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The Hinterland Harmony: Buddhist and Muslim Relations in Indonesian Rural Areas1

Venerable Jayamedho (Herman Endro) Kertarajasa Buddhist College, Malang Zaenal Abidin Ekoputro Center of Asian Studies (CENAS), Jakarta

Introduction: For the last twenty years, the contestation among religious followers in Indonesia has actually been increased and as a result, many communal conflicts exist in some areas such as Ambon, Poso, Sampit, and other cities. Some scholars and government officers have similar views and put emphasized on the importance of religious dialogue, or some others say interfaith dialogue, for citizens to prevent further communal conflicts. Though, some other analysts reject the religion as the main root cause of the communal conflict rather, religion is being involved in the conflict. So, they argue that the religious conflict never existed. In addition, it is so long, for scholars who mostly analyze - that the issue of religious conflict in Indonesia seems to have been dominated by the high tension of relationships between Christians and Muslims. They have argued that contests between both groups of followers occurs elsewhere in the country as it connected with the long social and political rivalries - especially in Indonesias post-Independence era. One of the most recent books on the interreligious-relations issue in Indonesia, written by Mujiburrahman (2008), shows the relationship between elite Christians and Muslims since Indonesias Independence has been covered by warm tension and prejudices. According to Mujiburrahman, Christians have been threatened by the Islamic state on one hand, and on other hand, Muslims fear the zending or, Christian missionary activities.2 Hence, it can be assumed so far that interreligious-relations are vulnerable in terms of mutual understanding which is possible, based on social connections. The query that should be addressed here is: is it possible to find other interreligious-relations that shows harmony; and, could we have other religious-relations which are good and positive connections towards one another? In our recent research project on Buddhist and Muslim relations in three different areas of Java: Temanggung (Central Java province), Malang and Banyuwangi (East Java province), we found the different conditions pertaining to the interreligious-relations issue that was unlike the Christian and Muslim relationship. We found that those people who were divided between Buddhists and Muslims are able to maintain daily-life activities in a peaceful way. This paper aims to explore why Buddhists and Muslims in those three different areas live harmoniously. There are some questions that shall be answered, such as: what kinds of interaction do they have and how do they maintain a harmonious life in a mixed society, and other similar things? With support from several institutions, including a
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The earlier draft of this paper was presented at the 55 ASIA-AFRICA 55 Diversity In Globalised Society; The Role of Asia and Africa for a Sustainable World 55 Years after Bandung Asian-African Conference 1955 at Gadjah Mada University Graduate School Yogyakarta, Indonesia, 25-27/10/2010. This current version was edited extensively by Dr. Dion Peoples. 2 Mujiburrahman. Feeling Threatened: Muslim-Christian Relations in Indonesias New Order. Leiden/Amsterdam: ISIM/Amsterdam University Press. 2006. p.18, 29, 32-34, 89 and 105-107.

huge support from the Humanist Institute for Co-operation with Developing Countries (HIVOS), the research has been published. Local Cultural Pluralism: Theoretical Framework This work owes much to multi-culturalist or pluralist-culture theories. One of them is Bhikhu Parekhs theory of communal-grounds. He assumes multiculturalism occurs in a society which is engaged and bound to one another.3 Ashis Nandy has also analyzed the pluralistic society in Cochin (India): those who could build the same identity and inter-linkages in daily activities hinder or reduce the conflict. He mentioned that the daily interlinked-interaction bound them in mutual respect.4 In each three different research areas shown: there was no dominant religious group in these areas of mixed populations. According to Gilquin who wrote on Muslims in Thailand and observed the mixed population in northeast of Bangkok: it seems that in areas where there is no dominant group, there featured a sense of coexistence and integration, where one could begin to talk of assimilation.5 By borrowing Diana Ecks reckoning about pluralism that means the encounter of commitment, Buster G. Smith explores that pluralism embraces the other and expects to find value beyond that which is not present within ones own religion. Specifically, whereas inclusivism still maintains that ones own religion contains all possible truths, pluralism assumes there are crucial truths that others assert and it is worthwhile to learn these.6 It also should be noted that pluralism is no more than the consequence of the practice of tolerance. If society tolerates diversity of opinion and of conduct, the result is that opinions become numerous and the conduct of people follow similar diversity.7 Those reckonings of Parekh, Nandy, and Eck are very helpful to build the theoretical framework of this paper. They describe the positive impact of pluralism that exists in the real-world: the social relationships in a multicultural society. Hence, pluralism is totally different with relativism and does not leave the traditional religion behind. Pluralism seeks to mutual understanding within pluralistic societies. A Brief Note of Buddhism in Indonesia Before answering those question, let us to explore the history of Buddhism briefly first. This will help the readers who never before knew the history of Buddhism in Indonesia or who know very little. Later on, we will try to describe the social and political context in the past which relates to the development of Buddhism in Indonesia. Before the 20th Century Buddhism has a long history in Indonesia. Its golden eras were during the Sailendra dynasty of Mataram in Central Java (c. mid-eighth to mid-ninth century), Srivijaya in South Sumatra (seventh to thirteenth centuries) and Majapahit in East Java (thirteenth to fifteenth centuries). From the thirteenth century onwards Islam began to flourish in the archipelago. As a result, in Java, Buddhism rapidly lost its hold over the
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Parekh, Bhikhu. A Commitment to Cultural Pluralism. (http://www.powerofculture.nl/uk/archieve/ commentary/parekh.html). p.2 4 Gomez, Edmund Terence. Introduction; Modernization, Democracy, Equity and Identity. In Tarling, Nocholas & Gomes, Edmund Terence (ed). The State, Development and Identity in Multi-Ethnic Societies; Ethnicity, Equity and the Nation. London & New York: Routledge. 2005. p. 1 and 9-10. 5 Gilquin, Michel. Les musulmans de Thailande. (The Muslims of Thailand. Transl. Michael Smithies). Bangkok and Chiang Mai: IRASEC & Silkworms Book. 2005. P. 34. 6 Smith, Buster G. Attitude toward Religious Pluralism: Measurements and Consequences. Journal Social Compass. 2007. p. 337 7 Roshwald, Mordecai. Toleration, Pluralism, and Truth. Journal Diogenes. 2008. p. 27.

aristocracy, and was least formally supplanted in the rural areas.8 Interestingly, Buddhism has remained at the heart of rural people eventually, in the form of rituals, belief and culture, and it has mixed with Islamic tenets to become the basic teaching of Javanese religion. The great contribution of one Buddhist monk, called Mpu Tantular during Majapahit era declared the national motto, Shiva Buddha Bhinneka Tunggal Ika tan hana Dharma Mangrua meaning: Shivaism and Buddhism are different but the same in essence, because the Dharma (the Truth) only has One face. This currently serves abbreviated into the modern Indonesian motto, recognizing pluralism: Unity in Diversity, or Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Borobudur the Great Temple, build in 8th century, has also contributed a lot of culture, beliefs, mystical ideas and architectural influences for Indonesian people, especially to the Javanese. These kind of Buddhist and Hindu contributions created a culture of Islam in Indonesia that is more tolerant and has strong roots with local traditional-culture. After the 19th Century The early 20th century saw a resurgence of Buddhism in Indonesia. A prominent Dutch colonial Chinese writer, Kwee Tek Hoay reinvented the Chinese-mixed belief and culture, namely: Sam Kaw Hwee or Tridharma (Buddhism-Confucian-Taoism Teaching), and later, promulgated it widely to the Dutch colonial Chinese. Sam Kaw Hwee was brought to East Indies along with the adventure of Chinese diaspora. In the Sam Kaw Hwee, there are three kind of learning; Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. He himself, also, translated the Siddharta biography from an old Bahasa version. Several years later, another prominent figure that has had a footprint on the contemporary history of Buddhism in Indonesia came to this country; he was a Sinhalese monk: Narada Thera, who was visited to Indonesia very regularly from the 1930s until the 1980s. Hoay and Narada Thera made many dhamma talks at offering ceremonies in many Chinese temples though on occasion other Buddhist scholars. As pointed out in history, there were no historical records of the existence of the sangha or Buddhism sects, like Theravada, Mahayana, Vajrayana, etc., among the Indonesian Buddhists in its early reestablishment.9 At that time, before Dhammadutta was introduced in Indonesia, there were no monasteries established. Their place of worship was characterized by the Chinese ornament, namely klenteng, where red color, as the dominant Chinese symbol, is very principle at that place. It was a main reason why Javanese Buddhist came into Chinese Temples to express devotion and spread the Buddha Dhamma. The contribution of Theosophical Society in Indonesia was also created the intellectuals (Dutch and Indonesian), to better understand the Buddhas teaching. Basically, Buddhism was never lost from Indonesia after the decline of Majapahit. The respected clerics of Islam (called: Wali Sanga Nine Muslim Saints) spread Islam within local culture, enriched already with HinduBuddhism. The Majapahit Royal Courts tradition and rituals were also adopted by Wali Sanga. Mosque construction was also similar to Hindu-Buddhist temples. The pesantrens (Muslim boarding school) model is also adopted from Buddhist monasteries. The sacred royal dace in the court is also inspired by vipassana meditation practices.
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Brown, Iem. The Revival of Buddhism in Modern Indonesia. In Ramstedt , Martin (Ed). Hinduism In Modern Indonesia. A minority religion between local, national, and global interests. London and New York: Routledge Curzon. 2004. p. 45. 9 Brown, Iem. p. 49. See also Sidharta, Myra. 100 Tahun Kwee Tek Hoay. Dari Penjaja Tekstil sampai Pendekar Pena. (100 hundreds years of Kwee Tek Hoay: From Textile Peddler to Writing Master). Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan. 1989. p. 187.

By the strong effort of them and the indigenous peoples culture, Buddhism was easily re-established in Indonesia. It looks like dry grass in the fields re-growing when the rains fall down. The influence of Arabian and fundamentalist-culture nowadays, here and there, creates intolerance and tension. It is not only with other religion communities but also among the different schools or sects of Islam. After 1965 Political Turmoil In the end of Soekarnos era, the accused communist party member massacres occurred across Indonesia. The suspects of communist party members were varied, ranging from military elite to landless farmers in the village. With supports from some right-wing military agents, a number of religious groups in some villages assaulted their past social and political rivals, such as the member of Indonesian National Party (PNI) and Indonesia Communist Party (PKI). Therefore, the last two groups suffered the most in the transition era from Soekarno to Soeharto. Because there was no reconciliation between them, the latter unraveled the former and also decided to redefine their identity in terms of religion; as a result: they left their previous beliefs and converted to Buddhism. The Buddhist adherent living in our three different research locations used to have a similar religion as with their Muslim counterpart. Prior to converting into Buddhism, they were mostly Muslims - although in a nominal way (Kejawen), perhaps. It should also be noted that some of them were abangan10 as described by Clifford Geertz. Only after having been threatened by their political rival, following of 1965 bloody massacre, a number of nominally Muslim groups in Tlogowungu village (Temanggung Central Java), Pait village (Malang East Java) and Yosomulyo village (Banyuwangi East Java), who were accused to have links with the Indonesia National Party (PNI) and the Indonesia Communist Party (PKI) - changed their religious identity. As a result, Buddhist villagers settled in rural areas in Java, into the recent times. Unlike Chinese Buddhists, those who settled in urban area and maintained the Chinese traditional Buddhism, the newly converting Buddhists were the Javanese. Actually, the development, or some say: revivalism of Buddhism in the hinterland, of Java could not be separated from the establishment of Indonesia Buddhists organizations which mushroomed in the mid 20th century. Along with local social movements in those villages, a number of the Buddhist movements spread out enormously at the national level, initiated by some bhikkhus and some young Muslim students at the same time. The latter tried to protect Buddhism and Buddhist community first, and unexpectedly, later on they converted to Buddhism, too. Gradually, in the mid-1970s, as the numbers of bhikkhus increased, the sangha was established re-established in several cities, and made the local Javanese Buddhism closer to the national Buddhist institutions. Today, one can easily find Buddhist followers in rural areas of Indonesia becoming members of any sangha, such as: Theravada, Mahayana, or one of the others. At the same time, Indonesia government embraced free market capitalism. Newly foreign capital just entered into the country. In this sense, the Indonesian government feared the negative effect of communist latent tendencies that might resurge against the newly capitalistic and modern-modes of development. In order to prevent it, they tried to
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Abangan, or Javanist Muslim, tradition was described as a syncretic blend of animist, Hindu-Buddhist, and Islamic element that was predominant among the mass of rural Javanese. See. Hefner, W. Robert, Islamizing Java? Religion and Politics in Rural East Java. The Journal of Asian Studies (1986-1998); Aug 1987; 46, 3; ABI/INFORM Global pg. 533

purify citizen belief from atheism and communism and urged all religion to be able to abolish the plurality of god.11 All religions must have an existent God only the oneness of God. The condition was unfair to Buddhists, because in their religion there is actually no-existing god. New Order government also obliged all its citizens to embrace one of the global religions. Again, it was mainly because the New Order regime needed to erase the memory of the suspicion of the 1965 political turmoil. Consequently, some Buddhist scholars who have tried to protect Buddhism were introduced the Oneness of God in Buddhism, namely: Adi Buddha (Primordial Buddha in Mahayana text). This is the way in which Buddhism seems to have become a monotheistic religion. From a Buddhist view, it is deemed as an odd thing when Buddhist must worship the Oneness of God, since there is no God in Buddhism. The Theravadin still hold strong faith in the interpretation of God as not a personal being, but as: The Ultimate Truth. The Government accepted both conceptions. Then the problem of God in Buddhism was closed. The situation was useful for Buddhist in protecting them and their belief. Even, Buddhism gained support from President Soeharto which was given his donation when the North Jakarata Buddhist adherents built the Vihara Dhamma Cakka Jaya monastery, which is located in Sunter, North Jakarta. Some of the building committee member were also members of the armed forces when Soeharto was into his military career. It is clear that the establishment of a Buddhist community and the Buddhism resurgences in Java is mainly because of New Order restricted its religion policy after the 1965 political turmoil. Unlike Reuters analysis on Hindu revival in Java12 which ignores the Buddhist resurgence movement, data clearly shows the resurgence of Buddhism after 1965 or at the beginning of New Order government. The Rural Javanese Buddhists This paper is trying to describe the data which has been collected from three research different areas, i.e.: Temanggung (Central Java), Malang and Banyuwangi (East Java). In each research area, one cannot find any extremely different geographical features - these areas are characterized with an agricultural environment. People in these areas pay more attention to farming. As a type of hinterland area, it is not uncommon that the center of business and local government offices are far enough away from these areas. However, we find that these areas are inhabited by Buddhist and Muslim adherents. For example, the Barakan sub-village in Malang can be described as follows: this area is nothing than an uphill area with beautiful panorama. Given its location on the slope of Mt. Arjuno, which is located northwest of Malang District in East Java this allows the Barakanese prosper by plantation and wetland cultivation. According to a local headman, in early 1980s, Barakanese were mostly small-scale farmers. They have low income due to the lack of farming productivity; however, beginning in the 1980s, they were adding to their income by cow-milk husbandry. Several years later, animal husbandry has become a new mode of domestic-occupations. Recently, most of Barakanese people maintain their livelihood through animal husbandry: raising dairy cattle.

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Howell, Julia D. Modernizing Religious Reform and the Far Eastern Religions in Twentieth Century Indonesia, in S. Udin (ed.). Spectrum; Essay Presented to Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana on his seventieth birthday. Jakarta: Dian Rakjat. 1978. p. 264-266 12 Reuter, Thomas. Great Expectations: Hindu Revival Movements in Java. The Australian Journal of Anthropology, 2001. p.327-29.

Statistically, the population of Barakan sub-village comprises of 65 percent Muslims and 35 percent Buddhists. In RT13 17, there are 22 households of Muslims and 16 households of Buddhists. There are 31 households of Muslims and 12 households of Buddhists in RT 18. There are 27 households of Muslims and 7 households of Buddhists in RT 19. There are 26 households of Muslims and 26 households of Buddhists in RT 20. Lastly, there are 26 households of Muslims and 24 households of Buddhists in RT 21.14 The second research location is Tlogowungu village in Temanggung, Central Java Province. Tlogowungu is subject to Kaloran sub-district. This area is predominantly ricefield paddy-cultivation. Most of Tlogowungus people work as farmers, whereas the rest get jobs outside the village; for example, as: factory labor in the big cities, carpenters, house-builders, etc. According to Tlogowungu 2009 local statistics, there are 1735 Muslims, 11 Roman Catholics, 83 Christians, and 449 Buddhists.15 The third one is Yosomulyo village which is located in Banyuwangi district. It is similar category with Tologowungu village. The people of Yosomulyo also work primarily on farming. But, some of them are traders and some others become civil servants. In Yosomulyo village, there are more than 1,500 Buddhists, nearly equal in number with the Muslim in the same area. It should be noted that, there are four Buddhist monasteries in the village showing the huge number of Buddhist population in the village. All three different locations have a similar establishment history for their Buddhist community. The main factor that should be noted here: the political conflict in the villages during the last part of Soekarnos era caused the villagers lived to be shattered. As a result, PNI member and PKI member were entrapped by long rivalries with NU member in those three different locations. Social and Civic Engagement between Buddhist and Muslim As we have mentioned above, Buddhists and Muslims in the three different areas have a similar culture; both embrace Javanese culture. They use the same language as a means for daily conversation and activities. Compared to the Buddhists and Muslims population in southern part of Thailand for instance, some elements are strongly different. Gilquin wrote: Yawi (spoken by the local people of Yala, Narathiwat and Pattani) seems, still more than religion, to be the distinguishing marker. Civil servants from other regions cannot speak to the persons they administer without an intermediary. Though Thai is spoken in the town, it is unknown in the villages. Yawi, as Gilquin continues, like every language, has specific cultural content and worldview, and so is valid for a powerful attachment to Islam. 16 In this regard, comparing to those who live in southern border province of Thailand, Buddhists and Muslims in three different research areas have fewer cultural differences. Perhaps, their only difference is in a matter of religion. Our data shows some element that binds Buddhists and Muslims in these areas. Initially, the mutual relationships between Buddhists and Muslims was not a given; rather, this condition was built by the strong efforts and commitment from the elite members within both religious groups. Nonetheless, as we observed and interviewed, there are no formal institutions which have been built to deliberately bring about dialogue among different communities in those areas. Unlike Christian and Muslim relations in Zambonga (the Philippines) for instance, which has been bridged by some institution like
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RT is abbreviation for Rukun Tetangga (neighborhood association), the lowest level of Indonesia territorial administration. 14 This data referred to local statistic 2008, presented by the Headman of Barakan hamlet, Suyadi. Interview with author, 11 January, 2009 in Barakan sub village. 15 Source: Statistic of Kaloran, 2009. 16 Gilquin, ibid. p. 53-54

Silsilah - Christian and Muslim collaborative actions could be created17 - Buddhist and Muslim in these areas have never experienced a formal type of dialogue. There is also no interfaith institution established in each of three different areas. Furthermore, to prove Ecks reckoning on the encounter of commitment, as the basic of pluralism in those three different areas, Buddhists and Muslims in these three different research areas could sustain their inclusivistic-view in seeing and feeling the different faith. Both of them are not only fulfilling their own faith, but also preserving mutual understanding particularly in conducting daily life activities. Hence, both of them seek to maintain pluralistic aspects in making relationship more functional to one another. Another feature that should be noted here is family linkages between Buddhists and Muslims. In these three different areas, Buddhists mostly having marriage-lineages with Muslims and the other way around: contributing to the inherent tolerance in their daily attitude toward another. And, it is not uncommon that the house of a Buddhist family is intertwined to the house of a Muslim. In addition, the strength of kinship among them gives the impact of harmonious and peaceful tolerance in their neighborhood. An example of social engagement between Buddhist and Muslim in these three different areas could also be shown through a form of daily livelihood. For example, Buddhists and Muslims in Barakan, Pait (Malang) have similar occupations: raising cows for their milk. There were no specific laws or regulations that can hinder them to sell cow milk publicly. In Yosomulyo village (Banyuwangi) and Tlogowungu village (Temanggung), people from different faiths can also go hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder with one another, working and cultivating farming land. One cannot observe segregation between them while earning productive income. As a result, it is unsurprising if there is no disturbing culprits against religious places of worship during these days, for instance. Togetherness and commonality was built in a profane way. Hence, no connection can be found in term of praying and worship. Their relationship was built up like a fraternity and made them equal in position to one another in daily life. This is quite unlike the relationship between Buddhists and Muslims in Kelantan, Malaysia which, as Ismail wrote: during non-festive occasions the Malays occasionally make frequent visits to the temple mainly for some other reasons. Quite a number of monks are noted for their ability to dispense traditional medicine and herbal formulas for various ailments. Many monks are also known for their expertise in dealing with victims of black magic and sorcery. Malays who come to the temple during non-festive occasions are likely to be regular clients of these specialist monks. 18 We can also find the interplay between Buddhists and Muslims in other daily activities. Here, let us focus on one example: in Barakan, Pait (Malang), people volunteer with each other for the sake of building a house or Sambatan in local term. This joint activity is very common and popular, specifically when building a private house. There is even cooperation between Buddhists and Muslims when building places of religious worship. 19 In Banyuwangi, cooperation conducts in preparing ritual, but not in ritual itself. For example, when a Muslim was going to leave home for the hajj-pilgrimage, his Buddhist neighbor assists him to prepare venues and meals. This also occurs when he
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Kato, Hisanori. Verity or Illusion? Interfaith Dialogue Between Christian and Muslim in The Philippines. Jakarta: Centre of Asian Studies (CENAS). 2008. p. 34. 18 Ismail, Mohamed Yusoff. Buddhism in a Muslim State: Theravada Practices and Religious Life in Kelantan. A paper was presented at the Buddhists-Muslim Dialogue, Bangkok, 24-26 June 2006. P. 8-9. 19 A Buddhist leader once said that there were donations from some Buddhist people in building a Barakan mosque, although it was deemed as a negative action in term of toleration by some Muslim. For them, cooperation should be undertaken for public interest only and not in religious matters.

returns back home. Undoubtedly, this example is very useful to underpin the civic engagement occuring. In Tlogowungu (Temanggung), Buddhists was also assist their Muslim neighbor when they build mosques and the other way around; when Buddhists built a vihara, Muslims also help. In Janggleng sub-village, Muslims show their engagement with their Buddhist neighbors through jointly celebrating Vaissak. Occasionally, Tlogowungu Buddhists celebrate Vaissak in local open-space. Muslims pay their attention in helping with preparations for venue arrangements. They set up several things like banners, meals, parking zone arrangements, and even serve as waiters or waitresses. All the three areas show almost the same behaviors in celebrating Vaissak day and Idul Fitri day. Buddhists and Muslims always come to the family house to celebrate Happy Vaisak or Happy Ied. It also should be noted that Buddhists attends the Muslim family rituals, and vice versa. Family rituals are usually events, such as: babys birth, wedding, circumcision, and funerals. Specifically in Malang, Buddhist leaders come to the Muslim festivals. Another occasion, for example, celebrates of the end of the educational session period (haflah akhirussanah, Arabic) before the Fasting Month of Ramadan at the Elementary School (MI, Madrasah Ibtidaiyah, Arabic) - Buddhist leaders are also invited to join in the festivities. Undoubtedly, this is very surprising and earns a positive response from Buddhist leaders towards the Muslim leaders hosting the event. Another ritual is funeral ceremonies that enable Buddhist families to invite their Muslim neighbors, and vice-versa. Invitations are given verbally and directly, by going door to door. Visiting the funeral ceremony does not mean expressing the religious rituals; it is nothing more than praying (doa in Bahasa/Arabic). It is merely a good deed to express mutual respect amongst the people in the hamlet. Commonly, the ceremony ritual does have connections to the other belief: participating in funeral ceremonies could be expressed by simple means, of just being present and keeping silent. The funeral ceremonies usually consist several observance days: the 7th day, 40th day, and 100th day, a year ahead, two year ahead, and lastly the 1000th day. The same joint-phenomena pertains to other family ceremonies as well: like weddings and circumcision. Like their counterpart Muslims, the Buddhists in the village are also maintain the tradition of circumcision. Circumcision means making the body healthier, although there was no obligation to do it for Buddhists. Interreligious marriage was also very important feature in three different areas. A Buddhist male married to a Muslim female or vice versa, is a common feature. It is not uncommon for a Buddhist male to marry a Muslim female by Islamic rituals in terms of state marriage-administration. This is not a big deal in these areas so far; however, when their children became a student in public school, many families tend to favor a single religion. Sometimes, one family member yields their religious identity to the other member who has a more dominant role: a husband following his wife, a wife following her husband; and parents following sons/daughters. Therefore, religious conversion and interreligious marriage are not big issues in these three different areas. Rather, it becomes a problem when someone tries to break rules resulting in social punishment. The Dilemma of Relation Both Buddhist and Muslim inhabitants in three different areas seek to maintain harmonious conditions. However, some problems arose in these three different areas which cannot be simply avoided by them in the midst of the relations. In Barakan sub village, Pait (Malang) for instance, the maturity of mutual respect between Buddhists and Muslims once was challenged. In 1998/1999, soon after the fall

of Soeharto, people in East Java and some of Central Java province were entrapped by horizontal riots. It was primarily caused by public anxiety from the so-called Ninja Riot. In response to this situation, a meeting was held in which the Barakan leaders posed their opinion, one by one. Surprisingly, one Buddhist leader exposed a sensitive issue through his statement, shouted in Javanese language: biyen mbeleh sapi saiki mbeleh kebo (if in the past we slaughtered the cows, it is time now to slaughter the buffalos). This is a kind of local funny poem to express the doctrine of karma; for some Muslims, the statement takes on negative symbolism. Another dilemma came from a gap of donations, specifically in the Barakan sub village of Malang. Exactly: the Buddhists received more donations rather than the Muslims. A donation for the Buddhists was given by Dhammadipa Arama foundation in Batu, Malang or directly from an Indonesian-Chinese rich man whose faith was towards the Buddha. Local Muslims frequently see these donations which is given to their Buddhist neighbors. This is different from philanthropy action in Temanggung and Banyuwangi that covers both Buddhist and Muslim whose need to help. Another obstacle comes from a Muslim local leader in Malang who resists againt religious conversions. He is unwilling to accept young Muslims who want to marry a Buddhist, wishing to convert to Buddhism; but he then admits that the reality is different: He said, We do our best to prevent young Muslims from converting to Buddhism; but, if reality is against us, we can do nothing. It was become ones own takdir (predestination). We can accept it fairly.20 Occasionally, if someone needs to convert into Buddhism or Islam, he or she must write a letter of affirmation to the local leader. The letter must also be approved by the local Buddhist or Muslim prominent figure. The letters merely tend to fulfill the procedures requested by the local state administration. Nevertheless, there is no obstacle for cultivating the tenets into the two religious adherents, as admitted by both Muslim and Buddhist leaders. Despite the fact that every leader could nurture the religiosity of his people, the critical point is how it does not offend the other. Last but not least, from the three different research areas, we see the challenge of building harmonious life between Buddhists and Muslims from the religious-radicalism phenomenon that has emerged over the last two decades. This probably reflects the current situation in Indonesia, nationwide. To protect the harmonious relations, both Buddhists and Muslims realize that the provocation will destroying the recent harmonious life. They have a shared understanding that they should collaborate in maintaining religious harmony, as they have reached and attained already. Conclusion The data which is collected from these three different villages and sub-villages across two provinces in Java illustrates how harmonious life among pluralistic-society could be maintained by a strong effort and commitment from within the pluralistic society itself. Although the Buddhists identity is relatively new, it can grow without any obstacles by involving others within its social activities. Understanding the Buddhist and Muslim relations in three different areas means that pluralism operates in the rural or hinterland area. Without any hesitation, one can find this statement to be true as found at least these three different locations. Buddhists and Muslims can go, hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder, maintaining harmonious lives through social-engagements in everyday life. Although there are several dilemmas could become obstacles against the continuity of harmonious
20

Interview with author, 11 January, 2009 in Barakan sub village.

living, this relation should be brought into the public eye, as an alternative model for conserving a multicultural-society with its existing differences. It also presents the basic data for promoting pluralistic activities, specifically in the context of Indonesia. In a nutshell, Buddhists and Muslims in the three different areas have shown that the are socially-engaged when they bridge religious diversities. Although it is still only in minor tones, it proves that pluralism expands in rural people that live far from urban social and political disputes. There are also many illustrations from the Buddhist and Muslim relations in the three different areas that could be endorsed as a model for realizing mutual understanding and civic engagement in many respects, even through places that have ethnic and other religious diversities.

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References Brown, Iem. The Revival of Buddhism in Modern Indonesia. In Ramstedt, Martin (Ed). Hinduism In Modern Indonesia. A minority religion between local, national, and global interests. London and New York: Routledge-Curzon. 2004. Gilquin, Michel. Les musulmans de Thailande. (The Muslims of Thailand. Transl. Michael Smithies). Bangkok and Chiang Mai: IRASEC & Silkworms Book. 2005. Hefner, W. Robert, Islamizing Java? Religion and Politics in Rural East Java. The Journal of Asian Studies (1986-1998); Aug 1987; 46, 3; ABI/INFORM Global Howell, Julia D. Modernizing Religious Reform and the Far Eastern Religions in Twentieth Century Indonesia, in S. Udin (ed.). Spectrum; Essay Presented to Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana on his seventieth birthday. Jakarta: Dian Rakjat. 1978. Ismail, Mohamed Yusoff. Buddhism in a Muslim State: Theravada Practices and Religious Life in Kelantan. A paper was presented at the Buddhists-Muslim Dialogue, Bangkok, 24-26 June 2006. Kato, Hisanori. Verity or Illusion? Interfaith Dialogue Between Christian and Muslim in The Philippines. Jakarta: Centre of Asian Studies (CENAS). 2008. Mujiburrahman. Feeling Threatened: Muslim-Christian Relations in Indonesias New Order. Leiden/Amsterdam: ISIM/Amsterdam University Press. 2006. Parekh, Bhikhu. A Commitment to Cultural Pluralism. (http://www.powerofculture.nl/uk/archieve/ commentary/parekh.html) accessed 10 January 2010. Reuter, Thomas. Great Expectations: Hindu Revival Movements in Java. The Australian Journal of Anthropology. 2001. Accessed 10 January 2010. Roshwald, Mordecai. Toleration, Pluralism, and Truth. Journal Diogenes. 2001. Accessed 10 January 2010. Sidharta, Myra. 100 Tahun Kwee Tek Hoay. Dari Penjaja Tekstil sampai Pendekar Pena. (100 hundreds years of Kwee Tek Hoay: From Textile Peddler to Writing Master). Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan. 1989. Smith, Buster G. Attitude toward Religious Pluralism: Measurements and Consequences. Journal Social Compass. 2007. Accessed 10 January 2010. Suryadinata, Leo. The Culture of the Chinese Minority in Indonesia. Singapore: Times Book International. 1997 Tarling, Nocholas & Gomes, Edmund Terence (ed). The State, Development and Identity in Multi-Ethnic Societies; Ethnicity, Equity and the Nation. London & New York: Routledge, 2005.

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