British Forum for Ethnomusicology

Bandleaders in Crete: Musicians and Entrepreneurs in a Greek Island Economy Author(s): Kevin Dawe Source: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 7 (1998), pp. 23-44 Published by: British Forum for Ethnomusicology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3060708 Accessed: 06/01/2009 20:00
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KEVIN DAWE

Bandleadersin Crete:musicians and entrepreneursin a Greekisland economy

Being a "musician" evolves out of a wide range of factors and influences operating through a convergence of social, political and economic forces, which in turn are apprehended by local notions of history, ethnicity, identity and place. The meaning of music and what it means to be a musician is worked out of this nexus of social relations and life chances. A study of the working life of individual musicians in Cretan culture reveals the complexity of their activities within a local musical world, and a number of operating strategies and entrepreneurial skills informing a customised and personalised modus operandi. Musicians have developed niches within the network of relationships that make up the island music system, these niches maintained by local as well as non-local approaches to music business practice (notions of value and exchange) as the system becomes integrated into internationalmarketsand networks. This article offers an insight into the working life of "traditional"musicians in a modernisingsociety,focusing on the work of a single musician, lyra (bowed lute) player and bandleader, Dimitris Pasparakis.

Musicians in Crete are "keepers of a tradition" in a rapidly changing music industry, where there is a squeeze on employment in an island economy that makes increasing and particular demands upon them as it intersects with international market forces. Over the years, the musical community has had to develop and mobilise a set of finely tuned strategies for dealing with its increasingly "between worlds" state of existence. Veteran musicians have honed their musical and business skills, reworking local notions of place, identity, value and exchange into an effective and upgraded modus operandi. This has enabled them to maintain a niche in the local music market and move with it into national and international networks. This, however, also presents them with a new set of challenges. A number of metaphors are useful for showing how "the system" and its operators work, and I shall develop them throughout this article. Social activity and musical performance are linked as the musician "takes the lead", "goes
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solo", negotiatesmelodies and contracts,providesthe "drivingforce"behind dances and deals, sets the tempo of events and exchanges, and proceedsto an oceanof soundandnot-so-sound navigatea routethrough possibilities,with currents and and that makeup the fluid undercurrents, strong whirlpools eddies, of I social intercourse. am in interested individual andtheir musicians dynamics and how it works,notinghere families,as muchas in the local music industry how musicianskeep theirheadsabove the water,workingalongsideproducers andclub ownersto keepthe island'smusic industry afloat. In this articleI aim to revealwhatDouglasandIsherwood (1996:100)call "the scale of the operation", notjust the natureof the Cretanmarketplace, but the role of Cretan musiciansas actorsandagencieswithinit. Duringmy fieldworkI was able to drawon my own experiencesas a professional in England, guitarist that professionalmusiciansin playingon the county bandcircuit.It appeared Crete operatein a similarway (workinglong and awkwardhours, trying to secure the next contract)and that they also diversifytheir activitiesto make ends meet. Their two main sources of work are the summertimevillage wedding celebrations,and the kendra (clubs with live music and food) Creteand also in Athens. A small numberof professionalseither throughout their teach as much as they perform,usually in music schools, or supplement livelihood by informalteaching.Otheroccasionalsources of income include royalties from record sales, work at festivals throughoutGreece requiring and so-called"worldmusic"festivalsin places such as Cretanrepresentatives, a Cretan ParisandAmsterdam The musicianmightspend requiring contingent. the day, therefore,waiting for the telephoneto ring, whereuponhe1 could be requestedto performfor a wedding in a nearbyvillage, or might receive an to play in Floridathe followingmonth. engagement

1 The local operation: music industry in Iraklion

Iraklionis Greece's fifth largestcity, with a permanent populationof circa in The main and 200,000 people (1990). port airport Crete,it is per capitathe and touristattraction, wealthiestcity in Greece.The island is an international within Iraklion. The attracts are based tour operators tourists, mainly city usuallyen routeto elsewhereon the island,who stop to visit its archaeological in the world)or make museum(with the finest collectionof Minoantreasures their way on to or off the numerousferries.Crete is one of Greece'sleading of olives and olive oil, grapesand citrusfruits,and regions in the production Iraklion muchof this produceis shippedto the restof Greecethrough port. at the hub of the nationalpoliticalThe city is a cosmopolitanthoroughfare, economic network, but also a point in internationalpolitical-economic
1 All professionalmusiciansin Cretearemale;very occasionallywomen aresemi-professional For a discussionof music and genderin Crete,see Dawe (1994, 1996). performers.

DAWE Bandleaders in Crete: musicians and entrepreneurs

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networks. It has provided an economic base from which the Cretanmusic industry(subsidisedby Athens) has become established(markedlyover the past twenty years), providing opportunitiesfor more musicians to turn professionaland giving rise to the rich musical life of the city. The apparent prosperityof the city, though, is in contrastto the shanty town with open sewers that exists along its seafront, just out of sight of the touristtracks,and its northernseaboard,which is an ecological disasterarea. Like most cities, Iraklion has its poorerquarters, with the crumbling hovels of those at the lower the end of wage marketremainingin total contrastto those areas where the socially mobile live in luxuryhigh-riseflats. Thereis a new kindof povertyfor some Cretans,for whom peripheralunder-development has caused a fall in There is a decline in industriessuch as fishing and certain living standards. skilled crafts (for example, tinsmithingand coopering), with much money Touroperators and musiciansare being injectedback into the touristindustry. among those living in the luxury flats, whilst fishermenand tinsmiths are the hovels. amongthose inhabiting The city can be seen as a confluenceof culturalforms,with the integrationof old forms indigenous to the area with influences coming into the city via nationaland international networks.The city and its facilities enable a host of non-Cretanculturalphenomenato pass freely into the bloodstreamof the island. In their seminal study of cities, Redfield and Singer (1954) stressed the culturalheterogeneityof the city, it being the place where new forms of personal and cultural integration can occur as a pattern of secondary urbanisation,and the consequent changes in mental outlook, values and attitudesthat may result. Indeed, it is within this milieu that musicians and others have exploited the new economic opportunities that emerge with the creation of new marketareas. The music industry,tourism and weddings the oldest and richest source of work for musicians - have given rise to musical professionalism. A consequence of the injection of capital back into Crete has been the establishment of recordcompanieson the island.Retailoutletsconnectedwith the music industryare locatedin the centreof the city, in, or close to, the main The offices of the recordcompaniesare locatedin backstreets, thoroughfares. and reflectingthe cutting the costs of rentingpropertyin the thoroughfares natureof the "public"and the "private" in Cretansociety. Deals for "gigs" might be made over the phone but recordcontractsare signed behind closed doors. However, I was frequentlyamazed by the fact that record company bosses talked openly to me abouttheir business dealings, includingthe sales figuresandtargetsof theircompanies. The Department of Commerce andIndustry in Iraklion verifiedthe presenceof threerecordcompaniesin the city: Cretaphon, Aerakisand Minos Matsis.The Kostas Frangedakis in Cretaphonlabel was establishedby director/producer 1980. He has owned a recordshop in the city for twentyyears.Frangedakis (a music enthusiast) uses the production facilitiesof MinosM,tsis poet andCretan

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Figure 1 The Cretaphon music store, Iraklion.Kostas Frangedakis (left) and Manolis Karpoutzakis,lyra player, standing in the doorway.

in Athens. There are 103 records in the 1991 Cretaphoncatalogue, but hundreds of other releases that are not listed are to be seen in the shop. The Aerakis record company is directed by Stelios Aerakis, who moved to Irakliontwenty years ago from AnogiA village. He was a professional musician, playing mandolin and laouto with lyra virtuosi Kostas MoudAkis and Nikos Xilouris. The label has been in operation for approximately 20 years and has recently become attached to the Music Box International marketing and distribution company that is based in Athens. The Aerakis label had 10 regular artists in 1991. Stelios usually releases between 4-7,000 copies of a record, but figures vary with predicted popularity;thus releases of Basilis Skoulas albums are usually 50,000, and 70,000 copies of the Anogiane Parea ("AnogiAnParty") album were released to start with - before it went to number 10 in the national charts in 1990. According to Stelios, musicians do not earn much money in royalties from their recordings. Minos Matsis Records is most definitely the largest record company in the whole of Greece, with a vast factory on the outskirts of Athens, and it is by far the most influential, grooming singers such as George Dalares for stardom. Minos MAtsis have had a branch in Crete for the past thirty years, though nowadays the Cretaphon label and the independent Aerakis label are becoming increasingly powerful, with the latter company growing in prominence. The Minos Matsis branch in Iraklion is directed by singer and lyra player Giannis KoufalitAkis, who still plays at weddings in the summer. He mentioned that there were some other labels - "two or three" - and some now disbanded. Gold

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andsilver discs coverthe office walls, andincludealbumsby KostasMoudakis (Cretanlyra player), George Dalares (singer of rebetikaand other popular virtuosoof the 1940s and musics) andManolisHiotis (the innovativebouzouki Their of albums for 1990-1 carries 30 recordsby Cretanartists 50s). catalogue underthe series title "Kritika", and a further 30 recordsby Cretanartistslisted separately. These recordcompaniesfigure largely in the Cretanmusical landscapesince the whole of the island.The commercial theirproductsdisseminate throughout that they produceare purchased alike, recordings by Cretansand non-Cretans Cretansin CreteandCretans abroad arethe greatestconsumers of this although music. The Cretanrecordcompanieshave varying degrees of independence fromthe largerAtheniancorporations andthe touristindustry. But, ultimately, like many Cretanenterprises, they all rely on tourismto providetheir income theirexistencein Crete. and,therefore, The airport, international flights and packageholidaysgave rise to the island's tourist industry, which grew exponentially in the 1970s and 1980s. Iraklionhas become the place of the "hardsell", where tourist Consequently, shops (as elsewhereon the island)sell almostexactlythe same items andjostle for business(as do the manyrestaurants) duringthe summerseason.Musicians mustalso earna living as the opportunities arise.Initially, living in Iraklion they too sell the same thing, and there are plenty more fish in the sea where they come from. If the careersof musiciansfromthe villages flag or fail they may return home to workwith the sheep or on the land,retainingsemi-professional status if possible. The touristshops must eventuallyfind open niches in the marketplace throughsubtlediversification andthe findingof new commercial avenues.The techniquesof careerenhancement and ongoing promotionused are analogousto those used by musicians,thoughthe touristmarketand the traditional music industry in Creteare still polarised. Few patrons contribute to the income of both industries,and thus become targets for the promotional materialsof both. Cretanmusic is not aimedspecificallyat non-Cretans in the on the way that the touristindustryis! But a significantamountof prosperity islandcomes fromtourism,and,as a result,the disposableincomeavailablefor increases.So the musicis dependent, spendingin the musicmarket (by Cretans) but also has to "speak"and sell itself to locals who define themselves in oppositionto the tourists. Iraklion can be seen as a cultural environment Tourists are shapedby outsiders. the most conspicuousaspectof this outsideinfluence.Musiciansoperatein this environment andmusicalestablishments reflectit. The firstmost obvioussigns of the presence of Cretan music in Iraklionare the display tables full of cassettesthatstandoutsidemanyrecordshops(see Figure2). These recordings are by artistsregarded by Cretansas the leadinglights of the music tradition, and they contain renderingsof the stock core of songs and dances that are even if not playedby one of the manyvirtuoso alwayscompetently performed, Thetouristswho do buy Cretan musicusuallybuy whatthe Cretans performers. themselves,on the adviceof sales assistants purchase (who say they let tourists

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Crete of Cretanmusic, as these will represent take only the "best"recordings abroad). availablefeaturing Cretanartistsin the manyrecord The numberof recordings half of the of Iraklion accounts for to stock,wherethey arealwayson up shops A need is perceived to rock and artists. display alongside pop prominent constructa Cretan-nessfor "outside"consumption,whereby Cretan music becomes exotic and "Eastern", even though the island lies within Europe. Crete's proximityto the Middle East and its position as a staging post for
tables, Iraklion Figure2 Display

travellers to Egypt,IsraelandTurkeyis capitalised uponas much in the tourist (with dozensof travelshopsofferingtoursto these countries)as in the industry media images of "exotic"Crete.The corollaryto this is that many musicians who plays aboutonce a turntheir backs on tourism,like DimitrisPasparAkis, one albumaimedfor thatmarketin his career yearfor touristsandhas recorded to date. He plays only for Cretansat weddingsand festivals now, as well as non-tourist-oriented albums.He successfullyused the touristmarket recording as a "step-up-the-ladder" to gain a higherprofileon the musicscene. Pasparakis strivesto divorcehis music fromthat of the MiddleEast;his music is Cretan or music and he is critical,thoughnot scathing,of artistswho borrowTurkish Arabmusicalmaterials.

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have to caterfor outsidersin Crete(tourists,incoming Musicalestablishments officials, technicians etc.). There is, therefore, a proliferationof musical most clearlyby the imageryand musicalpracticeswhich can be demonstrated play physical appearanceof music shops in Iraklion. Some supermarkets Cretan music.Wind-up area noveltyandtoy lyresaresold in the market "piped" figurines of lyra players, laouto alongside similar bouzoukia.Hand-painted are displayedin manyshops.Low-quality lyresareto playersandmandolinists be seen jammedbetweencompact-disc playersin audioequipment shops, and lyresalso standnext to the latestelectricguitarsin the windowsof music shops. In a city awash with commerce and competition,musicians must develop strategiesto stay afloat and employed.Like others,they develop and sharpen skills. In fact, there are two ways of discussingthe musical entrepreneurial in of Crete.Firstly,there entrepreneur relationto the economic infrastructure are people who makea living exclusivelyor largely(andsee themselvesdoing so) frommusic. Secondly,therearepeoplewho use musiciansandmusicas part of their wider entrepreneurial strategies. Into the second category come radio stations,ownersof music shops and some restaurants. recordingstudios, here Musicfeatures as partof a widerentrepreneurialism. Thesepeople,andthe institutionsof which they form part, have been discussed elsewhere (Dawe: 1994; 1996; 1999). This articleis primarilyconcernedwith those in the first category: peoplefor whommusicalskills lie at the heartof theirentrepreneurial strategies.

2 Individual operators: musicians as entrepreneurs

In my effortsto understand the natureof musicalwork in Crete,I have found Dick Hobbs'sattempts to flesh outvarioustypesof entrepreneur in the EastEnd of Londonextremelyuseful. His notion of the "holdingelite" as "individuals who have applied their entrepreneurial ability to acquiringpositions on the labourmarketthat are relativelyexclusive, and as a consequence they are able to secure high pecuniaryrewardfor their labour"(1988:177) providesfor an with professionalmusiciansin Crete.My observations interesting comparison of a large numberof professionalmusicianslead me to suggest that we can discern three sub-categoriesof "musicianas entrepreneur" or the "holding elite" on the island; namely, what one might call performancespecialists; kendroor "club"musicians;and recordingspecialists,the activities of these in practice. One can indeedflesh themout intocertainideal groupsoverlapping types, essentially my categories, but also, to a certain extent, apparentin musicians' conversation. This scheme is most apparentin their "joking whichforma framework of put-down thatsorttheminto patterns" relationships Musicians who at a that groups. play weddings joke recordingartist is a and not a real musician. also consider those workingin figure, personality They kendra (clubs) as choosing a soft option, of selling out. In turn, kendra musicians consider wedding celebrationsto be events that are somewhat

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beneaththem, as somewhatoutmodedand dangerous(becauseof celebratory and kendra gunfire).The recordingspecialistsjoke that weddingcelebrations These are evidently events are for hard-headed professionalsor businessmen. but they do in fact reflectthe overallmusicaltype engagedin jesting remarks, the activities. However, whethermusicians specialise in recording,club or weddingwork(some chose to work in two or all threeof these areas),they all continue to be available for most types of work that come their way. To demonstrate how these musicians'engagementwith entrepreneurial activities to what Hobbs calls "thepowerfulculturaldynamicdriving might contribute everyday life" (1988:147), one must first understandin greater depth the in relation to music. conceptof the entrepreneur In their efforts to secure an income, musicians' movements between city, village and the media indicate that their activities within these areas are strategicallyorganised,well thought-outand akin to the way of life by which are known. Here the term "entrepreneur", which means "one entrepreneurs who undertakesan enterprisewith the chance of profit or loss" (Chambers: 562), aligns with high risk impromptuperformancesof masculinity where reputationscan be made or lost (see Herzfeld 1985; Dawe 1996). However, musicians cannot affordto take too many gambles since their performances have very clear and expected outcomes and, of course, professional rely on this income to providefor themselves and their families, performers sustaining and hopefully enlarging their resources. In trying to provide a useful model for how musicianssurviveon a ledge, I have foundparticularly will direct their the work of FredrikBarth, who says that "entrepreneurs activity pre-eminently towards points in an economic system where the discrepancies of evaluation are greatest, and will attempt to construct bridging transactions which can exploit these discrepancies" (cited in 1977:171). In otherwords, a fully workedout, tried and tested, Frankenberg set of strategiesakin to Barth'smodel is needed. In the music industry andmedia,musiciansexploitpre-contractual situationsin which the parametersof economic exchange are not yet fixed, where in evaluation are greatest". Musiciansnegotiatefees and tips at "discrepancies celebrationsas much as they negotiate record deals and airtime. They are andforgingbusinesslines, whetheron the telephoneto skilledat consolidating a village in the mountainsof Crete or to a Greek arts club in Miami. They transactions" construct"bridging throughactionsthatforge bonds of trustand reciprocity, througha discourse(an expositionof ideas,an exchangeof ideas,a process of reasoning) and a set of related actions and activities that are, apparently, persuasive, legitimised and empowering. Barth (cited in Frankenberg1977:6) points out that "it is essential to realise that 'the is not a personin any strictsociologicalsense,"but "actionsand entrepreneur' in this activitywhich "a certainqualityor orientation activities"characterising roles may be presentto greateror lesser extentin the differentinstitutionalised Barth's scheme foundin the community". (1977:167)summarises Frankenberg diagramatically:

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Niche position occupied in relationto resources, competitors,clients restrictions Instrumental limitationsof freedom of choice (modified by social and moral restrictions)

Assets sum total of capital, skills, and social claims

that musiciansacquire(their niche The degree of securityand independence and andtheirpositionon the labourmarket)in the controlof musicalmaterials the developmentof social and musical skills (theirassets or, as Hobbs notes, commerciallanguage, tools, transport,clothes, adaptability, array of skills, mustalwaysbe seen in relation to the demands of employersand marketability) of society (with its instrumental the greaterexpectations restrictions). of musicians'resources andthe StephenBlum (1978:19)describesthe interplay in his study of the changingroles of performers in the demandsof patronage Iran.Here, "specialistsin musical performance have long cities of Khorasan, betweendiversesocial groups,in circumstances functionedas 'intermediaries' marked by conflict and continual shifts in the distributionof power and prestige. Because they normally work in diverse sets of circumstances, have learnedto controlmusicaltechniquesthatpermita Khorasani performers
high level of variation, in response to changing demands of patrons and audiences" (Blum 1978:19).

aremanipulated in relationto the Blum goes on to show how musicalmaterials of socio-economicchange,of microandmacropolitics. demandsof patronage, Similarly,Cretan musicians are flexible in their approachto performance, theirmusicalresources(for example,utilisingdifferentpartsof their adjusting additionalinstruments) repertoire; using differentaccompanists; incorporating to suit the situation.As mentionedbeforethe musicalentrepreneur constantly monitorsthe success of his presentation. as an aesthetic and Improvisation, economicexercise,fills the programme, shows off the musician'sskill, and- if successful- is greetedwith "gifts"of moneyfromthe dancingguests, all to the satisfactionof patrons.Improvisations sound out and probethe audience,and situationsand the they succeed due to the musician'sexperienceof recurrent conductwithinthem. appropriate
In an earlier article, Blum (1975:217) suggests that musical style "carriestraces

of the processes throughwhich the performerhas effected and realised his

choices, has established his personal (and social) 'stance' or position". My observations show that this "stance" is maintained by constant monitoring, calibration and correction on the part of the musician in Crete, especially professional musicians. I do not want to suggest that all musical behaviour in

Crete is a matterof calculation,only that its existence is closely tied to the choices made by the musicalentrepreneur in the face of culturalexpectation,

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and to his own skills at bendingthose expectationsto consolidatehis own

position.

the relevance of this type of analysis to an In an attemptto demonstrate of the role of musicians in Cretansociety, I now move to a understanding discussionof the ways in which a professionalmusician,DimitrisPaparakis, earnsa living and consolidates his positionon the local music scene in Crete.I andteacher.I wantto the roles he plays as family leader,bandleader document drawattention to the intersection of economicandsocial spheresof exchangein thatthis studyof a single musicianis all of Pasparakis's activities,emphasising supportedby my work with many other professionaland semi-professional musiciansin Crete. One could apply a similar,if not the same, analysis and modelto these musicians(see Dawe 1994; 1996; 1999 as evidence). I studied the lyra with Pasparakisin Iraklion from September 1990 to madewhilst 1991. The focus in this articleis uponmy observations September him to the summer celebrations (June wedding accompanying throughout I in of 1991. have since met with visits to Crete short during Pasparakis August) the summersof 1994 and 1996.

3 Musician as head of the family

Music has always been in the Pasparakis family,as it is in many,if not most, werelyra Cretan Emmanuel, Manolis,andgreat-uncle, families;bothhis father, players(see Figure3). But, althoughhe is still very much a family man, and andtheirmusicalskills, DimitrisPasparakis's immenselyproudof his forebears talentwas developedto a professional standard underthe instruction precocious He workedhardto takeadvantage of the greatlyravirtuoso,KostasMoundakis. of both his talent and his opportunity, the immenselysuccessful Moundakis life-skills to his pupil alongside presumablyimpartingmusically-oriented musicaltechniqueand repertoire. activity is now entrepreneurial Pasparakis's shaped by his position as head of a family: he involved his family in this role to play in it. activityand they themselvesfelt thatthey had an important clearto me in the contextof Pasparakis's This becameparticularly relationship with his son, Manolis.Manolis,who was eighteenyears old, was to retakean examinationthe following year that would, they hoped, secure him a place at the Universityof Crete,or at a universityin Italy.He studyingarchitecture a was not planningto become a musicianbecausehe saw it as too uncertain it to be a poorlypaidandlow-status career,andhe considered job. He believed thathe couldearnmuchmoremoneyfromarchitecture. anddid not wish to pursuea careeras a AlthoughManolisplayedthe mandolin musicianlike his father,even on a semi-professional basis, he did protestwhen mandolinto a young boy at the music his fatherproposedselling the "family" with any availablespare instruments has always purchased school. Pasparakis from him at a reasonable cash, so that studentscan buy a reliableinstrument

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Figure 3 (top) Emmanuel Pasparikis (tomb,Anogia village);(centre) ManolisPasparakis Pasparakis (Spiliavillage) (coffee house, Armanogi, village);(bottom)Dimitris

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cost. Of course,this also meansthatby keepingan eye on marketpriceshe can actually make a profit, whilst giving the buyer a good deal. Given his andhis contactswith suppliersin knowledgeandexperienceof the instruments to earn is a welcomeopportunity the buyingandselling of instruments Iraklion, as if his a little extramoney.Althoughhe does makea smallamount,it appears "broker"personalityis at work here. One can see here that the role of butof a personwho is partof a is notthatof the radicalindividual, entrepreneur householdunit:decisionsare always made in relationto the groupand not in economicprinciples. relationto abstract I was askedto join the family for dinneron occasionsand discuss issues with them. An example of the kind of banterthat went on on these occasions is ke Mitsotakise! ... by such challengingcommentsas: "Thatcher encapsulated skataaa!"(literally, "Thatcherand Mitsotakis, eh! ...shiiit!"), whereupon Pasparakiswould laugh loudly, and shake hands, a socialist in mind but a capitalistat heart!Or is it the otherway round?He took as much interestin andfamily,andwas a keen nationalpoliticsas in the politicsof the community to realisethatPasparakis's observerof the stateof the economy.It is important overridingduty was to his family, as is expected of all men in Greece. His devotionto the well-beingof his familyis seen in the way he seeks out workto bring in the money that will solidify the status of the family within the of the Greekfamily,Campbell(1964:53) notes In his descriptions community. that "it is a domesticgroup,an economic and property-owning unit, a quasipolitical association,a religious communion,and so on", confirmingthe of thefamilygroup. as the leader tremendous placeduponPasparakis responsibility He had Securingshelter for his family was the next priorityfor Pasparakis. a before Iraklion for fourteen school in worked at the Apollo music years, school at the music music into his own school recentmove (1996). Teaching continues to provide a reliable income and one that enabled him to start buildinghis presenthouse.WhileI was studyingwithhim in 1991 he employed to work on the second storeyof the house for as long as the savings labourers from the summerweddings lasted. He proudlyshowed me aroundthe new extensionwork which he had had to wait seven years to start.The completed wall-tilesandmarblefloors, andthe with mirrored groundfloor was decorated furniture was from some of the most expensive stores in Iraklion.Although notjust for the pragmatic musicalentrepreneur, food andshelterwere priorities in out stops any food andshelterwoulddo. Thebuildingworkhadto be carried and starts, and accordingly,called for careful planning. Pasparakis'skeen business sense, his acute awarenessof the socio-economicclimate, and his knowledge of the value of "material",enabled him to execute difficult extremepovertyin his youth,Pasparakis decisions.Havingexperienced sought in terms of out "the best" quality investments,especially when it came to materialgoods for his family and for himself as a musicianand teacherof the highest calibre. His honed musical and social abilities, in fact, mirroredhis to the home. to familylife, as well as his approach dedication

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Observations interior by Gilsenan(1982:186)on the luxurious designsof salons in the homes of the Lebanese middle and upper classes alerts one to the of examiningfeaturessuch as the interiordesign of houses for the importance cultural ideology, as well as the socio-economics, which underpinthem. Staying with this idea, Bourdieu's comment on taste as "a system of classificatory schemes which may only very partially become conscious as one rises in the social hierarchy, a matter of although, lifestyleis increasingly what Weber calls the 'stylisation of life' " (1984:174) provides some was an qualification. Bringingthese ideas into the Cretancontext:Pasparakis with a host of to match his vast upwardly-mobilemusician, aspirations achievementsto date, and the ultimateachievementfor him was to build a housefor eachof his two sons.His sons, in turn,hadhighambitions. Pasparakis's tastes - as a man of "distinction", of notable "disposition", respectedand - are as refinedas his musicaltechnique, his earnings respectful ploughedback intothe familyhomeandintomaintaining the qualityof his family'slife, as well as a visionof progress. hadno placeto go butup. Pasparakis DimitrisPasparakis was one of the few professionalmusiciansto combine a busy playing schedulewith a teachingpost in a school of music. Takingover this position from the late - but still very popular- Kostas Moundakis(who taught at the Apollo music school from 1969 to 1984), he is now known Creteas "theteacherof Cretan music".Pasparakis was in a position throughout of responsibilitywith a reputationto maintain;accordinglyhe was under to meetthe expectations of othersin all areasof his workas performer pressure and teacher- alongsidehis responsibilities as head of a family. Against this I wantto continueillustrating the ways in whichPasparakis backdrop, carefully investedhis time andexpertiseto earna successfulliving, by lookingat how he managedhis workingcrew of musiciansandmusicalequipment.

4 The bandleader
role as headof the familywas not dissimilar to his roleas headof his Pasparakis's band.In bothcontexts he appeared as a leader of mentiedto othermembers by the bondsof kinshipand trust.In fact thereis an analogybetweenthe two: Basilis laoutoplayer andhis nephew. The working Cretan Sygletoswas bothPasparakis's music ensemble,with regularmemberswho sharea commonlifestyle,can be viewedas a socio-economic unit.Operating between operating villages,townsand these units can be seen as "actors a commonadaptive cities, with sharing pattern to someportion of the(urbanising) environment" respect (Adams1975:54). The success of the unit in an "urbanised" and competitiveenvironment, in my experience, relies on the skill of the bandleader,his ability to deal with situationsas they presentthemselvesand take controlof them. He must also choose his companionswisely so that they can be trustedon personaland musical levels. Music groups often feature members of the same family,

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familiesor village who have formedan allianceover manyyears,for example, throughintermarriage.2 Kinshipties, close friendshipsand bonds of trustare featuresof the Cretanmusic tradition.DimitrisPasparakis has had important two regular members from Iraklionin his ensemble; besides the versatile Basilis Sygletos,he workswith VangelisAlexakis,a precociouspupilwho has workedas his teachingassistantsince 1984. role as leaderof an ensemblewas multifarious. He Furthermore, Pasparakis's and musico-poeticskills in many exploited his considerableorganisational the course of an engagement.But the changing course of ways throughout not so muchas a challenge,butas a projectdemanding eventsappears constant in-builtnegativefeedbacksystem of sorts) so that (a finely-tuned, monitoring the end resultwill be pleasingto bothhis employersandtheirguests.Although manymusiciansare well known,they are marginal figuresin the villages they visit. Even though their recordingsand reputationsprecede them, as live performers they must establishthemselveseach time they entera village; they mustmanagethe celebrations fromwithinthe community they arevisiting;they mustearnthe trustof villagersandtownsfolk. in Crete(the bandleader Most of the establishedbandleaders is usuallythe lyra the of have with themfor many on who rely played player) support accompanists of at the the ensemble Basilis Skoulas Kendro Delenain years(forexample, playing are which features virtuoso laouto Giannis and who Iraklion, Xilouris) player usually arekeento sit back(often as theyare.Butsomeof the olderplayers as experienced dueto ill-health) andletyounger intotheir team(forexample, the Skordalos players ensembleincludeda new youngvocalist-laouto player). Most celebrationsfeaturinglive music are advertisedby the appearance of andlyraplayer,Pasparakis's picturealone posters(see Figure4). As bandleader at which his bandwas due to perform, on the posteradvertisements appeared he consequently in high profilethroughout the island,he andalthough appeared laughedat anynotionsI hadof him actuallybeingfamousin Crete.He arranged drove and maintained owned the PA(which he maintained), the engagements, and the soundcheck, whilst the transport, oversawthe setting-upof equipment socialisingandkeepingin with clients,theirfamiliesandthe crowd.Moreover he was responsible for the collecting(acquiring) andcountingof the wages and to the the tips given by dancers.It is little wonderthat Pasparakis's approach popularity stakes was a profoundly practical one. On top of all these his musicwith enoughimagination, he hadto perform commitments sensitivity to context and the mood of the crowd, to communicate effectively with the audienceandholdthe eventtogether(see Dawe 1996). materials to the washisteaching of old andnewmusical A further of thisproject part with him. Vangelis servetheirapprenticeship band.In effect,youngermusicians andmandolinist who playsonlylaoutoat celebrations. is a finelyraplayer Alexfikis He will standard on alltheseinstruments. areof a goodperformance Yethis abilities
brothersensemble, and the duet Basilis Skoulas and 2 For example, the popularStavrakakis GiannisXilouris from Anogia village.

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Figure 4 Poster advertising a celebration and featurng DimitrisPasparakis

be ableto startplayinglyraat celebrations, butthis meansthathe will eventually him fromhis university then have to concentrate on his groupwork,distracting studies. BasilisSygletos in laouto the his ensemble, plays onlyoccasionally showing on the and never the bouzouki first and instrument, mandolin, (his virtuosity playing one thatis used in some ensembles). So the sublimation of egos and instrumental are the unspoken rules of groupmembership; specialisation they are, afterall, in the ensemble. Neither of these accompanists PasparAkis semi-professionals want to turn professionallike Pasparakis. They are happysimply to earn the extramoneyandenjoythe experience. Bothplayershaveother,safer,optionsin mindfor theircareers. The band is a flexible unit; the style of music allows for additions and subtractions accordingto demandor availabilityof players. While I was in Crete,GiorgosSifAkis joinedthe ensembleon two occasions:once as additional laoutoplayerin AnogiA for Vangelisat village, the othertime as a replacement a weddingcelebration in Mirtiavillage. Giorgossometimesplays laouto with in the summer,playinglyra and singing as well at celebrations, to Pasparakis a break.Bornin a village nearAxos on the way to Rethymno, give Pasparakis

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he is now 49, andstarted playingmusic when he was a small boy. He worksas a primaryschool teacher in Iraklion.Pasparakis's role as head of his own in termsof his ensembletherefore,as I have triedto reveal,can be interpreted recruitment andleadership of a smallbandof accompanying musicians.

5 Driving the band

This section looks briefly at the ensemble in the non-playing context of travellingto and from wedding celebrations.Although I have found useful in the work of otherauthorssuch as Waterman (1990) regarding comparisons the working band of musicians, little mention has been made of the of musiciansbeyondthe stage, except that musiciansmay travel relationships long distancesto reachtheir engagement.In my experienceit is a context in which the musicians interactoff stage as a team facing furtherchallenges, on stage. I also foundit a good which makesfor successfulteamperformances opportunityto observe the working relationshipswithin the band. The men. and semi-professional musiciansfeatured here are a body of professional the leader,is a professionalmusician,the other two players are Pasparakis, But whenthe musiciansleave the city to play in the villages, semi-professional. they all become, to a certainextent, professional;each has to pull his own weight,andthey come to rely on each other. since they occupy musiciansstartfromscratchat each engagement, Travelling a time enter to unlike the resident a marginal each village perform, they position to with who shift from one another musicians everyoneelse in the phase village musicians can be seen not only festive occasions. Incoming community during but as posing a threat.Some musicianshave as marginalto the community, developed an infamous reputation as gun-toting money-grabbers and affectshow musiciansin generalareviewed which, consequently, philanderers are the Musicians only ever seen to presideover celebrations by generalpublic. of their the public duringtheir workinglives. Musiciansare by greaterpart on the from one life phase to anotherin rites of passage(at move, constantly feast days), synchronisedwith calendric rituals, and weddings, baptisms, to from one village the next. The moving and managingof musical travelling is a motionwhichinformstheir the of eventsat celebrations with flow materials that lives as workingmusicians.It is to this widersense of travel(my metaphor) here. I drawattention on time. Given theirdestination hadto ensurethathis groupreached Pasparakis this the dangersof some Cretancountryroads,let alonethe dualcarriageways, was his to andfromweddingcelebrations is easiersaidthandone.Thetransport and Passatsaloon car, into which all of the soundequipment new Volkswagen The and three musiciansplus myself were skilfully manoeuvred. instruments, and I believe thatthis is an excellent car was drivenas always by Pasparakis,

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for the way in which he works the ensemble:drivingthem on, and metaphor As faras I know, a celebration them performance. successfullythrough steering would not such a however,Pasparakis recognise metaphor. in the earlyhoursof the fromvillage performances, Onthe way backto Iraklion morning,the musicianswould regularlyplay the cassettesthat I had recorded by theirquality.Basilis especiallywantedto hear duringthe evening,impressed the tapes, because a finger on his left handwas still healing (he had cut it at the summerof 1991 and he wantedto check work on machinery) throughout whether his playing was up to standard.The car cassette recorderwas an importantpart of the group's equipment.Not only would they play my of otherartistsand discuss how cassettes,but they would studythe recordings they could improvetheirperformances, technically(for example,with the use of Basilis's mandolin of mixers)or musically(for example,the foregrounding spot during the evening). Also, inspired by the playing at an appropriate recordingsthat I had made one evening, Pasparakis,Basilis and Vangelis qualitylive recordings thoughtthatit mightbe a good ideato makeprofessional of two weddings,one for each side of a record."Pollekremata!" (muchmoney) could possiblybe madefromsuchan enterprise. he would start Everytime thatI travelledbackfroma weddingwith Pasparakis a discussionabouthow he and the musicianspresentcould earnmore money. He was a tactician, constantlyplanninghis next moves. Pasparakiswould deliberateeven when Basilis would have to be at his day job at perhaps7.30 a.m. that same morningand would try and sleep in the car on the way back to At times,varyingfrom3 a.m.to 5.30 a.m.,Pasparaikis Iraklion. would suddenly shoutat the top of his voice to startlehim and burstinto a fit of laughter. This was typical of the teasing and light bullying relationshipthat Pasparakis directedtowardshis team. They always took his jibes in good heart,and the journeys appearedas importantmoments for establishingrelationships,the younger members of the team learningto take the knocks, and also being trainedin the art of staying awake. The regime that these musicianshad to follow was indeedgruelling. Figure5 overleaf gives an indicationof the weddingsattendedby Pasparakis andhis groupduringthe summerperiod.This list of engagements is typicalfor and is of the of area within which Pasparakis every summer, representative type musicians work. It is in the that the professional gain exceptionalonly way coincide with of the and in which some towns engagements villages Pasparafkis taught.He hadcarveda nichefor himselfin this area.If he travelledany further he lost money in petrol and in hotel bills, and also encroachedon another musician's area. For example, Nikiforos Aerakis was the musician usually employedby villages in the Anogiaregion.Pasparakis playedthereonly at the of his relations. request

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Figure 5 The locations of the towns and villages in central Crete visited by Pasparikis and his ensemble in the summer of 1991

fromIrklion (km) = distance \ Iralion

Anogia (40km) Spilia (5km) IMirtis (21km)
L

Centralmountain
range Archiaes

H ilatos (42km)

(22km) Thrapsaao (36km) /

Arkalohori

(40km)

Assimi

(48km)

In 1991, Pasparakis played at the following mountainvillage and agrotown weddings: 9th June,Mirtia Saturday, 22nd June,Assimi Saturday, 29th June,Anogia Saturday, 6th July,Milatos Saturday, 14thJuly,Thrapsano/Arkalohori Saturday, 20th July,Spilia Saturday, 17thAugust,Arkalohori Saturday, and economicallyviable in Musicianswill travelto places that are practically butthey do relation to wherethey live. In this respectthey mapout "territories", not seem to defendthem readily.In any case, thereare far too manyweddings and festivities at other duringthe summertime, occurringin these territories times duringthe year,for one musicianandcrewto cover;so musicians'fields of operationare boundto overlap.Patronswill usually requesta more local, reliablemusicianto play at a wedding(this musicianmay known,andtherefore lower his price) or they will negotiate with the "name"musicians of "the tradition" (the more prestigiouschoice for the patron),especially if it means will have to travel far. Musiciansdo not come cheap, but that the performer usuallythe closerthey are,the less they will cost.

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Fora numberof reasonsweddingstakeplace only in the summer, fromJuneto At this time of year in Crete,the weatheris reliable;there is early September. more disposable income, for example, from the selling of fleeces and to play agricultural produce,and fromthe touristtrade.Manymusiciansreturn the village wedding circuit in the summer:so the kendra in the cities that employ them at othertimes duringthe year often close for the summerperiod. withtheirearningsfromAthensandthe continent. workersalso return Migrant

6 Weddings and money

Each wedding celebrationis a uniqueevent; I discuss the musical and poetic aspects of performancein more detail elsewhere (see Dawe 1994, 1996). in a ruralsettingor in a town, or in movingbetweenthe two (i.e. from Whether church to town kendro), thereare differencesin the stagesthatwedding village celebrationsfollow. Given rapid socio-economic change in Crete and the adoptionof new lifestyles by many islanders,some stages of the "traditional" are now omitted.Manyyoung people do not wantto face weddingcelebration the challenges made to their morals, finances and stamina that a Cretan weddingmay present. I mentioned Whenever thatI was going to a weddingin the mountain village of Anogia,the replyfrompeoplein Iraklion city andothervillages was thatthereI would witness a "traditional" Cretanwedding. The celebrationsin Anogia proceededas follows: 1 gathering to danceandplay at the parents'houses; 2 processionsthroughthe village from the groom's parents'house to the bride'sparents'house and backto the groom'sparents'house. The groom thenreturns to the bride'shouse fromwherethey bothgo to the church; 3 the weddingservicein the church; 4 musiciansplay for the newly-wedsandclose relativesto danceoutsidethe churchafterthe service; 5 the whole familyandguests,led by the musicians,walkthrough the village to the couple'snew house; 6 a breakin the proceedings for up to an hour; 7 feastinganddancinguntildawn; 8 singingin the newly-weds'house afterdaybreak andup to 8 a.m. The otherweddingcelebrations that I attended differedfromthe above format as follows. In two cases therewas no processionto the church.In the firstcase this was becausethe servicewas held withinthe walls of a monastery, whereno music is allowed(the celebrations were held in a nearbyvillage kendro).In the second case, althoughthe church was very close to the kendrowhere the were to be held, the weddingsponsorcouldnot affordthe eveningcelebrations extra money to have musiciansplay for the procession,or for them to play outsidethe bridalparents'houses.

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In Crete,celebrations often includethe giving of money to the musiciansand dancers.Cowan(1990:105) notes from her fieldworkin northern Greecethat: "ManySohoiansinsistthatthey are not obligedto give a gift andthatthey will not give a gift unless they like the way the daulia play. And even the money 'thrownout' is not seen primarilyas a gift ... rather,it is thoughtto be an
expression of the dancers' kefi ... or 'high spirits' ". Feelings of kefi are

of money at the musicians' feet (or in the precipitatedby the appearance box). Therewas excitementas peopletriedto best others obligatorycardboard in the amountof money that they would give to the musicians.For a longer dance, the tip which was consideredworthwhileby the musicianswas 5000 drachma (?15). I witnessedone bride'sfatherlay down six of these notes in thatis, ?90 (1991 one fromeach of the guestsdancing: succession,representing exchangerate)for five minutes'music for six dancingpeople.This is a typical exchange in modernCrete. The fatherof the bride stooped gracefullyas he to the dance. placedthe moneyin the box, andheld his headhigh as he returned At some weddingsthe brideand groomare from differentvillages, a situation which calls for a compromise; in most cases, a gathering and processionfrom the bride'shouse only. Villageendogamywas the normat the otherweddingsI attended.But marriages betweencouples fromdifferentvillages are becoming increasinglycommonamongsturbandwellers.In four cases the kendrahired for the celebrations were on the outskirts of a nearbytown, and so therehadto be a breakin the proceedingsas the wedding partytravelledto it. The time
Figure6 The band,withmoneyat theirfeet

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spent dancing outside the parents' houses and outside the church varied considerably,and appearedto rest upon the more obvious fact that some a nod in the direction familiestreatedthis aspectof the occasionas decorative, of "tradition". Besides, dancingoutsidethe churchand their houses costs the family money. I witnessed Pasparakisand crew earning 70,000 drachma After (?210), from the dancers'tips, from the two 20-minuteperformances. this, he put 10,000 drachma (?30) in an envelopeas a gift for the newly-weds, signed "From the Pasparakisfamily". This gesture also made sure that as an employeeat the event, but as a kind would be seen not "just" Pasparakis of guest as well. The ideal wedding celebration,accordingto the musicians,is one that pays audience.This appreciation is well, and one that also containsan appreciative the amount not of to the musicians. The other only by gauged money given main contributing factors(accordingto musicians)are good food and drink, much dancing, and requestsonly for Cretan(as opposed to bouzouki-style) music duringthe evening. For the musiciansI workedwith, if one of these factorswas lacking, the evening could be seen as a failure.Moreover,if the money that they earned was below average, then, accordingto them, the eveningwas totallyruined.

7 Concluding remarks
Musicians work hard to earn each and every drachmain the course of a This is the way it is in all of theiractivities.Despitethe gruellingperformance. legendarygenerosity of the Cretanpeople, not everythingis for free. The demands made of musicians, especially bandleaders, necessitates their of a highly developedandeffectivemodusoperandi. This operating acquisition system, though inflected and nuanced by the personalities, musical and skills, and activitiesof individuals,as well as local notions of entrepreneurial business practice and marketing,reflects what Hobbs has describedas the "prevalence of an entrepreneurial style that pervades an entire culture" creativeand (1988:163).Musiciansin Cretecontinueto respondin imaginative, resourcefulways to the changestaking place within Cretansociety, working with the pressures,tensions and potentialconflicts inherentin their "between worlds" existence. They pursue this existence as performersof a popular, traditionalmusic in contexts as varied and challengingas remote mountain villages andnationaltelevisionstudios. Acknowledgements I wouldlike to thankDimitrisPasparakis, Martin Stokes,JaneCowanandSuzel andguidance. Reily for theirinspiration, encouragement,

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