasants, and farmers; but what about the state restructuring along with federalism where overwhelming people dream to see, a New Nepal? However, all parties come to an agreement on Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), and it here where there has clearly been expressed identity matters including the class disparities to have been the vision of the agreement. Article 3.5 of CPA says:
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 69 "In order to end discriminations based on class, ethnicity, language, gender, culture, religion and region and to address the problems of women, Dalit, Indigenous people, ethnic minorities (Janajtis), Terai Communities (Madheshis), oppressed, neglected and minority communities and the backward areas by deconstructing the current centralized and unitary structure, the state shall be restructured in an inclusive, democratic and forward looking manner (CPA, 2006)."
The CPA has clearly envisioned the agenda of state restructuring; however, it could not spell out federalism as such. So Madhesh movement ruptured, and the state was forced to negotiate with Madheshi People's Rights Forum (MPRF), and make a negotiation:
"In order to eliminate all forms of discriminations made by the centralized and unitary state against, inter alia, the Madhesis, indigenous people/ nationalities, Dalits, women, other backward classes, minorities, Muslim communities and also to create an environment to move forward all Nepali people including the Madhesis, into a single national mainstream by restructuring the state into an inclusive democratic and federal structure; While restructuring the state, an arrangement of a federal governance system comprised of states with autonomy shall be made"
Accordingly, the Interim Constitution of Nepal 2006 accommodated the aspirations of diverse groups with the commitment that Constituent Assembly (CA) would address the issues:
The State of Nepal is mentioned in Article (1).... secular, inclusive and fully democratic State. Similarly Article (5) about the languages of the nation in Sub-Article (1) says: all the languages spoken as mother tongues in Nepal are the national languages of Nepal; Sub- Article (2) says: the Nepali language in the Devanagari script shall be the language of official business. However, the use of one's mother tongue in a local body or office shall not be barred. The State shall translate the language used for such purposes into the language of official business for the record.
The Interim Constitution has also provisioned for education in mother tongue for children who are different than Nepali. Article (17), Sub-Article (1) says, "Each community shall have the right to receive basic education in their mother tongue as provided for in the law." The clause, 'provided for the law' is often found barred that obstructs the state to implement the constitutional provisions.
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2006 is found to be very positive towards gender issues. It has enshrined the provisions regarding rights of women in Article (20):
Sub-Article (1) says, "No woman shall be discriminated against in any way on the basis of gender." Similarly Sub- Articles (2), (3), and (4) ensure the right to reproductive health and other reproductive rights. Physical, mental or any other form of violence against women shall be punishable by law, and sons and daughters shall have equal rights to ancestral property. These provisions seem to be greater changes, no matter how much substantively women may have been benefiting.
One of the severe social problems Nepal has been facing is untouchability among the so-called low caste community from the Hindu high caste people. The Interim Constitution has made profound provisions such as, 'right against untouchability and racial discrimination' in Article (14):
Sub- Article (1) says, "No person shall, on ground of caste, descent, community or occupation, be subject to racial discrimination and untouchability in any form. Such a discriminatory act shall be liable to punishment and the victim shall be entitled to compensation as provided by the law." Sub- Articles (2), (3), (4), and (5) guarantee the use of services, utilities available to the public; production or making available of any goods, services or conveniences, purchasing or acquiring such goods, services or conveniences; not allowed to purport to demonstrate superiority or inferiority of any person or a group of persons belonging to any caste, tribe or origin; or not to justify social discrimination on the basis of caste and tribe; or to disseminate ideas based on caste superiority or hatred; or to encourage caste discrimination in any form. The violation of above mentioned rights shall be punishable in accordance with law.
It clearly reveals the changes between the constitution of 1991 and 2007; however, people who are overwhelmingly stuck with the forthcoming constitution didn't see it substantively. The provisions of Interim Constitution are perceived as provisional. Constituent Assembly: Social Identity and Federalism The globalization process has been that the ideological identification of the centralization of power in the state with the homogenization of social and cultural differences, a fundamental heritage of the democratic revolutions of the 18th century to the modern state, has been undermined by the redistribution of specific powers and aspects of sovereignty from states to an increasing number of international regulatory bodies (Turner, 2006). These
changes are contributing to a paradigm shift in the forms of social space-time (chronotope) associated with the idea of progress and the hegemony of the modern nation-state. The changes brought by globalization are spread around and current issue is how to address those issues. Turner suggests that reframing this cultural chronotope is called synchronic pluralism, in which there is neither a direction of historical time towards the creation of culturally homogeneous national societies nor are states identified as unique centers of sovereignty. So, chronotope associated with the new social movements based on ethnicity, feminism, and regionalism is seen under the broader perimeter of multiculturalism. Social scientists have also intensified their longstanding interest in the concept of identity in recent years (Jenkins, 1996). Sociologists have pondered and explored the tension between individual identity and the constraints of social structure. Anthropologists have examined the cultural expression of identity, its meanings, and how it is maintained at group boundaries. Social psychologists have focused on the multifaceted and situational contingent nature of individual identity. They have also identified social identity as a powerful ingredient in the development of in-group bias and intergroup conflict (Tajfel, 1981). Despite the recent emergence of identity politics around the world, researchers of political behavior have been slow to incorporate the concept of identity into their empirical studies (Huddy, 2001). This seems odd, given that demands for group respect and recognition are at the heart of new social movements that argue for the rights of women, religious minorities, diverse ethnic and racial groups, and gays and lesbians (Taylor, 1994). Constituent Assembly is the desire of Nepalese people for the last 6 decades when they got freedom from Rana Oligarchy. However, it didn't happen at that time. Nepal had a very bad experience then when transition went up to almost a decade. NC was very much criticized; palace played with political forces eventually closed the door to CA and parliamentary election occurred for the first time. After forty five years, politicians agreed on CA that would make people's constitution by removing the Monarchy that obscured the CA process at that time. So people were hopeful and enthusiastic to see their aspirations portrayed in the new constitution. The manifestos made public by the political parties are expected to guide them during Constitution making process. Maoist and UML followed by Madheshi forum and Terai Madhes Domocratic Forum laid the emphasis on identity. One of the reason why, every political party adoted identity as the basis of federalism is perhaps its overwhelming base population, as may be
seen in government statistics. INs population accounts for about 37.2 percent, despite many INs believe that they have been under counted. One interesting instance we can share here is that prior to Maoist Insurgency, though strategically important in size, NC and UML were not much sensitive towards INs, Dalit, and Madheshis issues. But later, NC too was also found to establish INs Federation within its party structure. When Maoists came into mainstream politics, NC and UML also formed INs' organizations in their party, however, they accuse Maoist party of misleading the ideology from Class to Caste. Similar instance Maoist experienced even during the CA election. Below is a summary of the various political parties' proposals for delineating the provinces. Table 2: Summary of Political Parties' Proposals for Delineating the Provinces
S.N. Parties 1 CPN (Maoist) 2 Nepali Congress Commitment Ethnic make-up, geographical features, linguistic basis and economic feasibility National integrity, geographical location and convenience, population, natural resources and economic feasibility, interrelationship of the provinces, linguistic/ethnic and cultural identity, political/administrative perspective Geographical location, population and ethnic habitation, mother tongue and language used, cultural characteristics, administrative convenience, socioeconomic interrelationship and feasibility capacity, availability of natural resources and means and history. Constituent units shall be named in way that will reflect identity ethnically, language, culture and history. Federal and local units shall be multiethnic, multilingual, multi-religious, and multicultural. Geography, ethnicity, language, social, cultural characteristics, diversity and homogeneity Geographical similarity, cultural and linguistic, population and economic similarity, similar climate, similarity in economy and agriculture Language, culture and community Geography, population, caste, cultural identity, natural resources, economic feasibility. Mix of caste groups and communal tolerance, stability, security and balanced development; mix of the Himal, Pahad and Terai, economic sustainability, uniformity in ethnicity, language and culture, similar historical background and
CPN (UML)
4 5
MJAFNepal TMLP
6 7 8
Sadbhawana Party RPP CPN (ML)
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 73 geographical convenience. Caste, language, population, region and geography, natural heritage and source of income. Ethnicity, language, cultural concentration and geographical situation/condition Based on existing zones. Natural and geographical characteristics, ethnic, linguistic and cultural factors, status of economy, resources and administration Geographical specificity, history and culture On the basis of geographical region with the majority of one caste/ethnic group; as far as possible on the basis of religion, historically inhabited by one ethnic group, on the basis of language and culture Historical background of ethnicity or language for the autonomy of a specific region, the ethnic group should be indigenous to the state concerned. Geography, population, caste, cultural identity, natural resources, economic feasibility. Opportunity for the development of natural resources; population, language and culture, giving priority to national unity. National integrity, geographical conditions and convenience, population, natural resources and economic feasibility, interrelationship between states, homogeneity in language, ethnicity, and culture, political and administrative feasibility. On the basis of ethnicity, language and region, with priority for indigenous people Geographical characteristics Geography and population density Origin of ethnic groups, demography, natural resources, history, language and culture etc.
9 10 11 12
Jana Morcha Nepal CPN (United) N.Majdoor Kisan Party Rastriya Janashakti Party Sadbhawana (Anand Devi) Rastriya Janamukti Party Sanghiya L. Rastriya Manch CPN (Unified) Nepali Janata Dal Dalit Janajati Party
13 14
15
16 17
18
19 20 21 22
Nepa Rastriya Party Chure Bhawar Ekata Party Nepal Dal Nepal Loktantrik Samajwadi Party
Source: UNDP - Constitutional Advisory, Support Unit (CASU) & German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) Table 2 clearly shows that parties spelled out social identities- ethnicity, language, and geographical region as the fundamental basis for federalization
manifest in their political commitment while they contested the popular adult franchise election for CA. They were and should be guided by their commitment in CA logically; however, it did not happen. It was a good sign that CA composition was inclusive. For the first time in Nepal's history and perhaps be in Asia, Nepal took positive measures as regards social inclusion in CA composition. Out of the 601 CA members, Madheshi accounted for 34.1 percent, followed by INs 33.2 per cent, women 32.7 per cent, Dalit 8.2 per cent, and others 30.2 per cent.24 So, following this, State Restructuring and Division of the State Power (SRDSP) in CA decided the basis of federalism to be 'Identity' and 'Capability' unanimously. But when the Committee decided the federal units by its majority vote, the CA process entirely stopped, and the different alternative models evolved in different parties out of the CA process. On this was stuck the CA process, and ultimately was made to see its demise without promulgating the constitution. It has led Nepalese polity to a crossroad: hold on to the legacy, backtrack, or fastforward to the new phase, broad based democracy and multiculturalism. Conclusion In Nepali language the "jati" (ethnic group), the "Jatiya" (Ethnic), and the "jatiyata" (Ethnicity) are quite often used to connote the Janajati (Nations) and the janajatiyata (Nationalities) and this is reflected even by foreign scholars in their writings. In my observation it is just reverse in reality. Often the mainstream intellectuals are heard to call the Nepali terms jati, jatiya, and jatiyata 'sensitive,' but why? If it connotes the indigenous groups, I mean Janajati (Nations), they were never heard sensitive to any matter related to them or to the State. Of course, the Jati (ethnic groups) are sensitive to any matters, because they are considered alien to native area and Janajati people. In every moment, they keep on thinking about their gains, loss, prosperity, and are often conscious about how to dispel uncertainty. Epistemologically, genus of ethnic group goes back to people who had left their native place and got new identity ethnei, ethnic, and ethnicity in a place of destination (Oommen, 2012; Kymlicka, 1995). I may be bias, but in my observation comparatively migrants are much sensitive than the natives. So terms are adversely used for natives even in scholarly work. And I think it is due to the biasness of the colonial perspective. When native perspective and issues are concerned, there emerge new terms for example, Janajatis (Nationalities/ Tribes) in Asia including Nepal, Inuit in Hokkaido Japan; aborigines in
Australia and New-Zealand, First Nations in Canada, Sami people in Europe, Indians in America and so forth. There are other words quite contentiously used such as Adibashi/ Anadibashi (Indigenous Peoples), Aprabashi (migrant), and Mulbashi (Main inhabitant) in Nepal. It is well known and articulated in the literature about who came from where; but it became problematic when Janatis (nationalities) claimed group based democratic rights in republican constitution. The parameter of Adibashi is then taken as a camouflage jacket even for Bahun, Chetri, Thakuri, and Dasnami. So, a pertinent question now is how long a resident should be designated as Adibashi (Indigenous Peoples)? Or, are there any socio-cultural, historical, and territorial evidences to define the Janajati? Of course, there are many essential characters to become Adibash. Yet, when we take the cut- off year or point referring to the so-called unification period of king Prithivinarayan Shah, it does not exceed 240 years. Meanwhile, Vedic Hindus are here over the last thousand years or so. So, pre- or post- unification, it does not make any sensible difference when we talk about the years per se. But when socio-political rights and issues are concerned with reference to Janajatis, then Hinduwization, Shankritzation, and Bramanization are the major issues that played a role to exclude them by subjugating and assimilating or mainstreaming into monoethnic nation state. Of course, unification is important since Hindupati, Asali Hindustan, Hindu Religious Kingdom, Hindu culture and ethos are historically taken as the guiding principle of mainstreaming in mono-ethnic nation-state building project. The political discourse through which Nepal came across reveals that in every movement a ruling party is abolished and rulers are denounced; and people feel that they are emancipated. But all changes become false ultimately, and another initiative begins right after the aftermath of the previous one. It all comes as a never ending game the Nepalese polity is fighting against. In such dilemma, obviously people, nations see their. One persistent question is whether we do bear democracy as westerners do; if yes, the outcome of globally accepted multiculturalism ensuring group based rights along with individual freedom and liberty needs to be considered as Kymlicka argues: create 'multinational and polyethnic State,' and it is possible only through federal political arrangements. In fact, Nepali State is made of elites rather than of people's representatives from the very inception. The undefined conflict enduring from the beginning is in between the elitism and group interests. This is what is in Bentley's view that Marx's theory of class struggle was a 'crude form of
group theory.' He further argues that the failure of the so-called proletariat or of the call 'unite behind a common interest and seize power' proved Marx wrong. Indeed, Bentley (1908, p. 467) says, "A proletariat class, such as Marx and Engels conceived it, simply did not exist (cited in Manely, 2010)." And it is true in the context of Nepali society, where indigeneity and peasantry is much more prevalent than to be capitalists. Apart from this, of course, the casteism prevails in the society. The 'revolution' which class struggle provoked is found volatile. So, the question of 'fusion' between 'Arm Struggle' and 'Identity Conflict' is pertinently persisting. However, Maoist do not interpret it this way. So, the question of ideology, if we refer it to the definition of Wikepedia offers us, it is an organized collection of scientific ideas with comprehensive vision proposed by dominant class of a society to all members of the society.' Brahmins are dominant in Nepalese society in intellectual entrepreneurship so they are able to harvest the fruits as well. However, what a society looks for in return must be tangibly shown. In a very abstract way, different 'isms' are interpreted and are applied for their particular interest. And Maoists are the last ones where there were many people who fought for everything and found nothing. This illustrates an 'ism' in their deep heart for which they sacrificed everything. Of course, democracy has a wide universal and global space than the dictatorial system. All 'isms' seem already exhausted in Nepal; however, new forces may emerge with relevant and appropriate ideology in a democratic setting. And it is imperative, for Nepal to exist as a vibrant democratic state in future.
Notes
1. The Americanization was primarily initiated through the public school system. New York Superintendent of Schools William Maxwell declared in 1913 that the great business of the department of education in this city [is] to train the immigrant child to become a good American citizen.....In 1893, while visiting an elementary school in a New York City tenement district, Jacob Riis overheard children reciting a type of a pledge of allegiance to the flag that included the phrase, one country, one language, one Flag! In the New York City public school system, the use of any other language within or near the schools was forbidden(http://sdonline.org/48/the-cultural-pluralist-response-toamericanization-horace-kallen-randolph-bourne-louis-adamic-and-leonardcovello/) 2. Individual identity may change as s/he prefers to be, so it is likely to be 'ascribed' one. But collective identity on which s/he has nothing to do, but ancestrally or traditionally one has got by birth is likely to be acquired, such as race, ethnicity, mother tongue, etc. However, the importance of individual choice in identity
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 77 acquisition holds even for what we think of as quite fixed characteristics such as race and ethnicity by virtue of different reasons (Nag, 1995). 3. Information adopted from Dulal (B.S. 2068) and analyzed for the purpose of this article. Out of 371, there are 279 primary schools (grade 1 to 5), followed by 43 Secondary School (grade 9-10), 42 Lower Secondary School (grade 6-8), 15 higher secondary (grade 11-12), and 2 Campuses. 4. Jul 30, 2009) On July 25, 2009, after a year-long trial, the Supreme Court of Nepal ruled that Vice President Parmananda Jha's taking of the oath of office in Hindi, instead of Nepali, on July 23, 2008, was unconstitutional. The two-justice bench, comprising Chief Justice Min Bahadur Rayamajhi and Justice Balram KC, stated: "[t]he oath in Hindi stands annulled as it is against the legal provisions Since he is responsible for upholding law, the vice-president must take his oath of office and secrecy in Nepali." 5. http://www.nepalnews.com/main/index.php/news-archive/2-political/4021-jhatakes-fresh-oath-in-nepali-maithali-to-revive-vp-post.html 6. In 2017 B.S. Daura Suruwal was announced as national dress for men in government services and other national programs. Daura suruwal took a great pace of development in those in those years. Very few of Nepali now wear Daura Suruwal. After 2046 B.S none of the elected or interim governments is able to define and announce any national the national dress (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daura-Suruwal) 7. United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations decided 1993 year as the Indigenous Peoples Year. 8. The National State should refer to such states that consciously nurture cultural diversity within their territory and endorse cultural pluralism, that is, dignified coexistence of cultural communities, as a value (Oommen, 20012). 9. (1) A national minority may continue to be in its ancestral or adopted homeland and yet it may be ethnified by state sponsored colonization, particularly by a native dominant collectivity. a. Transforming the oiginal inhabitants of a territory into a minoritized and marginalized collectivity; b. Labelling a collectivity in such a way that it has no moral claim over its ancestral or adopted homeland; c. Some nations are subjected to ethnification as a result of a division of their ancestral homeland into two or more state territories, (2) Denial of fully-fledged participation in the economy and polity to an immigrant collectivity which had adopted the land in the which it has migrated as its homeland, (3) The tendency on the part of a settler collectivity to identify with its ancestral homeland even after several decades, sometimes even after centuries, of immigration, (4) Ethnification occurs when state attempts to integrate and homogenize the different nation in its territory into a common people.
78 CNAS Journal, Vol. 39, (Special Issue 2012) (5) If those who migrate to alien lands are denied citizenship rights even when they become eligible for them, they are ethnified in that they are treated as strangers and outsiders. (6) Even when migrants are accepted as co-nationals by the host society, the former may not want that identity and might wish to return to their homeland. 10. The Searchlight, Patna; 2 October, 1946; Source: Pradeep Giri, Archive of B.P. Koirala (B.S. 2066) cited in Historical Documents of Nepali Congress, in eds Gagan Thapa et. al, 2067. 11. Prasai is vehement supporter of Hindu Religious Kingdom and Monarch against the multiparty democracy. He is continuously writing in opposition to republic and Maoist( http://www. weeklyblitz.net/1973/nepalese-political-scenarios-19502011 12. Panchayat Democracy enshrined as: Whereas, the parliamentary system could not prove suitable on account of the lack of education and political consciousness to the desired extent and on account of its being out to step with the histoy and tradition of the country and wishes of the people; Whereas, even the installation of the government elected by the people could not impart to the people as sense of participation the administration... Whereas, the country has experienced that the fulfillment of OUR aim, namely to conduct the administration of the country on the basis of popular consent and to achieve the real objective of democracy by associating the people to the maximum extent possible with the administrative system, which is possible only through the medium of the Panchayat system which has its roots in the soil of our country and is capable of growth and development in the climate prevailing in the country. 13. Ganesh Man Shingh did not accept the name of the Congress Party as B.P. Koirala proposed the All Indian National Congress Party. 14. (1) Khasan, (2) Jadan, (3) Magarat, (4) Tamudhim, (5) Tambasaling, (6) Nepal, (7) Khambuwan, (9) Limbuwan, (10) Kochila, (11) Mithila, (12) Bhojpur, (13) Awadh. 15. Hidden facts in Nepali Politics (Nepali Rajnitima Adekha Sachchai). 16. (1) Kirath Yakthung Chumlung (KYC), (2) Kirat Rai Sanskritik Sangh, (3) Tamu Bouddh Sewa Samittee, (4) Langhali Pariwar, (5) Nepal Bhasha Manka Khala, (6) Thakali Sewa Samittee, (7) Sunuwar Sewa Samaj (8) Nepal Tamang Gdhedung 17. In most of the writings ethnic groups used for native people of Nepal, which is western view, but indigenous peoples of Nepal defined themselves as Nationalities. Task Force formed by Nepal Government for the establishment of the foundation for the promotion of nationalities, is that community who has its own mother tongue and traditional culture and yet does not fall under the conventional fourfold Varna of the Hindu Varna system or the Hindu hierarchical caste structure (NEFIN 2009). Nation or nationality refers to peoples who have settled in a certain territory, who have their own language and culture, and desire to self-determination, have trade relationships with each other and are independent
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 79 and sovereign (Gurung 2006). According to NEFIN (2009), each indigenous nationality or Janajati has the following characteristics: A distinct collective identity; Own language, religion, tradition, culture and civilization; Own traditional egalitarian social structure; Traditional homeland or geographical area; Written or oral history; Having "We" feelinga sense of self-identity Has had no decisive role in the politics and government of modern Nepal ; Who are the indigenous or native peoples of Nepal; and Who declares itself as "Janajati" 18. Cadres of the ruling CPN-UML citing the party's apathy in the suicide of veteran cadre Digendra Rajbanshi and hundreds of relatives and well wishers of the deceased Rajbanshi and UML activists chanted slogans against the party and staged demonstrations. Vehicles plying on the highway have been stranded following the protest. The agitators accused the party of neglecting Rajbanshi who was actively involved in the party for the past 37 years. Party negligence was the major cause of his suicide, the agitators claimed. Rajbanshi, 65 had committed suicide by hanging himself from a plum tree in the premises of the UML headquarters at Balkhu, Kathmandu. He was staying in the party headquarters in the hope of finding a job for his son Shambhu, 25 for the past two months. He met senior leaders of the party and ministers as well but to no avail. He was disappointed with their responses and ultimately killed himself, a family source said. He was a colleague of KP Sharma Oli, Radha Krishna Mainali, Biren Rajbanshi, CP Mainali and Mohan Chandra Adhikari among others during the Peasants' Uprising in Jhapa during 1970s and was sentenced to six years imprisonment in Birgunj and Kathmandu on the charge of sedition (The Himalayan, 18 April, 2010). 19. The three rules: (1) prompt obedience to orders, (2) no confiscation of peasant property, and (3) prompt delivery directly to authorities of all items confiscated from landlords. The eight points were: (1) Be polite when speaking, (2) Be honest when buying and selling, (3) Return all borrowed articles, (4) Pay compensation for everything damaged, (5) Do not hit or swear at others, (6) Do not damage crops, (7) Do not harass females, (8) Do not mistreat prisoners (http://en. wikipedia.org/wiki/Three_Rules_of_Discipline_and_Eight_Points_for_Attention). 20. It appeared that they smeared their faces with black powder. 21. This may be Tharu or Maithili or Bhojpuri. 22. Popular made-in-Nepal shoes specially for villagers. 23. One of the combatant, I am not sure, but may be Pashang. He is also from Magar Community. 24. Ironically others category outnumbered, since dominant groups who have a overwhelming representation didn't want to be recognized with the potential category of inclusion.
References Bista, D.B. 1991. Fatalism and Development: Nepal's Struggle for Modernization. Madras: Longman. Bohara, A.K. 2003. "Empowerment crisis: regional governance and the mixed proportional representation system of election." In D.B. Gurung (ed.), Nepal Tomorrow: Voices and Visions. Kathmandu: Koselee Prakashan, pp. 86-101. Burghart, Richard. 1993. "The Political Culture of Panchayat Democracy." In Michael Hutt (ed.), Nepal in the Nineties. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.113. Bentley, A. F. 1908. The Process of Government. Evanston, Ill.: Principia Press. Caplan, Lionel. 1970. Land and Social Change in East Nepal: A Study of Hindu-tribal Relations. Kathmandu: Himal Books. Chemjong, I.S. 2003 4th Edition. History and Culture of Kirat People. Kathmandu: Kirat Yakthung Chumling. _____.1964, B.S. 2021. Limbu- Nepali- English Shabdakosh(Dictionary).Kathmandu: Nepal Academy. Conn, Paul H. 1973. "Social Pluralism and Democracy." American Journal of Political Science, 17:2, pp. 237-254. Conn, Paul H. 1973. "Social Pluralism and Democracy." American Journal of Political Science, 17: 2 (May, 1973), pp. 237-254. Crowder, George. Apr., 2007. "Two Concepts of Liberal Pluralism." Political Theory, 35 :2. Dimitrova, Diana .2007. "The Development of Sanatana Dharma in the Twentieth Century: A Radhasoami Gum's Perspective." International Journal of Hindu Studies, 11:1, pp.89-98. Dulal, D.P. 2068. PanchtharkoItihas. Kathmandu: Ramadevi Thapaliya. Elshtain, Jean Bethke. 2003. "Against Liberal Monism." Daedalus. On Secularism & Religion (summer, 2003), 132:3, pp.78-79. Gellner, David . 2001. "From Groups Rights to Individual Rights and Back: Nepalese Struggles over Culture and Equality." In Jane Cowan et al. (eds.), Culture and Rights: Anthropological Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. _____.1997. "Ethnicity and Nationalism in the World's Only Hindu State." In David Gellner, Joanna Pffaf-Czarnecka and John Whelpton (eds.), Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal. Amsterdam: Overseas Publisher Association. Government of Nepal. 2006. Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 21 November, Concluded between the Government of Nepal and the CPN (Maoist). Gurung, H. 2007. Maile Dekheko Nepal (Vignettes of Nepal). Translated Basanta Thapa, Kathmandu: Himal Kitab. _____.2005. Nepal regional strategy for development. Working Paper Series No. 3, Nepal Resident Mission, Asian Development Bank.
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 81 _____.2004. "Social Exclusion and Maoist Insurgency." Proceeding ILO Convention No. 169 and Peace Building in Nepal, (Kathmandu: FEFIN & ILO Nepal). _____.1997. "State and Society in Nepal." In David Gellner , Joanna Pffaf-Czarnecka and John Whelpton (eds.), Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal. Amsterdam: Overseas Publisher Association. _____.1996. Janajati Serophero. Kathmandu: Nepal Adibashi Janajati Mahasangh _____.1986. Nature and Culture.Kathmandu: Saroja Gurung. Gurung, G. 1985. Nepali Rajnitima Adekha Sachchai (Hidden Facts in Nepali Politics). Kathmandu: Gopal Gurung. Hagen, Susan .2005. "Race and the Politics of Identity in Nepal." Ethnology, 44:1, pp.49-64. - (2007), Creating a 'New Nepal': The Ethnic Dimension. Washington: East-West Center Haug, Marie. 1967. "Social and Cultural Pluralism as a Concept in Social System Analysis." American Journal of Sociology, 73 (November 1967), pp.304. Haysom, Nicholas R.L. 2002. "Constitution Making and Nation Building." In Raoul Blindenbacher and Arnold Koller (eds.), Federalism in a Changing World Learning Each Other. McGill- Queen's University Press. Hofer, Andras. 1979. The Caste Hierarchy and the State in Nepal: A Study of the Muluki Ain of 1854. Innsbruck: Universitatsverlag Wanger. Hoftun, Martin. 1993. "The Dynamics and Chronology of the 1990 Revolution." In Michael Hutt (ed.), Nepal in the Nineties. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.1-13. Huddy, Leonie. 2001. "From Social to Political Identity: A Critical Examination of Social identity Theory." Political Psychology, 22 : 1,pp.127-156. Hutt, Michael.1993. "Drafting the 1990 Constitution." In Michael Hutt (ed.), Nepal in the Nineties. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Jenkins, R. 1996. Social identity. London: Routledge. Kamata, Yoji .1999. "The Implicit Mode of Domination in Nepal: Fatalism and Bahunism as The Main Causes of Underdevelopment." Contributions to Nepalese Studies, 26:1, pp.65-81. Kumar, Chanchal. 2011. "Multiculturalism in a Global Society: Minority Rights and Justice." Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 1:3. Kymlicka, Will. 1995. Multicultural Citizenship. Oxford: Clearendon Press. - 2005. "Liberal Multiculturalism: Western Models, Global Trends, and Asian Debates." In Will Kymlicka and Baogang He (eds.), Multiculturalism in Asia. Oxford: University Press, pp. 22-55. Lama, Tshewang. 1993. "Who cares for Humla... ." Himal , September/ October Issue. Lawoti, M. 2010. "Multinational Statehood." Kathmandu Post, 26 Nov, 2010. _____.2005. Towards a Democratic Nepal: Inclusive Political Institutions for a Multicultural Society. New Delhi: Sage Publications.
82 CNAS Journal, Vol. 39, (Special Issue 2012) Lecomte- Tilouine, Marie. 2000. The History of the Messianic and Rebel King Lakhan Thapa Magar: Utopian and Ideology among the Magar. No. 19. Mabuhang, Balkrishna. 2009. "Federalism from Ethno-demographic and Linguistic Perspective." In D.B. Gurung (ed.), Towards A Federalized Democratic Nepal. Friends for Peace Publication. Mabuhang, Balkrishna et al.2005. Bidhyalaya Starko Pathyakram Adhyan ra Bishlesan: Adibasi Janajati Dristikornma. Kathmandu: Adibasi Janajati Utthan Pratisthan. Manley, John F. 1983. "Neo-Pluralism: A Class Analysis of Pluralism I and Pluralism II." The American Political Science Review, 77: 2, pp.368-383. Mazeed, Akhtar et al. 2008. "Building on and Accommodating Diversities." In Ronald L. Watts and Rupak Chattopadhyay (eds.), Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each Other, 1:3, pp.20. Meeker, Kevin .2006. "Pluralism, Exclusivism, and the Theoretical Virtues." Religious Studies, 42:2, pp.193-206. Muni, S.D. 2004. Maoist Insurgency in Nepal: The Challenge and The Response .New Delhi: Observer Research Foundation. NEFEN .1991. Constitution of Nepal Federation of Nationalities. NFDIN .2003. National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities: An Introduction. Ogura, Kiyoko . 2008. "Seeking the State: The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)." Berghof, Transition Series- 3, Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management. , 14-20 April, 2006; Nepali Times, Days of Future Past, No. 294. _____.2004. "Realities and Images of Nepal's Maoists After the Attack on Beni." European Bulleting of Himalayan Research (EBHR- 27). Oommen, T.K . 2012. "Ethno-nationalism and Building National States in South Asia: Towards Federalism." In Chaitanya Mishra and Om Gurung (eds.), Ethnicity and Federalism in Nepal , Kathmandu: Central Department of Sociology/ Anthropology. _____.2008. " Nation Building and Diversities." In Ronald L. Watts and Rupak Chattopadhyay (eds.), Building and Accommodating Diversity, New Delhi: Viva Books. Pandey, Nishchal N. 2005. Nepal's Maoist Movement and Implications for India and China. Kathmandu: Manohar Publishers. Rex, L. Jones .1976. "Sanskritization in Eastern Nepal" Ethnology, 15:1, pp.63-75. Sharma, P. Raj .1997. "Nation- Building, Multi-Ethnicity, and The Hindu State." In David Gellner, Joanna Pffaf-Czarnecka and John Whelpton (eds.), Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal, Amsterdam: Overseas Publisher Association. Sharma, Vijaya Raj .2007. "Comparative study of Federation Proposal for Nepal." Liberal Democracy Nepal Bulletin, 2:2. Shmid, Herman .1981. "On the Origin of Ideology,"ActaSociologica, 24:(1/2), pp. 57-73.
After Liberalism, Marxism Leninism and Maoism 83 Stiller, L. F. 1968. Prithivinarayan Shah in the Light of DibyaUpadesh. Ranchi: The Catholic Press. Tajfel, H. 1981. Human groups and social categories. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Taylor, C. 1994. "The politics of Recognition." In A. Gutmann ( ed.), Multiculturalism: Examining the politics of recognition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 25-73. Thapa, D. and Bandita Sijapati .2003. A Kingdom Under Siege: Nepal's Maoist Insurgency, 1996 to 2003. Kathmandu: The Printhouse. Turner, Terry .2006. "Anthropology as Reality Show and as Co-production: Internal Relations between Theory and Activism." Critique of Anthropology, 26:1, pp.15-25. United Nations Development Programme . 2008. Designing the Federal State in Nepal, Report of a Conference, 26-29 February 2008, Dhulikhel, Nepal Verma, Anand Swaroop and Gautam Navalakh .2007. "People's War in Nepal: Genesis and Development." Economic and Political Weekly, 42:20 (May 1925, 2007), pp. 1839-1843. Whelpton, John .1997. "Political Identity in Nepal: State, Nation, and Community." In David Gellner, Joanna Pffaf-Czarnecka and John Whelpton (eds.), Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal. Amsterdam: Overseas Publisher Association.

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AFTER LIBERALISM, MARXISM LENINISM AND MAOISM WHAT NEXT 'ISM' DOES NEPALESE FATE ADHERE TO?

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Oommen (2008) argues that 'national minorities':

In regard to ethnification and destruction of diversity, Omman argues:

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In contrast, Sharma (1997) argues:

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Gender and ethnic group/caste

Equipment and dress

People from distant places, outsiders

Role of the local Maoists

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Sadbhawana Party RPP CPN (ML)

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