Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.
Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup.
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the
scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that
promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Cambridge University Press and The Classical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve
and extend access to Greece & Rome.
http://www.jstor.org
Greece& Rome, Vol. 47, No. 2, October2000
Liberty and virtue: two concepts inextricably linked and seen, by many,
to be embodied in their purest form in ancient Greece. The placing of
these ideals in ancient Greece was the real beginning of hellenism. In
Glover there was an attitude of admiration to the ancient Greeks that
was primarily concerned with the people themselves. Before the eight-
eenth century, while there had been much admiration for the artistic
achievements of ancient Greece, the people of ancient Greece them-
selves were viewed with a general suspicion.13 As such, the concentra-
tion on the people rather than their art was something new. James
Thomson, in both TheSeasons (1726-44) and Liberty(1735) had shown
elements of this, but in both of these works the Greeks were not
portrayed as an exceptional people, but merely as worthy of comparison
with Romans and Britons. While Glover never actually claimed the
ancient Greeks were exceptional, within his concentration on a Greek
story and Greek virtue lay the seeds of such an idea.
Furthermore, while Thomson's Liberty,or Mark Akenside's Pleasures
of The Imagination (1742) both placed eighteenth-century ideals in
Ancient Greece, Glover took this one step further. His poem associated
these ideals with one specific event and group of characters, and the
success of Leonidasensured this association in the popular imagination.
Such an association was not completely new: the ideals of liberty, virtue,
and patriotism can be found in connection with Thermopylae in
Simonides and Herodotus, throughout antiquity, and in mediaeval
and renaissance accounts. However, the success of this poem meant
that Thermopylae was increasingly identified as the exemplar of these
214 TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE
Wood was, along with James Stuart, among the first English travellersto
visit Thermopylae. His fascination with the landscape is the beginning
of a trend that was to reach its climax with the Romantic poets. The
Greek landscape, for Wood, represents a continuity with antiquity, that
is in some ways more powerful than the ruins. In his later work on
Homer,14 Wood used the geography of Troy to explicate the Iliad, and
much as modern classicists may scorn his method, his contemporaries
did not. There arose a belief, fostered by the likes of Winckelmann and
Goethe, in the importance of visiting the setting of ancient literatureif it
TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE 215
have been swept from the face of the earth, or ingulfed in marshes, and overgrown with
weeds and bushes.
Thermopylae was one of these selected views, and his print of the Pass
[Figure 1] reflects his impression of its beauty. In his explanation of the
print, Dodwell described how
... the eye is attracted to the massy form of Mt. Oeta, covered with forests and broken
with glens and valleys. The sun was setting behind the mountain, which was enveloped
in a tint of aerial blue.20
This is a significant statement for a man whose travels had already taken
in much of Europe, Egypt, Palestine, and Greece. His thoughts on
leaving the pass are worth quoting in full:
We looked back towards the whole passage with regret; marvelling, at the same time, that
we should quit with reluctance a place, which, without the interest thrown over it by
antient history, would be one of the most disagreeable upon earth. Unwholesome air,
218 TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE
mephitic exhalations bursting through the rifted and rotten surface of a corrupted soil, as
if the land around were diseased; a filthy and fetid quagmire; 'a heaven fat with frogs';
stagnant but reeking pools; hot and sulphureous springs; in short, such a scene of
morbid nature, as suggested to the fertile imagination of the antient Poets their ideas of a
land poisoned by 'the blood of Nessus', and that calls to mind their descriptions of
Tartarus.22
,:::, ~~~~~~~~
:::: ::: :::::S:::,s:s:s:s:.-::.
x::::::;::::::
::::i:::::::
:
Fig. 2: 'The Tomb of the Spartans' from E. Clarke, Travels in Various Countries,
vol. 4 (1812).
Here Thermopylae and Salamis exist in the land, and yet not in the
people. Moreover, the land is the monument to the ancient heroes in
220 TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE
ways which marble can never be: not only is it where they fought, but
also it is what they fought for. Indeed, man-made monuments seem to
speak more of man's vanity than his deeds: one is reminded of Shelley's
Ozymandias. Thus, in turning to landscape instead of monuments, the
focus of idealization of the ancient world is changed from art to action.
The worth of the ancients was best seen in their deeds, which display
their virtue, rather than their genius for art. This is not to say that
ancient art was ignored, but that admiration of ancient Greece was
concentrating on the ancient Greeks themselves.
In the extracts from Dodwell and Byron one can see the source of
philhellenism. Like many travellers,they were shocked by the state of the
Greece they saw. The Greeks displayed an ignorance of their own past
and a seeming contentment with 'slavery' which seemed quite at odds
with the virtues of their supposed ancestors. Many turned away, blaming
the situation on the moral degradation of the Greeks, and becoming what
one modern commentator described as 'miso-hellenists'.26 For these
observers, the modern Greeks had betrayed their heritage, and were so
far changed that no reversal of their fortune was possible. A few,
however, not only blamed this state of affairs on the Turks, but also
sought to rectify it. This is perhaps the best definition of philhellenism.
Working on the idea that liberty and virtue are inextricable - an idea
common throughout the eighteenth century and shown in Glover's
speech of Leonidas to his Spartans quoted above - they hoped for
both a political and moral regeneration of Greece. The solution lay in
educating the Greeks to their glorious past, and then inspiring them with
exemplars from it. And the most powerful of these exemplars was
Thermopylae.
* * *
other Greeks, and as such was hardly suitable as a unifying figure. Only
the characters of the Persian Wars presented the right image of patriotic
defence of liberty, whilst the wars also provided an easy parallelbetween
the Turks and the Persians. Yet of the heroes of the Persian Wars, which
would serve as the best exemplar? There is Miltiades of Marathon, later
convicted of tyranny; Themistocles of Salamis, who later was ostracized
and sought refuge in Persia; Pausanias of Plataea, later accused of
attempts at tyranny; Leotychides of Mycale, later disgraced over
bribery. The fact that by dying in battle, Leonidas could not blacken
his own name is not unimportant. He alone was untainted.
The second reason for Thermopylae's importance is the key to the
continual power of the battle as an exemplar, from antiquity to the
present day. In dying, Leonidas became a martyr for Greece. Modern
historians may argue that he was thinking only of Sparta, but the idea
that he was a pan-hellenist dates back at least to Plutarch, and is implied
by Herodotus. Moreover, both Herodotus and Plutarch agree - itself a
rare occurrence - that Leonidas knew he was going to die, and chose
only those 'with sons living' to accompany him. Thermopylae was not a
defeat, it was a sacrifice. As such it becomes a moral act, as much as the
death of Socrates or Jesus.27Three extracts from the writings of Samuel
Taylor Coleridge serve to illustrate the idea. The first is taken from his
notebooks:
Moral excellence almost essential to the sublime effect of particular action, Leonidas &
his Spartans - the 23rd Dragoons at Talavera - still more the Mamaluke & Winkelried.28
In the former the state of mind arose from Reason, Morals, Liberty, the sense of duty
owing to the independence of his country etc - in short, containing or compatible with
the highest perfection & development of the human Faculties, Moral & Intellectual - in
the latter, predicative only of mere animal Habit, Ferocity, & unreasoned Antipathy to
Strangers .. .32
The essence of these definitions, as shown in the first extract, can also be
applied to Leonidas as opposed to the Dragoons.33 In an article in The
Courier, Coleridge takes the idea further, again using Leonidas as an
example of the positive kind of heroism:
222 TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE
The splendid qualities of courage and enthusiasm, which, being the frequent com-
panions and in given circumstances the necessary agents of virtue, are too often
themselves hailed as virtues by their own title. But courage and enthusiasm have equally
characterised the best and worst beings, a Satan, equally with an Abdiel - a Bonaparte
equally with a Leonidas.34
arise from these bones' - and is Dido's final curse on the departing
Aeneas. The inference is unmistakable: while other heroes have monu-
ments, only Leonidas is described as having a tomb. Of all the heroes
mentioned, Leonidas has pride of place, and it is on his remains that the
chained figure of Greece rests. As such, the call for an avenger centres
around him. While other heroes can serve as inspiration, it is the spirit of
Leonidas that must be emulated.
As one would expect, it is Byron who most fully illustrates this idea.
224 TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE
There follows a stirring account of the 'heroes who here fell In Free-
dom's phalanx' (1.522-3) and 'died, as they had liv'd, triumphantly'
(1.573). Then Haygarth told the peasant the purpose of the tale:
Deeply impress this tale upon thy breast;
And when thy country calls thee from thy plains
To fight for liberty, remember those
Who bled, unconquer'd, with Leonidas!
(Greece 1.574-77)
TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE 225
Haygarth not only sought to inspire the idea of a Greek revival, but even
described the role the philhellenes would have to play. This philhellen-
ism permeated every aspect of his poem. He emphasized the importance
of Thermopylae in his water-colour of the Pass [Figure 4], one of nine
plates that adorned the poem. Here the view is dominated by Mt. Oeta,
that 'Bulwark of Greece, whilst Greece still had a name' (1.601). Once
again there is the recurrent theme of landscape, yet while Dodwell used
the landscape of Thermopylae to show how much Greece had changed,
Haygarth highlighted that which remained the same. He used the image
of the mountain to show what the Greeks had fought for: the gates, and
very freedom, of Greece. In so doing, he drew attention to the present
plight of Greece and the idea of regaining that freedom. For even though
freedom has flown, the gates still stand.
Six years later, on the very eve of the Greek War of Independence,
Byron made the call even more clear. 'The Isles of Greece' is a song
within Don Juan sung by a Greek bard lamenting the condition of his
country. He reflects on Marathon where he 'dream'd that Greece might
still be free', and on 'sea-born Salamis', but they are only memories.
Then he makes what is probably philhellenism's most direct invocation
to Thermopylae:
These verses, written in the years between the two great revolts against
the Turks, not surprisingly focused on the martial element, and
228 TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE
NOTES
* The illustrations to this article are reproduced with the permission of the Librarian, John
Rylands University Library of Manchester.
1. George Saintsbury claimed that it would be 'difficult to imagine, and would hardly be possible
to find, even in the long list of mistaken 'long poem' writers of the last two centuries, more tedious
stuff than his' (The CambridgeHistory of English Literature,vol. X (1913), 149); E. M. W. Tillyard
goes so far as to redefine epic poetry itself, and specifically excludes Leonidas(The EnglishEpic and
its Background(1968), 6, 494). However neither critic supports his claims. William Cowper once
wrote that TheAthenaid, Glover's sequel to Leonidas,was 'condemned I dare say by those who have
never read the half of it' (letter to Lady Hesketh, 4 Feb 1789), and his words can be taken for the
vast majority of modern critics' attitudes to Glover's work in general. See my article on Glover in
P. N. Review (forthcoming).
2. J. Collins, The GreekInfluenceon English Poetry (1910), 63.
3. Joseph Simpson, The Patriot (1785); J. P. Roberdeau, Thermopylae,or Invasion Repulsed
(1792).
4. May 31, 1737. See Worksof Swift, ed. Scott (1824), 73.
5. J. Warton, Essay on the Genius of Pope (1782), ii. 401n; J. Scott, Poetical Works(1782) 207;
R. Southey, Joan of Arc (1794), preface; letter to H. W. Bedford, 13 November 1794 (in The Life
and Correspondence of RobertSouthey, ed. Charles Southey (London, 1849), i. 191).
6. H. Fielding, A Journey From this World into the Next (1742) c. 7. Goldgar argues that
Fielding's praise of Glover is a 'remnant of his anti-Walpole partisanship', a vestige of the faction -
of which both Fielding and Glover were a part - that sought to depose Robert Walpole's ministry
(Weslyan Edition of the Worksof Henry Fielding:Miscellanies Vol. II, ed. B. A. Goldgar (1983), 37
n. 2). However, the work was completed after Walpole's fall from power, and as Fielding felt free to
criticize many of his former colleagues in the faction (ibid, xxv), any praise that remains is surely
not such a 'remnant'.
7. Letter to John Hanson, April 2, 1807; see Byron's Letters and Journals, vol. I, ed
L. A. Marchand (1993), 113.
8. The only case in which he deviates from the sources is in having Leonidas as the last of the
Greeks to die, a necessary device for the central hero of an epic poem.
TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE 229
9. For example T. Arnold, TheEnglishPoets, ed. Ward (1889), 239; W. Minto, Literaturein the
GeorgianEra (1894), 75; Percival, Political Ballads (1916), 144; E. Rothstein, Restorationand 18th
Century Poetry (1981), 205; L. Sutherland, Politics and Finance in the 18th Century (1984), 78;
C. Gerrard, The Patriot Oppositionto Walpole(1994), 80.
10. Henry Pemberton wrote the work of literary criticism Observationson Poetry, Especially the
Epic, Occasionedby the Late Poem Upon Leonidas (1738), pointing out at great length Glover's
Homeric qualities. Poets, too, made the connection. See, for example, Matthew Green, who
described Glover as:
This, this is he, that was foretold
Should emulate our Greeks of old.
(From TheSpleen (1737); see Alexander Chamlers, The Worksof the EnglishPoets (1810), xv. 167).
Similarly, William Thompson wrote to Glover that 'Homer's Self revives again in thee' (From To
the Author of Leonidas:A Poem, An Epistle (1757), line 37).
11. T. Ram, The Neo-classicalEpic 1650-1720 (1971).
12. Ibid., 182.
13. Ibid., 8-14, 32ff.
14. R. Wood, A Comparative View of the Antient and present State of the Troade. To which is
prefixed an Essay on the Original Genius of Homer (1767); later republished as An Essay on the
Original Geniusand Writingsof Homer, with a ComparativeViewof theAncientand presentState of the
Troade,ed. J. Bryant (1775).
15. R. Collvil, 'The Caledonian Heroine', line 355, in OccasionalPoems (1771); J. Scott, 'The
Muse', lines 48-9, in The Poetical Worksof John Scott (1782); H. Boyd, 'The Helots - A Tragedy',
lines 313-15, in Poems (1793).
16. R. Pococke, A Descriptionof the East, vol. I (1743), 42.
17. In 480 B.C. the Pass of Thermopylae, sandwiched between the mountains and the sea, was
wide enough only for two carts to pass one another. A gradual deposit of silt has now created a plain
some four miles wide, although it has been estimated that in the early nineteenth century it was
considerably less than that (G. Szemler et al., Thermopylai:Myth and Reality in 480 B.C. (Chicago
1996), Map I).
18. E. Dodwell, A Classicaland TopologicalTour ThroughGreeceduringthe Years1801, 1805 and
1806 (London, 1819), ii. 66.
19. E. Dodwell, Views of Greece(London, 1821), preface.
20. Ibid, Descriptionto Plate of Thermopylae.
21. E. Clarke, Travels in Various Countries,vol. 4 (London, 1812), 238.
22. Ibid., 251.
23. Ibid., 251-2
24. Ibid., 240-1.
25. Lines 103-13 and 126-33.
26. G. Dandoulakis, The Strugglefor GreekIndependence:the Contributionof Greekand English
Poetry, Dissertation, Loughborough University of Technology (1985), 305.
27. The idea of comparing Leonidas with Jesus appeared in The Athenaid, Glover's 30-book
sequel to Leonidas. Although Herodotus records that Xerxes had the Spartan's head erected on a
pole, Glover has the Persian king crucify Leonidas' corpse. The passages make an implicit
comparison with the crucifixion of Jesus and the idea of self-sacrifice. See The Athenaid 15.244-
87, 17.327-34, 20.246-355, 24.292-97, 26.145-48 and 313-22.
28. K. Coburn (ed.), TheNotebooksof Samuel Taylor Coleridge(London, 1973), vol.3, no. 3637.
29. Arnold von Winkelried, a Swiss national hero who died at the battle of Semprach in 1386
against the Hapsburgs. Coleridge describes how he 'with his bundle of Spears turned towards his
Breast in order to break the Austrian Pike-men' (Coleridge, Notebooks,vol. 3, no.3312) sacrificed
his life to win Swiss freedom. See F. Adams and C. Cunningham, The Swiss Confederation(London,
1889) 6, and G. Thuirer, Free and Swiss (London, 1970), 36.
30. At the battle of Talavera in 1809 the 23rd Dragoons charged the French guns, and although
the charge was broken by an unseen watercourse they continued the attack, heroically if somewhat
pointlessly, losing over half their complement in the process. See J. Fortescue, The History of the
British Army (London, 1912), vii. 251-4, who claims the dragoons attacked 'without any word of
command' and describes the charge as a 'mad exploit' (p.253).
230 TO MAKE A NEW THERMOPYLAE
31. The Mamalukes (or Mamelukes) were Egyptian mercenaries. Coleridge (Notebooks,vol. 3,
no. 3312) relates the story of one who, when his horse refused to charge the French lines, backed
the animal onto the enemy, killing himself in the process.
32. Notebooks,vol. 3, no. 3312.
33. It should be noted that Coleridge's definition of the Dragoons' actions is not as harsh or
negative as that of the Mamaluke, although the motivation behind those actions - violent instinct
rather than moral excellence - is similar.
34. The Courier, 13 January 1809.
35. Aeneid 4.625.
36. Canto II, stanza 73.
37. Terence Spencer wrote that 'of all the philhellenic poets of the first two decades of the
nineteenth century, the one who was most cruelly crushed out of existence by the reputation of
Byron was William Haygarth ... [his poem] was published, a splendid quarto, in 1814 - too late; for
the sun of Byron was already above the horizon.' (Fair Greece,Sad Relic, 2nd ed., 1974, 281). The
effect of this 'crushing' out of existence seems all the harsher when one discovers that Haygarth
wrote much of his poem in 1811 while still in Greece, before Byron completed Childe Harold, and
did not publish until 1814 merely because of what he described as 'the natural apprehension which
the Author feels for the fate of a first performance' (Greece,a Poem, preface, v).
38. Greece,a Poem, in threeparts; with Notes, Classical Illustrations,and Sketchesof the Scenery
(London, 1814), Notes p. 276.
39. Canto III, stanza 86, verse 7 (lines 725-30).
40. Age of Bronze (1823), stanza 13, line 552.
41. Translated by G. Dandoulakis, op. cit., 278.
42. Translated by E. Keeley, Passions and Ancient Days (1972).