Living While Black: A State-Level Analysis of the Influence of Select Social Stressors on the Quality of Life among Black

Americans Author(s): Shaun L. Gabbidon and Steven A. Peterson Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 37, No. 1 (Sep., 2006), pp. 83-102 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40034374 . Accessed: 18/06/2012 13:04
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Black Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

LIVING WHILE BLACK A State-Level Analysis of the Influence of Select Social Stressors on the Quality of Life Among Black Americans
SHAUN L. GABBIDON STEVENA. PETERSON
PennsylvaniaState University, Harrisburg

This articleexaminesthe effects of select social stressorson the qualityof life amongBlack Americans.Specifically,the authorscreateda state-level LivingWhile Black index, which includesthe Black povertylevel by state, the numberof Black prisonersby state,the lack of access to healthcareper Black population,the Black infantmortalityrate,the Black homiciderate, and dollarsper Black populationof Black businesses.Using multivariate statisticaltechniques,the authorscarriedout a first-order test of the influence of the living while Black measureson a qualityof life index comprising the following measures:numberof days per month 5 or more drinks, percentageof Blacks indicatingthey have mentalhealthproblems,suicide ratesby statefor Blacks, andyearsof life lost per statefor Blacks. The article concludesby discussingthe implicationsof the findingsanddirections for futureresearch. Keywords: social stress; Black;AfricanAmericans;qualityof life; living while Black

This article examines the role stress plays on the qualityof life stressis amongBlackAmericans.Forthe purposesof thisresearch, definedas
AUTHORS'NOTE:This articleis a revision of a paperpresentedat the annual held in Nashville, TN, Novemmeetingof the AmericanSociety of Criminology, ber 16-20, 2004.
JOURNALOF BLACKSTUDIES,Vol. 37 No. 1, September2006 83-102 DOI: 10.1177/0021934705277475 2006 Sage Publications

83

84 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

a situation in whicha person are thathis orherresources perceives exceeded in and symptoms. resulting psychological psychosomatic andfrustration canresultwhenan individual Anger, anxiety, perceivesthat heorsheis unable to copewiththesituation orunable to hisorherresponse to thesituation. 2003,pp.292(Seaton, modify 293) Consideringthe way in which Blacks (Africans)arrivedin America, elevatedlevels of stressamongthemlikely hadits originsin the slavetradeandthe brutalslave systemthatwas the finaldestination for many Africans. Navigating the middle passage (the distance betweenAfricaandAmerica)as forcedpassengerson shipsheaded to destinies unknown,scholarshave acknowledgedthatthe stress of the voyage caused some Blacks to go insane while otherscommittedsuicidein the belief thatsuch actionwould save themfroma "worse"fate awaitingthem (Poussaint& Alexander,2000). centurieslater,stressremainsa partof the Black Unfortunately, - so much so, thatthereis a growingbody of Americanexperience literature thatexaminesthe dimensionsof the stressandthe conseof quences stress as it relatesto being Black (Seaton, 2003). Borrowing from the work of Russell-Brown (2004), we call this dynamic living while Black. In her work, she noted that there are severalways that"Blackskin exacts a social cost" (p. 108);thatis, like Russell-Brown,we believe that there is a special burdenof being Black in America.As scholarshavenotedbefore,at times, in more ways thanone, being Black in Americacan literallybe hazardousto your health (Russell, 1998, p. 144). Therearea varietyof alarmingstatisticsrelatedto the healthstatus of Blacks. For example,in comparisonto Whites, Blacks have the lowest life expectancyat72.2 years(Kochanek& Smith,2004). On average,Whiteslive 5 yearslongerthanBlacks. When separating these figures out by gender,Black males have the lowest life expectancyat 68.9 yearswhile Whitefemales have the highest life expectancy at 80.2 years (Kochanek& Smith, 2004). Relatedly, Blacks have some of the highestprevalenceratesfor diseases such as diabetes,hypertension,and prostatecancer(Liao et al., 2004). Recent figures from the criminal justice system provide an equally disturbingportrait.Data from the 2003 National Crime

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 85

Victimization Survey (Catalano, 2004) shows that the violent crimerate(which includesrapeand/orsexual assault,robbery, and assaults)for Blackswas severalpointshigherthanWhites(29. 1 vs. 21.5). This trend was consistent duringthe 11-yearperiod from 1993 to 2003 (Catalano, 2004). In addition,figuresfromthe annual FederalBureauof Investigation's(FBI) Uniform Crime Reports in the arrests shows that Blacks are consistently overrepresented for more seriousoffenses, wherethey accountfor 50%of the mur54%of the robberies, ders(includingnonnegligentmanslaughter), assaults(Fed34%of the forciblerapes,and34%of the aggravated eral Bureauof Investigation,2003, p. 252). Finally,datafrom the of Justice shows that, in 2002, there were more than Department Blacks incarceratedin prisons throughoutthe United 600,000 States,whiletherewereabout472,800 White,and250,000 Hispanic inmates(Harrison& Beck, 2003). the extentof the healthandcriminal Considering justice-related issues in the Black community,scholarshave soughtto determine theiretiology. It is clear that in the case of certaindisease-related concerns, a portionof the acute prevalencerates can be tracedto diet; however,when one looks at the largerpicture,one wonders whether the conditions, under which many (particularlypoor) Blacks live, manifestthemselvesin the formof disease andmental healthissues. Furthermore, the directandindirectrole of discriminationis anotherfactorthatlikely plays some role. Because of the aforementionedstatistics, the criminal justice system has also come underscrutiny.And as in the case of disease and mentalillthatBlacks have a handin the ness, one would get little argument the crime in of their etiology communityas evidencedby the fact that they commit a disproportionate numberof violent offenses. race has also been found to However, play a role in the administration of criminaljustice (Gabbidon& TaylorGreene,2005; Mann, 1993; Smith, 2004; Soss, Langbein,& Metelko, 2003). from the precedingdiscussion,underTherefore,as is apparent the stressors related to Black life is complex and, as a standing result, has been investigatedby public health scholars,psychologists, sociologists, and criminologists.Following a review of this diverse literature,we review the natureand scope of the current

86 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

studyin the Methodsection. This is followed by a discussion section and our final thoughtsin the conclusion.

LITERATURE REVIEW
PSYCHOLOGY SCHOLARSHIP ON RACE AND STRESS AND/OR MENTAL HEALTH

The studyof the role of stressandits impacton the mentalhealth of Black Americansis not new (Chunn,Dunston,& Ross-Sheriff, the role of racism and dis1983). As with the medical literature, criminationis a central theme in the literature.Thompson and Neville (1999) providedone of the morecomprehensive reviewsof the racismand mentalhealthliterature. their workby They began and notingthatscholarshaverecognizedthatthereareinstitutional attitudinaldimensions of racism. Summarizingresearch on the topic, they wrote racism consists of twointerlocking dimensions: (a)aninstitutional mechanism of domination and (b) a corresponding ideological feabeliefthatjustifiesthe oppression of peoplewhosephysical and turesandcultural differfromthoseof thepolitically patterns Whites, sociallydominant group(p. 163) Building on the work of Jones (1981), Thompson and Neville (1999) also noted thatthereare threeforms of racismdiscussedin the literature:individual,institutional,and cultural.In addition, racism.Individualracism they arguedfor a fourth,environmental refersto individualacts of discrimination andoften manifestsitself in the form of "personalacts to humiliateor degradean individuals) based on his or herracialgroupmembership,such as namecalling or physical abuse"(p. 166). According to Thompsonand Neville "Institutionalracism generally refers to the policies, practices, and norms that incidentally,but inevitably,perpetuate inequality (i.e., restrict life opportunitiesof people of color)" (p. 167). Culturalracismresultsin the belief thatWhite cultureis superiorto othercultures.Thompsonand Neville describedit this

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 87

way: "Thisformof racismoften resultsin limiting,pathologizing, exoticizing, or entirelyomittingthe culturalpracticesor values of racial minorities"(pp. 167-168). Finally, environmentalracism relates to when policies and practicesrelatedto the environment place communitiesof color in the midst of deadlypollutants. Eachof the aforementioned forms of racismhas the potentialto have an impacton the mentalhealthof Black Americans.As such, researchers have studiedthe natureandthe scope of the impactand of ways coping with the variousforms of racism.A review of the literature by Williams, Neighbors, and Jackson(2003) identified 53 studies thatinvestigatedassociationsbetween race and mental health.The authorsclassified the natureof the researchreviewed into several areas such as psychological well-being, self-esteem, control and/ormastery,psychological distress,majordepression, anxietydisorder,and othermentaldisorder.Of the 47 studiesthey includedin theirfinalreview,theyreported that38 founda positive none found a association, negative association, 3 found a conditionalassociation,andonly 6 foundno association(Williamset al., 2003, pp. 200-201). Some of the morerecentpsychological scholarshipon race and mentalhealthfocus on diverseareassuchas stressin the workplace (Deitch et al., 2003), the adjustment of Black students at Whitecolleges anduniversities (PWIs;Danoff-Burg, predominantly Prelow,& Swenson, 2004; Neville, Heppner,Ji, & Thye, 2004), andthe natureandscope of race-related stressin AfricanAmerican An elementin the litimportant youth (Scott, 2003; Seaton,2004). eratureis the additionalfocus of coping strategies.Thus, beyond identifyingthatracismis prevalentin assortedsettings,the literature also points to potential coping strategiesthat are meant to either reduce the level of racism one is exposed to or provide a means throughwhich one can attenuate the effect(s) of racism. to and Neville most of the coping (1999), According Thompson in the literature can in to four be divided strategies prevalent behavioral approaches:cognitive approach, approach,cognitive avoidance, and behavioral avoidance. The cognitive approach includeshavingpeople engage in criticalthoughtaboutprevailing to chalstereotypesandalso seeks to provideaccurateinformation

88 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

lenge negative views. The cognitive avoidantapproach"enables people to avoid confrontingrace and,thus, maintainan inaccurate assessmentof one's environment" (Thompson& Neville, p. 212). Those who use this approachgenerallydeny racismexists or feel thatbecauseit is inevitable"whybotheraddressingit."The behavioral approach includes directlyconfrontingthe problem.In practhis is tice, typically achievedthroughthe use of strategiessuch as cultural immersion whereindividuals immersethemselvesin someone else's culture, which, according to Thompson and Neville, allows them to "obtainmore complex social attitudes"(p. 213). Behavioralavoidancedescribessituationswherepeople stay away from directly dealing with race. By using this approach,and not on race,misconceptionscontinueto color discussingtheirattitudes the race-related views of people who use the behavioralavoidance coping strategy(Thompson& Neville, p. 212).
PUBLIC HEALTH SCHOLARSHIP ON RACE AND STRESS

For some time, it has been suggestedthat stress, specificallyin the form of racism, plays a role in the physical health of Black Americans.Duringthe 1990s, two important studiessoughtto test this notion. The first,by a team of researchers at Duke University et tested whether racial confrontations al., 1995), (McNeilly between Black and White women contributedto higher rates of hypertensionamong the Black women. Making use of 30 Black female volunteers,the researchers hadthemengage in two debates with a White person. The first debatecenteredon a controversial racial topic, whereasthe second debate centeredon a noncontroversialtopic unrelatedto race. The study found that"direct,interactive confrontationwith racist provocationcan elicit immediate and significantincreasesin BP [blood pressure],HR [heartrate], andemotionalresponsesof anger,resentment, cynicism, andanxiety" (McNeilly et al., p. 335). Aroundthe same time, a more expansive study was conducted thatalso looked at the impactof chronicstressandracism.Kreiger and Sidney (1996) conducteda study to "assess the relationship between self-reportedexperiences of racial discriminationand

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 89

blood pressure and the contributionof racial discriminationto explaining Black-White disparities in elevated blood pressure" (p. 1370). The study,which was conductedover severalyears, and hadmorethan4,000 Black andWhiteparticipants, used a questionnaire to gather informationon the participants'experience with In addition, andunfairtreatment. the researchracialdiscrimination Besides the finding ers notedthe blood pressureof the participants. that80%of the Blackparticipants reported experiencingracialdislike the Duke the researchers also found "that crimination, study, racialdiscrimination shapespatternsof blood pressureamongthe US Black populationand Black-White differencesin blood pressure" (p. 1375). Since these two breakthroughstudies, other have also investigatedthis link (e.g., Black Issues in researchers Higher Education,2001). Steffen,McNeilly, Anderson,and Sherwood(2003) also examined the effects of perceived racism on blood pressure among Blacks. In theirstudy,69 AfricanAmericanswere recruited to participatein the study.Sherwoodandhis colleagues surveyedtheparticipantsregardingtheirexperiencewith racism.Given the results that94% of the participants of past research,it was not surprising indicatedthey had experiencedracismin their lifetime. To gauge the impact of this racism, the researchersasked the participants questionsthatmeasuredthe impactof the inhibitionof angerand the outwardexpression of anger on blood pressure. The study showedthat,duringthe day,perceivedracismwas relatedto blood noted that"perceived racism pressure.In addition,the researchers was positively correlatedwith anger inhibition ... but was not relatedto outwardlyexpressedanger"(Steffen et al., p. 748). Furthe authorsfoundthatangerinhibitiondid not affectthe thermore, blood pressureof Black Americanswhile they were awake;however,therewas an impactwhile the participants slept. This finding suggests that, although perceived racism affects blood pressure duringthe day, angerinhibitionin response to racist provocation takes its toll when Blacks sleep. Thus, accordingto the authors,a partialexplanationas to why Blacks have a higher incidence of diseases is because they hypertensionand hypertension-related

90 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

internalize their anger from racist provocations (Steffen et al., 2003). Whilethesemedicalstudiesshow somepromisefor linkinghigh blood pressurein Blacks to racism,otherfactorssuch as environment,diet, genetic factors,andincome are also potentialcontributorsto elevatedblood pressurelevels in Blacks.Nevertheless,these studiesshow thatstress,in the formof racism,is also a contributor. Wenow turnourattention to studiesthathaveexaminedthe impact of stress on Blacks from a criminologicalvantagepoint.
CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE SCHOLARSHIP ON RACE AND STRESS

The criminologicalliterature on the impactof stresson crimeis An macro-level work in the area is by sparse. early pioneering Linsky and Straus(1986). Linsky and Straustested the theorythat "stressfulevents which vitally affect individuals are component and vary processes of the social system itself. They are structures across such systems and conform to patternsof relationshipthat fromknowledgeaboutindividuals" may not be predictable (p. 11). Using social stresstheoryas theirfoundation, theycreatedthe State StressIndexto determinethe link betweenstressin social systems, behaviors. theirresearch crime,disease,andmaladaptive Specifically, testedthe hypothesisthat "thehigherthe level of social stress,the higherthe level of healthproblemsand crime"(p. 12). The study found that there was a relationshipbetween crime rates and state stresslevels (see pp. 65-88). When the authorsexaminedthe state stresslevels anddisease, they founda correlation with only 3 (perforatedulcers, asthma,and respiratory disease) of the 11 diseases theyexamined(p. 118). Onthe otherhand,theyfounda correlation between their state-levelstress index and all of theirindicatorsof behaviorssuch as accidents,alcoholism,heavy smokmaladaptive ing, and suicide (p. 119). Overall,therewas considerablesupport for authors'hypothesis. Withthe publicationof Agnew's (1992) revisedversionof strain theory, criminaljustice scholars began to consider the role that exposureto strain(or stressfulsituations)couldplay in the etiology

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 9 1

of criminalbehavior.Agnew believed that the removalor loss of can contribute to criminalactivipositivestimuliin anenvironment ties. As examplesof the removalor loss of positive stimuli,Agnew mentionedthe deathof familymemberor a close friend,the separation of parents,andmovingto a new area.Thepresentation of negative stimuli would include exposureto events such as child abuse and neglect, negative relations with peers, adverse or negative school experiences, and a variety of other stressful life events (Agnew, 1992). Therehas been considerablesupportfor Agnew's theory(e.g., see Agnew & White, 1992;Aseltine, Gore,& Gordon, & Mazerolle, 1994). In recentyears, the litera2000; Paternoster andfindingsupport turehasbecomemorediverse,investigating for the applicabilityof the theoryto females (Broidy& Agnew, 1997; Elite, 2002; Katz, 2000; LeeperPiquero& Sealock, 2004), racial minorities (Jang & Johnson, 2003; McClusky, 2002; Simons, Chen,& Stewart, 2003), andinternational (Bao,Haas,& populations Pi, 2004). Returning to the research concerning Agnew's theory as it relates to race, Jang and Johnson (2003) sought to determine whetherstraintheorywas applicableto a nationalsampleof 2, 107 for the theory,they AfricanAmericans.While theydid find support serve a buffer also foundthatreligiositycan as againstthe negative effects of emotions (Jang& Johnson,2003). Simons et al. (2003; using longitudinaldata from the Family and CommunityHealth foundan association Study;see www.cfr.uga.edu.html.fachs.html) between discriminationand delinquency.Their researchshowed contributesto feelings of anger that, among boys, discrimination and depression that manifests itself in aggression. While these was resultsheld truefor girls as well, the effect of discrimination less pronounced(and see Elite & Turner, 2003). Each of the previouslyreviewed areas of scholarshipprovides insightsinto the complexnatureof race and stress.The scholarship showedthatthe impactof stresscan be far reachingand, at times, affect the mental, physical, and sociological state of Black Americans.

92 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

THE CURRENT STUDY

Given the varied literaturethat looks at race and stress, we decidedto conducta studythatcombinedseveralaspectsof the literature reviewed.On the whole, the current studybuildson the pioneeringworkon social stresstheoryby LinskyandStrauss(1986). However,the currentstudydiffersfromtheirworkin thatit sought to determine whetherbeing Blackin Americaexactsa "socialcost" the through exposureto several social stressorsthat can severely affect the quality of life among Black Americans. As such, we investigatedthe following hypothesis: 1: Thehigher thelevelof selectstate-level socialstressors Hypothesis relatedto Blacks, the lower the qualityof life amongBlack Americans. To examinethis hypothesis,we constructeda Living While Black index and a qualityof life index. These indexes are discussed furtherin the Methodsection.

METHOD

The basic method of the currentstudy was comparativestate analysis,using the 50 Americanstatesas units of analysis(on this method,see Blomquist, 1999; Jacob & Vines, 1971).
DEPENDENT VARIABLE

The dependent variableis a summedindexcomprisingfourvarieach of which reflects one aspect of qualityof life: ables, Chronicdrinkingproblems. The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) have compiled data on the extent to which drinkingproblems exist for differentgroups of Americansacross the 50 states The specificdatarecordedstateby statearethe (see http://cdc.gov). of African Americanshaving5 ormoredrinksperday. percentage

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 93

Mental health problems. The Kaiser Family Foundationpublished State Health Facts Online. One indicatorused to assess health is a measureof the proportionof states' populationswith mentalhealth.This was assessedby askinga sampleof peo"poor" the ple following question:"Forhow manydays duringthe past 30 days was your mentalhealthnot good?"Thereis a breakdownby differentpopulationsubsets,includingAfricanAmericans,which serves as our measure. Suiciderate.The CDC,throughits NationalVitalStatisticsSystem of the National Centerfor Health Statisticsrecordedsuicide rateby state among AfricanAmericansin 1998 to 1999 (suicides per 100,000 population). Yearsof life lost beforeage 75. CDC's NationalVital Statistics System of the NationalCenterfor HealthStatisticshas developed an index of yearsof life lost beforeage 75. This is an index thatcan be used to determinewhat factorslead to a shorterlife span than wouldbe expected.Dataon AfricanAmericansfrom 1996 to 1998 (age adjustedper 100,000 population)per stateis the variableused here.Each of the precedingfour variableswas dichotomized,with a score of 1 indicating that a state ranks at or higher than the nationalmean;0 indicatesless thanthe nationalmean.A maximum score of 4 suggests poor qualityof life for AfricanAmericansin a state;a score of 0, of course,would testify to a muchmorepositive qualityof life.
INDEPENDENT VARIABLES

A seriesof potentialstressorsassociatedwith living while Black were selected to explore the effect of these on quality of life. We beganwith six variablesthatappearto be validindicatorsof stressful events. Number of prisoners. Data on numbersof African American for 1997 (U.S. Department of Jusperstateweregathered prisoners we divided this number the number of tice, 1998, p. 77). Then, by African Americansin each state, to provide a comparablefigure acrossthe states.

94 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

Percentageof nonelderlywho are uninsured.The KaiserFoundation (n.d.) reportedon the percentage of nonelderly African Americansin each state withoutmedical insurance.We used data from 2001. This serves as a variableof the stressful situationof being uninsured. Sales and receiptsof AfricanAmericanownedfirms (in millions of Commerce,in Bureauof Cenof dollars).The U. S. Department sus datafrom 1992, reported the dollarvalueof AfricanAmericanowned firms per state. We divided this amount by the African Americanpopulationto providea comparable baseline from state to state. This is one index of economic vitality in the African Americancommunity. Povertylevels. The Bureauof Census (2004) reportedthe numberof AfricanAmericansper statewho live below the povertyline for 2000. We dividedthis by the numberof AfricanAmericansin each state to get a percentagefigure to enhancecomparability. Infantmortalityrate.The 2001 StatisticalAbstractof the United States (U.S. Census Bureau)was the primarydata source for this metric.This U.S. Census Bureaupublicationprovides state-level data on the infantmortalityrate per 1,000 live birthsfor African Americansin 1998. Homicidedeaths:1996-1998. Datawere gatheredon homicides per 100,000 populationfor 1996-1998 by the CDC (1998). We conductedfactoranalysis on these six variables,reasoning thattheremightbe underlyingdimensionsthatwould simplifydata analysis.Table 1 shows the resultsof factoranalysis.We extracted principalcomponentsand then carriedout varimaxrotation. On rotation,two factorsemerged.The first appearsto capturea combinationof death and economic problems (business dollars earneddivided by populationwas reversecoded, so that a higher score equatedto poorerbusiness climate for AfricanAmericans). The fourvariablesloadingon this factorincludepovertyrate,poor business earnings (the economic dimension), and greater death (infantmortalityandhomiciderates).The secondfactorcomprised two variables: rateandlack of access to healthinsurimprisonment The measureof sampling adequacyis ance. Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin .589, somewhatlow, but not a bad solution.Bartlett'stest of sphe-

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 95

TABLE 1

Factor Analysis of Stressful Events (Varimax Rotation)

Variable AfricanAmericanpovertyrate AfricanAmericanprisoners'rate AfricanAmericanaccess to medical care AfricanAmericaninfantmortalityrate Homiciderate AfricanAmericanbusinessdollarsper Black population (lowest 50%) measureof samplingadequacy= .589 Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin Bartlett'stest of sphericity= .099 a. These factorcoefficients were .5 or more. b. This factorcoefficient was from .4 to .5. FactorI .659a -.121 -.197 .5 14a .791a .604a FactorII .253 -.808a .694a -.23 1 -.206 .447b

ricity is significant at .099. Subsequent data analysis revealed that the second factor had no relationship to the dependent variable; hence, only Factor I was used in analysis to come. Control variables were added to data analysis to ensure that findings are not spurious: 1. Age: Priorstudies have suggested that older African Americans appear to handle stressful situations with less adverse consequences than White older Americans (e.g., Peterson & Somit, 1994, pp. 112-114). Data from the 2000 Census (U.S. Census Bureau,2004) assess medianage of AfricanAmericansby state. 2. Educationlevel: Educationis a key resource;studies have indicatedthatthose with bettereducationhavebetterlife chancesand more resourcesto deal with problemsof life. 3. Policy liberalism:Erikson,Wright,and Mclver (1994) createda measureof policy liberalismfor the Americanstates.This index capturesthe extentto which statepolicy choices representliberal decisions, includingin the areaof civil rights.A more liberalpolwouldappear to be moreconduciveto addressing icy environment some of the issues centralto the stresses of living while Black. 4. Religion: Literatureindicates that religion can "buffer"people from the ill effects of life stress (e.g., Linsky & Strauss, 1986). Hence, we gathereddata on the number of African Methodist

96 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

in eachstateas well as AME.Zion (AME)churches Episcopal churches fromhttp://netministries perstate(datawereretrieved Weadded thetwotogether foreachstate, divided thetotal .org). by the population of African Americans in the state,andusedthe number asanindexof socialbuffering theinvidiresulting against ouseffectsof stressful life events.

FINDINGS Multivariate if the index of analysiswas carriedout to determine stressorsof everydaylife amongAfricanAmericanshas a strongtie to negativequality of life. Table2 providesresults from multiple regressionanalysis. Model 1 shows the simplerelationship betweenthe factorscore for stressfullife eventsandthe qualityof life index. Clearly,stressors have a profoundeffect, as one would predict.The beta is .469, significantat the .01 level. When a set of independent variablesis addedin Model 2 (based on theoryand preliminary correlational analysis), we saw the folmedian of African Americansreducesnega(a) lowing: higher age tive qualityof life; (b) stressors(FactorI) are linkedto an increasingly negativequalityof life. The multipleR is .565, with adjusted explainedvariationat .229. Policy liberalismand educationlevel "washout"as predictors. Theoryandfindingsindicatethatbufferscan reducethe adverse effects of stress.In this research,we used religiosity as a metricof - religiossocial buffering.Model 3 includes a bufferingvariable ity. As one can see, this bufferis associatedwith a less adversenegativequalityof life; however,the factorscorerepresenting stressors still has a majoreffect on the dependentvariable.

DISCUSSION This articlebegan by reviewingthe public health,psychology, and the criminology and criminaljustice literaturethat looked at the role stressplays in the lives of Black Americans.Afterreview-

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 97

TABLE 2

Listwise Multiple Regression: Predicting Negative Quality of Life (N = 35)

IndependentVariable Policy liberalism AfricanAmericanmedianage AfricanAmericaneducationlevel Economic and deathstressors(FactorI) AME + AMZEby AfricanAmerican population Multiple/? Adjustedmultiple/?2 SE Significance Model 1 Model 2 -.148 -.266* .112 .398** Model 3 -.220 -.259* .112 .437*** -.214* .598 .247 .7689 .010

.469***

.469 .197 .7940 .002

.565 .229 .7781 .009

NOTE:AME= AfricanMethodistEpiscopal;AMZE= AfricanMethodistEpiscopalZion . *p<A0. **p<. 05. ***/?<. 01

ing that literature,we drew on the social stress perspective of Linskyand Strauss(1986) andinvestigatedthe hypothesisthatthe higherthe level of state-levelsocial stressors,the lower the quality of life amongBlack Americans.To test this supposition,we combined severalmeasuresto create a Living While Black index. To measurewhetherthese state-levelindicatorsaffectedBlackAmericans, we createda qualityof life index, which soughtto captureif the living while Black measureswere affectingBlackAmericansin a negativeway. Using these two indexes, we found thateconomic (poor earningsfor AfricanAmerican-ownedbusinesses and povertyrate)anddeathstressors(infantmortalityanddeathrates)were with a negativequalityof life amongBlackAmericans. correlated The significant relationshipbetween the economic stressors (earningsof Black businessesandpovertyrate)andourquality-of- could be interlife index- while controllingfor othervariables preteda couple of ways. On one hand,it seems only naturalthatif such businesseswere not doing well, the qualityof life amongthe owners will be diminished. As a consequence, it would not be unusualfor such a situationto resultin chronicdrinkingproblems, mentalhealthissues, some years takenoff one's life due to stress, and, in the worst case scenario, some people might contemplate

98 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

taking their lives or actually commit suicide. On the other hand, could it be thatracehas somethingto do with the sales andreceipts of Black businesses?Some would arguethat is more difficultfor Blacksto sustaintheirbusinesses.Specifically,it is often suggested thatit mightalso be moredifficultfor Blacksto securethe appropriate funds (i.e., loans) to runtheirbusinesseseffectively.Although the natureof our datacannotprovideclear answersto these questions, we suspectmore researchneeds to be done in this area. The finding that the level of povertyis significantlycorrelated with infant mortalityrates and homicide rates is also not new. Those in povertyhavetraditionally hadless access to prenatal care that is likely an importantfactorrelatedto infant mortalityrates. These conditions are typically more prevalentin poor minority communities.Furthermore, this finding also clearly supportsthe of research that shows that povertyand ecooverwhelmingbody nomicdisadvantage arerelatedto seriouscrimes.Finally,anycommunitywith such acutelevels of poverty,andthe relatedhigh rates of infantmortalityand homicides, will have qualityof life issues. For example, chronic drinkingis likely an escape for those who havelost a childor aredailyexposedto homicides(oftenreferred to as covictimization).Similarly,for some, mental health problems likely develop from such exposure.And it is likely that,for those who do not commit suicide, the cumulativeeffect of exposureto these deathstressorsis years takenoff one's life. The fact that the number of prisoners and the percentageof nonelderlywho were uninsureddid not correlatewith ourqualityof-life index might tell us a few things. First,it could be that,even with their overrepresentation in state prison populations, Black Americansdo not have a sense thatit is inevitablethatthey will be in theirlifetime. Therefore,theirqualityof life is not incarcerated significantlyaffectedby this situation.The finding relatedto the nonelderly who are noninsuredsuggests that Black Americans therefore,it does not mightbe used to not havinghealthinsurance; affect theirqualityof life in a significantway. It is also worthnoting thatsocial buffersmay reducesomewhat the effects of these life stressors.Using an admittedlyimperfect measure,the numberof churchesper state with largely African

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 99

American membership, we did find buffering associated with lower negativequalityof life.

CONCLUSION

Althoughour state-levelanalysis showed supportfor the social stress perspective, and more specifically, the notion that living while Black or being a Black Americandoes significantlyaffect one's qualityof life, therewere severallimitationsof ourresearch. We facedthe frustration of missing values.Some stateshave so few AfricanAmericansthatdata are so unreliablethatdatabasescode values as "missing"(e.g., the Dakotasor Idaho). Futureresearchmight wantto add state-levelarrestdatato Living While Black index. The likelihood of being arrestedmight affect more the qualityof life among Black Americansthanbeing incarcerated becauseBlack Americansmight see this as more of a thanbeing incarcerated. In termsof dependoccurrence potential ent variables,we would like to add stress-related illnesses, such as hypertension.We were unable to identify sources providingsuch data,afterextensivesearchesof databasesandthe use of the PennsylvaniaStateData Center. Froma policy standpoint, basedon state-leveldatasuchas these, states might want to review theirpolicies relatedto severalareas. For instance, states might want to review if appropriate levels of monies are made available to burgeoning Black businesses. Relatedly,they might want to check to see if there has been an excessive amount of claims regardingdiscriminatory loan practices. Statesmight also wantto insurethatcommunity-level clinics have the resourcesrequiredto provideadequateprenatalcare that canlikely help reducethe infantmortality ratein the Blackcommunity. States also need to invest in funds that can trickle down to community-levelprogramsaimed at keeping at-riskyouth out of criminalactivities.Such programs have the potentialto reducethe likelihoodthatBlacks will be involvedin seriouscrime.Even with these approaches,it must be expected that, because of the social stressorsdiscussed, Blacks will engage in chronic drinkingand

100 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

develop mental health problems.As such, public health officials needto insurethatthereareadequate levels of alcoholismandmental counseling services. Only throughsuch a comprehensive effort can the effect of living while Black be diminished. Indeed, we believe thatthis researchmakesclearthatadverseeffects of living while Black pose a substantial public healthissue. As such, efforts to amelioratethe negative consequences may prove to be costeffective. Thus, public health strategies,such as the interventions mentionedabove,maywell pay for themselvesoverthe long run.

REFERENCES
for a generalstraintheoryof crime and delinquency.CrimiAgnew, R. (1992). Foundation nology,30, 47-87. Agnew, R., & White, H. R. (1992). An empiricaltest of generalstraintheory.Criminology, 30, 475-499. Aseltine, R. H., Gore, S., & Gordon,J. (2000). Life stress, anger and anxiety,and delinJournalof HealthandSocialBehavior, quency:An empiricaltest of generalstraintheory. 41, 256-275. An Bao, W. N., Haas,A., & Pi, Y. (2004). Life, strain,negativeemotions,anddelinquency: empiricaltest of generalstraintheoryin the People's Republicof China.International Journalof OffenderTherapyand Comparative 48, 281-297. Criminology, BlackIssues in HigherEducation.(2001, October25). Surveysuggestslinkbetweenracism, high blood pressurein AfricanAmericans.Black Issues in Higher Education,p. 14. studies.In P.A. Sabatier Blomquist,W. (1999). The policy processandlarge-Ncomparative (Ed.), Theoriesof thepolicy process (pp. 201-230). Boulder,CO: Westview. JourBroidy,L., & Agnew,R. (1997). Genderandcrime:A generalstraintheoryperspective. nal of Researchin Crimeand Delinquency,34, 275-306. Catalano,S. M. (2004). Criminalvictimization,2003. Washington,DC: Bureauof Justice Statistics. Centersfor Disease Controland Prevention.(1998). Homicides:National VitalStatistics System.Atlanta,GA: NationalCenterfor HealthStatistics,Centersfor Disease Control and Prevention. Chunn,J. C, Dunston,P. J., & Ross-Sheriff,F. (Eds.). (1983). Mentalhealth andpeople of color: Curriculum andchange.Washington, DC:Howard development UniversityPress. in Black S., Prelow,H. M., & Swenson,R. R. (2004). Hope andlife satisfaction Danoff-Burg, stress.Journalof BlackPsychology, 30, 208-228. college students copingwithrace-related Deitch, E. A., Barsky,A., Butz, R. M., Chan,S., Brief, A. P.,& Bradley,J. C. (2003). Subtle in the workyet significant:The existence andimpactof everydayracialdiscrimination place. HumanRelations,56, 1299-1324. strainfor females:PerceiveddisElite, D. (2002). Exploringa sourceof deviance-producing criminationand generalstraintheory.Journalof CriminalJustice,30, 429-442.

Gabbidon,Peterson/ SOCIALSTRESSORSAND QUALITYOF LIFE 101

R. J. (2003). Stressexposure,race,andyoungadultmalecrime.SociologElite,D., & Turner, ical Quarterly, 44, 243-269. Erikson,R. S., Wright,G. C, & Mclver, J. P. (1994). Statehousedemocracy.New York: CambridgeUniversityPress. Federal Bureau of Investigation.(2003). Crime in the United States. Washington,DC: Author. Gabbidon,S. L., & TaylorGreene,H. (2005). Race and crime.ThousandOaks, CA: Sage. P.M., & Beck, A. J. (2003). Prisonersin 2002. Washington, DC: Bureauof Justice Harrison, Statistics. Jacob,H., & Vines,K. N. (1971). The studyof statepolitics.In H. Jacob& K. N. Vines(Eds.), Politics in the Americanstates (2nd ed., pp. 3-23). Boston: Little, Brown. Jang, S. J., & Johnson,B. R. (2003). Strain,negativeemotions, and deviantcoping among AfricanAmericans: A test of generalstraintheory.Journalof Quantitative Criminology, 79,79-105. Jones, J. M. (1981). The conceptof racismand its changingreality.In B. J. Bowser & R. J. Hunt(Eds.), Impactof racismon WhiteAmerica(pp. 27-49). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. KaiserFamilyFoundation, (n.d.)Statehealth facts online.Availableat www.statehealthfacts .kff.org/cgi-bin/healthfacts.cgi. Katz,R. S. (2000). Explaininggirls'andwomen'scrimeanddesistancein the contextof their victimizationexperience:A developmental test of revisedstraintheory.Violence Against Women, 6, 633-660. Kochanek,K. D., & Smith,B. L. (2004). Deaths: Preliminarydatafor 2002. Atlanta,GA: Centersfor Disease Controland Prevention. and blood pressure:The CARDIA Kreiger,N., & Sidney,S. (1996). Racial discrimination study of young Black andWhite adults.AmericanJournalof Public Health, 86, 13701378. LeeperPiquero,N., & Sealock, M. D. (2004). Genderandgeneralstraintheory:A preliminary test of Broidy and Agnew's gender/GSThypotheses.Justice Quarterly,21, 125158. Liao, Y, Tucker,P., Okoro,C. A., Giles, W. H., Mokdad,A. H., & Bales Harris,V. (2004). REACH2010 Surveillancefor health status in minoritycommunities-United States, 2001-2002. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.Available at www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/ss5306al.htm Linsky,A. S., & Strauss,M. A. (1986). Social stress in the UnitedStates:Linksto regional patterns in crime and illness. Dover,MA: AuburnHouse. Mann,C. R. (1993). Unequal justice: A questionof color.Bloomington:IndianaUniversity Press. C. P.(2002). Understanding Latinodelinquency: Theapplicabilityof straintheMcCluskey, ory by ethnicity.New York:LFB ScholarlyPublishing. McNeilly, M. D, Robinson,E. L., Anderson,N. B., Pieper,C. F, Shah,A., Toth,P. S., et al. (1995). Effects of racistprovocationand social supporton cardiovascular reactivityin AfricanAmericanwomen.InternationalJournalof BehavioralMedicine,2, 321-338. P.P.,Ji, P.,& Thye,R. (2004). TherelationsamonggeneralandraceNeville, H. A., Heppner, in Black studentsattending relatedstressorsandpsychoeducational adjustment predominantlyWhite institutions.Journalof BlackStudies,34, 599-618. A replication Paternoster, R., & Mazerolle,P.(1994). Generalstraintheoryanddelinquency: and extension.Journalof Researchin Crimeand Delinquency,31, 235-263.

102 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ SEPTEMBER 2006

Peterson, S. A., & Somit, A. (1994). Older Americans'political behavior.New York: Garland. Pouissant,A. R, & Alexander,A. (2000). Lay my burdendown: Unravelingsuicide and the mentalhealth crisis amongAfrican-Americans. Boston: Beacon. Russell, K. (1998). The color of crime.New York:New YorkUniversityPress. codes: Race, crime and relatedfires. New York: Russell-Brown,K. (2004). Underground New YorkUniversityPress. Scott, L. D. (2003). Culturalorientationand coping with perceiveddiscrimination among AfricanAmericanyouth.Journalof BlackPsychology,29, 235-256. stress of thefactorstructure of the indexof race-related Seaton,E. K. (2003). An examination among a sample of AfricanAmericans.Journalof BlackPsychology,29, 292-307. andrisk for Simons,R. L., Chen,Y. E, & Stewart,E. A. (2003). Incidentsof discrimination A longitudinal test of straintheorywith an AfricanAmericansample.Jusdelinquency: tice Quarterly, 20, 827-854. Journalof Politics, 66, 925-938. Smith, K. B. (2004). The politics of punishment. thedeath Soss, J., Langbein, L., & Metelkoa,A. R. (2003). Whydo WhiteAmericanssupport penalty?Journalof Politics, 65, 397-421. Steffen,P.R., McNeilly,M., Anderson,N., & Sherwood,A. (2003). Effectsof perceivedracism andangerinhibitionon ambulatory bloodpressurein AfricanAmericans.PsychosomaticMedicine,65, 746-750. Thompson,C. E., & Neville, H. A. (1999). Racism, mentalhealth,and mentalhealthpractice. CounselingPsychologist,27, 155-223. DC: U.S. CensusBureau.(2001). Statisticalabstractof the UnitedStates,2001. Washington, Government PritingOffice. U.S. CensusBureau.(2004). 2000 census summary DC: Govfile [Table104]. Washington, ernmentPrintingOffice. U.S. Department of Commerce.(19921992). Black-ownedfirmscomparedto all U.S. firms by state:Availablefrom www.census.gov/csd/mwb/1992/view/b_pr.txt of Justice,Bureauof JusticeStatistics.(1998). Correctional U.S. Department populationsof the UnitedStates.Washington, DC: Government PrintingOffice. and discrimination Williams,D. R., Neighbors,H. W, & Jackson,J. S. (2003). Racial/ethnic health:Findings from communitystudies.AmericanJournal of Public Health, 93(2), 200-208.

ShaunL. Gabbidonis associateprofessorof criminaljustice in the School of Public His areas of interestinclude Affairsat PennsylvaniaState University(Harrisburg). race and crime,privatesecurity, AfricanAmericanstudies,and criminal justice education. His most current publication is Race and JuvenileJustice(2005). StevenA. Petersonis directorof theSchoolof PublicAffairsandProfessorof Politics andPublicAffairsat Pennsylvania His researchinterState University (Harrisburg). ests includeAmerican politics,public opinion,biologyandpolitics, andpublicpolicy (AIDSpolicy and educationpolicy). He has authoredor coauthorednearly20 books andmorethan100journalarticles,bookchapters,books,andsoforth.He has served as presidentof theNew York StatePoliticalScienceAssociationand theNortheastern Political ScienceAssociation.