BeyondControl:AMutualRespectApproachtoProtestCrowdPoliceRelations VernNeufeldRedekopandShirleyParBloomsbury2010 Introduction Societiesworldwide,andthecommunitieswithinthem,arecaughtinaconstantinterplaybetweenthe needsforcontinuity,ontheonehand,andchange,withthestimulationandgrowththataccompanyit, ontheother.Thepublicinterfacebetweenthesecompetingneedsoftenmanifestsitselfasthe boundarybetweenprotestcrowdsandpolice.Someprotestermovementsareresistingchange,which theyperceivetobeharmful,andothersarepushingforchangetoaddresswhattheyperceivetobe injusticesembeddedwithinthecurrentsituation.Policeusearangeoftacticsfromrepressiveuseof forcetonegotiationandmanyinbetween.Theirrelationshiptotheirpoliticalmastersrangesfrombeing fullydirectedbypoliticalleaderstorelativeindependence.Inanycase,policeareactivewithin communitiesinawaythatbringsthemindirectcontactwithprotestcrowds.Theprotestcrowdpolice relationalsystemistheprimaryfocusofthisbook.Thebookexaminestheinterfacebetweencrowds andpolicefromtheneutralperspectiveofcommunitybasedconflictresolution.

. Peoplenesttheiridentitieswithinavarietyofgroupsbasedonkinship,ethnicity,values,religion,and callingallofwhicharemanifestatthecommunitylevel.Communityitselfhastakenonacomplexset ofmeaningsintheinformationagerangingfromgeographicalcommunitiestocommunitiesof interestthatcanbringtogetherpeoplewithcommonvalueswhomaybespreadaroundtheworldbut linkedthroughtheinternet.Thesediverseaspectsofcommunityaresignificantwhendealingwith protestcrowds.Regardlessofthetypeofcommunity,protesterengagementwithissuesoften implicatestheiridentities.Thismeansthatthevaluesthatmotivatethemarebackedbyacombination ofrationalargument,moralprinciplesandemotionalvitality. Giventheemotionalengagementwiththeissuesandthepropensityofmanyoftheplayerstoresortto violence,therelationshipbetweencrowdsandpoliceincludesfeaturesofdeeprootedoridentitybased conflict.Duringourwork,wehavediscoveredthatexposingtheunderlyingconflictinanhonestand opendialoguehasthepotentialtotransformtherelationshipsandcreatespaceformoreeffectiveand safe,nonviolentprotestforall.InPartOneofBeyondControlwepresenttheoreticalresearchonboth protestandpolicinginterspersedwithstateofthearttheoriesofidentitybasedconflict.PartTwotells thestoryofourOttawaexperienceswhichwepresentasacasestudy. So,whathappened?Inthesummerof2000,weweregiventhechallengeofaddressingtheissueof violencebetweenprotestcrowdsandpolice.Ourcommunityandotherslikeitwerefacingescalating violenceduringinternationalmeetingsandtheaccompanyingdemonstrations.Whatweobservedwasa conflictofculturesandadearthofmeaningfuldialogue.Strategiesforsuccessaboundedonboth policeandprotestersidesandtherewereplentyofnegotiationsbutnorealdialogue.Theangerand underlyingneedsofthoseinviolentconflictatthecoalfaceofthedemonstrationswentlargely unrecognized.Themoretheviolenceescalated,andescalateitdid,themoreangryeveryonebecame

untileventuallythedemonstrationsbecamemoreabouttheviolenceduringtheproteststhantheissues thecrowdswereprotesting.Demonstratorswentoutoftheirwaytochallengetheauthorityofthe policeandpoliceerectedbarriersanddeployedtacticaltroopsinriotgearwithTasers,watercannon andotherlessthanlethalweaponstokeepthedemonstratorsundercontrol.Chaosreigned. Asexperiencedprocessleadersandprofessionalsincommunitybasedconflictresolution,wehad developedthedisciplineoftreatingpeopleequallyandcomingacrossasneutralabouttheissues.We werepractitionerswithlittleexperienceineithertheprotestorpolicingcommunitiesandwebrought freshperspectivestothechallenges.Wecouldprovideasafespaceformeaningfuldialogueandhad developedamethodologywherebythedeeprootedangercouldbeexpressedwithminimalhurtto eitherside. Neutralityisnevereasy.Thosewhowereintentonputtingusinonecornerortheothercertainlyfound reasonstodothat.Infact,wewereaccusedofbeingonbothsidesoftheissuesasisusuallythecase whenstrongemotionsandlittletrustareinvolved.Theemotionsandlackoftrustweresostronginthe beginningthatitwasdifficulttoconvinceenoughrepresentativesfromdivergentsidesoftheconflictto beinthesameroomtogether.Bytheendofourproject,wewereunabletomeetthedemandfor participationinourprocesses. Ourworkinthefieldandthesubsequentresearchusesaninterdisciplinarymethodologyofdeeprooted conflict,reconciliationandcommunitybasedconflictresolutionthatisappliedtotheprotesterpolice relationalsystem.Assuch,itisnotmeanttoprovideastrategyforeithersidetowinattheexpenseof theother.Ratherwewishtolookatthephenomenonasaconflict,aconflictthatcantakeona structureofviolenceoraconflictthatcantakeonastructurethatenhancescreativity,justiceand mutualempowerment. Bothpublicorderpolicingandprotesthavedevelopedovertime;henceinourresearchwefoundit necessarytotracetheirhistories,payingparticularattentiontoparadigmaticchangesandhoweachhas understoodtheirroleandhasbeenunderstoodbyothers.Aninsightemergedfromthishistorical reflectionthatbothprotestersandpolicearenecessaryforawellfunctioningdemocracy.Ifbothare necessaryandbothneedtobeeffectivetoavoidtheworstalternativesviolentanarchyorviolent tyrannythequestionarises,Whatistobethenatureoftherelationshipbetweenthem? Relationshipscanneverbeprescribed;however,paradigmsofwhatrelationshipscouldbecanguidethe imaginations,actions,andprinciplesthathelpmouldthepatternsofhowgroupsrelatetooneanother. Thisbookexploresparadigmspastandproposesfuturepossibilities. Fromourknowledgeofseveralwidelyrespectedconflicttheories,weknewthatemotionalreactions thatfuelconflictandviolencehappenwhenneedsarethreatened.Wealsoknewthatviolenceonone sideisreturnedbyviolencewithinterestfromtheotherandthisresultsinaneverincreasingspiralof violence.Ourinterestandourfocusinmeetingthechallengeofhowtoimagineaprotesterpolice relationshipthatallowsbothtofilltheirrolewithintegritywastofindamethodologyforexposingthe underlyingneedsofparticipantsonallsidesofdemonstrationsregardlessofroles.Additionally,wewere interestedinfacilitatingaprocesssothatthedivergentcommunitiesdevelopedtherequisiteexpertise

toprovideaplatformforprotesterstoexpresstheintenseemotionsassociatedwiththeimportant issuestheywantedtoaddresswithoutresorttoviolence. IndescribingourapproachinOttawawebelievewehaveproducedamodelwherebycommunities worldwidecanadapttheirownprocessforfacilitatingnonviolentprotest.Itisamethodologyfor creatingmeaningfuldialogueinconfrontationalsituationswheretherearestrongemotionsandlittle trust.Werecognizeandacknowledgethattherearemembersoftheprotestcommunitywhobelieve thatdestructiveviolenceistheonlywaytogettheirmessageacross.Thisbookisnotforthemorthen again,maybeitis. Theinsightsthatresultedfromourinterventionpointedtotheneedformoreresearchandtheoretical development.Inturn,delvingintopublicorderpolicingandprotestcrowdliteraturehelpedustosee whatwedidintheearlyyearsofthenewmillenniuminafreshlight.Hence,thetheoreticalresearchis presentedfirstinPartOneandisgroundedforthereaderwithexamplesfromourexperiencesaswell asthedocumentedcasesofothers. InPartOneweintroducethekeyplayersinthedramaoftheprotestcrowdpoliceencounter.The dominantpartiesareprotestersandpolicetobesurebutthepictureisnotcompletewithout introducingbystanders,mediaandthetargetsofprotestwitheachofthesetheplotthickensas conflictsbecomemorecomplex.Theconflicttheoriesweusetomakesenseofconflictareapplicableto allplayersinthevariousrelationalsystems.Wehavechosentoalternatetheintroductionoftheparties withthepresentationoftheoreticalperspectivesthathelpusunderstandemotions,scapegoating, powerstructures,andreciprocalviolence.Theseconflicttheoriesfeedintoadescriptionofthemutual respectapproachthatconcludesPartOneandwhichweadvocateasavisionforproductive relationshipsbetweenpoliceandprotesters. ThestoryofthechallengeandhowwerespondedistoldinPartTwo.Theinitialactiontooktheformof trainingasaninterventionandeventuallyparticipatoryactionresearch.Thesubjectofthetrainingwas deeprootedconflict,aconceptthattheparticipantsappliedtothecontextofprotests.Wecollected dataduringseminarsandthisdatainformedourresearch.Weinterpretedourdatathroughthelensof theconflicttheorieswithwhichweareintimatelyfamiliarandhavebeenpresentedinPartOne.Thus thebookispositionedrightatthenexusoftheoryandpractice.Assuch,itcouldbereadintwoways beginningwitheitherPartOneorPartTwo. PartTwobeginsbytellingthestoryofourproject,aseriesofprocessseminarsthatbroughttogether representativesofthevariousstakeholdergroups.Wepresentourstoryasacasestudythatillustratesa modelforthemethodologywerecommend.Weexaminethelinksbetweenlessonslearnedthrough theseeventsandsubsequentdevelopmentofideasandunderstandings.PartTwogoesontogivevoice torepresentativesofthedifferentgroupsastheysharefromtheirownperspectivewhatissignificantin theprotestercrowdpolicedynamic.Finally,itsuggestswhatcanbedoneatthecommunitylevelto buildconstructiverelationshipsbetweenpoliceandprotesters,drawingontheearlyportionsofthe interventionmodel.

Thecombinationinonemanuscriptofcomprehensiveoverviewsofbothprotestandpublicorder policingacademicliteraturealongwithourpracticalapplicationofinterdisciplinaryconflicttheoriesis uniqueinthefield. OurContext:RootedinCanadawithaGlobalPerspective WeliveandworkinCanada,acountrywithauniqueplaceintheglobalcommunity.Weare geographicallyadjacenttotheUnitedStates,themostpowerfulnationintheworld,withwhomwe sharemanyculturalaffinitiesandapartfromwhomwetakepainstodistinguishourselves.Weemerged outoftheBritishEmpireyetretainaviableFrenchlegacymakingusavitalplayerinlaFrancophonie. Wehaveanindigenouspopulationthathaspreservedacomplexmixoftradition,creativity,andcultural development,ontheonehand,andstruggledtoovercomealegacyofforcedassimilationandlossof land,ontheother.Asmuchasanyothercountrywehavewelcomedimmigrantsfromtheglobal communityandencouragedthemtokeeptheircustomsandlanguages.Withinourcorporate psychologicalmakeup,webearthemarksofbothpowerandvulnerability,ofvictorandvictimized.All thesefactorshaveshapedbothwhatweprotestaboutandhowourpolicehaveevolved. Thoughwecannotescapethespecificcontextoutofwhichweviewtheworld,wehopethatthe presentworkwillbeusefulinmanysocieties.Wehavetremendousrespectforthecomplexityof differentcultures.Eachculturelooksatactsofprotestdifferently.However,theworldhasshrunkand mimeticcontagiondoesnotrespectthefinepointsofculture:protestandpolicepracticesarereplicated globally.Moreover,theconflicttheoriesthatformthefoundationofourworkhavebeendemonstrated tobeusefultopeoplefromcountriesaroundtheworld. Nothingcantaketheplaceofdignifyingallindividualswiththeintrinsicvaluethataccruestothemby beingpartofthehumanfamily.Noristhereasubstituteforrespectforthestories,imaginationsand personalspaceofpeople.Thereisablowtoourcollectivewellbeingwhenpeoplearedesignatedas anythinglessthanfullyhuman.Stereotypesanddisparaginglanguagearethefirsttoolsofhuman atrocity.Thebottomlinemessageforprotestersandpoliceisthattherehastobemutualdignityand respect.Withinthiscontext,wepresentanethicalvisionofblessingthatmeansthatifrelationships wereframedsuchthatpartieswouldtrulycontributetooneanotherswellbeingtheworldcould becomeabetterplace.Dignity,respect,mutualblessingtherestistrulycommentary. Forsomepeople,blessingisaproblematicwordsinceitisassociatedwithreligiousinstitutionsand maynotresonatepositivelywithpeople.Thisisunderstandable;hencewewillprovidesome backgroundontheetymologyofthewordandhowitistechnicallydefinedinthisbook.TheEnglish wordblessingtranslatesHebrewandArabicwordsberikahandbarakatrespectively.TheseSemitic wordsconnotetheorientation,attitudeandactionsmeanttoenhancemutualwellbeing.Wewilluseit todesignatethemutualconcernfor,andactionsthatreciprocallyenhancethewellbeingofthose withinarelationship.Wefindnootherwordworksaswellfortheconceptwewishtodescribe.1 Wemakereferencethroughoutthemanuscripttoconceptsofcomplexityandlevelsofconsciousness. Bothofthesetheorieshavebeendevelopedininterdisciplinarywaysandwearejustbeginningtosee howrelevanttheyaretotheissuestalkedaboutinthisbook.Complexityandchaostheorylinksusto

broadsystemstheorythatemphasizesourinterconnectedness(Sword2003).Theconnectionsamongus aresocomplexthatwecannotthinkinlinearcauseandeffectterms.Anyactioncansetinmotiona myriadofconsequentactionsandevents.Assoonaswedoanything,theeffectsareoutofourcontrol. Atcertaintimes,thereisaconvergenceofeventssuchthatonesmallactioncanhaveahugeimpact. RichardMcGuiganhasshownusthatthosewithawelldevelopedlevelofconsciousnessareableto handlecomplexconflictscreatively(2003).Wehavegreathopethatthesetheorieswillbringclearer insightsintotherelationshipsassociatedwithprotestcrowds,thusraisingthelevelofconsciousnessand henceacapacitytopreventaspiralofdestructiveviolence. Morethananything,itisourhopethatthepagesthatfollowwillinspirethepartiesinvolved,inany countryandanyculturetogettogetherforhonestdialogue.Thereisnothingthattakestheplaceofa free,openandhonestflowofmeaning.FromtheFirstPeoplesofCanadawelearntheimportanceof comingtodialoguewithagoodmind.Theyusethesmokeofsmolderingsweetgrass,cedar,tobaccoor sagetowashtheirmindssotheythinkgoodthoughts,theirearssotheyheargoodthings,theirmouths sotheysaywhatwillbeconstructive,theireyesthattheywillseewhatisimportantandsoon.The emergentwillingnesstoengageindialoguewithanopenspiritisthebeginningofcreative understandingandmutuallybeneficialexchange.Weknowthatthisisnoteasy;distrustaboundsalong withmemoriesofpasthurts.Thethreatofanangrycrowdandthebruisesofbatonsleaveemotional memories.Bypresentingbriefhistoriesofprotest,crowdsandpolicingandouranalysesoftheoriesthat helpunderstandtheirdynamicswehopetoprovideaframeworkandvocabularythatwillenhance mutualrespect. BeyondControlNotesandBibliography: 1.ForacompletediscussionoftheissuesinvolvedinusingblessinginthiscontextseeRedekop,Vern Neufeld,"TeachingsofBlessingasElementsofReconciliation."Mathieu,ECourville,"TheNextStepin StudyingReligion."London:Continuum129146pp.2007. PartOne:ProtestCrowdPoliceDynamics OverviewofPartOne OurChapteroneexamineswhatisatstakeinprotestcrowdpolicedynamics;namely,thecharacterof thesocietyinwhichtheytakeplace.InChaptertwo,wetracetheevolutionofprotestcrowdsoverthe lasttwocenturies.Thisentailsseparateanalysesofprotestandofcrowds,includinghowperceptionsof eachhavechangedthroughtime.Thispreparesusforanexaminationoftheroleofemotionsincrowd dynamicsintheChapterthree.Chapterfourintroducesthepolice,providingahistoryofprotestpolicing asitevolvedwiththeMetropolitanPoliceofLondon,showingaconvergenceofpolicingtrendsin establisheddemocracies,anddelvingintosomeoftheethicalissuesraisedbyprotestpolicing.Wethen takeatheoreticalstepbackfromtheimmediatesceneofprotestinChapterfiveasweconsider scapegoatingandhegemonicstructuresaswaysofcomprehendingasenseofothernessinrelational systems.InChaptersixweintroducetheremaininggroupswithastakeinprotestcrowdpolice dynamics:targetsofprotest,bystandersandmedia.Chaptersevenexploresreciprocalviolencedrawing onthemimetic(imitation)theoryofFrenchthinkerRenGirardandChaptereightdevelopstheconcept

ofmutualblessingasitshowshowarelationalsystemcanbestructuredsothatthepartiesenhance eachotherswellbeing.Thecombinationofhistoricalinquiry,introductionofstakeholders,and theoreticalbackgroundwillcometogetherinChapternineaswediscussthreedifferentparadigmsof protesterpolicedynamics.Thesethreeparadigmswillbepresentedasbuildingononeanother,with eachsuccessiveparadigmrepresentinganotherlevelofconsciousnessandagreatercapacitytodeal withcomplexityendingwiththeMutualRespectparadigmorapproach.Chaptertenlooksatthe relationshipsamongprotestcrowds,police,andpoliticalleaders,situatingtheMutualRespectapproach withinthecontextofevolvingformsofdemocracy. WhatisatStake? IntroducingProtestCrowds Emotions IntroducingPolice TheViolenceofOtherness IntroducingTargets,Bystanders,andMedia ReciprocalViolence MutualBlessing TowardsaMutualRespectParadigmofProtesterPoliceDynamics ProtestCrowdsandPoliceintheContextofDemocracy WhatisatStake? Imagesofteargas,flyingbricks,watercannons,Molotovcocktails, DarthVader 1suits,and balaclavasspeaktotherealityofviolenceinprotesterpolicedynamicsinrecentyears.Diversityof tactics,blockades,civildisobedience,snakemarches,and,inthecaseofindigenouspeoples,illegal (fromtheGovernmentperspective)loggingandfishingindicateapowerfulmotivationonthepartof protesterstodoanythingtoannounceandaddressperceivedinjustices.Lessthanlethalweapons becomepartofthearsenalofpolicewhomayusesofthatsbackedupbytacticalsquadstoreinforce cordonsdefinedbyfencesorbarricades;thesemaybeusedtocorralandholdprotestersforatime.The boundariesattheinterfacebetweenpoliceandmassesofprotestersarevisiblyphysical;atthesame time,theyareattheedgeofwhatislegal,culturallynormative,andethicalwithinademocratic,oreven protodemocratic,society. Thischaptersetsexamplesofdemonstrationsfromtherecentpastinthecontextoftheimpactofsocial movementsonpublicorderpolicingfromasearlyastheeighteenthandnineteenthcentury.Weoutline someofthecurrentchallengesthatshowbyexamplethatthewayprotestcrowdsaretreatedreflects thesocietytheyrepresent.Weconcludethischapterwithanoutlineofunderlyingmotivationsand

perceptionsofthoseinvolvedandthedemocraticwayoflifethatisatstakeshouldtheprotesterpolice conflictcontinuetoescalate. Sincethe1960s,protestcrowdshavebeensignificantagentsofsocialchangeinmoderntimes.They helpedtoconvinceRichardNixontopulltheUnitedStatesoutofVietNam.Theyputenvironmental concernsonthepoliticalagendaandraisedcautionsaboutnuclearenergy(Epstein1993).More recently,buildingonasensitivitytosocialjusticeonthepartofpastgenerationsandmotivatedbyan awarenessofsocialinequitiesexacerbatedbymarketfundamentalistinspiredglobalization(Barlow 2001;Soros2002),protestcrowdsshutdowntheMultilateralAgreementonInvestment(MAI)talksof theWorldTradeOrganization(WTO)inSeattle(Goodman2002;Par2003).Sincethatevent,anti globalizationprotestershavebeenpresentatmajorsummitgatherings.BuildingonGandhianteachings andtheexperiencesofthe1960sand80stheyhaveusedtechniquesofnonviolentdirectaction (Boulding1999;Epstein1993;McAllister1999),includingmasscivildisobedience(Barlow2001;Epstein 1993;Killam2001).WithincountriesthatformedtheformerWarsawPact,protestcrowdswerekeyin bringingdowncommunistregimes(Grix2000),andinthelastdecadeprotestcrowdsturnedback corruptedelectionsinSerbiain2000(Joyce2002),Georgia,duringtheRoseRevolution,andUkraine duringthe2004OrangeRevolution.Inallofthesecases,policeactionhasvariedfromrepressionwith lethalweapons(eventheNationalGuardkillingstudentsatKentStateUniversityinthe1960s),tocrowd controlusinganarsenaloflessthanlethalweapons(Redekop2001),tomanagementofcrowdsusing intelligence,publicrelationsandplanning,tolaissezfaireinthecaseofSerbiancrowdswhoinvaded governmentbuildingsinprotestagainstMilosevicselectiontactics. Contemporaryprotestcrowdshaveapedigreethatextendsbacktotheeighteenthcenturywhenfood riotsinEnglandandFrance(Bouton1993;Randall2000;Rud1999)gavewaytolargersocial movements(Klandermans1997)thatshapedtheAmericanRevolution,theIndustrialRevolutionandthe FrenchRevolution.In1829,withthepassingofRobertPeelsBillforImprovingthePoliceinandnear theMetropolisofLondon,policingwasdevelopedinEngland,inparttoreducerelianceonmilitaryforce (ManwaringWhite1983);sincethattimepublicorderpolicingorprotestpolicing(Sopow2003)has beenanongoingaspectofpolicework.InUnitedStates,therighttoprotestissomuchvaluedthatthe FirstAmendmenttotheConstitutionguaranteesfreedomofassemblyandexpression(Gora1991; Welch2000).Inthe1860sand70s,crowdswereenoughofanitemthattheoristsGabrielTarde(1890) andGustafLaBon(1895)publishedtheoriesaboutcrowdbehaviour,ascribingtocrowdsemotional, irrationalbehaviour(McPhail1991).EvenKarlMarxweighedinonthesubject(Hayes1992).The20th centurysawtheemergenceofthedisciplineofSociologyaroundcollectivebehaviourandbeginningin the1960strenchantcritiquesoftheearliertheoristswiththeuseofempiricalmethodologies(McPhail 1991).Recentscholarshiphasprovidedmoreprecisewaysoflookingatwhoisinprotestcrowds (McPhail1991;Sopow2003)andhasinvokedchaosandcomplexitytheorytodescribecrowddynamics (Sword2003). Atthistime,weareatacriticaljuncturewithregardtoprotestcrowdpolicerelationsinthatthere couldbeeitheraturntowardgreatermutualviolenceortheevolutionofattitudesandcommunication processesthatwouldresultincreativecollaboration.Theinternet,facebook,twittering,andothere communicationsmakeitpossibletoorganizelargerandmoresophisticatedprotestcrowdswhocan

coordinateactionsglobally(Barlow2001;Deibert2002)andcaninaninstantbringoutthemasses locally,aswasseeninprotestsfollowingthe2009electioninIran.Themoralvisionofprotestershas exemplifiedhigherlevelsofconsciousnessastheycampaignforthewellbeingofothers,includingthose withnovoiceorlifeenhancingsystemsonwhichallofusdepend(James2002;Jasper1990).Newforms ofpoliticalmilitancyareevolving,particularlyamongyouth(Peterson2001).Vestedinterestsof corporationsandgovernmentsarevaster(Barlow2001;Soros2002)andyetmorevulnerablethanever. Policecapacitesformanagement,coordinationandintelligencegatheringaregreater,andthequalityof theirprotectivegearandrangeoflessthanlethalweaponshavebeenontheincrease.Perceptionsof injusticearenowglobalinscopesincemigratingpopulationshavecarriedtheirconflictswiththemand theinternetprovidesfirsthandreportsofatrocitiesthatareinstantlyavailableinmostofthelanguages oftheworld. Howcrowdsaremanagedhasalottodowiththetypeofsocietywelivein.Crowdshaveplayedan importantpartinthehistoricaldemocratizationofthesocialorderandhowtheybehaveandare managedlargelyreflectsthehealthofdemocracyinacountry.Themoredemocraticasocietyis,the moretherightofassembly,protestanddissentisrespected. Historically,theactionofcrowdsatkeypointshaslaunchedgivensocietiesonawholenewtrajectory. ConsiderthecrowdsgatheredinBostonin1774toprotestwhattheyconsideredwereunjustchangesin taxationoftea.Theprotesterscomplainedaboutlowertaxesonteatheprotestwasorganizedby BostonswealthysmugglerswhostoodtoloseoutbecauseofBritainsreductionofimporttaxesontea (Ferguson2002).Theiraction,emptyingashipscargoofteaintotheharbour,wasabifurcationpoint,in thelanguageofcomplexitytheory,asitmarkedthelaunchoftheAmericanRevolutionresultinginthe independenceoftheThirteenColoniesfromBritainandtheformationoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica. Likewise,theFrenchRevolution,whichincludedcrowdactionin1789,radicallychangedthepower structureofFrenchsociety.GandhiscrowdsinIndiahelpedhisdriveforindependencefromBritain. Closerintime,itwastheactionofcrowdsinthePhilippinesthathelpedtoendthecorruptdictatorship ofMarcosandthoseinEastGermanythatbroughttheCommunistregimetoanend. Ontheotherhand,howcrowdshavebeenmanagedhasalsohaddramatichistoricalconsequences. ConsiderthecrowdgatheredinTiananmenSquarepressingfordemocracyinChina.Themassacreand repressivemeasuresensuredthecontinuationofCommunistcontroloverthepopulationforyearsto come.Oftentheactionsthatarechosentocontrolacrowdcanreflecttheveryinjusticethatthecrowd istryingtocommunicatetothepoliticalleaders. Itisalsopossiblethatpolicegooutoftheirwaytofacilitatetheeffectivecommunicationofprotesters. DuringtheG8SummitatKananaskis,Albertain2002policesetupastorefrontofficeinCalgaryto meetwithprotestorganizerstofacilitatecommunication.InmanycitiesinEuropeandNorthAmerica, protestmarchesareplannedwithpolice.Insomecases,plainclothesdetectives,whoareknownto protestleaders,worktogetherwithorganizerstosolvepracticalproblems. Therearemanytypesofcrowds;however,thisbookfocusesoncrowdsgatheredtoprotestaperceived injustice.Thequalifierperceivedisnotmeanttocastdoubtonwhethertheinjusticeisrealornot;

ratheritsignalsthesignificanceofperceptionasamotivatorforthoseassemblingtoprotestaswellas theresponsebysecurityauthorities.Theinjusticemaybeaspassingashowarefereemadeacallduring asportseventorasfarreachingasthetoxicimpactofpollutionontheglobalecosystem.Perceptionis realinitsconsequences.Thestakesoftheissuesathandmaythreatenthewayoflifeofmillions. Protestingcrowdshavetheirowndynamics.Asweworkedonthecrowdproject,weidentifieddifferent groupsthatinteractedwithoneanother:activistsorganizingthecrowd;thegovernments,institutionsor businessesthatarethefocusoftheprotest;thesecurityservicesthatintervene;themediapersonnel whoframetheissuesandactionsforthegeneralpublic;theimmediatebystanderswhosepropertyand personalsafetyisaffected;andfinally,societyasawhole.Thedynamicsmayinvolveviolence,and violencealwaysproceedsfromandevokesemotionalreactions.Inourexperience,inthecaseofmany demonstrators,themotivatingforceistheirfrustrationoverthelackofacknowledgementoftheir concernsandissues,andtheperceptionofaheavyhandedmeansofcontrol.Policecanbefrustrated whenacrowddoesnotrespondtoorderstomoveandwhentheysensetheyarecaughtinthemiddle betweenpoliticalleadersandangrycrowds.Asforthemedia,theymaybefrustratedbythelackofa goodstoryandareoftendrawntoactionthatmakesgoodvisualsorafrontpagestory.Someprotesters seethemediaasenemies;somepoliceseethemediaasadvocatesofprotesters.Theimmediate bystanderscanfeelvictimizedbytheproximitytothedemonstrationandimpactofitontheirlives. Targetgroupslookforprotectionandthefreedomtoconductthebusinessathandwithoutdisruption. Whenviolenceisintroduced,itbreedsmoreviolence.Asoneactivistputit,moreteargas,morerocks. Onthesecurityside,themorerocksandMolotovcocktailsthatarethrown,themoregasisusedto dispersethecrowd.Onbothsides,violenceisimitatedandreturnedwithinterest.Onepoliceofficer said,Whenaggressionmeetsaggressionyouhavetogoallthewaydownthatroad,andyougetan escalatingresponse.Thedynamicsofcrowdcontrolcanappeartosupporttheinterestsofpoliticians, businessesorothergroupswhomightbenefitfromconductingtheirbusinessuninfluencedbythose whodisagree.Similarly,crowdorganizershavetheirowninterests,whicharedefinedinrelationto thoseactivitiestheyseeasunjust.Everyonehasasignificantpieceofthepuzzleanunderstandingand arole.Thereismutualinterestinworkingtogetherandsociety,asawhole,mustparticipate. Oneactivistpointedouttousthatforthoseconcernedaboutglobalissues,crowdpolicedynamicsare verymuchasideshowandthenaddedthatgivenmediacoverageasitis,thesideshowhasbecome themainshow.Themainshowforhershouldbehavingavoiceregardingglobalissues.Froma differentperspective,agovernmentofficialasked,Whatmakesprotestersthinkthatthey(theactivists) havearighttohaveavoiceatagatheringofelectedrepresentatives?Observationsandquestionslike theseshowtheneedforconcernedpartiestositdownandtalk. Crowddynamicsaresignificantbecausethestakesarehigh.Theyinvolvelifeanddeath,publicorder, thequalityoflifewithinsociety,thelegitimacyofinstitutionsofgovernance,andultimatelythehealth andwellbeingoftheplanetforfuturegenerations. Thischapterhasshownthatprotestcrowdshaveaffectedthepoliticalagendaofdemocraticallyelected governmentsforcenturiesandcontinuetodoso.Thewaycrowdshavebeenmanagedreflectsthe

societytheyrepresent.Asconflictbetweenprotestersandpoliceescalatesthepoliticalmessages becomesecondarybeingtakenoverbytheprotesterpoliceconflictitself.Effectiveprotestisan essentialpartofavibrantdemocracy.Ontheotherhand,wherethereiscapriciousauthoritarianruleor widespreadcorruptionthatextendseventothepolice,dissentandprotestareviolentlyrepressed. Thenextseveralchaptersintegrateourgrowingknowledgeofprotestwithconflicttheoriesilluminating theunderlyingdeeprootedconflictinherentintheviolencewitnessedindemonstrations.Inrevealing thedeeprootedconflicttothedivergentstakeholdersinourtrainingsessionsweprovidedaframework fordialogueandnonviolentinteractionthatpromisedtobothenhancetheeffectivenessoftheprotests andtoreducetheneedforreciprocalviolenceduringdemonstrations.Thisframeworkledtomutual understandingsthatspawnedinsightsforallconcerned.Someoftheseinsightsdemandedfurther researchfortheirvalidation.Wearepleasedtosharetheresearchresultstodate. BeyondControlNotesandBibliography: 1.DarthVaderwasacharacterintheStarWarsseriesofmovies;heworedarkprotectivegearthat coveredhiswholebodyincludinghisface.Thistermhasbeenusedbyprotesterstodescribepoliceriot gear. IntroducingProtestCrowds Protestcrowdsreflectaconjunctionofactsofprotest,notallofwhichinvolvecrowds,andcrowd dynamics,notallofwhichinvolveprotest.Assuch,theiractivitiesarecomplexactionsdrawingontwo converginghistoriesofmeaningmakingactivities,ordrawingontheconceptsofBernardLonergan,two socialrecurrenceschemes.Sincetheprimaryfocusofprotestcrowdsistoprotest,wewillfirstpresent ananalysisofwhypeopleprotest;thenwewillexaminecrowdactivityandhowithasbeenunderstood. Afterlookingatthephenomenonofprotestcrowdsingeneralwewillprovideframeworkstoanalyze themoralconsciousnessofcrowds,typesofprotestcrowds,constituentsubgroupsincrowds,and organizationalfactorsinvolvedinprotestcrowdbehaviour.Wewillendthischapterwithanoverviewof howcrowdshavebeendesignatedoridentifiedconcludingthattheycomprisecomplexsystemswhich functionattheedgeofchaos. Protest ThewordprotestisderivedfromtheLatinwordsproforthorbeforeandtestiswitness(Barnhart 1971).Aprotestisaboldstatementofwhatonehascometoknow;throughtimeithastakenonthe connotationthattheboldstatementisanobjectiontothestatusquo.Anappropriatesynonymous phrasewouldbeexpressionofdissent.TheworddissenthasLatinroots,disandsentire,thattranslate intothinkingorfeelingdifferently(Barnhart1971);addingittotheverbalfieldofprotestemphasizes thatoneroleofprotestersistobringnewthoughtsandfeelingstopublicdiscourse. Therearemanyformsofprotestanddissentthatdonotinvolvecrowds(Sunstein2003).Someofthese arewritten(lettersandemails),sometaketheformofaphonecalloraprivateanddiscrete conversation,someareindividualandpubliclikealettertotheeditororanopinionexpressedoverthe

radioorbyanindividualatapublicgathering(Sopow2003).Dissentmaytaketheformoftakinga positionatvariancewiththedominantview.Protestmayalsotaketheformofasymbolicactionlike chainingoneselftoatree. Aprotestingordissentingcrowdinvolvesacollectiveboldstatementthatitobjectstothepolicyor actionofanindividualorgroupthatistheobjectortargetoftheprotest.Thisprotesttakesplaceina givencontextandthecontextincludesanumberofrelationalsystems(Redekop2007a).Arelational systemcanbethoughtofassomethingthatbringsindividualsorgroupsintocontactwithoneanother suchthattheirinterestsaremutuallyaffected.Intheinstanceofaprotestingcrowdthefollowing relationalsystemsarepartofthecontext:

protestcrowdtarget; protestcrowdbystanders; protestcrowdmedia; protestcrowdprotestcrowd(wheretwocrowdsareonseparatesidesofanissue); protestcrowdsociety;and protestcrowdpolice.

IfwetakeseriouslyCassSunsteinscasethatdissentenhancesthequalityandeffectivenessof organizationsandnations(2003),itbecomesclearthatwithinthebroadercontextoftheprotestcrowd societyrelationalsystem,theprotestingcrowd,byofferingadissidentvoiceisenhancingthequalityof lifeforthewidercommunity.Inthissenseprotestisinandofitselfagoodthing.Wherethismaynot hold,iswhenthedissentingvoiceisdeliberatelymisleading,falseorinducinghatredagainstasegment ofthepopulationoriftheveryactionsoftheprotestingcrowdareviolentanddestructive,causing seriousinjury,deathandsignificantdamage. Thewayinwhichprotestordissentaddstothequalityofarelationalsystemisnotstraightforward; sometimesthedissentingideaspointclearlytoabetterway;sometimestheypointoutdangersthat havebeenoverlooked;sometimestheyunmaskinjustices,butinotherinstancestheirroleistoget otherpartiestothinkcreativelyabouthowtoaddresspointsraisedbytheprotest. Somescholarssuggestthatoneoftheconditionsneededforpeopletoengageinprotestisthatthereis reasontobelievethattheywillbeeffectiveinchangingagivensituation(Rucht1999;Sopow2003). Whilenotdenyingthatthisisasignificantfactor,wewouldarguethattherearethreeoverriding reasonsthatwouldmotivateaprotestereveniftheprospectsforchangewouldbedim.1First,thevery actofprotestgivesvoicetoaninnersensethatthingsarenotright.Itallowsforthespeakingof protestersperceptionofthetruththeirbeliefsandknowledgeshapedbytheirvalues.Thisgivesthe protesterasenseofagency;itisonewaytostarttakingactiontochangewhatisproblematic.Jonathan GrixusesAlbertHirschmansframeworkofconditionalloyalty,exit,andvoicetoanalyzehowprotest crowdscontributedtothebreakingdownoftheBerlinWallandtheeventualdissolutionoftheGerman

DemocraticRepublic(Grix2000).Whenpeoplehaveasensethatallisnotrightandthatthedominant publictruthdoesnotcorrespondtothetabletruththattheysharewithinthenichesoftheirfriends, familyorspecialcommunities,theymaycontinuelivingwithoutdissentinginasituationofconditional loyalty,meaningthattheyareloyaltothesystemwithincertaintolerablebounds.Ifthesituation becomesintolerabletheycaneitherexitthesocietyortheycangivevoicetothetruththeyperceive;in eithercase,theygainasenseofagencyinotherwordstheyfindsatisfiersfortheidentityneedfor action(Redekop2007a).StaterepressionofdissentduringtheeraoftheGDRmeantthatittook considerablecouragetogivevoicetothetruthandtheconsequencesweresevere;hencetherewasa highleveloftoleranceamongthepopulationforwhatwasthoughttobenotright.Throughan extraordinarycomingtogetherofevents,conditionalloyaltiesevaporatedandprotestcrowdsgrewso quicklythatthestatusquowasrapidly,completelyandunalterablychanged.Inthiscase,amassive numberofprotestersbuiltontheeffortsofthosewhohadchosentogivevoicetothetruthofwhatwas wrongevenwhentheprospectsforchangeappearedremote. Second,besidesaneedforagency,protesterstakeactioninthefaceofinsurmountableoddsbecauseof anoverwhelmingsenseofinjustice.Intolerableconditionsdictatethatsomeonehastodosomething aboutit(Sopow2003).Theneedformeaningissostronglythreatened(Redekop2007a)thatregardless ofpotentialthreatstopersonalsecurity,peopleprotest(Barlow2001). Third,itmaybethatpeoplehavegivenuponprescribedwaysofhavingpoliticalinputandeventhough therearenoguaranteesofsuccess,protestactionsareseenasamorelikelywayofhavinganimpact thanthroughtraditionalmeans.AbbyPetersonpointsoutthat (Peterson2001) [y]oungpeoplearepushedtothemarginsofpowerwithinsocietyprohibitedfromspeakingasmoral andpoliticalagents.Theyarerestrictedfromspeakinginthosesphereswherepublicdeliberation shapessocialpolicyandrefusedthepowertomakeknowledgeconsequentialwithrespecttotheirown individualandcollectiveneeds. Petersongoesontoshowhowthisfeelingofmarginalizationcontributestomilitantprotests.Peter Joyceframesprotestcrowdactivityasoneaspectofextraparliamentarypoliticalaction.Heputsthis intothecontextofextremelylowvoterturnoutreflectingasensethatvotingwillmakelittledifference inthesituation(Joyce2002). Thesethreeconditionsneedforagency,intolerableinjustice,andthefutilityofothermeansofhaving avoicepointtomotivationsderivedfromtheinteriordynamicsofprotestersattheindividualand collectivelevels.Thesecomplementtheexteriorsideoftherealityexpressedinthedesiretomakea difference,thatis,adifferencethatcanbeobserved.2Havinglookedattheprotestcrowdthroughthe lensofprotest,letusnowlookatitfromtheperspectiveofcrowds. Crowds

Therearenumerouscategoriesofcrowds,ortousethepreferreddesignationofClarkMcPhail, temporarygatherings(McPhail1991).Theseincludesportscrowds,crowdsgatheredforculturalevents, crowdswatchingaspectacle,crowdsgatheredforrecreation,andthelistgoeson.Wearereferringin thisbooktotemporarygatheringsforthesakeofprotest.Moreparticularlywearereferringtoprotest crowdsthatarelargeandsignificantenoughtoinvolveapolicepresenceandwherethereisapotential foraviolentconfrontation.Thatmeansthatover90%ofcrowdactivityisoutsidethepurviewofthis book. Whenitcomestolarge,significantprotestcrowds,therearetwodifferentparadigmsthatemerge.The paradigmscanbeexaminedbywayofthreemutuallyreinforcingaxes: CollectivityIndividuals Emotional Deliberate RiffRaff Responsible

GustafLeBonwasthemostpopularofcrowdtheoristsfrom1895untilthe1920s,withhisinfluence continuingwellbeyondthattime(McPhail1991).Heargued,usingconceptsfromtheleftendofthese axes,thatwhenpeoplejoinedacrowd,theylosetheirindividualityastheyaretransformedinto anonymouspartsofalargercollective(LeBon1986).Giventheanonymityofthecrowd,peopledo thingsthattheywouldneverdoindividuallyorinasituationwheretheymightberecognized.This collective,madeupprimarilyoftheriffraffofsociety,heargued,isemotional;helikenedittoan hystericalwoman,withallthatthatmeantinFreudianEurope.Thereisnorealrationality.Thecrowd, hesaid,wantsastrongleaderinthesamewayasanhystericalwomanwantsastrongman.Thereis evidencethatHitlerandMussoliniwerestronglyinfluencebyLeBonandpatternedtheirleadershipof crowdsafterhiswritings(Hayes1992;King1990;Rogers1998).Thecrowd,inthisparadigmissubjectto acontagionwherebyeveryoneactstogethertodothesamething.Theyworktogetherinawaysuch thatvariousfunctionalactivitiesunfurlingbanners,chanting,chargingapoliceline,lyingdownand playingdeadcontributetothesameend.LeBoninspireddiscourseaboutcrowdsintroducedthe conceptofmobforwhichtheconceptofmindlessactionwasevenstronger.Politicallythedesignation ofprotestcrowdsasmobsmadeupofthoughtlesspeopleatthebottomofsocietywasusedtodiscredit theactionsofprotestcrowds(Hayes1992). Sincetheearly1960sthisparadigmofcrowdsandcrowdactionhasbeensystematicallyattackedby historiansandsociologistsusingempiricalmethodologies.GeorgeRudinhisclassicwork,TheCrowdin History:AStudyofPopularDisturbancesinFranceandEngland,17301848,shows,usingprisonrecords oftheeighteenthcentury,thatparticipantsinprotestcrowdsofthaterawhowerearrestedwerenot theirresponsibleriffraffthattheoreticianshadsuggestedbutrathertheywereworkingpeopleand artisanspeoplewithastakeinsociety(Rud1999).ClarkMcPhail,inhisMythoftheMaddingCrowd systematicallydismantlestheLeBonperspectiveandthepermutationsofthatparadigmpropagatedby RobertParkandHermanBlumer(McPhail1991).Afterobservinghundredsofprotestcrowdsinthe 1970sand1980shearguesthatpeopledonotjoinprotestcrowdsasanonymousindividuals,rather

theygotothecrowdgatheringswithfamilyandfriends,theytalkwithoneanotherintheprocessand theypreservetheirsubgroupingsthroughouttheprocess.Likewiseheshowsthattheyaredeliberate aboutjoiningthecrowdandthattheycontinuetomakethoughtfulchoicesaboutwhattheydoduring process.Noraretheirmotivationstoprotestallthesame. Usingaquantitativemethodology,EliSopowgoesfurtherthanMcPhailindifferentiatingthevarious typesofcrowdparticipants.Hedistinguishesamongpassiveprotesterswhosupportacausebysigning petitions,usingtheInternetandwritingletters;activeprotesters,whoattendpeacefulprotests;and volatileprotesterswhosupportillegalactionandareinclinedtoengageinviolentactionsuchas destructionofpublicproperty,attacksonpolice,andtheuseofideologicallyladen,pejorativelanguage suchascallingpolicepigs. (Sopow2003)Thislattergroupformsatinyminorityofprotestcrowd members;however,insomecircumstancestheiractionsmaybeimitatedbyothers.SimilarlyBert Klandermansdescribesafunneleffectwithalogicalflowchartshowinghowonlysomeofthe sympathizersofamovementaretargetedbymobilizationattempts;onlysomeofthesearemotivated toparticipate;andonlysomeoftheseactuallyparticipate(Klandermans1997). Thetwoparadigmsneednotbemutuallyexclusive.Itmaybetruethatpeopledecidetojoinaprotest crowdinthedeliberatemannerdescribedbyMcPhail,KlandermansandSopow.Itmayalsobethecase thatinthecourseofalargeandmajorprotesteventtheremaybesubdynamicswherebyclustersof participantsgetcarriedawayincollectiveactionanddothingstheymightnototherwisedo.KenWilber arguesforanintegralapproachtounderstandingphenomena(Wilber2001).Hedescribestwo intersectingaxesformingfourquadrants.Thehorizontalaxisisbetweenindividual(abovetheaxis)and collective(below);theverticaldividesinterior(leftoftheaxis)aspectsofphenomenafromexterior aspects(totheright).Forhim,anintegralapproachincludeslookingatthingsfromtheperspectiveofall fourquadrants.Crowdanalysis,fromtheperspectiveofexteriorindividual,wouldincludethe perspectiveofempiricistslikeMcPhailandRud.TheexteriorcollectiveperspectivewouldincludeLe BonandCanellibothofwhomalsotrytograspthecollectiveinteriorusingamethodologyakinto psychoanalysis.IndividualandcollectiveinteriorperspectivescomefromMaudeBarlowandTonyClark whowritefromwithintheprotestmovementandtheoristslikeJamesJasperandEliSopowwhoexplore theinneremotionalandethicalfactorsthatmotivatemembersofprotestcrowds.FromWilbers(and manyothers)perspective,theindividualandcollectiveinteriorspaceswillgiverisetomultiple meaningsandinterpretationswithrespecttothecrowdmembersunderstandingsoftheprotestissues. Thatis,differentindividualsinthecrowdwillhavedifferentreasonsforbeingthereandthoseobserving thecrowdwillhavedifferentviewsofwhattheyperceivearetheprimaryissuesdrivingthecrowd action.Giventhecomplexassortmentofmotivatingideas,agivencrowdisvulnerabletomanipulation bymoresophisticatedmeaningmakers,whohavetheirownagendasandmaybeabletousesymbols withbroadappealwithinthecrowdtointensifyemotions. Inaddition,eventhoughpeoplemaychoosetojoinalargeprotestcrowddeliberately,inthecourseof thetemporarygatheringtheremaybeextraordinarycircumstancesthatpromptalimitedgroupof crowdmemberstogetcarriedawayincollectiveaction.RenGirardhasdevelopedatheoryof scapegoatingwhereby,whenthingsarechaotic,violenceisintheair,andthereisthepotentialfor reciprocalviolence,acommunityorcrowdcandecideonascapegoatandventalltheirpentup

frustrationonthescapegoat(Girard1982).Thishedescribesasviolenceofdifferentiation(moreonthis inChapterfive).Variouscrowdtheoristsshowhowprotestscanbecomefocusedonparticular individualsaboutwhomthecrowdbecomesunited;theybecomescapegoatsresponsiblefortheillsof theircommunity(Gonzales2001).Hence,withoutembracingfullytheperspectivesofLeBon,wecan envisagesubgroupswithinacrowdgettinginvolvedinviolentcollectiveaction.Oneexampleiswhena groupwithinavolatilecrowdcomesacrossanemptypolicecarandgetscarriedawayinitsdestruction. ThisperspectivecomplementstheobservationsofDeborahSwordDeborahSwordwhoarguesthat protestcrowdsexistattheedgeofchaos(Sword2003).Whencrowdsareattheedgeofchaos,there maybeanumberofwaysinwhichthatchaosproducesanewalternative.Oneofthosemaybethrough sharedviolence,anothermaybethroughthepositiveresponseofthetarget,anothermaybethrough factorsthatcontributetodisassembling.Thechaositselfcreatesmanyoptionsoverwhichthereislittle realcontrolbyanyoftheplayers.Smallresponsesmayhavelargeconsequences. Protestcrowdsassemblebecausemembersareconvincedthatthereiseithersomethingwrongwiththe statusquoorthereisapotentialchangeintheworksthattheyfinduntenableineithercasethereis somethingtoprotest.Theymaynotagreeaboutwhatexactlythatsomethingisbuttheyarein sufficientagreementtobeatthesameplaceatthesametime.Frequently,thissomethingthatiswrong isframedasaninjustice(Klandermans1997;Sopow2003)invokingvaluesderivedfrommoral consciousness(Jasper1990).Weturnnowtoanexaminationofthetypesofmoralconsciousnessthat mightmotivatepeopletotemporarilygathertoprotest. MoralConsciousness Withintheliteratureonprotestcrowds,moralconsciousnessisapproachedinavarietyofways.James Jasperarguesthatthroughhistoryvarioustypesorlevelsofmoralconsciousnesshavebeenpresent. AfterexaminingJasperscategorizationandtakingabrieflookatoppositionalconsciousness,wewill maketheconnectionbetweentypesofmoralconsciousness,stagesofdevelopmentandlevelsof consciousnessasdevelopedbyscholarssuchasKegan,Wilber,Piaget,Kohlberg,Gilliganandothers.At thispointweareconcernedwithmoralconsciousnessasamotivatorforprotesters;wewillreturnto theconceptoflevelsofmoralconsciousnessinsubsequentchaptersaswerelatetheconcepttoconflict betweenprotestersandpolice. JamesJasperdistinguishesthreetypesofmoralconsciousnessthatmotivateprotest:deprivationof immediateneeds,ademandforcitizenshiprights,andadesireforjusticeforthirdparties.Thesehave evolved,fromJaspersperspective,chronologically.Fromthemid1700sontherewerewidespread protestsoverthepriceofbasicfoodsinEnglandandFrance,oftenreferredtoastheFlourWars(Bouton 1993).Inthiscasepeopleweredirectlyaffectedbythepolicythattheyprotestedagainst.Notonlythat, theywereaffectedatthelevelofphysicalsurvival,theywerenotabletogetenoughtoeat.Theyfelt thatnotonlywerethepricesnotfair,buttheyhadarighttogetenoughfoodataffordableprices.What startedbackthenwasaconceptofmoraleconomyeconomiclife3wasstartingtobeheldaccountable toamoralstandard,aconceptthatcontinuedtoevolve(Randall2000).Withtheindustrialrevolution cametherealizationthatworkingpeoplecollectivelywerenotgettingfairtreatment;Jasperssecond typeofmoralconsciousnessemergedaroundcitizensrights.Outofthisrealizationcamethelabour

movementandtheuseofcollectiveactiontogetrightsforworkingpeople.Therewasalsoademand forincreasinglyinclusivesuffrage.InEnglandthroughoutthenineteenthcenturymoreandmorepeople gottovoteasaresultofchangespromptedbyeffectiveprotest(Waddington1991).Astherewasa realizationthatgroupsofpeoplehadrightsthatwerenotrecognized,membersofthesegroupsused publicprotesttoaffectchange.AnexampleofJasperscitizenshipprotestwasthecivilrightsmovement intheUnitedStatesduringthe1960s.Histhirdtypeofmoralprotestinvolvessuchthingsasantinuclear protest,environmentalprotest,animalrightsprotest,anddisarmamentprotest.Ineachofthesecasesit isnotsomuchthattheparticularneedsorinterestsofprotestersthemselvesarethreatenedbutthat therightsandinterestsofwiderpopulationsandeventheecospherearethreatened. CorroboratingJaspersthesis,MansbridgeandMorrisdeveloptheconceptofoppositional consciousness(Mansbridge2001).Theydescribethedynamicsbywhichanoppressedgroupbecomes awareofthesourcesandformsoftheiroppression.Outofthisconsciousnesscomesadesiretowork forchangeandthisfrequentlyresultsinprotestcrowdactivity.Thistheoreticalstructuretheyapplyto peoplewithdisabilitiesandsexualminorities.Theconceptcouldbeextendedtoshowthatthosewho developanoppositionalconsciousness,whichischaracterizedbyacapacityforcriticalthinking,willfind themselvesinsolidaritywiththoseoppressedforanotherreason(Cummings1993).Examplesarethe WTOandG84proteststhatincludeawiderangeofcausesfromsavethewhalestogayrights. BuildingonJaspersconceptofathirdtypeofmoralconsciousness,wewouldsuggestthattheideaof protestingfortheinterestofsomeOthercouldbefurtherdifferentiatedbetweenthirdpartyconcern forvictimizedgroups,animalspeciesoraspecificendangeredforestorwaterway,ontheonehand,and systemicconsciousness,ontheother.Justasprotestersinthe1980ssawthepotentialofglobal destructionintheeventofanuclearwar,protestersinthe1990sandbeyondhaveseenthepotentialof widespreadinjusticeanddestructionthroughwhatislooselyreferredtoasglobalization.Theirmoral imperativetoturnthingsaroundcomesfromanawarenessofsystemsdynamicsandtherealizationthat whathappensinonepartoftheworldcanhavedramaticconsequencesinanotherareaoftheworld (Barlow2001).Whatdrivesmanyoftheseprotestersisapassiontocarefortheearthandallitspeople andlivingspecies.Amongtheprotestersmaybearangeoftypesofmoralconsciousnessinthatboth theirawarenessofwhatishappeningandtheinterconnectionsmaybestructureddifferently. Interestingly,whenwelookbackinhistoryfromtheperspectiveoftypesofmoralconsciousnessit becomesclearthatJaspersthirdtypeofmoralconsciousnesswasalreadyevidentin1787whenagroup of12menassembledinLondontoorganizeaprotestmovementagainstslaveryandtheslavetrade. Theyhadathirdpartyempatheticinterestinothersandtheyhadaconceptofsystemicinjusticethat ledthemtoorganizetheirproteststrategically,inmanygeographicallocations.Thepassionoftheir convictionswassostrongandinfectiousthattheysustainedtheirprotesteffortsforseveraldecades untiltheBritishslavetradewasbroughttoanend(Hochschild2005).Withtheseexamplesinmind,we canseehowthediscoursearoundJasperstypesofmoralconsciousnesscanbeunderstoodwithinthe broadercontextofdevelopmentallevelsofconsciousness. LevelsofConsciousness

Theconceptoflevelsofconsciousnessemergedfromdevelopmentalpsychology.Initialstudiesof childrenscognitiveandmoraldevelopmentledtoinsightsthatadultshaveacapacitytothinkat differentlevels.Wemovefromapreoccupationwithourownsurvival,toaconcernforthosewhoare partofourgroup(ethnic,religious,national),totolerationforplurality,toasenseofbeingconnectedto everyoneandeverything,toaprofoundgraspoftranscendenceinwhichrealityisseenasaunified whole.Aswedevelopcapacityatevernewlevelsofconsciousness,westillplugintoalloftheother levelsatthesametime.Ateachlevelofconsciousnesswecanexperiencethesameeventdifferently becausewecreatedifferentmeaningsforwhatishappening(McGuigan2006).Wenoticedifferent patterns,seedifferentlinkages,andincludedifferentperspectivesinhowweexplainandintegratewhat ishappening. Levelsofconsciousnesscanbeusedwithregardtoindividualsandgroups.Inthiscase,aprotestcrowd mighthavepeoplefunctioningatdifferentlevelsofconsciousness.Theymaybeunitedinprotestinga givenactionbuttheirreasonsforprotesting,theirunderstandingoftheissues,andtheirsenseofwhere theprotestfitsintoanoverallstrategymightvaryconsiderably.Likewise,policeandothersimplicatedin crowddynamicscouldfunctionindividuallyatvaryinglevelsofconsciousness. ThisconceptualizationbuildsontheoreticalworkbyKegan,Wilber,Piaget,Kohlberg,Gilligan,andahost ofotherscholars.Morerecently,RichardMcGuiganhascontributedtooursenseoftherelevanceof levelsofconsciousnessthinkingtothedomainofcommunitybasedconflictofwhichtheprotester policerelationalsystemisjustoneexample.Throughcarefulresearchhedemonstratedthatwhen confrontedwithcomplexconflict,thosewithawelldevelopedlevelofconsciousnesscanhandlethe situationcreatively.Thosewhodonothavethiscapacityareoverwhelmedandactuallyreverttoa lowerlevelofthinking(McGuigan2006).Thedynamicsbetweenprotesters,theirtargets,police,media andbystanderscanbeverycomplex.Thereisthetemptationformanyoftheplayerstoreverttoan angrytribalisminwhichtheythinkonlyintermsoftherightnessoftheirowngroups.Thissuggeststhat themoralreasoningbehindtheimpetusforaprotestcrowdtoassemblemaybeatanyofanumberof levelsofmoralconsciousnessandthatthelevelofconsciousnessofmembersinthecrowdmayalsobe atanyofanumberoflevelsofdevelopment.Thisfurthersuggeststhattheremaybemanytypesof crowdsand,indeed,ourexperiencessupportcharacterizingcrowdsaccordingtoseveraldynamics. TypesofCrowds Thefollowinganalyticalspectraprovideastartingpointforlookingatthedynamicsofanyparticular crowd.Thedifferentsidesofthepolarityneednotbemutuallyexclusive.Forexample,awellplanned, orderlyprotestmarchmaybecomechaoticandviolentwhenthewayisblockedorwhenthosewith anotheragendawithinthecrowdassertthemselves.Ortheremaybeacrowdwithcharacteristicsinthe middleofeachaxis. TypesofCrowds Orderly Chaotic

Peaceful NonViolentDirectActionViolent Planned Cohesive AnalyticalSpectra Thesespectrahelptoanalyzeaparticularcrowdataparticulartime.Thesamecrowdmightbeat differentendsofthespectrumregardingthedifferentpolarities.Forexample,itmaybeorderly,yet violent,gatheredforprotestinawellplannedmannerandverycohesive.Anothercrowdcouldbethe oppositechaotic,yetpeaceful;spontaneous,yetcohesive.Additionally,thecrowdcanchange dramaticallyovertime,notwithstandingthatthesameindividualsorsomeofthesameindividualsmay bepresent.Howthishappensandwhatinfluencesboththebehavioursandchangesinbehaviour requiresanunderstandingofunderlyingemotionsandneeds,conceptswecoverinChapterfive. Furthermore,theimpactofneedsandemotionsonbehaviourisdeterminedinpartbythelevelof consciousnessofthoseinvolved. Somecrowdsdemonstrateasenseoforderandpeacefulpresence.Forexamplethecrowdsholding vigilsinseveralEasternEuropeancountriesinthetwilightperiodoftheSovietEmpireweremassive,yet highlyselfdisciplinedwithscarcelyatraceofviolence.Peoplegatheredtoshowbytheirpresencethat theywantedchange.Othercrowdsareboisterousandchaoticinwhicheverythingseemsoutofcontrol; oneexampleisthecrowdinBelgradein1997thatbroughtdownMilosevicasitstormedinto governmentoffices,doingconsiderabledamage.Somecrowdsgatherspontaneouslyandsomeare plannedmonthsinadvancewithbusestakingdemonstratorstothecrowdsite.Sometimescrowdsare cohesiveandsometimestheycontainsubgroupsverymuchatoddswithoneanother.Peaceful protestersusuallytrytodistancethemselvesfromthosewhobelievethatviolenceisnecessarytomake theirpointorwhoparticipatepurelyfortheviolenceitself.Thereisalsoastreamwithintheprotest crowdmovementthatdrawsonGandhiandMartinLutherKing,Jr.toadvocatenonviolentdirect action.Directactioninvolvesacombinationofadedicationtotruthandjustice,thedisciplinetotake provocativeactionwithoutbeingdrawnintoviolence,andthecreativitytoknowwhatkindofaction mighthavestrategicvalue.Peopleinthesamecrowdmaybeprotestingforcompletelydifferent reasonsandmaybecommittedtodifferenttactics.Thosewiththesamereasonsmaydifferontactics andthoseusingthesametacticsmaybedoingsofordifferentreasons.Themanypermutationsmake foracomplexsituation. Certaintypesofcrowdsrecurandacrowdculturedevelopswithsimilaractionsbecominganticipated forthatcrowd.Crowdcultureshavedevelopedaroundsummitgatheringsasthesameorganizers prepareforeachsubsequentevent.Thisdoesnotmeaneacheventisthesame;rather,similartypesof actionstendtorecur.Thissimilaritymayormaynotbedeliberate;however,routinesandvaluesevolve withlessonslearnedandnetworksofcommunicationusedtopassontheelementsthatcomprisea particularcrowdculture.Forexample,thosewhohaveexperiencedroutinedemonstrationsin repressiveregimesreportthatthereisoftenanexpectationthatthedemonstrationwillbecomeviolent, Fractured Spontaneous

thisviolenceisanticipatedbyeveryoneinvolvedandthesceneplaysoutasiftherewasascript.Insome countries,theuseofhorses,watercannon,andevenammunitioncanbecomethenormandan expectedpartofparticipatinginademonstration.Somedemonstratorsarewillingtoriskdyingfortheir cause.Ononeoccasion,proPalestiniandemonstratorsinTheHague,Netherlandswereseenlaughingat beingchasedbypoliceonhorseback.Bystandersatthesamescenerangedfrombeingdisinterestedto beingdownrightafraid.ManyprotesterswenttotheSummitoftheAmericasinQuebec(April,2001) fullypreparedforpepperspray.Otherswhohadexperiencedonlypeacefulprotestwereoverwhelmed whenteargasandwatercannonwereusedasameansofcrowdcontrol. Protestcrowdsassemblebecausethereisapassion,mildorwild,drivingpeopletomakeastatement thatallisnotrightwiththestatusquoorthatproposedchangesarenotdesirable.Inotherwords,there isadifferenceofopinionaboutwhatshouldbedoneforthepublicgood.Wheretherehasbeen sustainedcommitmenttoacause,protestcrowdshaveplayedamajorroleininitiatingsocialchange. ProtestgroupsliketheChartists5ofnineteenthcenturyEngland,whiletheydidnotsucceedintheshort run,oversubsequentdecadessucceededingettingallbutoneoftheirproposedreformsenacted. ChangessuchasthoseoftheChartistshavemovedsocietyinthedirectionofsocialjustice,increased suffrage,andnewlevelsofdemocraticfairness.Incontrast,protestcrowdslikethoseorganizedby NationalSocialists6inthe1920sand1930spavedthewaytoarepressiveregime.Sincethe1980s, protestcrowdshaveplayedasignificantroleinregimechange(e.g.formerWarsawPactcountries, Philippines).Instillothervenues,professionalcrowdorganizershavemanagedtoputenvironmental concernsontheglobalagenda. Figure2.1SubgroupswithinProtestCrowds ProtestCrowdSubGroups Protestcrowdsarenothomogeneous.Thefollowingdiagramindicatesthreedifferentsubgroupswithin aprotestcrowd.Eachofthese,inturnhavesubgroupswithinthem. Atthecentreinthediagramabove(Figure2.1)arethoseconcentratingonprotestingagainstwhatthey believetobeinjusticestheytendtobethemainstreamactivistgroups.Theyarethereasonwhythere isacrowdthereinthefirstplace.Somepeopleontheperipheryinthediagramconcentrateonviolence andothersaresimplythereformoralsupport.However,itisnotthatsimple.Amongtheactive demonstratorsarethosewhoarefulltimestaffpeopleworkingfororganizationsfocusedon environmental,humanrightsorothersocialjusticeissues.Therearepeopleworkingonlogistics, organization,protestmethods,andcommunications.Labourunions,religiousorganizations,community cooksandvolunteercommunitymedicalteamsmaybepartoftheprotestinggroup.Manyvolunteers becomepartofthenetworkssupportingactivistorganizations.Anothergroupwithinthecrowdconsists ofindividuals,notformallymembersofanyorganization,butwithpassionatefeelingsabouttheissue. Theremayalsobevisitorsfromothercountrieswhofallintothesamegroupsprofessionalorganizers, membersofnetworks,andindependentlyconcernedcitizensandwhomayjointhedemonstration. Most,butnotall,crowdparticipantsarepeaceful.Amongthosedemonstratorswithviolentintentthere aregenerallyfourtypes.Thereareactivistswhoatonetimewerecommittedtononviolencebutwho

foundnonviolentmeansineffectiveatcommunicatingtoeithertheirtargetsorthroughthemediato thegeneralpopulation.Thesepeoplefeelthatthecausesforwhichtheyarefightingaresosignificant thatdrasticmeansarenecessarytoproduceresults.Therearealsopeoplewhocallthemselves anarchists,awordderivedfromtheGreekwordfornorulers.Anarchistsrangefromthosewhobelieve inaUtopia,withnolawsorrulers,tothosewhowishtoviolentlyoverthrowtheexistingorder.One grandmotheractivistattendingoneofoursessionsdescribedherselfasananarchistanddistinguished herbrandofanarchismfromsomeoftheothers.Shetoldusabouthavingtalkedwithsomeofthe youthBlackBloc7anarchistsandsawthemasmarginalizedyoungpeoplewhofeelisolatedandwantto bepartofatightfamilyofactivists.Thefollowingquotesfromthisgroupprovidesomesenseoftheir perspective: (Warcry2001) Blackblocisnotanorganizationbutatacticthatishistoricallyrootedinthemilitantantifascist movementsofEurope Thewearingofblackclothesandfacemasksisamajorstrategyinblackbloctactics.Theaestheticisa rejectionofmaterialismandthelureofconsumerglorification.Intacticalterms,wearingblackasa grouporablockmeansthatwealllookthesame,makingitharderforpolicetotargetindividuals.Italso providesuswithsomepersonalsafetyinthefaceofpotentiallyviolentpolicetroops Peoplewhocriticizepoliticallymotivatedpropertydestructionasviolentmustthinkbrokenwindows canfeelpainandscreamlikepeopledowhentheyareshotwithrubberbulletsAsanarchists,wedo notadvocatemindlessdestruction,andwesimplyaskthatthemovementbeopentoadiversityof tactics. Athirdgroupofpeoplecomprisesthosewhoarefascinatedbyviolenceforitsownsake.Afourth elementismadeupofthosewholiketherushofbeingapartofaviolentmobtheopportunistic violent.Theythinkofitmoreasanexcuseforabigpartyorabigriot.Whateverthemotivationfor violence,thosewhouseitbelievethattheiractionsarelegitimateinthecircumstances. Sometimesagentsprovocateurs,whofeelitisintheirinterestsforacrowdtobeviolenteitherto makeapointortodiscreditacrowdstirupviolencewithinacrowd;thosepredisposedtoward violencearesusceptibletothis.Thisphenomenonisparticularlyacuteinacorruptdemocracywhere anymeansneededareusedtokeepacertaingroupinpower.Wherethereareprotestsagainstthe corruption,iftheycanpromptacrowdtobecomeviolent,itbecomesillegitimateandpoliceaction againstthecrowdisjustified.Inthissituation,foracrowdtobeeffectiveitneedstraininginnon violence,internalsecuritytosurroundandcontaintheagentsprovocateurs,andeffectivewitnesses. Amongthepeacefullyintentioned,themoralsupportersmayhavesomerelationshipwiththeactivist protestersortheymayfeelthatgenerallytheactivistsdeservesupport.Somejustcomeoutofcuriosity. Theymaybefriendsandrelativesofprotestersorpeoplewhoheardaboutthecrowdactiononthe newsandfeelthattheyshouldbetheretosupportthecause.Theremaybegrandparentscomingwith theiryounggrandchildren.

Thedynamicsofthedemonstrationcanresultinpeopleshiftingfromonegrouptoanotherinresponse totheirexperiences.Repressivesecuritymeasuresmaypromptsomeactivists,committedtonon violence,intoaviolentframeofmind.Whatmoralsupportersseeandhearmightmakeactivistsof them.Bystandersmayevengetcaughtupintheexperienceandbecomeviolent.Ontheotherhand, violenceonthepartoffellowprotestersmightalsodiscouragesomeactivistsfrombeingpartofthe crowd,notwantingtobeidentifiedwithparticulartactics. ThemimetictheoryofRenGirardhelpstounderstandthesedynamicshifts.Ashedemonstrates throughcountlessexamples,peoplehaveatendencytoimitatethedesiresofothers.Inthecaseof thosewhojoinintheviolence,wecanunderstanditasmimeticcontagion.Peoplewanttobelong,they wantthesamesenseofjusticetobedoneandtheywanttojoinintheexcitement.Theremayalsobe mimeticrivalriesthatdevelopbetweensubgroupswithincrowds.(Chaptersevenprovidesasuccinct overviewofmimetictheoryinthecontextofcrowddynamics.) Inadditiontotheactivistdemonstrators,violentprotestersandmoralsupportersdescribedabove, thereisanotherpotentialgroupinvolvedinprotestcrowds,namely,outsideinstigators.Insome instances,theStatemayencourageviolentcrowdactionagainstatargetedgroup.Forexample, KristallnachtorTheNightofBrokenGlass,wasamassive,coordinatedattackonJews,organizedbythe Nazis,throughouttheGermanReichin1938.OnNovember9,mobviolencebrokeoutastheregular GermanpolicestoodbyandcrowdsofspectatorswatchedthatnightandallthenextdayasJewish homesandbusinesseshadtheirwindowsbrokenandgoodsstolen.Otherexamplesarerepressive regimesthatusecrowdstotargetminoritiesandpoliticalopponents. Thevariousgroupsmaycometogetherspontaneouslybutininstancesofmajorprotestcrowdstheyare generallywellorganized. Organization Organizationisessentialtomountingasignificantpublicprotest.Ifwethinkofprotestasboldly speakingoutatruth,belieforidealtowhichoneisawitness,fortheretobealargeprotestcrowda sharedtruthmustcomefromsomewhere.Acommunicationsystemenablesparticipantstofirstshare andrefineaprotestmessageandthensharetheknowledgethatatagiventimeandplacetherewillbe atemporarygathering. ToborrowtermsfromGrix,protestcrowdsmaybesinglenicheormultipleniche(Grix2000).People fromagivennichewhodecidetoengageinprotestactivitybecomeanaffinitygroup.Unionsoridentity groups(e.g.basedonethnonationalism,adiseaseordisability)oftenfindthemselvesassingleniche protestgroups.Peoplebasicallyknowoneanother;thereisasharedhistoryandsharedunderstandings abouttherealitytheyareaddressing(e.g.farmersdrivingtheirtractorstoParliamentHillortruckers massingtheirtrucksonagivenhighway).Onbroadissueslikeglobalizationoraprotestagainstawar, theremaybemultiplenichecommunitiesinvolved.Tradeunionists,pacifists,developmentNon GovernmentalOrganizations,environmentalists,ThirdWorldsolidaritygroups,andanarchistsmayall joininasingleprotest(Barlow2001).Eachofthesehasitsownwebsitesandemaildistributionlists. Eachisconnectedtoaninternationalwebofsimilargroups.Theremaybeanintersectingof

relationships,sincetherearesharedvaluesbetweendifferentgroups.Justasawordofmouthrumour aboutaprotestspreadfromhouseholdtohouseholdinthe1700s,emailmessages,facebookentries andtwitterquicklyspreadfromonegrouptoanotherwithgreatspeed(Deibert2002). Inthecaseofamajorprotestplannedaroundaspecificeventinvolvingthousandsofpeople,logistics areextremelyimportant.Organizationswithpaidstaffassignprofessionalcrowdorganizerstodealwith manyaspectsofprotestevents.Unionsandothergroupshavemarshalswhosejobitistokeeporder withinaprotest.Food,medicalsupport,transportationandcontingencyplanningareallimportant.Non violenttrainingsessionsmaybeorganizedinadvance. Inacompositeprotest,auniqueformoforganizationhasevolvedthatintroducestheinstitutionofthe spokescouncil.Protestersareorganizedaccordingtoaffinitygroups,whichmaybeclusteredtogetheror mayhavewithinthemclusters(Barlow2001;Epstein1993).Eachaffinitygrouphaswhattheyreferto asaspokes,apersondesignatedtospeakforthegroup.Decisionstobemadeaboutalargecrowd protestaremadebyaspokescouncilwhichiscomprisedofspokesfromthedifferentaffinitygroups. Decisionsaremadebyconsensus.Someaffinitygroupsconstantlyrotatetheirspokesintheinterestof keepingtheorganizationnonhierarchical.However,socialmovementsthatprovidecontinuityforon goingprotesteffortswillnurturethedevelopmentof,andconnectiontohighprofileleaderswhocan givecredibilitytotheireffort. EliSopowshowstheimportanceoforganizationalfactorsingeneratinganeffectiveprotestmovement. ThesevenorganizationalfactorsSopowidentifiedare1)newsmediaexposure,2)groupunity,3) protestexperience,4)highprofilespokesperson,5)flexibilityandwillingnesstocompromise,6)good funding,and7)effectiveuseofemailandweb(Sopow2003).Thesefactorsrepresentacurrentreality inwhichlargescaleprotestsareorganizationallysophisticated.Giventheorganizationalsophistication ofmanyprotestcrowdorganizations,itisclearthatmuchofthetruemanagementofcrowdsisdoneby theorganizers.Nomatterhowtheyareorganizedandmanaged,theyareperceivedinwaysthatcallsup certaindesignationswhich,inturn,impactontherelationswiththosethattheyinteract. DesignationofProtestCrowds Whenitcomestotheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystem,manyofthedynamicsrevolvearoundthe questionofthelegitimacyoftheprotestcrowd.Thisinturndependsonthelanguagethatisusedto designatetemporarygatheringsofthosevoicingdissent.Languageisimportantinshapingparadigms, establishingstereotypes,andinfluencingattitudesandemotions.Itisalsoinstructivethatthe designationofprotestcrowdshasitsownhistory,asdoestheanalysisofsuchdesignations.Forallthese reasons,wethinkitnecessarytopresentthefollowinganalysis.(Notethatwehaverecalleddetailsfrom previoussectionstoillustratethepowerandsignificanceoftherhetoricaldevicesinvolved.) Howareprotestcrowdsenframed;thatis,howdowedeterminewhoisincludedwithinatemporary gathering?Whatlanguageisusedtodescribewhatconstitutesmassprotestactivity?Andhowarethe actionsinterpreted?Thelatterhalfofthenineteenthcenturyandearlytwentiethcenturysawthe beginningoftheoreticalworkbeingdoneoncrowds,generatingideasthatweretoimpactthethought andactionofsuchpeopleasHitlerandMussolini.Thescholarshiponcrowdsandprotesthasgrown

significantlyinrecentdecades.Throughouthistory,languageusedforgroupsofprotestershasincluded thefollowing:mob,crowd,unorganizedaggregation,public,masses,protesters,thepeople,dissidents, extraparliamentarypoliticalactors,politicalmilitants,orthosegivingexpressiontoanoppositional consciousness. PeterHayesarguesthatcrowddesignationshavebeenideologicallydrivenwithpeoplefromdifferent polaritiesofthepoliticalspectrumusingvaluedrivenlanguagetoeitherdeprecatedissenting demonstratorsorgivelegitimacytothevoiceofthepeople.Thetendencytousevalueladenlanguage goesbackatleasttothe1700swhen (Hayes1992) themobwastypicallydepictednotasawicked,unproductiveminoritybutratherasthemajorityofthe population.Thisdepictiondrewontheclassicalpictureofthemobasthemobilevulgus,theunstable commonpeople. Rud,inthesameveindistinguishesbetweentwostereotypes:theactorsarethepeopleinthe discourseofliberals,themoborrabbleintherhetoricofconservatives.Bothpresentthecrowdasa disembodiedabstractionandnotasanaggregateofmenandwomenofblessandblood.(Rud1999) Thecontrastbetweenthewickedunproductiveminorityinthemobandthevirtueandproductivityof themajoritythroughoutmostofthenineteenthcentury,arguesHayes,eventhoughtheidentification oftheactorsislargelyfalse,showstheideologicalimportanceofthedesignation.(Hayes1617)Itwas inthiscontextthatGustafLeBondidhispsychologicalanalysesoncrowdaction,takingupthe assumptionsoftheconservativesideoftheideologicalsplit. LeBonarguedthatcrowdsdiminishedtherationalcapacityofitsmembersmakingeachaprimitive, emotionalbeing. (LeBon1986) Amongthespecialcharacteristicsofcrowdsthereareseveralsuchasimpulsiveness,irrationality, incapacitytoreason,theabsenceofjudgementandofthecriticalspirit,theexaggerationofthe sentimentswhicharealmostalwaysinbeingsbelongingtoinferiorformsofevolutioninwomen forinstance. TheperspectivesofLeBon,expressedinacontextofpreservinganestablishmentagainstthosepushing forchange,wereappropriatedbyHitlerandusedtorallythemassesfirstagainsttheWeimarRepublic andtheninsupportoftheThirdReich.Hayes,whorevealsHitlersdependenceonLeBon,givesthe followingexample: (Hayes1992) Themasses,Hitlerargued,werelikewomen:sofemininebynatureandattitudethatsoberreasoning determinedtheirthoughtsandactionsfarlessthanemotionandfeeling.Hitleraddedthatjustasa

womanwouldratherbowtoastrongmanthandominateaweakling,themasseswouldlovea commandermorethanapetitionerandfeelinwardlymoresatisfiedbyadoctrine,toleratingnoother besideitself,thanbythegrantingofliberalisticfreedom. Inthiscasethecrowdisdesignatedasthemassesandtherootmetaphorofwomanisattachedtoit. InthaterainwhichFreudianstereotypesabounded,theuseofwomaninrelationtoacrowdas collective,madeitsomethingtobecontrolledandmanipulatednotinthecontemporarysenseof crowdcontrolfromtheoutsidebutrathercontrolledthroughemotionallanguageofsolidarity.Hitler deliberatelypresentedhimselfasastrongfigurewhowouldwoothecrowdswithhisauthoritative rhetoric. ContinuingintheGermancontext,ahalfcenturylater,crowdsplayedacrucialroleinbringingdownthe CommunistregimeofEastGermany.Hereagain,thediscursivestructuresaroundcrowddesignation playedakeyrole.Asthegovernmentrespondedwithforceagainstthedemonstratorsthe confrontations (Hayes,1378) weredescribedbythecommunistsastheconfrontationbetweenthemobandthepeople.Thus,the statepressagencysaidofthedemonstrationsofOctober78,1989:Theviolencecausedbyhooligans whowereprovokedbytheinternationalmediawasstoppedbythePeoplesPoliceandorderwas restored Theresponseoftheprotesterswastorejecttheirdesignationasthemobbyaffirmingtheopposite. Thus,theprotestorsinEastGermanychanted,Wearethepeople!Wearethepeople!atthepolice. SimilarlyinRomania,whereCeausescuhadbrandedtheprotestersashooligans,theysang:Werethe people.Downwiththedictator. Inthiscase,thedesignationofthecrowdbecamethefulcrumonwhichrestedthelegitimacyof protestersorpolice,particularlyinacontextinwhichpeopleasarootmetaphorcarriedapositive, legitimating,moralvalence. PeterJoycelocatesprotesterswithinabroaderfieldofextraparliamentarypoliticalactivitythat includesactionbyindividualsorgroupswhofeelthatrelianceonconventionalactivitywillnotsecure forthemthechangestheyseek.(Joyce,1)Extraparliamentaryprotestactivityincludesdemonstrations, directactioneconomicsanctions,civildisobedience,physicalobstructionandcounterculturalforms ofprotest,includingoccupationofwhatisperceivedtobecommonland.(Joyce,1621)RelatedisJane Mansbridgesplacementofprotestactivitiesinthefieldofoppositionalconsciousness(Mansbridge 2001). Whatbecomesclearisthatthedesignationofcrowdphenomenaisnotonlyapsychologicaland politicalissue,itisverymuchamatterofidentity.Forexample,AbbyPetersonsresearchonpolitical militancyshowsthatforcertaingroupsofyoungpeopleinEuropeonbothleftandrightendsofthe politicalspectrummilitantactionresistancebecomesthecentreoftheiridentityandfocalpointof

everydayexistence(Peterson2001).Oneunifyingthemeisthatemotionandrationalityarewoven togetherwithinindividualparticipantsinprotestactionsandatthecollectivelevelofgroupdynamics. Giventhedevelopmentalnatureofidentity,withinonecrowdtherelationshipbetweencrowd participationandtheidentityofeachpersoncanvaryconsiderably. Muchofthetheorizingoncrowdswasbasedonastereotypicnotionofwhomightbeinvolved. HipppolyteTaineusedthefollowingwordstodescribethoseinthemoboftheFrenchRevolution: idlers,libertines,professionalgamblers,parasites,veteransofviceandcrime,therabbleofthetown. (Hayes1992,4,quotingTaine,12526)KarlMarxdescribedthesamemobas (Hayes1992,5,quotingMarx,149) decayedrouswithdubiousmeansofsubsistenceandofdubiousorigin,ruinedandadventurous offshootsofthebourgeoisie,vagabonds,dischargedsouiers,dischargedjailbirds,escapedgalley slaves,rogues,mountebanks,lazzaroni,pickpockets,tricksters,gamblers,maquereaus,brothelkeepers, porters,literati,organgrinders,ragpickersknifegrinders,tinkers,beggars. Similaruncomplimentarydescriptionscanbefoundofcrowdsineighteenthandnineteenthcentury Britain.Rud,aswaspointedoutabove,basedhisresearchontheoccupationsofthosearrestedand thosewhoendedupinthehospital,resultinginaprofileofthoseinthecrowdsubstantiallydifferent thanthegenerallyacceptedstereotypes.Theytendedtobecraftspeople,workers,andsmallbusiness ownersthosewithastakeinsociety(1964). AcontemporarycomparisonofthelanguageusedtotalkaboutlargeprotestgroupscomesfromNaomi Klein: (2002,xxivxxv)Klein2001 Butwhatarereportedasmenacingconfrontationsareoftenjoyousevents,asmuchexperimentsin alternativewaysoforganizingsocietiesascriticismsofexistingmodelsTheseprotestswhichare actuallyweeklongmarathonsofintenseeducationonglobalpolitics,latenightstrategysessionsinsix waysimultaneoustranslation,festivalsofmusicandstreettheatrearelikesteppingintoaparallel universe.Overnight,thesiteistransformedintoakindofalternativeglobalcitywhereurgencyreplaces resignation,corporatelogosneedarmedguards,peopleusurpcars,artiseverywhere,strangerstalkto eachother,andtheprospectofaradicalchangeinpoliticalcoursedoesnotseemlikeanoddand anachronisticideabutthemostlogicalthoughtintheworld. KleinsdescriptionisincontrasttothecoverageofthebrokenwindowatMcDonaldsthatwascentral totelevisioncoverage.Theriffraffversusrespectablecitizencontrastinhowprotestisframed continueson. Regardlessofwhoisinaprotestcrowd,howithasbeenorganizedandwhatitiscalled,byitsvery natureandtheunpredictabilityofitsdynamics,itisacomplexsystem,whichcontainswithinitselfthe potentialforchaos,thefinalaspectofcrowdstobeconsidered.

ProtestCrowdsasComplexSystems DeborahSwordhasdonepioneerworklinkingcomplexitysciencewithprotestcrowds(Sword2003). Hereishowsheintroducestheconcept: (Sword2003) Complexityscience,whichisthestudyofnonlinear,complexanddynamicsystems,includesgroup interactions,suchaspublicpolicyprotests.Nonlinearsystemsareidentifiablebytheircomplex characteristics.Nonlinearitymeansthatacauseandaneffectarenotnecessarilytraceableinadirect line.Forexample,smallinputsintoacomplexsystemcanamplify,causingthesystemtomovein surprisingandunexpecteddirections.Thewayscomplexsystemsdevelopovertime,calledtheproperty ofemergence,dependonearlierevents,calledinitialconditions.Complexsystemsalsoacceptpositive andnegativefeedbackfromwhichtheyadaptandlearn. Withinsystemsthinking,sheargues,itisinterdependenciesthatworktogethertobringabouta particularevent.Thereisnotasinglecause,persebuttherearecascadeswhere,onceonething happens,morethingsarelikelytohappen.(Sword2003)Assheappliessystemstheorytoprotest crowdsinpublicpolicysituations,shedistinguishesbetweenagentswhoinhabitthedominantsystem includingpoliticians,bureaucrats,mostnewsmediaandpolice/securityforcesandprotesterswho inhabittheshadowsystem.SworddidananalysisofthreepublicprotestscenariosinToronto.Her researchdemonstratedthatprotestcrowdsarecomplexsystemsfollowingthesimplerulesof complexityscience. Thereareanumberofkeyconceptscomingoutofcomplexitytheorythatareimportantinthe understandingofthedynamicsofprotestcrowds,accordingtoSword.Theseincludeedgeofchaos, adaptation,uncertainty,phasetransition,bifurcation,andamplification.Letusexamineeachofthese. Edgeofchaosisapointbetweenrigidityandstabilitythatappliestocomplexadaptivesystems (Kauffman2001).Ifthesystemdescendsintochaosorclosesintorigidpositions,theresultisdeath. However,iftheagentswithinthecomplexsystemsadapt,theresultcanbenewcreativeordersofbeing (Sword2003).Adaptation,afeatureofwhichisresilience,involveslearningandthedevelopmentofa newlevelofconsciousness(McGuigan2006).Itisanevolutionarydynamicthatprovidesacapacityfor sustainedexistence. Attheedgeofchaoswithincomplexsystems,thereisalwaysuncertaintyabouttheconsequencesof anyparticularaction.Therearetippingpoints(Gladwell2000)thatenablethepossibilityofcreative changesfromoldtonew;however,whatconstitutesthenewcannotbepredetermined,butcan involvechangesinnorms,knowledgeorbehaviour.Thechange,whichcanappearsuddenlywhenit occurs,iscalledaphasetransition.AsSwordexplains,Phasetransitionsoccurattheedgeofchaos, whenalmostanyfutureispossibleandwhatthefuturewillbeisunpredictable.(Sword2003,22;see alsoGellMann1994;Holland1995;)

Bifurcationpointsaredefinedbytheirreversibilityoftheresultsofachoice.Theyinvolveaqualitative changeinaplaceofmaximuminstabilityandmaximumpossibilitiesforthefuture.(Sword2003)Inthe caseofcroweddynamics,thenewpossibilitiescouldinvolveanescalationintheintensityandbreadth ofactivity,alateralshifttoanewdirection,oradeescalationofintensity. Finally,Swordarguesthatthedynamicsofamplificationareimportantinanunderstandingofcrowds: (Sword2003) Nonlinearsystemshaveamplificationthatcreatesdisproportionatechanges,thuscauseandeffectmay notbedirectlytraceable.Howanonlinearsystemunfoldsdependsuponhowitbeganandwhatinputs itexperienced.Complexsystemshavesensitivedependenceoninitialconditions.Twoidentical communitiesmight,forexample,reactverydifferentlytothesamepolicybecausetheirunique communitycontextshaddifferentinitialconditionsforreceivinginputs. Besidesdependingonthecontext,amplificationcanbeseenashavingcascadingeffectsinwhichagiven incidentwillpromptanumberofdifferentactionsandevents.Theparticularcascadeeffectsofagiven actionwilldependonthetiming,includingwhathashappenedjustbefore,whatishappening concurrentlyandwhathappensimmediatelyafter.Theeffectsaresurprisingbecausethereare unlimitedpossibilities. (Sword2003) Aninputintoanonlinearsystem,whetheritistheinitialannouncementofanewpolicyorthe protestersobjections,mayhavesurprising,oftenunforeseeableconsequences,withlargereffectsthan onemighthavepredicted.Thetwoconceptsofsensitivedependenceoninitialconditionsand amplificationcametobeknownastheButterflyEffect(Lorenz,1993).TheanalogyLorenzusedto explainsensitivedependenceoninitialconditionsandamplification,isabutterflyflappingitswingsin MexicothatcancauseatidalwaveinJapan,orastorminChicago.TheButterflyEffectmeansthat whereanonlinearsystemendsupdependsonwhereitstartedandwhathappenedtoitalongtheway. Smallperturbationsunbalanceacomplexsystemfromwhereitlookedlikeitwasgoing,andwhatits potentialfuturemighthavepredictedwhenitwasfirstobserved.Inputsintoanonlinearsystem, whetherintentionalorotherwise,canincreasethroughoutthesystem. Ifwelookattheprotestcrowdthroughthelensofcomplexityscience,itbecomesclearthatprior attitudesandstereotypesofpolice,politicians,publicandmediatotheprotestersareanimportantpart ofthecontextand,assuch,willplayarole,howeverunpredictable,inhoweventsunfold.Itfollowsthat thedesignationoftheprotestcrowdandtheparadigmusedtointerprettheprotestcrowdpolice relationalsystemwillbefactorsindeterminingcascadingeffects.Aswell,theycouldbethelocusof learningandtheemergenceofnewpossibilitiesleadingtothesustainabilityandsurvivalofthe stakeholdersinvolved. Thislookatprotestcrowdsfromtheperspectivesofprotest,crowddynamics,languageusedto designateprotestcrowdsandtheirparticipants,individualandcollectivedynamics,andcomplexity

sciencehasshownmultipleaspectsofthisphenomenon.Whatshouldbeclear,asasubtext,isthat emotionsplayasignificantroleinmotivatingpeopletoparticipateinprotestcrowdactivityaswellasin whathappensinthecourseofaprotest.Inthenextchapterwewillexaminethenatureandroleof emotionsingreaterdetail,anticipatingthattheyarealsoanimportantfactorforpolice,politicians, bystandersandthemedia. BeyondControlNotesandBibliography: 1.Thisresonateswithnewsocialmovementtheory,whichemphasizesthatparticipantsgainasenseof identityandbelongingthroughtheirinvolvementinprotestmovements(Sopow2003). 2.TheinteriorexteriordistinctionisbasedonintegralapproachofKenWilber(2001). 3.Economiclifeistheoutcomeofmoralgrowthmoralgrowthisinfluencedbyeconomiclifeitisa dialecticalprocess.Itis,also,adevelopmentalprocess. 4.TheGroupofEightG8,andformerlytheG6/7orGroupofSix/Seven,isaforum,createdbyFrancein 1975,forgovernmentsofeightnationsofthenorthernhemispheretodealwithmajoreconomicand politicalissuesfacingtheirdomesticsocietiesandtheinternationalcommunityasawhole:Canada, France,Germany,Italy,Japan,Russia,theUnitedKingdom,andtheUnitedStates;inaddition,the EuropeanUnionisrepresentedwithintheG8,butcannothostorchair.G8canrefertothemember statesortotheannualsummitmeetingoftheG8headsofgovernment. 5.TheChartistsrepresentedworkingclassEnglishwhopetitionedanddemonstratedforelectoral reform.TheirCharterfailedtogainthesupportoftheParliamentitposedathreattotheselfinterests ofthoseinpowerandfailedtogetthesupportofthemiddleclasseswhowerecontentwiththestatus quo.Nonetheless,itwasapowerfulforcethatresultedinanincreasedawarenessofsocialissuesand createdaframeworkforfutureworkingclassorganisations.ThePeoplesChartercontainedthe followingobjectives:

Universalsuffrageforallmenovertheageof21 Equalsizedelectoraldistricts Votingbysecretballot AnendtotheneedforapropertyqualificationforParliament(sothatconstituenciescould returnthemanoftheirchoice,richorpoor) PayformembersofParliament AnnualelectionofParliament

6.RefersprimarilytotheideologyoftheNationalsozialistischeDeutscheArbeiterpartei(National SocialistGermanWorkersParty,orNSDAP)underAdolfHitler.

7.Ablackblocisanaffinitygroupthatcomestogetherduringsomesortofdemonstration,orother eventinvolvingclassstruggleorantiglobalization.Memberswearallblack.Blackclothingandmasksare usedtomaketheblocappeartobeonelargemass,promotesolidarity,createaclearrevolutionary presence(usuallyassociatedwithanarchism),andalsotoavoidbeingidentifiedbyauthorities.Black blocsaredifferentiatedfromotherantiglobalistgroupsbytheirroutineuseofvandalismandproperty destructiontobringattentiontotheiroppositiontomultinationalcorporationsandthesupport perceivedtobeenjoyedbythesecompaniesfromWesterngovernments. Emotions TheFuelofViolence Intheirbook,DealingwithanAngryPublic,authorsLarrySusskindandPatrickFieldpointoutthatoften groupswhogatherforangryprotestdosoforverygoodreasons(Susskind1996).Throughstoriessuch astheoilspilloftheExxonValdezoffthecoastofAlaska,theThreeMileIslandnuclearpowerplantcrisis, thebreastimplantclassactionlawsuitsandtheHydroQuebecclashwiththeCree,SusskindandField showthatpeopleandtheenvironmenthavebeendeeplyhurtthroughvariousactionsofgovernment andbusiness.Ineachcasetherewasaveryangrypublicreaction.Inthischapterwehopetoprovidea frameworktounderstandbetterhowdeepemotionsaregeneratedwithinthevariousstakeholder groups. Inrecentyearstheroleofemotionsindeterminingbehaviourhascometotheforewiththegrowthof literaturethathighlightsthephysiologicaleffectofemotionalpartofthebrainonthemindbodyaswell astheimportanceofemotionalintelligenceincontributingtogoodcommunicationandhealthy relationships.Wewilloutlinesomerecentdiscoveriesofhowworkphysiologicallyandthenshowthe variouswaysinwhichemotionsplayaroleinprotestcrowds.Wewilllinkemotionsfirst,todeeprooted conflictviahumanidentityneeds;second,tolevelsofmoralconsciousness;andthird,tomimetic.We willconcludethechapterwithacomparativeanalysisofSopowsemotionalfactorsincrowdactionwith humanidentityneeds,and,finally,providealinktoemotionalintelligence. Whatisexperiencedasanemotioncanbeseeninthebodyasthereleaseoflargenumbersofparticular neurotransmittersthatsendmessagestovariouscells(PertPert2001).Oneofthemessagesisfor glandstoreleasecertainhormoneswhichinturnhavetheeffectofshuttingdowntheworkofsome organsandpumpinguptheactivityinothers.Intheeventofaprofoundemotionalstimulation,likea severethreattoonessurvival,thereleaseofneurotransmittersandthesubsequenteffectsareextreme. Bloodpressurerises,thedigestivesystemshutsdown,handsturnclammy,onesthroatbecomedry, etc.Concomitantly,thebodyregistersmemoriesofalloftheactivitiesassociatedwiththefear stimuluslikeacomputersoftwareprogramsavedonaharddrivethatcanbeactivatedbyacode.That way,ifthereisanothereventthatstirsupasimilarfear,thebodyispreparedtoreplicatethe physiologicalreaction.Thoughtheemotionalmemoriesarestoredinmanypartsofthebody,the amygdala,asmallpartofthebrain,playsaparticularlystrongroleinstoringandactivatingsuch memories(NiehoffNiehoff1999).Whenitreceivesastimulusthatresemblestheinitialemotion,itcan, withoutanyconsciousthought,immediatelysendmessagesthroughoutthemindandbodytore

activateallofthephysicaleffectsinamannersimilartotheoriginalexperience.Thereisnotime consciousnesstotheemotionalpartofthebrainsoemotionalmemoriesofsaytwentyyearsagoare experiencedasthoughtheyarepresentrealities. Thisgeneralandsimplifiedneurobiologicaldescriptionmapsontophenomenadescribedbysocial psychologists.Theyspeakofreservoirsofrecollectionemotionalmemoriesthatcanbetriggeredby smells,words,objectsorsymbolsassociatedwithwhatcausedtheemotionalreactioninthefirstplace (Volkan1990).Theyalsodistinguishbetweenpublictruthandtabletruth;theformerwhatonespeaks inpublicamongthoseonedoesnotknowandthelatterbeingtruthsharedwithcloseintimates.Table truthoftenislinkedwithreservoirsofrecollection.Whereanidentitygroupsuchasoneofthedistinct groupsassociatedwithaprotestcrowdhasgonethroughsimilarexperiencestheremaybesimilar reservoirsofrecollectionandsimilartabletruths.Acrowdofpeoplewhoshareemotionallyladentable truthscanbearousedemotionallybyaleaderwhouseswordsandsymbolsthatrecallthosetruths. Thosewithacapacitytoreflectontheirexperience,toobservethemselves,orinpsychologicaltermsto developadistalself,canconsciouslymaketheconnectionbetweenthestimulusandtheiremotional response.Thiscapacityincreasesemotionalintelligence. Athirdaspectofemotionshastodowiththeinterplaybetweenemotionandcognition.Whatoccurs withinadeeprootedconflictisthattheemotionassociatedwithathreattoonesidentityneedscan commandeerthemind.Themindthenworksinawaythatisverylogicalanddeliberatebutatadeeper levelispropelledbyemotion.Examplesofthisarewellorganizedlynchingsormeticulouslyplanned terroristattacks.Inbothcases,thereisastrongcognitivecomponenttotheactivityasindicatedbythe preparationsinvolvedandtherearestrongpassionsmotivatingthecommitmenttokill.Theseemotions arelinkedtoaperceptionofinjusticeinjustice,anotherwaythatthecognitiveemotionallinkismanifest. Onthepositivesideofemotions,MichaelPolanyihasarguedpersuasivelythatscientistsareguidedby whathecallsintellectualpassions(Polanyi1964).Theyhaveemotionaldrivestopursuecertainresearch questionsandastheydeveloptheoreticalpositionstheyareemotionallydriventomaintainand strengthentheirparadigms,hencethestrongrivalrieswithinscientificcommunities.Similarlyanti globalizationprotestersarepassionatelydevotedtodoingresearchontheenvironment,onpracticesof multinationalcorporations,ongovernmentpoliciesandahostofothertopicstofindevidenceto supporttheirpositions.Astheydothis,theirpassionsforactivismincreaseandtheyenterapublic protesthighlymotivated.Likewise,thepolicedevelopstrongpassionsaroundcrowdmanagement moreonthislater. HumanIdentityNeeds InspiredbythewritingsofAbrahamMaslow,agenerationofneedstheoristsemergedinthe1970sand 1980s.Amongthemtheyidentifiedwellovertwentyneedscloselytiedtohumanidentity.JohnW. Burton,aprimarytheoristinconflictstudies,identifiedhumanneedsasthekeytounderstandingthe passionsevokedindeeprootedconflict.Primaryemotionscanbemappedontohumanidentity needs(Sites1990).Hencewhenneedsatisfiersarethreatenedtheemotioncanbeverystrong.The followingdiagram(Figure3.1)showshowneedsandemotionscanbelinkedtogether.1

Figure3.1HumanIdentityNeedsandEmotions Theneedcategoriesareuniversalbutthesatisfiersareuniquetocultures,toindividuals,tohistorical circumstancesandtopersonalexperiences.Eachneedcategorygetsatanessentialaspectoflife.The needformeaningisaroundmakingsenseoftheworldasweexperienceit.Forsome,thisneedismet throughaparticularphilosophicalorreligioussystem;forothers,itisthroughfamilylife;and increasingly,peoplelooktoworkformeaning.Theneedformeaningincludesasenseofjusticeand firmlyheldvaluesaboutwhatisrightandwrong.Whenthesatisfierstotheneedformeaningare threatened,theemotionalreactionisoneofanger.Next,theneedforconnectednessincludesaneedto belongtoacommunity,tobewithpeoplewhotalkthesamelanguage,whosharethesame experiences.Whenthisisthreatenedthroughdeathorconflictonefeelsaprofoundsenseofsadnessat thelossoffriendorfamily.Theneedforaction,third,istheneedtobeanagentofaction,someone whocanmakethingshappen.Athreattothisinvolvesdepression.Fourth,theneedforsecurityincludes welfareneedsoffood,shelterandclothingaswellassecurityofthepersonfrominjuryorassaultand emotionalsecurity.Athreattosecurityinvokesfear.Recognition,thefifthneed,isanacknowledgement oftheotherneedsatisfieraswellasrecognitionofthebeing,orpresenceofthepersonasasignificant entity.Itsthreatstirsupasenseofselfdoubtandevenshame. Formanyactivists,theiridentityneedsaresatisfiedthroughtheissuesoverwhichtheyareactive.For example,anenvironmentalistgetsmeaningoutofcarefortheenvironmentandjusticeisdefinedin termsofcareordestructionoftheenvironment.Connectednessincludesbeingconnectedtothenatural worldaswellastootherswhoshareapassionforpreservingthenaturalorder.Significantactionisthat whichpreventsdestructionoftheenvironmentandenhancesitswellbeing.Securityofthepersonis tiedtokeepingtheenvironmentfreeofsignificanttoxins.Recognitionincludesavalidationof environmentalconcernsandsupportforactionstaken.Forsomeenvironmentaliststhewholeselfis orientedtowardenvironmentalconcerns.Intermsofdevelopmentalpsychology,theyaresubjectto theirenvironmentalconcernsandmayhavemanyidentityneedsmet,whereasiftheytaketheir environmentalconcernsasanobject,theywillbelessinclinedtohavetheiridentityneedsmetthisway. However,mostpeopletendnottobesosingleminded;theillustrationisusedtoshowthatforsome peopleissueareasbecomeverycentraltotheiridentityandtoperpetrateaninjusticeinjusticeintheir areaofinterestamountstoanattackontheiridentity. Targetsofcrowdprotests,securitypersonnelandbystanderslikewisehaveneedsatisfiersthatgive definitiontotheiridentities.Police,forinstance,haveamandatetomaintainpublicorder.Whenthey takeactiontoeffectsecurityofthepublicatlarge,theiridentityneedformeaningisfulfilled.Theymay haveaheightenedneedforsecurityofthemselvesbyvirtueofthefactthattheyaremoreawarethan manyofthethreatstopublicorderthatexistinsociety.Theygetrecognitionwhenpublicorderis maintainedtheyalsogetnegativerecognitionwhenthepublicdoesntagreewithorunderstandthe reasonsfortheiractionsoriftheyexperiencetroubles.Iftheyfailintheirtask,thenegativerecognition isgreat.Theirneedforconnectednessisreflectedintheircloseaffinityforotherslikethemselveswho understandthepressuresoftheirwork.Withtheircolleaguestheycanspeakofthemanythingsthey knowandcannottakeactiononorsharewiththepublic.Inthesetimes,thepolicecommunityfulfills

theirneedforconnectedness.Whenwewitnesshugedemonstrationsbypoliceinsupportoftheirfallen comrades,weseehowdeeplytheyaremovedwhenoneoftheirowniskilledinactiveduty. Politiciansandgovernmentofficialsarefrustratedwhentheirabilitytotakeactionandeventheir personalsecurityisthwartedbyprotesters.Thereismeaningintheelectionprocessthatgivesthema mandatetotakeactiononbehalfofsociety.Theirworkandthepowervestedinthemasindividuals supportstheirneedforrecognition. Bystandersfeelthattheirneedforsecurityiscompromisedwhenwindowsarebrokenandgoods looted.Whentheyjoininademonstration(theyarenolongerbystanders),theyfeelsatisfiedintheir needsforactionandconnectednessbyvirtueoftheircontributiontotheprotestandtheirassociation withlikemindedpeople.Whentheyremainbystanderstheirneedformeaningcanbemetvicariously throughtheactionofothers,iftheyaresympathetictothecause.Ifnot,theymaycheertheactionsof police.Sometimesacomplexsystemarisesinwhichbystandersprotestthewayinwhichtheirlivesare disruptedbyprotestactivities.ThiswasthecaseduringtheOka/Kanehsata:keCrisisof1990inCanada, duringwhichtheMercierBridgeMercierBridgewasblockedbyaMohawkprotest.Peoplefrom ChateauguayandMontrealMontrealformedprotestcrowdsinresponse. Herearesomeotherexamplesfromseminarsoncrowddynamicsthatillustratedhowtheaffirmationof orthreattoneedcategoriesaffectscrowddynamics:

OneprotesterfromtheQuebecCitydemonstrationsaidthattherecognitionthatPrime MinisterChrtiengavetotheprotesterswasconstructiveandhadtheeffectofcalmingangry feelings. Foranotherparticipant,connectednessisthemostsignificantoftheneedsintheprotest context.Whatremainsmostimportantforpeoplewhodemonstratedinthe1960sisthe humanconnectionsandnottheissues. Somepeoplewhoformedcrowdswerethereformeaning,thatis,politicalpurpose.Therewas somethingwrongwiththeworldandtheywantedtofixit. Forstreetyouth,thecrowdcanbeseenastheirfamilyconnectednessandsecurityare important. Foranotherparticipant,theneedforactionwasimportant.Badthingscomewhenaccesstoa venueiscutoff.They(activists)protesttobeactiveaboutanissueandnottostayonthe sidelines.

Likewise,securitypersonnelmaygetveryangrywithprotesterswhomtheyseetobeactingviolently andthreateningpublicorderandtheirownsecurity.Whentheyseethesamepersonthrowingrocksor Molotovcocktailsorperhapsbullyingothernonviolentprotesters,theycanhavestrongfeelingsaround theinjustice.Andwhenahugeangrycrowdcomeschargingatthem,theirjob,linkedwiththeiridentity, istoprotectthosebehindthem;theymayfeelafraidandalsohaveaheightenedsenseofdetermination tostopthecrowdatallcosts.Ontheotherhandastheythinkabouttheirchildrenandotherstheyare

connectedwithbeingpartofthecrowdtheymayhaveconflictingemotions.Securitypersonnel, activistsandmediaallhavesignificantemotionalmemoriesespeciallyfearrememberedfromthebig ones. Whenoneincidentthreatensanumberofneedcategoriesconcurrently,therecanbepowerful compoundemotions.InDealingwithanAngryPublic,theauthorsassociateangerwithhurt,risk,belief, weaknessandlies(Susskind1996).Usingtheabovediagramtolookatmultiplethreats,wecanseethat ifthereisaninjustice(meaning)producingangerangerandifitinvolvesalossoflife(connectedness), theiscompoundedandintensifiedbythesorrow.Ifthereisaperceivedinjusticeaccompaniedby impedimentstoaction,thefrustrationintensifiestheanger.Athreattosecuritywithinjusticeproduces anothertypeofanger.Ifacrowdgatherstoprotest,itmaybedrivenbyasenseofinjusticeoraneed forrecognitionoftheircause.Iftheresponseofsecurityforcestotheirprotestisconsideredunjust, theirintensifies.Ifthereisathreattotheirpersonalsecurityorwellbeing,theemotionssoar. Therearealsoidentityneedsrelatedtothetemporaldimensionoflife.Relatedtothepastwehave needsformemories,storiesandasenseofcoherence.Projectingintothefutureareneedsfor imagination,stimulationandcontinuity(Redekop2007a).Theimportanceofthetemporaldimension meansthatprotestcrowdmemberscarryforwardmemoriesofpastencounters.Themoretheseare colouredbyviolence,theharderitistotrustandthebetterthechancethatviolencewillbeintroduced onfutureoccasions.Whenlookingatthetimeseriesoftheprotestcrowdfromacomplexityscience view,someoftheiractionscomeatbifurcationpointswhattheydosetsoffaseriesofeventsthe effectsofwhicharemuchgreaterthancouldbepredicted.Theactionsmaybebasedonstrategies decidedonthebasisoftheirmemoriesofotheractionsthatwereeffectiveorineffectivetoachieve theirgoalsoronemotionalmemoriesofpastviolence. Policelikeindividualprotestersaremotivatedintheirworkwithapassiontodotheirjobwell.In addition,theymayhavestrongfeelingsabouttheissuesinvolved.Likeprotesterstheytoohave emotionalmemoriesbasedonpastexperiences.Inthiscase,memoriesmayincludehavingeggs,feces orbricksthrownatthem,beingcalleddeprecatingnamesbyprotesters,beinginsulted,havingafear thatthethinlineofpolicemightnotholdagainstamassiveunrulycrowdwantingtogettoaforeign visitor.Theytoomaytakeactionsthatfunctionasbifurcationpoints,unleashingnewlevelsofviolence. Ontheotherhand,theymayhavememoriesofpositiveexchangeswithactivistsjustassomeprotesters havegoodmemoriesofhelpfulexchangeswithpolice.Thesepositiveexperiencescouldinfluence decisionsandactionsinthedirectionoftensionreduction. EmotionsandMoralConsciousness Wearenowinapositiontomakesomelinksbetweenemotionalphenomenaandthemoral consciousnessthatmotivatesprotestcrowds.InJaspersfirstlevelofmoralconsciousness,describedin thepreviouschapter,peoplearedriventoprotestbyanimmediatethreattotheirbasicneeds.Thereis animmediatethreattoaneedformeaning(justice)andtosecurityandthesepromptemotionsofanger andfear.Inthecaseofhigherlevels,thereisanawarenessofinjusticethatpromptsanangerthat suggeststhatsomethinghastochange.Asonemovesthroughdifferentstagesofanger,thesenseof

justicebecomesmorecomplexandhighlynuancedbuttheemotionsattachedtoathreattothissense ofjusticeremainthesame.Someonewhoreallyseesthesystemicimplicationsofagivenpolicy,for instance,canbecomequitepassionateabouttryingtomakeachangeinthatpolicy. Forsomepeople,theirstageofdevelopmentmeansthattheiridentitieswillbecompletelyoriented towardseekingsomecombinationofdistributivejustice,situationaljusticeorsystemicchange.This passionmaybeexpressedinmilitancy(Peterson2001),volatility(Sopow2003)ordeterminationto organizeprotestasstrategicallyeffectivelyaspossible(Barlow2001). Knowledgeofemotionaldynamicsmayhelptoexplainvariousdynamicsoperativewithinacrowdand integratesomeofthedifferentparadigmaticobservations.Certainlysomepeoplewillbemotivatedto joinaprotestcrowdoutofafeelingofconnectednesswithotherprotestersandsolidaritywiththose oppressed.McPhaildevelopstheideathatconvivialityisanimportantemotionaldimensionofcrowds (McPhail1991).Onceaprotestcrowdhasformed,thereisasymbioticrelationshipbetweenacrowd leaderandthecrowditself.Eachfeedsoffoftheothersemotion. ExpressionofEmotions McPhailproposesausefultaxonomyofactionwordstodescribewhatexactlypeopleincrowdsdo. Theseinclude (McPhail1991,164) collectiveorientation(gazing,facing,vigiling),vocalization(booing,yeahing,ohhing),verbalization (chanting,singing),verticallocomotion(sitting,standing),horizontallocomotion(surging,marching, clustering),gesticulation(Romansalute,Digitusobscenus,peacesign)andmanipulation(applauding, synchroclapping). ThevariousactionsgesticulationsandlocutionsMcPhailhasinhistaxonomycanallbeseenas meansforemotionalexpression.Inthecourseofademonstrationvariousactionscouldpotentially clearlyindicateanger,indignation,support,determination,hate,satisfaction,solidarity,alienation, sorroworjoy. Ifacrowdleaderiseffectiveinnamingsharedtabletruths,releasingreservoirsofrecollection,and skilledinaccessingthecollectiveconsciousnessofthecrowd,crowdpassionscanbeignitedthatcan leadtodeterminationtopersevereortotakedramaticaction.ThisoccurredinEastGermanyastheNew Forumgatheredpeopleinchurchestoconsiderwhatwashappening.Peopleintheirnichegroupshad developedatabletruththatacknowledgedthecorruptionanddeficienciesofthesystem(Grix2000).As theycametogetherthisbecameasharedandpublictruth;thepassionassociatedwiththetabletruths couldbechannelledbyleadersintochange.Theuseofchurchesandthecommitmenttononviolence meantthattheactiontakenwasoftenlimitedtolightingcandles.Thepower,truthandpassionofthe protestcrowdsweresostrongthatincreasinglymembersoftherulingcommunistpartyrenouncedtheir partymembershipandjoinedthecrowds.

Inthecourseofatemporarygatheringofprotesters,somethingmayhappenthateitherisathreatto theirneedforjusticeorisatriggertoreservoirsofrecollection,releasingpowerfulandimmediate emotions.Itmaybewhatisperceivedastheunjustarrestofafellowprotester,policeactionthatis deemedviolentorunjustified,destructiveactiononthepartoffringeprotestersorthebrandishingofa provocativesymbol.Whenthishappenstheremaybeanincidentwhich,viewedfromacameracould bedeemedoutofcontrol.OnesuchexampleoccurredatOka/Kanehsata:keonJuly11,1990.Aprotest crowdhadbeenoccupyingasmallroadtopreventdevelopmentofagolfcourse.Thepolicearrivedand afterastandoffforafewhourstherewasanexchangeofgunfire,apoliceofficerwaskilled,andthe policeleftinahurry.Atthispointtherewasanemotionalreaction,whichprotestorganizerswere unabletosubdue.Immediatelygroupsofprotestersdestroyedpolicecruisersandstartedpilesoftires onfire.Someoftheprotestleaderstriedunsuccessfullytostopthemsincetheywantedtoobtainthe radiosandotheritemsofvaluefromcruisers(Redekop2007a). EmotionsandImitation Emotionsaresubjecttomimesisorimitation.MimesisistheGreekwordforimitation;theconceptof mimesisasitisusedinthisbookhasbeendevelopedbyRen,whosethoughtwillbeexploredfurther inchapterseven.Backinthe1700sAdamSmithobservedthatwhenonepersondisplaysanemotion, anotherisstimulatedtoexperiencesimilaremotions.Inrecentyearsithasbecomeclearthatourfaces areneurologicallyconnectedtoouremotionalphysiology(DalaiLamaDalai2004).Frominfancywe learnhowtoreadtheemotionsofothersbasedontheirfacialfeatures.Emotionalcluesarealsogiven throughbodylanguageandvocaltones.Asweperceiveemotionsofthosearoundustheymimetically arousesimilaremotionswithinus.Thisprocessisnotstraightforward;thedegreeofthisphenomenon variesandincreasesasweidentifywiththemimeticmodels.(ThisobservationisanadaptationofRen Girardsdevelopmentofmimeticdesire.)Emotionalmimesishelpstoexplaintheconceptofemotional contagionwherebyagroupofpeoplequicklyadoptsasimilaremotionalstate. Letusturnnowtothequestionofwhatmotivatesactiviststoplacetheirphysicalwellbeinginjeopardy astheyparticipateinapassionateprotest.WewillusetheframeworkofEliSopow.Thisquestionwill,of course,raisetheissueofwhataretheidentityandemotionaldynamicspresentamongother stakeholdergroupspresentatthecrowdevent.Asonepoliceofficerputit,theactionsofsecurity personnelaremotivatedbystrongemotions.Theyshareafearofbeinghurtinanuncontrolledand violentcrowd. SopowsAnalysisofEmotionalFactors CombiningfifteenyearsexperiencewithinprotestmovementswithworkasanRCMPprotestpolicing strategist,EliSopowreviewedtheliteratureonemotionalmotivatorstoprotestandsynthesizedfivekey factorswhichhethentestedinaquantitativeresearchprojectinNewYorkCity.Thetwostrongest factorsemergingfromhisresearcharefairnessandtheperceptionthatanissuehasanegativeimpact onapersonortheirfamily[These]cancreatestrongemotionsofanger,fear,andmoraloutrage. (Sopow2003,141)Theotherthreefactorswerethatanissuecreatesuncertaintyaboutthefuture,the issueisofinteresttofriendsorfamily,andtheissueaffectsrightsasacitizen.Ofthese,theroleof

friendsandfamiliesemergedassignificantbutleastamongthefivefactors.Hisconclusionsresonate withJaspersassertionthat Moralshocksareoftenthefirststeptowardrecruitmentintosocialmovements:whenanunexpected eventorpieceofinformationraisessuchasenseofoutrageinapersonthatshebecomesinclined towardpoliticalaction,withorwithoutthenetworkofpersonalcontactsemphasizedinmobilization andprocesstheories(Jasper1990,106). Sopowslistofemotionalfactorscanbeseenintermsofathreattoidentityneedsofpeople. SopowsEmotional RedekopsIdentityNeeds Factors Fairness Impactsyouor yourfamily Meaning(senseofjustice) Security,connectedness Emotion Anger Fear,sadness

Uncertaintyabout Continuity,action,security thefuture Friendsorfamily interested. Affectsrightsas citizen Connectedness,stimulation

Depression,fear Excitement,intensified otheremotions

Recognition,security,possiblystoryandcoherenceifone Shame,pride, hascomefromahistoryofhumanrightsabuse. entitlement,fear

Thesefactorscertainlyhavelinkstoemotionsasunderstoodintermsofhumanidentityneeds.Fairness appealstothesenseofjusticeembeddedwithinonesmeaningsystem.Personalimpactcouldtakethe formofathreattosecurityneedsatisfiersbetheyphysical,financialoremotional.Ifthereisathreatto thewellbeingofpeoplewhomweknow,itwouldaffecttheneedforconnectedness.Uncertaintycanbe mappedontoaneedforsecuritybutalsoaneedforcontinuityintothefuture.Personalrightsaffect onessecurity,meaning(senseofjustice)andabilitytotakeaction.Influenceoffriendsisrelatedtothe needforconnectedness.JamesJasper,likewiseattachesgreatimportancetotheroleofarangeof emotionsinmotivatingprotestactions. Invokingtheseemotionalfactorsinvolvesframingissuesinsuchawaythattheywillsparkemotional reactions.Referringtotheliteratureonthesubject,Sopowshowsthateffectiveframingprovidesa senseofcollectiveidentitytoindividualsandasenseofsharedvaluesandinjusticeinjustice(Sopow 2003,141).isthetaskofpeopleorganizingprotestmovementsandevents;thustheorganizationof protestbecomessignificant.Whetherconsciousornot,alwaysresonateswithsomestageof consciousnessmorethanothersi.e.ifoneisawareofwhattheconsciousnessofthecrowdis,then theycanstrategicallyframetheissuestostronglyresonatewiththecrowd.Aspreviouslymentionedthis

canbeahighlymanipulativeprocess,asthecrowd,then,canbestrategicallyorientatedtowardpeace orviolence. EmotionalIntelligence Inrecentyears,theconceptofemotionalintelligencehasbeendevelopedtoindicateonesawarenessof onesownemotions,awarenessoftheemotionaldynamicsthatothersmightexperience,andwhat mightbeeffectivestrategiesforthoughtandbehaviourinlightofthisawareness.Havinghighemotional intelligenceallowsapersontoharnessemotionalenergytoworkatoptimumperformance,flowingwith thedemandsofagivensituation(Goleman1997).Lowemotionalintelligencemeansthatoneisdriven orinhibitedbyemotionsthattakecontrolofmindandbody. Whenemotionalintelligenceiscombinedwithcrowdmobilization,theresultscanbedramatically differentfromwhathappensinangryprotests.SharonWelshdescribesasituationinwhichagroupof Buddhistmonkswerepresentataprotest.Insteadoftheangrydemeanorofmostoftheprotesters, theyexemplifiedintheirpersonalbearingthekindofpeacetheotherswereadvocating: (Welch2004) Amongthehundredsofdemonstratorsangrilyshouting,fiercelydenouncingthedesignoffirststrike nuclearweaponsatDraperLabsinCambridge,MassachusettswassmallgroupofrobedBuddhistmonks, smiling,chanting,beatingtheirdrumsinthegraceful,calmingcadencesofthehumanheart.AsI participatedindemonstrationsinBostonandNewEnglandinthemid1980s,Iwascaptivatedbythe energyofthemonks.Theirverypresencewasagiftofhealingandbeauty,asharpcontrasttothevoices ofrageanddespair.Manyofmystudentsandcolleagueswereequallymoved,andwetriedtofindways ofbeingpresentindemonstrationsthatwerebothdenunciationsofwhatwesawasmilitaryand economicaggression,and,atthesametime,actionsthatinthemselveswerealsoexpressionsofbeauty, joy,wonderandpeace.Wewererarelysuccessful. Infact,itwasnotuntilwritingthisessay,twentyyearsafterdemonstrationsinBostonandCambridge, thatIrealizedthattheBuddhistmonkswereasmuchanevocative,albeitnonjudgmental,protest againstus,astheywereaprotestofthemakingofnuclearweaponsandthesupportofmilitaryaction throughouttheworld.Thepresenceofthosegracious,calm,joyousmonkswasasmuchachallengeand gifttousangrypeacedemonstratorsastheyweretothosewhocreatedandsupportedthecreationof nuclearweapons.TheBuddhistmonkscouldeasilyhavebeenasfocusedondemonstratingadifferent wayofbeingtous,thedemonstrators,astheywereonshowinganotherwayofbeingtothosewho supportedwar.Itissurprisingthatithastakenmesolongtorecognizethischallenge,andthisgift.The powerofrighteousindignationisaremarkablething. Thisexampleraisesthequestions,whatwouldhappentoprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystemsif therewasanincreaseinallaround?Howwoulditchangethenatureofprotest?Whatwouldbethe impactonsociety?Wewillreturntothesewhenweintroducetheparadigmofmutualrespect;butfirst itisimportanttointroducethepoliceasprimaryagentsinthedynamicsofpublicprotest,thentolook

atthestructuresthatsystematicallyincreasetheriftbetweenpoliceandprotestersandthenintroduce theotherstakeholders. BeyondControlNotesandBibliography: 1.TheconceptofismorefullydevelopedinVernNeufeldRedekop,FromViolencetoBlessingHowan UnderstandingofDeepRootedConflictCanOpenPathstoReconciliation(Ottawa:Novalis,2002). IntroducingPolice PoliceareagentsoftheStatewhocomeintodirectcontactwithprotestcrowdsastheyplace themselvesbetweenthetargetsoftheprotestandtheprotestersthemselves.Assuch,theirstrategic objectivesaretomaintainpublicorder,protectthetarget(alongwithpublicinstitutions);upholdthe righttoprotest;ensurethesafetyofbystandersandcrowdparticipants;andenforcethelaws.Inthe process,theywishtoavoidatallcostswhatnotedBritishpolicescholarP.A.J.Waddingtonreferstoas trouble.Indemocraticcountries,itisthepolice,andnotthemilitary,whoarechargedwithkeeping thepeaceinthefaceofpublicprotest. Adistinctroleforthepoliceisnottobetakenforgranted;thefirstmodernpoliceforcewasestablished inFrancein1664(Sopow2003)withaparamilitaryorganizationalstyle,centralizedcommandstructure withdirectaccountabilitytotheState(Rigacos2005).However,itwasinBritainin1829thattheLondon MetropolitanPoliceForcewasestablishedbyRobertPeelwithamandatetodevelopastyleofpolicing thatwasnotbasedonforceandweaponrybutwastobebasedonmoralauthorityandrelationships withcitizens.Furthermore,considerablediscretionwasvestedwithconstableswhodidmostoftheir workindependently.EuropeanpolicelookedattheBritishmodelasbeingbasedonapolicingparadigm tobedistinguishedfromparamilitarypolicing(della1998)andsetthemodelformoderndaypolicing paradigms. Itissignificantthatthecommunitybasedpolicingmovementinthe1980sinCanada,UnitedStatesand EuropewasanattempttoestablishanewparadigmofpolicingbasedinlargemeasureonPeels principles.Itwasduringthistimethatanemphasisonnegotiationemergedinprotestpolicingcircles. Givenitsparadigmaticrole,ourfirstsectionwillprovideanoverviewofprotestpolicingasithasevolved inBritaininthe1800s.Thissectionmaybeofparticularinteresttopoliticalandcivilsocietyleadersin currentlyemergingdemocraciessinceEnglandoftheearly1800ssharedmanyofthechallengesthey arefacingtoday. AsecondmajorsectionwilldealwithpublicorderpolicinginWesterndemocraciesfrom1960tothe present.Startinginthe1960s,newwavesofprotestemergedandthetechnology,organizationand tacticsofpolicestartedtochange.DuringthistimeperiodthedifferencesbetweenBritishapproaches topublicorderpolicingandthatofothercountriesnarrowedsignificantly(della1998;Waddington 1991).Wewilllookathowpolicecapacitytocontrolcrowdswasenhancedthroughparamilitary organizationandtraining,technologicaltools,andtacticaloptions.Alloftheseadduptoagreater capacityforrepressivepolicing;however,wewillshowthatanearlytrendtowardescalatedforce(or hard)approachesinthe1960sand1970swasreversedinfavouroftheuseofbureaucraticand

discursivecontroltechniquesthroughthe1980sand1990s,whichinpolicinglanguageareputunderthe rubricofnegotiatedmanagement(orsoft)approaches(della1998;McPhail1998).Concomitantly,there hasbeenagrowingbodyoflawsandcourtdecisionsthathasputlimitsonpolicepowersinsomecases andprovidedthemwithgreaterdiscretioninothers;inaddition,wewillrefertocomparativestudieson theimpactofdifferentlegalframeworks(Bjrk2005).WewillalsohighlightP.A.J.Waddingtonsnotions oftroubleonthejob,andtroubleinthejob,DavidWaddingtonsconceptofflashpoints,andTony Jeffersonscaseagainstparamilitarypolicing.WewilldescribePublicOrderManagementSystems (POMS)thatcombineorganizationalstructures,principles,regulationsandstandardpracticesinmany majorpoliceforces/services.WewillendthissectionwithapresentationofdevelopmentsininCanada. Inafinalsection,wewillexaminesomeoftheethicalaspectsof.Withinthissectionwewillfirst examinethedynamicsofpublicorderpoliceintheabstract.Second,wewillpresentsomeoftheethical issuesandquestions.Thesewillserveaspreparationforanethicalvisionforpolicingthatwillbe presentedinChapternineinthecontextofamutualrespectparadigmforprotestcrowdpolice relationships. TheEvolutionofProtestPolicinginNineteenthCenturyBritain StartingwiththecreationoftheMetropolitanPolicebyRobertPeelin1829andproceedingwellintothe nextcenturyaparadigmofprotestpolicingemergedthatwasbasedonmoralauthorityratherthan physicalcontrol.Thismannerofdealingwithcrowdsevolvedasafunctionofvaluesandtrendswithin Britishsociety(Cerrah1998),policeleadership(Smith1985),thenatureandcharacteristicsofbobbies, andtherelationshipbetweenthepoliceandthepublic(Waddington1991).MetropolitanPolicealso constitutedaforcetomaintainthekindoforderinsocietythatwouldallowindustriestoflourish (Jefferson1990);inotherwords,itempoweredtheindustrialrevolutionandthekindofeconomic developmentthatfollowed. Fromthemideighteenthcenturyon,Britishsocietywasbecomingincreasinglyurbanizedandcomplex. Theindustrialrevolutionwasinfullswing;therewasagrowingmiddleclassandasignificantlowerclass madeupofworkersandthoseinpoverty.Crime,disease,andpovertywereallseenasthreatsto society.Utilitarianism,ledbyJeremyBentham,withitscorollarypragmatismwasintheair,aswasthe growthofdemocracywithanevergrowingsuffrageandincreasingexpectationofrightsandfreedoms. EvangelicalChristianitywassufficientlyontherisethatitwashavinganimpactonthepublicsenseof morality(Hochschild2005;Smith1985).Allthewhile,drinking,disorderlyconductandriots(Townshend 1993)wererampant.Riotsoccurredbasedonrealorperceivedprivationscausedbyincreasesinfood pricesorthreatstooneslivelihood(Smith1985).Throughthenineteenthcentury,publicdissentwould morphintoChartism,abroadlybasedmovementadvocatingradicalpoliticalchange,andtheincreased demandforpoliticalrights(asdiscussedinChaptertwo,eventuallymostoftheChartistdemandswere accepted).Asindustrialcapitalismevolvedintothemodernage,theeconomybecamemorecomplex andincreasinglyvulnerabletodisruptioninitsmanyparts(Smith1985).AdamSmith1himselfmade theconnectionbetweenpolicingandachievingwealthandabundance(Brown1996).

AstheEnglishcastanobservantglanceovertheChannel,theysawtwotrendsthattheywishedtoavoid atallcosts.Thefirstwasviolentrevolution;thesecond,repressivepolicing.WithinthiscontextRobert PeelbroughtforthlegislationtoestablishtheLondonMetropolitanPolice.Thepolicewereguidedin theirformationbywhatcametobeknownasPeelsprinciplesandbyasetofvaluesmodeledand inculcatedbycommissionersRowanandMayne(Townshend1993).Peelsprinciplesincludedthe following: (Eng2005) Tomaintainatalltimesarelationshipwiththepublicthatgivesrealitytothehistorictraditionthatthe policearethepublicandthatthepublicarethepolice;thepolicebeingonlymembersofthepublicwho arepaidtogivefulltimeattentiontodutieswhichareincumbentoneverycitizen,intheinterestof communitywelfareandexistence. Toseekandtopreservepublicfavournotbypanderingtopublicopinionbutbyconstantly demonstratingabsolutelyimpartialservicetoLawbyreadyofferingofindividualserviceand friendshiptoallmembersofthepublicwithoutregardtotheirwealthorsocialstanding Tousephysicalforceonlywhentheexerciseofpersuasion,adviceandwarningisfoundtobe insufficienttoobtainpubliccooperationtoanextentnecessarytosecureobservanceoflaworto restoreorder;andtouseonlytheminimumdegreeofforcewhichisnecessaryonanyparticular occasionforachievingapoliceobjective. Theseprincipleswereownedbythefirstcommissioners,RowanandMayne,whoworkedtirelesslyto weavethemintothepolicingcultureoftheMetropolitanPolice.OvertimetheMetropolitanPoliceof Londonbecamethemodelforthecountry.ForoveracenturythepoliceinGreatBritainhadtherespect andsupportofahealthymajorityofthepopulation.Thiswasnotonlyaresultofpoliceactionbuta certainmeasuredresponsivenessbytherulingelitewhomadetimelyconcessionsinresponsetopublic demands.Notonlythat,thisperiodsawtheexpansionoftheBritishEmpireandaglobalnetworkof coloniesprovidedanoutletforpeopleuncomfortablewiththestatusquo.Prisonersweresenttoplaces likeAustralia.Resourcesfromthecoloniesandmonopolymarketsmadeforagrowingeconomy.During thistimethereweresignificantwarsthatunitedthepopulationagainstasharedenemy.Politically, limitswereplacedonpublicexpressionofideaspromotingFascismorCommunism;however,in1871, therighttospeakaboutanythingwasextendedtothosepresentingtheiropinionsatSpeakersCornerin HydePark.Thepolicingmodelreflectedasubliminalhegemonythatresonatedwiththehiddensocial factorsthatcontributedtosocialpeace. Thehiddenbatonbecameametaphorforapopularmythologythatemergedregardingthepolice.The policeappearedtobeunarmedandbenign;assuchtheycultivatedmoralauthorityandtheimageof sometimesbumbling,friendly,nottooeffective,andveryhumanbobbiescontributedtopublic support.Thebatonwasthereinthepocketanditcouldbemorelethalthanmostpeoplethought. Thoughconstablesdidnotcarrysidearms,gunswereavailableforspecialoccasions.Inotherwords, whatpassedinthepublicmindasapoliceservicewas,inreality,moreofapoliceforcethanwasthe popularimage.

RepressivePolicing ContinuingwiththeBritishexample,duringtheperiodfrom1829to1960,theBritishEmpirereached andpasseditszenith.Britishhegemonyoveritscolonieswasneitherestablishednormaintained withoutviolence.Wheneveraminoritywishestoassertitselfandcontrolamuchlargerpopulation,it resortstoacertainlevelofrepressivepolicing,whichatitsextremeincludestheregularuseoflethal violencetokeepprotestincheck(Waddington1998).Itisasignificantstudyincontraststhatwhilethe Britishweredevelopingarelativelyhumanestyleofpolicingathome,wheretheyenjoyedmuchsupport fromthegeneralpopulation,theyusedapolicingstylemuchmoredependentonforcewithincolonies. MeanwhilebackinBritain,the1960ssawanincreaseintheuseofforceathome.Thisexampletypifies theobservationthatpolicingstyleresultsfromarelationshipamongthepopulation,politicalleaders, culturalvaluesandthepolice(Cerrah1998),anobservationthatisatthefoundationofourwork. Inthecaseofrepressivepolicing,politicalmastersappointandrewardpoliceformaintainingtheir hegemonicstructure,regardlessofhowmuchforceisrequired(Waddington1998).Referringtoconflict theoriesdiscussedinChapterthree,securityofthedominantgroupistheprimaryidentityneed, trumpingmeaning,connectedness,recognitionandaction.Policeinthiscontextareempoweredtouse lethalforcewithimpunityonaregularbasisandcanveryeasilybecomeagentsofinjustice.Colonial policingwasjustoneexample(Kratcoski2001)ofrepressivepolicing;moreextremeformsevolved underdictatorships,totalitarianregimesand/orweakstates(Sheptycki2005).Itisironicthatinthe Britishpublicorderpolicingmanualof1982,manyofthetacticsdescribedtodealwithcrowdswere borrowedfromthoseusedinBritishcolonies(Waddington1998).Also(bitterly)ironic,repressive policinghasbeentheruleinmanypostcolonialAfricancountries.Apreoccupationwithsecurity followingterroristattacksintheUSAonSeptember11,2001andtheLondonbombingsofJuly7,2005, haspromptedamorerepressivestyleofpolicinginanumberofcountries. ReflectionontheEarlyEvolutionoftheLondonMetropolitanPolice WhatcanwelearnfromtheexperienceoftheMetropolitanPolice?Thequestionanditsanswerpertain totheprocessofintroducinganewparadigmofpublicorderpolicing.Eventhoughcriticswiththe benefitofhindsightsuggestthatperhapsPeelspolicewerenotasdevoidofparamilitarismasthemyth mightsuggest,nonetheless,itisclearthatPeel,RowanandMayneintroducedaradicalnewapproachto policing(EuropeansgenerallyrecognizedthatsomethingdifferentwashappeningacrosstheChannel). Theyconsciouslyattemptedtoshapepolicinginawaythatmadecorruption,politicalinfluenceand relianceonforcetobeminimized.Howtheydidthiscouldbeinstructivetoanypoliceleaderswho mightwishtointroduceanewparadigm.Wewilllookatfivelessonsthatemerge:haveprincipled leadership;besensitivetoculture;emphasizerelationships;learnfrommistakes,andfocuson legitimacy. HavePrincipledLeadership BymakingeachconstableresponsibleultimatelytoCommissionerswhowereindependentofparish politics,Peelcouldmakecertain(asmuchaspossible)thattheywouldactimpartially,focusingona combinationofpragmatismandruleoflaw.Mayne,oneofthefirstcommissioners,wasunequivocally

committedtoanimpartialpoliceforcethatwasfreeofcorruptionandpoliticalinterferenceandthat requiredofconstablesthattheynotlettheiremotionstakecontrolregardlessofthetauntsandthreats towhichtheymightbesubjected.Hewasincontrollongenoughtoestablishanewpolicingculture. BeSensitivetoCulture Londonofthe1820swasveryunrulywithastrongtendencyforpeopletoasserttheirindependence andforgroupstoprotestwhatevertheydidntlikeinsociety.TheEnglishhadlittlestomachfor repression.Ithasbeenobservedthatthepolicingstylethatemergeddidnotworkbecauseofthe tendencytoconformonthepartoftheBritishbut,onthecontrary,becauseofcontemptathaving orderimposedontheminaheavyhandedway.Itwasachaoticsituationthatdemandedorderbut beingontheedgeofchaosasitwas,thewrongapproachcouldhaveeasilyresultedinsignificantlymore violencethanwasthecase. EmphasizeRelationships Muchoftheeffectivenessofthepolicewasderivedfromthegoodrelationshipsthattheyhadwiththe localpopulation.Bybeingpresentandbeingfriendly,treatingthepopulationwithdignityandrespect, respectwasreturnedtothepolice.Thiswasnotuniversallythecase.Peopleatthebottomofsocietyin termsofsocialstandingweremorelikelytobediscriminatedagainst(Jefferson1990). LearnfromMistakes Thepragmaticapproachtopublicorderpolicingmeantthatwhensomethingdidntworkwelltherewas areturntothedrawingboardswithintheframeworkofasetofprinciples. FocusonLegitimacy ThepolicingparadigmemphasizedintheMetropolitanPoliceofLondonemphasizedretainingasenseof legitimacyintheeyesofthepublic.Thisiswhyrestraintintheuseofviolencebecameawatchword. However EventhoughBritishsocietywasbetteroffbetween1829and1960throughtheinstitutionofPeels police,theactionsofthepolicewerenotuniformlypositive.Therewereabusesofpolicepowersand notalllevelsofsocietyexperiencedthepoliceinthesameway.WithinBritishsocietytherewasaclear hegemonicstructureandthepoliceplayedasignificantroleinkeepingthisstructureinplace(Jefferson 1990).Anyjudgmentofthisrealitymustbebasedonanunderstandingofthecomplexityofsociety,the competingdemandsoforderandchange,therelativerigidityandimpermeabilityofclassstructureand adefinitionofdistributivejusticethatacknowledgesrelativeresponsibilitiesandcontributions. Sincethe1960s,publicorderpolicingasitevolvedinBritainincreasinglycametoresemblepolice practiceinotherestablisheddemocracies.Wewillturnnowtoanexaminationofcontemporarytrends, eachofwhichprovidesabasisforcomparisonamongpoliceservices/forces. ProtestPolicingsince1960

The1960ssawasignificantgrowthinthesize,significanceandsophisticationofprotestcrowdsin Westerndemocracies.Concomitantly,publicorderpolicinggrewasaspecializedaspectofpolicework. Dedicatedpublicorderpolicingunitswereorganized;nationalnetworksofmutualsupportamongpolice forcesandotherpublicservicebureaucracieswereputintoplace;legislationandlegaldecisionscreated abetterarticulatedframeworkforpublicorderpolicing;newequipmentandtrainingcoursesprovided newoptionsforcontrollingcrowds;strategicandoperationaldecisionmakingweredifferentiatedand coordinated;newtacticsweredeveloped;andfinally,PublicOrderManagementSystemswereputin place.Allthewhilepoliceworkedproactivelytoavoidsurprisesandtroublesastheymovedbackand forthalonganaxiswithrepressionatoneendandnegotiationattheother. ParamilitaryOrganization Sincethe1960s,paramilitarypolicinghasbeenwovenintopublicorderpolicingasaneffective,efficient useofforce.TonyJeffersondefinesitastheapplicationof(quasi)militarytraining,equipment, philosophyandorganizationtoquestionsofpolicing(whetherundercentralizedcontrolornot)(1990, 16).Therearetwodifferentaspectstothisphenomenonanditisimportanttodifferentiatebetween aspectsoftheterm.Ontheonehand,paramilitaryreferstothemannerinwhichpoliceareorganized withspecializedsquads,unitandincidentcommanders,andtheuseofstrategiesandtacticsmodeled onthemilitary;ontheotherhand,thesametermreferstoanorientationormindsetthatisoriented towardcontrolofcrowdsthroughtheuseofforce.Thesetwoaspectsmayreinforceoneanother,but oughttobeconsideredseparatelyforpurposesofanalysis. AccordingtoP.A.J.Waddington,whatdistinguishesthisorganizationalstyleisthedistinctionand distancefromcivilsociety,thehierarchicalstructureandthetendencytobeorganizedandworkin squads.WhentheMetropolitanPolicewasestablishedinLondon,theemphasiswasonstrong identificationwiththecommunity.Clothingwasmorecivilianthanmilitaryandtheconstablewas consideredacivilianinuniform.A1929policecommissionpaintedthepoliceinBritainasnevera forcedistinctfromthebodyofcitizens(Waddington1991).Waddingtonmaintainsthatthiswasthe mythandassuchitplayedanimportantfunctioninthethinkingofthepublic;howeveroveraperiodof 150yearsthisincreasinglywasnotthereality.Infact,Jeffersonmaintainsthattherewasmore paramilitarismevidentthroughoutthehistoryoftheMetropolitanpolicethanhasnormallybeen acknowledged.Inanycase,thereisagreementthatnewaspectsofparamilitarismwereintroducedto publicorderpolicingparticularlyinthelate60sandearly70s. Inthe1980sandearly1990stherewasastrongmovementamongpoliceinNorthAmericatoestablish communitybasedpolicingwhichwastoremovethedistancebetweenpoliceandcommunitygetting policeoutofsquadcarswasliterallyandmetaphoricallythegoal.However,aspolicehavedonned increasinglymoreprotectiveclothingandhavepositionedthemselvesbehindshields,wallsandbarriers whendoingpublicorderpolicing,theyhaveidentifiedlessandlesswiththecommunity.Policewho havelittleidentificationwiththecommunityhavelesscompunctionaboutusingforceforseveral reasons.First,theyareanonymoustotheprotesterstheyarenotrecognizablebycommunity membersbecausetheyarebehindshieldsandwearinghelmets.Second,theydonothavepersonal relationshipswithprotesterssoarelesslikelytoseethefullhumanityofthoseinfrontofthem;

protestersbecomethingstodealwithratherthanpeoplelikethosetheyknowandlove.Third,they arewellprotectedandabletousemoreforcethantheycanwithoutgoodprotection;theyhavemore powertogetpeopletodowhattheywantthemtodo.Allofthiscontributestotheabilitytobehaveina moreeffective,forceful,coercivemanner.Whendestructiveviolencethreatenslives,thismayhave someimmediatebenefit;whenrelationshipsarereliedupontocontrolacrowdthiscoercivecapacity maybecounterproductive. Regardingauthority,P.A.J.Waddingtonpointsoutthatlegallyallpoliceofwhateverrankfunctionedas constableswithequalpowersbeforethelaw.Noconstablecouldgetoffthehookbyclaimingtoacton orderssincenootherauthoritystoodbetweenhimandthelaw.ThisdistinguishedBritishpolicefrom paramilitarypoliceandarmedforcesaroundtheworld.Inaparamilitaryoperation,suchasprotest policingincontrasttocommunitywork,policeofficersareorganizedinsquads,witheachsquadhaving itsownfunction;e.g.ateargassquad,afrontlinetacticalsquad,etc.Seniorofficerscommandgroups ofsquadsanddecisionsaremadeupthechainofcommand.Inaparamilitaryenvironmentthefirst loyaltyofthepoliceofficeristohisforce(Waddington1991).Thereispsychologicaldistancefromthe peopleinthecrowd. (Waddington1991) Thus,itisnotsimplytheparamilitaryorganizationstructurepersethatisobjectedto,butwhatthat structurefacilitatestheoppressiveuseofforce.Paramilitarypoliceforcesblurthelinebetweenthe policefunctionofusingforcetoarrestsuspectedoffendersandbringthembeforethecourtsandthe militaryfunctionofdefeatinganddestroyinganenemy.Aparamilitarypoliceusesitssuperiormightto suppress. Thisisnottosaythateveryparamilitaryorganizedforcewillberepressive;however,themoreittakes onparamilitarycharacteristicsthegreaterthecapacityphysicallyandpsychologicallytobecoercive. Theadvantagesofaparamilitaryorganizationarethatitisefficientallsquadsoperateunder consistentcommandsextremelyimportantwhendealingwithcrowdsattheedgeofchaos. Formajorprotestcrowdeventsthereisadivisionofresponsibility:therearedetectives,intelligence gatherers,plainclothespolicewithinthecrowd,apolicepsychologist,amediarelationsspecialistto workwiththemediaandmakecertainthatTVcamerasarebehindpolicelines,softhatspoliceatthe edgesofthecrowd,oftenonbicycleswhomaintainapresenceandestablishboundaries;therearethe teargasspecialistsandthewatercannonoperators,policewithdogsandthehardhatsthetactical armedpolicewithfullprotectivegearandequippedwithpepperspray,stunguns,andgunswithrubber bullets.Theincidentcommandingofficer,likeabattlegeneral,directsthedifferentunits;however,in violentchaoticsituationsorderandcommunicationcanbreakdownleavingtheincidentcommander withonlynominalcontroloverwhathappensonthefrontlines.Allofthesepeopleareempoweredby technologicaltoolsandthetoolsthatcomefromwelldefinedtacticsthataredrilledinadvanceofthe event.Wewillexaminebothoftheseresourcesingreaterdetailtobringouttherealityonthepolice sideoftheprotesterpolicedividingline. ToolsofTechnology

Overthepastfewdecades,policehavehadevermoreeffectiveprotectivegearandagrowingarsenalof crowdcontrollessthanlethalweapons.Technologyhasalsomadepossiblebettercommunication amongpoliceandbetweenfrontlinesandcommandcentres. DefensiveTechnologies Therearetwotypesofdefensivetechnologyattireandshields.Protectiveattireincludesbulletproof Kevlar,maskswithvisorsthatcandeflectprojectiles,gasmasksandnonflammableouterlayers.Itisalso possibletohaveanatomicallymoldedprotectivepadsthatmakeitpossibletowithstandexplosivesin closeproximity.Suppliersofprotectiveclothingworktoprovideprotectionagainstlifethreatening injuriesfacedinclothingriotandcrowdmanagementsituations.Theyworktoachieveoptimalbalance betweenprotectionandcomfort.Therearefeaturesthatfacilitatetherescueofafallenofficer,ensure compatibilitywithotherkitsandequipment,offerbluntimpactprotectivecoverageandshoulderto ankleflameresistancecoverage.Includedinthetotaldesignofsuchequipmentarepsychological advantagessoofficersondutyremaincalmthroughknowledgeoftheiroptimalprotection.Hence,itis hoped,theyarelessinclinedtostrikeoutandcanmaintaintheirpositionwithunifiedforce,ratherthan actingindividually.Allthewhile,theyaretopresentaprofessional,yetlessaggressive,appearancetoa crowd.Experiencehasshownalessaggressiveappearancereducestheriskoftriggeringaviolent reactionfromthecrowd.Thecomfortaspect,includingatwolitreoptionalreservoirofwater, anticipatesofficerswearingprotectiveclothingforlongperiodsoftime.2 Shieldsincludethelongshieldandtheshortshield.Longshieldscanbehookedtogethertoforma movableprotectivewall.Shortshieldsallowforgreaterfreedomofmovementandcanbeusedby individualofficerswhoholdtheshieldwithonehandallowingonefreehand. Lessthanlethalweaponsaredesignedtocreateaphysicaldistancebetweenpoliceandprotesters, immobilizeindividualprotesters,andtoinducecrowdstodisperse.Teargasandwatercannonsareused tocreateaphysicaldistancebetweenpoliceortoencouragedispersal.Batonroundsare4inchplastic cartridgesthatcanbefiredatprotesters.Theyarenotlethalbuttheycaninducesufficientinjuryasto immobilizepeople.PeppersprayandTasergunsaresufficientlyunpleasantastoinduceprotestersto retreat.Theycanalsoproducenegativebodilyreactions.Taserscanalsobeusedtoinvoluntarilyrelax theholdofprotesterswhohavelinkedarmssothattheycanmoreeasilybearrested.While truncheonscanbelethalifusedonthehead,longtruncheons(27inches)aremeanttobeusedonarms andlegstheyencouragedispersalbutcandisablepeople.Mostuptodateareexpandable truncheons.Thoughtheseweaponsaredesignatedlessthanlethalthereareinstanceswheresome haveprovedtobemorelethalthanintended. TacticalOptions Thefollowingtacticsaredesignedtofirstgivepolicetheupperhandevenbeforeaproteststartsand secondtodealwithparticularcontingenciesastheyarise.3 TakingtheGroundandEarlyResolution

Takingthegroundmeansthatpolicearriveatthesceneofaprotestwellbeforetheprotestbegins. Theypositionthemselvesinsuchawaythatprotestersaredirectedtogatherataplacepositionedsuch thatthepolicecanmoreeasilycontrolthesituation.Asprotestersarrivetheyareexplainedtheground rules;astheseareacceptedbythefirsttoarrivetheyareconveyedandacceptedbythosewhocome later.Ifthepolicearriveatthesceneofaspontaneouscrowdthatisgettingoutofhand,early resolutionmeansthattheybreakupthecrowdearlyonbeforeithasachancetogroweitherinsizeor violentbehaviour.Earlyresolutioncaninvolveforcefulmeans. Cordons Cordonsarelinedemarcationsthatindicateboundariesforcrowds.Theymaybeformedwithtapeor fencesormaytaketheformofalineofpolicewithspacesbetweenwhoestablishthecordonbytheir presence.Avariationmaybefiltercordonsthateitherallowprotesterstopassthroughalineina controlledfashionorthatseparatecrowdmembersfrompedestrianswhoarenotpartofaprotest. TrudgingandWedging Trudgingisatacticthatisbasicallyamovingcordonthatforcescrowdstomoveback.Toaccomplish this,policeformalinewiththeirbodiesperpendiculartotheboundarywiththecrowd.Eachgrabsthe beltoftheoneinfrontandthepolicemovetowardthecrowdthroughaseriesofsidesteps.Thisis colloquiallyreferredtoasaChorusLine.Wedgingisaspecializedformoftrudginginwhichtheline takestheshapeofachevronwiththetipmovingintothecrowdasawedge.Thisisusedtoeitheraccess particularlyviolentcrowdmembersforthesakeofarrest,todivideacrowdintwo(inwhichthechevron eventuallyopensinthemiddle)ortosystematicallymoveacrowdback(thetipmovesintothecrowd thenremainsinplaceasthewingsofthechevronadvancetoformastraightlineatanadvanced position. ShieldCordons Shieldcordonsarelinesofdemarcationformedbyshieldsthatformawall.Uptothreelongshieldscan bephysicallylockedtogether;theyareheldupbyateamoffivethreedirectlybehindtheshieldsand twobehindwhosupporttheothers.Awallofshieldunitscanallowforsomepolicetodartthroughthe gapstoarrestindividualprotestersandthenbringthembackbehindtheline.Ashortshieldcordon makesuseofshieldssmallenoughtobeheldontheweakerarm.Sometimesateamoffourtwowith shortshieldsandtwowithnoshieldswilladvanceintoacrowdtomakeanarrest. VehicleTactics Vehiclescanbeusedtoeitherquicklytransportadditionalpolicetowheretheyareneededorserveas physicalbarriers. AnimalTactics Mountedpoliceorpolicewithdogscanemergefrombehindacordontohelpinduceacrowdtomove back.

SpacebetweenaCordonandaCrowd Ifpolicewishtomaintainadistancebetweenacordonandacrowdtheycanuseteargasorwater cannonstokeepacrowdatbay. Pens,LimitedAccess,andNoBrokenWindows TheNewYorkPoliceDepartmenthasaddedpens,limitedaccess,andtocontroltactics(Vitale2005). Thepensaremadeofmoveablefencesectionsthatkeepgroupsofprotestersseparatedfromone another.Thishampersthedistributionofpamphlets,communicationandcoordinatedaction.Policealso restrictaccesstothedemonstration;thatis,therearelimitedpointsofentrytothedemonstrationsite. Protestersmayhavetowalkuptoamiletogettoanaccesspoint.Nobrokenwindowsisametaphor derivedfromcrimepreventionwhereitreferstoimmediatelyrepairinganybrokenwindowina marginalizedneighborhoodtoavoidtheappearanceofdeclinethatmightsetinmotionaspiralof deterioration.Inapublicordercontext,itentailszerotoleranceforcontraventionoflawsordirectives frompolicesuchasnodemonstrationonagivenstreet.Thefirstpersontryingtochallengepolice directivesisimmediatelyarrestedasanexampletotheothers. PreemptiveExclusion Whenpolicesuspectthatcertainpeoplewillcausetrouble,theywillkeepthemfromjoininga demonstration.Ifthesepeoplehavetocrossnationalborders,theywillsimplynotletthemintothe country.Inthecaseofpeoplewithinacountry,theymaytrytofindsomereasontoarrestanddetain thesepeopletokeepthemoutofaprotestcrowd.Thispreemptiveexclusiontacticisbasedonpolice intelligence. IntelligenceGathering Fromtheearlydaysofpublicorderpolicing,ithasbeenimportanttopolicetogatherintelligenceabout majorprotests.Someintelligencegatheringinvolvesbeingattentivetowhatisinthepublicdomain.In thepastpostersandpamphletsadvertisingaprotestwouldhavebeentheequivalentofwebsites,blogs andtwittersitesthatnowcommunicateprotesteventsinamannerthatisopentothepublic.Other methodsincludetheuseofundercoveragentstopenetrateplanningmeetingsofprotesters,plain clothesofficersbeingpresentinthecrowdasobservers,andpayinginformerstoprovideinformation. OneexampleisMathildaGiffordwhowasofferedmoneytoinformonPlaneStupid,agroupprotesting airportexpansioninBritain(Lewis2009).Shetapedrecruitmentinterviewswithadetectiveandhis assistantinwhichtheyofferedhermoneyforinformationabouttheinternaldynamicsofPlaneStupid. Theyclaimedtohavethousandsgivingtheminformation.Inanothertwist,accesstoinformationhas shownthatpublicservantsinBritainfromtheDepartmentforTransportarecollectinginformationon protestgroupsandgivingittopolice(Tayor,2009). Electronicintelligenceworkextendstomonitoringelectroniccommunications(inmanycountriesa warrantisrequiredtodothis),maintainingdatabasesonindividualsassociatedwithprotestmovement

andsharinginformationbetweencountries.Informationfromsurveillanceandconcealedcamerasalso addstotheintelligence. Newtechnologiesfunctionbothways,asLeonardSternobserves: Everyonehasacellphonecamerathesedays,whichmeansthateveryprotesterisakindofjournalist, empoweredwiththeabilitytorecordandtodocument.TakealookatwhatshappeninginIran.Mostof theimagesandreportshavecomefromparticipants,notprofessionalnewsgatherers.Thismakesit almostimpossibleforpoliceorsecurityagentstogetawaywithbrutality.Theshootingofthepoor Iraniangirl,Neda,capturedonamateurvideo,waswithinhoursviewedbytheentireworld.Evena totalitariangovernmentlikeIranscouldntstopthat. Backin1997attheAPECdemonstrationsinVancouver,itwasjustdumbluckthatTVcamerascaptured theRCMPscontroversialpepperspraying.Ifthathappenedtoday,thescenewouldbecapturedfroma dozendifferentanglesandinstantlyuploadedtotheInternet,justlikethetaseringofRobertDziekanski in2007. InIran,thestudentprotestershavebeenusingthesetechnologiestogreateffect.TheIranian governmentlikestodispatchplainclothessecurityagentsintothecrowdsbuttheprotestersareableto identifytheseagents,taketheirphotoswiththeircellphones,thencirculatethephotoselectronically (ontheInternet,cellphonetocellphone)sothateveryoneknowswhotheagentsare.4 Sternsobservationsareechoedinrecommendation11inareportoftheUnitedKingdomHomeAffairs ParliamentaryCommittee: (BromleyBriefings2008) Policingpublicprotestisanactivityundermuchgreaterscrutinythantwentytothirtyyearsago,SirPaul Stephensontoldusthatastechnologychanges,therearedifferentwaysandmanymoreopportunities forpeopletobecaughtbehavingbadlyiftheychoosetobehavebadly.Thisundoubtedlyincreasesthe pressureunderwhichfrontlinepoliceofficershavetowork;becauseofthistheyhaveoursympathy. However,thisdoesnotexcusebehaviourwhichappearstocontravenethenormsofdemocraticprotest. Thepolicemustbeawarethattheirbehaviourwillbemonitored,recordedandinstantlymadepublicvia theinternet.Theymustmodifytheirbehaviourandbriefingsaccordingly. Certainlytechnologyischangingthedynamicsofprotestinmanyrespectsbyshapingthequalityof informationthatisavailableandrapidlysharedonbothsidesoftheline.Howthistechnologyisused dependsontheorientationofthepartiesinvolvedand,inthecaseofthepolice,thelimitsestablished bylaw,governmentandregulatorybodies. Wewillnowillustratepublicorderpolicingtechniquesthroughadescriptionofwhathappenedduring thelargeG205protestinLondoninApril2009.G20UnitedKingdom2009 TheCaseofthe2009G20ProtestinLondon

OnApril1and2,2009,therewasaSummitofleadersfrom20countriesinthecenterofLondon.35,000 protestersattemptedtogettheirmessagesacrosstotheseleaders.Whilemostofwhathappenedwas peaceful,minimizingdisruptiontobusinessesandbystanders,thereweretacticsusedbythepoliceand particularincidentsofviolencethatraisedquestionsabouttrendsinpublicorderpolicing(Bromley Briefings2008).Wewillreturntothesetacticsshortlybutfirstwewillputthesituationintocontext. TheMetropolitanPoliceServicewasnotifiedabouttheSummitonDecember18,2008,allowingjust overthreemonthstoprepare(Metropolitan2009).ThemaineventwasintheExcelcentre,sevenmiles fromthecentreofLondonwithonlytworoadsinandout.Multiplepoliceserviceshadtoworktogether onwhatthepolicecalledOperationGlencoe.Policeworkedlonghoursofovertime.Inanticipating contingenciesforplanningpurposes,theterroristthreatwasassessedasSevere,thoughtherenever wasaspecificthreat.Policedescribetheirtakeonwhatwasgoingonamongprotestersasfollows: (MetropolitanPoliceAuthority,2) Opensourcemonitoringofprotestgroupwebsitesmadeitquiteclearthattheirintentionwastobring theCitytoahaltbywhatevermeanspossible.Mostgroupsclearlystatedthattheywouldbepeaceful buttheywouldtakepartindirectaction,openlybreakingthelawtoachievetheirends.Othergroups clearlystatedtheywoulduseforceandviolenceifrequired.Aleaderofoneofthegroupsappearedon nationaltelevisionurgingpeopletobreakwindowsandoccupybuildings. Inthissituation,thereweresometechniquesandeventsthatdrewwidespreadpubliccriticism. Oneexampleofthesetacticsiskettling,acontainmentstrategyandtacticalmeasureusedbythepolice inaccordancewithSection14ofthePublicOrderAct1986.SomeapplicationsnotrequiredbytheAct include: (Laville2009) OutsidetheBankofEngland,thousandswereheldforuptoeighthoursbehindapolicecordon,ina practiceknownaskettling.Parentswithchildrenandpassersbyweretoldbyofficersonthecordon thatnoonecouldleave. AccordingtoWitnesses,whentheywerefinallyallowedtogoonWednesdaynight,theywereordered toprovidenamesandaddressesandhavetheirpicturestaken.Iftheyrefused,theyweresentback behindthecordon. JohnOConnor,aformerMetofficer,criticisedthetactic.Theyareusingthismoreandmore,hesaid. Insteadofsendingsnatchsquadsintoremovethoseinthecrowdwhoarecommittingcriminal offences,theycontaineveryoneforhours.Itisaretrogradestep...itisaninfringementofcivilliberties. ThereportoftheHomeAffairsCommitteeweighsinonthisissueinitsrecommendations: (BromleyBriefings2008,28)

Theuseofcontainmentinvolvesashiftinpowerandcontrolfromtheprotesterstothepoliceand shouldbeusedsparinglyandinclearlydefinedcircumstances.Thesecircumstancesshouldbecodified Thereisnoexcuseforthepolicepreventingpeacefulprotestersorotherpeopleinnocentlycaughtupin aprotestfromleavingacontainedareawhenthepolicecanbesurethattheydonotposeaviolent threattosociety.Thisisdoublytruewhenpeopleareaskingtoleaveformedical(orrelated)purposes. Weareparticularlyconcernedattheevidencewehavereceivedsuggestingthatanexplicitorderwas giventomaintainthecohesionofthepolicelinesattheexpenseofpeacefulprotestersrighttoegress andtoaccessmedicine. Theyalsoraiseconcernsabouthowcrowdsweresentfromthearea: (BromleyBriefings2008,16) Themosttroublingaspectofthekettlingwasthesubsequentdispersalofthecrowdataround 11:30pm.Thishasbeendescribedasaveryintense,veryrapidclearanceveryscary.Theuseofforce todisperseprotestersinthissituationcouldhavebeeneasilyavoidedandcanbetracedbacktoan incorrectapplicationofthekettle. ThereportoftheHomeAffairsCommitteealsofocusesonalackofcommunicationbetweenpoliceand themedia;andmostimportantly,betweenpoliceandprotesters.Severalthingscontributedtothis.The untrained,inexperiencedofficersthatwereemployedonthefrontlinesduringtheG20hadastrong crowdcontrolmentalitythatreliedonforce.Manyoftheiractionswerenotinaccordancewiththe AssociationofChiefPoliceOfficersGuidelines.Somehadanusandthemapproachfromtheoutset thatisdehumanizingtoprotestersandfailstofacilitatethedemocraticrighttoprotest.Toquotethe Committee,thosewhoprotestonBritainsstreetsarenotcriminalsbutcitizensmotivatedbymoral principles,exercisingtheirdemocraticrights.(BromleyBriefings2008,25)Policeexclusiverelianceon forceandtheperceptionthattheydonotwanttobeheldaccountableforthis,ultimatelybringsa disrespectfulresponsefromprotestersthatcanresultinpersonalharmanddeath. theiractionswill befilmedwhetherornotjournalistsarepresent.(BromleyBriefings2008,27)Thedisturbingincidentof thepoliceattackonTomlinson,whowasnotpartoftheprotestbutabystanderwalkinghomefrom work,illustratesthatotherscaneasilygetcaughtupintheensuingviolence.Tomlinsondiedofnatural causesshortlyafterbeinghitwithabatonbyaMetropolitanPoliceServiceofficer. Communicationistheresponsibilityofbothsides.Whilethepolicefailedinthisrespect,sodidthe protesters.Bychoosingtoformlargedisparateorganizationswithnoleadersforpolicetocommunicate with,protestersaresettingthemselvesupforbeinguninformed.TheHomeAffairsCommitteewas criticalofthereticentattitudeofsomeprotestersinthecontainmentareaandsuggestedtheymake moreefforttopreventpoliceviewingthemasathreatbycommunicatingtheirpeacefulintent. (BromleyBriefings2008,29) TheCommitteealsoemphasizedthat35,000protestersparticipatedinLondonwithminimumdisruption totheCity.

RepressionversusNegotiation Atvarioustimesindifferentcountries,theweaponsandtacticsavailabletopolicecoupledwitha politicalclimateantitheticaltoprotestresultinrepressivepolicemeasures.Repressivepolicinginvolves theuseofweaponsandphysicalcontroltacticstolimitorshutdowntheexpressionofdissent. Inthe80and90srepressivetendencieshavebeendisplacedbywhatisknowninpolicingcirclesas negotiatedmanagement,otherwisereferredtoassofttactics.Thewordnegotiationhasarangeof meaningsinthiscontext.Initspurerformitincludesthefacilitationofconditionsandprocessesthat addresstheneedsandinterestsofprotesters.OneexamplecomesfromJeanMarcCollin,anRCMP officerwhowasconfrontedintheMaritimeswithfisherswhowereangryaboutgovernmentdecisions thataffectedtheirlivelihood.TheyoccupiedaDepartmentofFisheriesandOceans(DFO)office.After severaldaysoflisteningtotheirconcernsandgeneratingideas,Collinswasabletoarrangeameeting withDFOofficialsandtheconflictwaspeacefullysettled.However,otherswithfirsthandexperienceof policeprotesterrelations,showthatsomeofwhatpassesfornegotiationisaseriesofproceduraland discursiveprocesseswherebyprotestersendupdoingthingsthewaythepolicewantthemtodoit. (Sopow2003;Waddington1998).Theymaintainthattruenegotiationsinvolveeachsidegivingup somethingtoaccommodatetheinterestsoftheother.Ininterestbasednegotiationthereisaclear identificationofeachothersinterestsandasharedefforttocomeupwithsolutionsthataccommodate eachside.Whetherthediscursivepracticesaretruenegotiationoraformofmanipulationdependson thegoodwill,openheartednessandunderstandingofnegotiationonthepartofpoliceandprotesters involved.Thefollowingpracticesfallundertherubricofsoftpractices. 1. PermittoProtest Inmanyjurisdictionsitismandatoryfordemonstratorstoapplyforapermit,sometimesaminimumof threedaysinadvance.Thisallowspolicetimetopreparefortheprotest,establishwhotheleadersare anddetermineaprojectedsizeofthedemonstrationandwhatactivitiesmightbeusedinconjunction withit. 2. OffertoHelp Atthetimeoffillingoutanapplicationfortheprotest,policewilloffertohelpwiththeplanning.They willpointoutlogisticalchallengesinvolvedinparticularroutesorsitesandmakesuggestionshelpingto makethelogisticsasstraightforwardaspossible. 3. FriendlySmiles Theattitudeofpolicedealingwithcrowdorganizersisdeliberatelyfriendly(Waddington1991). 4. IndirectDirection Whenplansincludeavenuethatisincongruentwithpolicepreferencesorprotesttacticsthatare unacceptable,ratherthanconfronttheideasheadonandsaythattheyarenotallowed,policewillpoint outthepotentialproblemsandsuggestwaystosolvetheproblems.

5. OfficialLiaisonRoles Policewillappointliaisonofficerswhomaintaincontactwithcrowdorganizers.Sometimestheywill evenleadtheprotest. 6. Collaboration Policeliaisonofficerswillencourageaspiritofcollaboration,withpoliceblockingroadsanddoingother thingstofacilitateaprotestmarchorgathering. 7. InstitutionalizationofProcedures Asthesameprotestersworktogetherwiththesamepolice,eventuallyproceduresareformalized.If arrestsarecalledforaspartofaprotest,theseareorchestratedandbecomeapublicdrama. Oneofthedangersofinstitutionalizationofprotest,fromtheperspectiveofdissent,andhence,society, isthatitcanmaketheexpressionofdissentlimpidandineffective. LegalandPoliticalDevelopments Therearetwosetsofdevelopmentsonthelegalandpoliticalfront.Thefirsthastodowiththerightsof protesterstoprotestandthesecondhastodowithlimitationsonpolicepowersorthegrantingof additionalpowerstopolice. RighttoProtest Indemocraticsocieties,thereisarighttoprotestexpressedinrightsoffreeexpressionandassembly.In theUnitedKingdom,thisisnotformalizedinlawbutisacceptedasarightthroughcustom.InUnited StatesthisrightisexpressedintheFirstAmendmenttotheConstitution.InFranceithasbeenexpressed inlaw.InCanada,theCharterofRightsandFreedomsprovidesforfundamentalfreedomsofthought, belief,opinionandexpression,freedomofpeacefulassemblyandfreedomofassociation(Mackenzie 2005).Therighttoprotest,besidesbeingdevelopedinlawhasbeenextendedthroughcourtdecisions includingdecisionsfromSupremeCourts.InUnitedStatesitishighlycontroversial,andformanymost offensive,toburntheflag;however,legaldecisionshaveupheldflagburningasbeingconsistentwith therightoffreeexpression(McPhail1998;Welch2000). InEurope,theissueoforderversustransnationalprotestrightsisintheprocessofbeingworkedoutin practice.AsReiterandFillieulepointout, (2006,146) (t)heverypolicepowerscomingtoplayinEUprotestpolicingareilldefinedandtherearefew,ifany, publicforaofdebateontheseissues.Asimilarpictureemergesifwelookatthetransnationalprotest rightsofthecitizensoftheEU:protestrightsareformalizedintheEuropeanConventiononHuman Rightsandinthe.However,untilrecentlytheconcreteformsandboundariesofprotestrightswere

rarelytestedbeyondthenationallevel.Consequently,thedeclarationscontainedintheConventionand theCharterarenotsupportedbyaconsolidatedpracticeoftransnationalprotestrights. ThecomplexityofthesituationinEuropeiscompoundedbythefactthatmemberstatesareresponsible forsecurityissues,ontheonehand,butthereisatrendtowardtransnationalpolicecollaboration, particularlywithregardtointelligenceontheother.ReiterandFillieuleraiseconcernsaboutdemocratic accountabilityinthiscontext(2006). InCanada,intensionwiththefreedomtoprotestisthePeace,OrderandGoodGovernmentclauseof theConstitutionActof1867,whichmandatesagainstprotestgroups.Thisambiguity,alongwith controversiessuchastheU.S.flagburningissue,reinforcesthepointthattheprotestcrowdpolice dividinglinereflectsaboundarylinethatisphysical,moralandlegal.Itisthespace(physicaland metaphorical)whereanythingcanhappenandwherethescriptsdirectingeachsidemustremainopen ended.Itistheedgeofchaoswhereanythingcanhappenbutwhatdoeshappenislargelyshapedby theoperativeparadigmsincludingthelegalstructure. DirectivesonPublicOrderPolicing InCanada,theBritishinspiredprincipleoftheindependenceofpolicefrompoliticalcontrolisawell establishedlegallyandinpractice: (Mackenzie2005) CanadianCourtshaveupheldthevalidityofthedoctrineofoperationalindependencebyconfirmingthe decisionofLordDenningintheleadingEnglishcaseofR.v.CommissionerofPoliceoftheMetropolis,ex. P.Blackburn.Thedoctrineofoperationalindependenceholdsthatpolicechiefsareindependentfrom politicalinterferencewhenmakingdecisionsregardingdeploymentofpersonnel,identifyingwhich offensestoinvestigateandwhatchargestolay,ordetermininghowbesttohandlematterssuchas publicdisturbancesordisorder.Policechiefs,thecommissioneroftheRCMP,andprovincialpoliceforce commissionerscannotbedirectedinoperationalmattersbypoliticians,policegoverningauthorities,or eventheattorneygeneralorsolicitorgeneral. Despitethisoperationalindependence,therearestrongaccountabilityprovisionsinlegislation;aswell, thereareexternalcomplaintscommissionsandthoseharmedbyoverzealouspolicecansuefor damages(Mackenzie2005).Withinaframeworkofaccountability,itisuptopoliceforces/servicesto designtheirownpoliciesandprocedureswhenitcomestoprotestpolicing. InUnitedStates,protestpolicinghasbeenshapedinlargemeasurebytheKerner,in1968,Eisenhower, in1969,andScranton,in1970,Commissionsthatwereestablishedinresponsetoproblematicinstances ofcivildisorder.TheEisenhowerCommissionsawexcessiveforceassomethingthatwouldmagnify turmoilandadvocatedthattherespectforprotest,thewillingnesstonegotiateitstime,place,and manner,andthegrantingofpermitsforprotestarethebestmeansofavoidingthenecessityofpolicing, nottomentiontheuseofunnecessarylevelsofforce(McPhail1998).Therecommendationsofthese CommissionshadanimpactonthedevelopmentofaCivilDisturbanceOrientationCourse(CDOCwhich

becameSEADOC),thesecondversionofwhichfrom1972onwasinstrumentalinpromptingpolice acrossUnitedStatestodevelopPublicOrderManagementSystems(POMS).Thesearenowthenormin establisheddemocracies. IntheUnitedKingdom,thereisnospecialframeworkforpublicorderpolicing;itissimplypartofthejob ofpolicingforwhichthepoliceareresponsible(Waddington1998). MicaelBjrkcomparesthelegalframeworkforprotestbetweenDenmarkandSwedenusingjusticeand orderastwopossibleemphases(Bjrk2005).TheSwedishlegalframeworkemphasizesjusticeand takesamorelegalisticapproachtomanagingprotest.Thisincreasesfrustrationonthepartofpolice, leading,heargues,toagreatertendencytowardaggression.Denmarkslegalframeworkisbasedon order,issimple,andleadstoopportunisticpolicing.ThelatitudeanddiscretionaffordedDanishpolice leadstolessfrustrationand,hence,lessaggression. EnforcementofLaws Insofarasthereisthepotentialforlawstobebrokeninthecourseofcrowdaction,policehavea mandatetoenforcelaws.Thereisconsiderableambiguityinthisstrategicgoalinthatitissometimes unclearwhichlawsarebeingbroken.Theprotestitselfmaybeaboutperceivedbreakingoflawsonthe partofGovernment.Attimestheactofenforcingcertainlawscouldleadtocrowdviolence.Sometimes inthecaseofwidespreadcivildisobedienceitwouldbeliterallyimpossibletoenforcethelaw.Also,in somecircumstances,thelawisaasstoquoteCharlesDickens(Ciacccia2000).Inotherwords,the applicationoflawinsomecontextsispragmaticallycounterproductiveatbestandmorallywrongat worst.Examplesofthelatterarediscriminatorylawsthatrestrictcivilrightsbasedonraceorgender. Giventheseambiguities,policehaveconsiderablediscretionastohowtheyapproachlawenforcement. Thereisalwaysthetensionbetweenmaintainingasensethatsocietyisundertheruleoflawand enforcingthelawwithsuchvigourthatsocietylosesrespectforthelawandthosestandingbehindit. Furthermore,theseambiguitiesreinforcetheanalysisoftheprotestcrowdpoliceencounterasbeing ontheedgeofchaos. AvoidingTroubles Publicorderpolicewishtoavoidtroublesatallcosts.Waddingtondistinguishesbetweentroubleson thejobandtroublesinthejob(Waddington1998).Intheformer,thingsgetoutofhandsuchthat coercivetacticsneedtobeused,potentiallygeneratinganinquiryorspecialformstofillout.Thelatter troublesinthejobinvolvedoingthingsthatgetthepoliceintroubleinternally.Thiscantaketheform ofsubjectingpolicetointernalreprimandorthepoliceforce/service6beingcriticizedbythosewhom theyignoreattheir(political)perilcabinetmembers,elitebusinessleaders,popularstars,headsof stateor,intheUnitedKingdom,membersoftheRoyalFamily.Thislatterpointneedssomeclarification. Indemocraticsocieties,policearetobefreeofpoliticalmeddlinginhowtheydotheirjobs.Theyare oftenresponsibletoboardsthatareatarmslengthfromthepoliticalprocess.Therealityis,according Waddington,thatwhenpeopleinpositionsofpowerorauthoritycomplain,itmakesfortrouble.Police arewillingtogiveprotestersconsiderablelatitudeindoingthingsthatarestrictlyillegalinorderto avoidtroubles.OneexampleinOttawaxwasacrowdorganizedbytheMarijuanaParty.Thoseinthe

crowdweresmokingupaslongastheydidthisonlywithintheboundariesofthedemonstration, policelookedtheotherway.Totrytoarrestthelargenumberinvolvedwouldhavecertainlymeant trouble Insituationsofdictatorshiporweakstates,thepotentialfortroublesforthepoliceonaccountofover aggressivepolicingarenegligible;ontheotherhand,failuretoprotectthestates(dictators)interest givesrisetotroubles. SpecializedRoles Policeandothersecuritypersonnelplayvariousroles.Theseincludeintelligenceunitsthatprovide informationonthesizeandkindofcrowdanticipated,frontlinetacticalpolice,troopcommandersand officersinchargeofoverallstrategy.Therearealsounitsthatspecializeintheuseofspecificlessthan lethaltechnologiessuchasteargas,dogsorhorses,orintheuseofspecialtransportationsuchas helicopters,andsoon.Othersareresponsibleforlogisticsandemergencypreparations,whileanother groupisclosertoforeigndignitaries,briefingtheirbodyguardsandensuringsmoothcollaboration amongdiversesecuritygroups. Inthecaseoflargeinternationaleventstheremaybeseveralpoliceservices,someinternational, involvedincollaborationwithoneanother.Intheseinternationalgatherings,securitypersonnelfrom othercountriesaresentforadvancebriefings,andforeignleadersaresometimesaccompaniedbytheir ownbodyguards. InsomecountriessuchasCanada,themilitaryisavailabletoassistthecivilauthority(Lerhe2006;Par, 2002)7.Innondemocraticsituations,thedistinctionsbetweenpoliceandmilitaryarenotasclear (Vejnovic2005).Inpostconflictsituations,peacekeepersareoftenputinarolenotunlikepublicorder policewithsimilarchallenges.TheCanadianForcesareusuallyconsideredtheheavyhandandtheir influenceismostlyreservedforsecurityserviceoutsideCanada.However,theCanadianForcescanbe calledoutinaidofthecivilpowerattherequestofthefederaloraprovincialgovernment.For example,the1970OctoberCrisiskidnappingsandmurderbytheFrontdeLiberationduQubecledtoa massivesecurityoperationbypoliceservicesandtheCanadianArmedForces.Similarly,the1976 OlympicssawpoliceservicesandtheCanadianForcescooperatingonceagaintoprotectOlympicsites, athletesandothersagainstapossiblerecurrenceoftheterroristattackatthe1972OlympicsinMunich. DuringtheOka/Kanehsat:keCrisisof1990theCanadianForceswerecalledouttoassisttheSurtdu QubecasaresultofblockadesbyFirstNationsprotestersatOkaandontheMercierBridge.Protecting thesiteofthe2002G8InternationalSummitinKananaskisinvolveduniquemilitaryskillsand consequentlyrequiredtheForcestobecalledoutonceagaintoassistthecivilpower. PublicOrderManagementSystems(POMS) Negotiationtechniques,intelligencegathering,strategicplanningusingavailabletactics,media coordinationandsocialpsychologicalreviewarecombinedinPublicOrderManagementSystems (POMS)thatallowallthedifferentaspectsofprotestpolicingtobecoordinated.POMStrytoachieve

predictabilityinadvanceandlinesofcommunicationtohelpthingsgetontrackifsomething unexpectedhappens(Sopow2003).Thepotentialforviolenceisreducedthroughabalanceof (Sopow2003) negotiationandconsultation,providingavisiblesofthatpolicepresence(policeofficersinstandard, everydayuniforms)attheprotest,butalsoensuringthatprotestersknowthatpolicearereadytowithin secondsto(sic)deploybattlereadytacticalteammemberequippedwithpeppersprayandbatonswho arestandingbyinthebackground. CitingdocumentsfromtheNewYorkPoliceDepartment,theRoyalCanadianMountedPoliceandtheUS DepartmentofHomelandSecurity,Sopowgoesontoshowthatwithinamanagementsystempoliceare framedastrustedfacilitators.POMScontributetotheinstitutionalizingofbothprotestandprotest policing,withsharedinterestsbetweenpoliceandprofessionalprotestorganizersinpredictability,non violence,andorderlybehavior.(Sopow2003) Publicordermanagementbringstogetherpolicetraining,policies,practiceandtechnologiesintoan organizedsystem(Waddington1998)thatincludespreeventplanning,tacticsandcommandstructure duringaprotesteventandposteventdebriefs.POMShaveemergedinanenvironmentthatvalues negotiationandnonconfrontationapproacheswithprotesterswhilebeingpreparedformore repressivecontrolmeasures.However,policingsystemsmayendupbeinganywhereonacontinuum withnegotiatedmanagementatoneendandcommandandcontrolontheother.Ashasbeenpointed outabove,recentpoliciesoftheNewYorkPoliceDepartmenthaveemphasizedcommandandcontrol tactics(Bjrk2005)andotherjurisdictionshaveusedapparentlysoftapproacheswhilemaintaininga strongcoercivecapacity(King2006).POMSprovideforbothendsofthespectrumandeverythingin between. DynamicsofPublicOrderPolicing Sofarwehavelookedatthecomplexarrayoffactorsthatinfluencehowprotestpolicedotheirjob.At thefirstlevelwefindarangeofthephilosophicalorientations,strategies,andtactics.Influencingthese atasecondlevelarethelegalframework,technologyandtechniques.Allofthesecometogetherata thirdlevel,themomentwhenaprotestingcrowdisonthevergeofstartingadestructiveriot.David Waddingtonhasdevelopedaflashpointmodeltoanalyzeanddescribethisthirdlevelthatinfluences howpolicework(King2005;Waddington1989).Waddingtonseesflashpointsoccurringwiththe convergenceofthefollowingsixfactors:structural,ideological,cultural,contextual,situational,and interactional.Thesearepresentedasconcentriccircleswithstructuralattheoutsideandinteractional nestedatthecentre(Waddington1989).WewillshowhowKingandWaddingtonusedthisframework toanalyzetheprotesterpolicedynamicsatthe2001QubecCitySummitoftheAmericas.Thiswill providecontextfortheStrategicLeadersSeminardescribedinPartTwo. Intheiroverview,KingandWaddingtonpointoutthat7000policeand680armypersonnelwere involvedinprovidingsecuritytothegovernmentleaderswhometinQubec2022April,2001(King 2005).Policeputupa6.1kilometerthreemeterhighfencearoundtheconferencesight.Itwasableto

withstand20,000poundsofpressure.ThedaytheSummitwastobeginagroupofprotestersmarched tothewallofshamewheresomeofthemsucceededinpenetratingthefence.Theteargasand ensuingconfrontationdelayedthestartoftheproceedingsby90minutes.Thenextday60,000 protesterswereinvolved.Mostofthesewereselfdisciplinedbut7,000haddirectclasheswithpolice.In additiontowatercannon,plasticbulletrounds,policedischarged5,000teargascanisters(King2005). KingandWaddingtonanalyzethesituationusingtheflashpointsmodelasfollows:

Structuralwithintheprotestorganizationswastheconcernthatimplementationoffreetrade policiesinthehemispherewouldbeheartless,withoutconscience,harmingtheenvironment andthemostvulnerable.Furthermore,youthparticipantsdidnotfeelrepresentedbypolitical institutions. IdeologicalinthewakeoftheSeattleproteststhathaltedWTOtalks,therewasapolitical imperativetomakecertaintheQubectalkswentoffwithoutdisruptions;henceadieinthe ditchresolvetobeuncompromising(King2005). CulturallabourstagedapeacefulmarchbuttheBlackBlocprovedtobemoredisruptive.As KingandWaddingtonobserve,Policeknowledgeplayedapivotalroleinframingtheirstrategy forQuebecCity.Culturallymediatedperceptionsofthethreatposedbybaddemonstrators (primarilytheBlackBloc),combinedwiththeirpoliticalobligationtoprotecttheSummitandits attendingdignitaries,inclinedthemtowardaparticularstrategicresponseavailablewithintheir existingrepertoire(2005). Contextualintheweeksbeforetheevent,feelingsstartedtorunhighaboutthesummitand theperimeterwall.NewDemocraticPartyMemberofParliamentSvenRobinsonarrangedfor civildisobediencetrainingonParliamentHill;450peopledemonstratedatForeignAffairs;and leadingartistsandpoliticalactivistsmadeapublicstatementagainsttheperimeterbarricade. Policehadnegotiationswithprotestorganizers,trustinglabourbutfearingthatantiglobal protesterswouldnotberestrained(King2005). Situationalsofthatswereusedtopolicethelabourmarchbutasiegementalitywasevident whenitcametopolicingthefencewhichbecameasymbolofwhatprotestersfoundmost troublesome.Therewereawiderangeofsituationalobjectives,includingvaryingcommitment totheuseofviolenceasameanstoanend(King2005).Theseincludedtryingtoreachthe fence,breachthefence,orperformvarioussymbolicactionsonthefence(e.g.tyingbrasonthe fencetoprotesttheplightofpoorwomen).Forthepolicethewallwasagooddiversionfrom anythingthatwouldthreatenforeignvisitorsorbusinessesinthearea. InteractionalInteractionaltheflashpointcamewhensomeprotestersclimbedthefenceand througharockingmotionbroughtitdown.Roundsofteargasfollowedandfortwohours protesterschargedthefenceonlytorebuffedbyteargas,shortshieldunitsofpoliceanddogs (King2005).Thereaftertheuseofteargasandplasticbulletswentupasdidthedetermination ofprotesters.Therewereseveralincidentsofviolentconfrontation.Inoneinstanceagroupof

500singingprotestersweretrappedbypolicewhothrewteargasintothegrouptodisperse them.However,inanotherinstanceasitdownprotestresultedinastandoff,whichendedwith anRCMPcommandergivinginstructionsthatshieldsandbatonsbelowered,thiswas interpretedasasignofrespecttotheprotesters(King2005). Therangeofissuesinvolvedwithpublicorderpolicing,fromlegalandstrategicframeworktotheuseof technologytoorganizationandtacticsraisesanumberofethicalconsiderationswhichwewilllookatin thenextsection. EthicalAspectsofPublicOrderPolicing Wewillbeginbylookingatpublicorderpolicingasafunctionofvariousrelationalconfigurations involvingprotestcrowds,targets,policeandbystanders.Thisabstractpresentationwillprovidethe contextfortheissuesandquestionswhichfollow. Figure4.1SecurityOrientationvisvisCrowds PublicOrderPolicingintheAbstract Onoccasionswhenprotestcrowdsexpressdissatisfactionwithatarget,securityforces/servicesare calledupontocomebetweenthecrowdsandtargets.Therecanbedifferentrelationshipsbetween crowds,targetsandsecurityoratleastdifferentperceivedinterrelationships.Securitycanbeperceived asneutral,protargetorprocrowd.Thefirstoftheseisasdepictedabove(Figure4.1). Inthissituationsecurityisneutralinrelationtobothcrowdsandtargets.Neutralisalwaysarelative term;inthiscaseitisusedtodesignateasituationinwhichthereisasufficientperceptionofneutrality onthepartofboththecrowdandtargetthatneitherwouldthinkthatthesecurityinterventionwas favouringtheotherside.Asindividuals,weareseldomtrulyneutralinaspecificsituation;however, withaneutralmindset,intentionandpracticewecanbehaveneutrally.Examplesofneutralsecurity mightbewhentwoopposinggroupsofcitizensclash(e.g.prolifeversusprochoicedemonstrators),or conflictingethnicgroupsdemonstrateondifferentsidesofanissue,orastrikewherepolicearecalled upontoprotecteachsidefromviolenceexertedbytheother.Theroleofsecurityistomakecertainthat nooneishurtoneitherside.Policecanimposeorderortheycanfacilitateorder.Policeassecurity personneldonothaveaparticularpositiononwhatisgoingonandtheirroleisneutral.Neutralitycan existontwolevelsneutralitywithregardstotheissueandneutralityinarole.Ifpolicearepersonally neutralabouttheissuethenitiseasierandmorenaturalforthemtobeneutralwhendealingwiththe crowdtoplayafacilitativerole.Similarly,neutralitycanshift.Itisrelativelyeasyforpolicetobehave neutrallyintheplanningstages;however,duringtheoperationoneincidentcanpushthemtowardsthe primarymissionofprotectingthetargetandkeepingthepeace.Whatissignificantishowpeople perceivethemselvesandhowothersperceivethem.Withinademocracy,therearemanysituationsin whichpoliceseethemselvesasbeingneutral;however,thosewhohaveexperiencedpolicerepression andabuse,eveninothercountries,feelthepresenceofpoliceasbeingprovocative. Figure4.2SecurityOrientationvisvisCrowds

Inmanyinstances,securityhasaparticularroletoplaywithregardtothetarget.Theybasicallyhaveto protectthetarget(politicalrepresentatives,industryrepresentativesorthemanagersofacompany) fromanyviolenceperpetratedbythecrowd(Figure4.2).Thisisthecasewhenactivistsareprotesting againstthegovernment.Thefactthatsomepolicemaysharetheopinionoftheprotestersisofno consequence.Thepoliceinthisscenariomustbehaveneutrallywithregardstotheissue;however,their roleisassociatedwithprotectionofthetargetandkeepingthepeace.Nonetheless,ithasbeen observedthattheirbehaviourtowardprotesterschangesiftheyagreewiththeissues(Kratcoski2001). Theoperationalobjectiveistokeepthecrowdatbaysothatthosewhomthecrowdtargetscan proceedwiththejobathandunimpededbytheactionsofthecrowd.Thiskindofscenarioraisessome questions.Sincepolicewithinademocracyseetheirroleaskeepingthepeaceandprotectingthepublic fromharm,doesthefactthattheyareputintothiskindofpositioninaparticularinstance,compromise theircalling?Inotherwords,inthissituationwhatistheirroleinrelationtothewellbeingofthe crowd?Andwhatrolewouldthecrowdletthemplay? Also,ifprotestersseethepoliceasrepresentativesofthegovernment,thetargetoftheirprotest,then thefrustrationsandangergeneratedbygovernmentpoliciescanbeprojectedontothepolice.When thishappens,thepolicemayfeelthreatenedandreactwithheavyhandedaggressivetacticsthattend toescalatetheconflictonbothsides.(Kratcoski2001) Whetherpolicearetargetsorwhetherthereisapoliticalagendaintheprotest,therelationshipofthe policetothestateisimportant.Brewer,etal.,takethepositionthatevenwiththebesteffortstode politicizethepolice,therewillalwaysbesomedegreeofpoliticalinfluencethequestionishowmuch. Theyusesixaxesalongwhichtherecanbestrongorweakrelationsbetweenpoliceandthestate (Brewer1996): 1. Politicalbeliefsinastrongrelationpoliceconductisstructuredby[statesympathetic]beliefs. 2. Policingasanissueinthestrongform,policeidentifywithaparticularparty. 3. Policeresourcesatthestrongendoftheaxis,policemanipulategovernmentprioritiesthrough securitythreatstogetadditionalresources. 4. Governmentpoliciesthestrongmanifestationincludesapositivebiastowardpoliciesand denialoflegitimateoppositiontothemorintheexpressionofalternativevalues. 5. Governmentvaluesandideologypolicemayactivelysupportvaluesandideology. 6. Policeconductasareflectiononstateinstitutionsthestrongformindicatesthatpolice deliberatelymanufacturepositiveimagesbycarefulpresentationofitsconduct. Theseauthorsalsosuggestthatpolicestrategiesinrelationtopublicdisorderincludecriminalization, accommodationandrepression.Boththepoliticizationofpoliceandthestrategiestheyusebecome partofaframeworkforethicalquestioning.

Thereisanothertrendlinkingsecuritytothetarget.Inthiscase,corporationsthatcouldbecometargets hiresecurityservicesthatwillprotectthemfromprotesters.Oneexample,WackenhutServices,offers paramilitarysecuritytoprotecttheSavannahnuclearfacilityrunbytheU.S.DepartmentofEnergy.The force(accreditedbytheCommissiononAccreditationofLawEnforcementAgencies)operatesspecial responseteamsandahelicopter.Theofficersareequippedwithmilitaryriflesanduniforms.Theyare preparedforantinuclearprotests(Rigakos2005).Otherspecializedprivatesecurityfirmswillprotect companiesfromlabourprotests,evensupplyingtemporarylabourtokeepcompaniesgoing(Rigakos 2005). Figure4.3SecurityOrientationvisvisCrowds Insomecasessecuritypersonnelmaysidewiththecrowd(Figure4.3).Sometimesthepersonalbeliefs ofmembersofsecurityovercometheirroleofprotectingthetarget.Thiswasthecaseduringthe WinnipegGeneralStrikeof1919whenlocalpoliceresolvedtojoinratherthanfighttheworkers. (Rigakos2005)Similarly,individualsecuritymembersmaysimplybefollowingtheordersoftheir superiorswhohaveswitchedallegiancefromthetargettoanewleaderwhoissupportedbythecrowd. ThiswasthescenariofollowingtheSerbianelectionsinwhichSlobodanMilosevicwasdefeated. Milosevicwouldnotaccepttheresultsandwasdeterminedtostayinpower.Hadthesecurityforces acceptedhisclaimtobeincontrol,theymighthaveenforceditinthefaceofanangrycrowd.However, theychosetosidewiththecrowdagainstMilosevic.Itshouldbenotedthatthisisanunusual circumstancewithregardtoprotestcrowds,anditisusuallyassociatedwiththedyingdaysofa repressiveregimesuchasMilosevics.ThelastdaysofCeausescuinRomaniaisanotherexample. EthicalIssuesandQuestions Ethicsinvolvesathoughtfulreflectiononpracticalknowledgeandwisdomwhichbydefinitionisa reflectiononaction.Ethicsprobesthenature,orientationandmoralvalencethatcanbeattributedto differentactions.Wherethereisaconsensusonvaluesrelatedtogenerictypesofaction,acodeof conductisarticulatedasasetofrulesorlaws.Thisrepresentsthedeontologicalmomentthemoment whenthereisanethicaldutyorobligationtotakeaparticularaction.Deontologicalcomesfromdeons meaningdutyandlogosmeaningarationaldiscourseaboutsomething;henceastatementofmoral principles.Ethicsismuchmorethanthis.Itexaminesintentions,proportionalityandconsequencesof actionsintendedandunintended.Italsolooksattheteleologicaldimensionsofethicalreflection broadimplications,goalsandendsofanaction.Ethicsalsoisconcernedwiththeoriginsofbeliefs, valuesandcustomsandhowthesearebroughttobearonadeterminationoftheethicalvalenceofa givenculture.Giventhecomplexityofhumanaction,thereisoftenambiguity:certainactionsthatare intendedtodogoodendupdoingtheopposite;ortherearemultipleconsequencesofagivenaction suchthatsomearegoodandsomearebad;orthereisachoicetobemadebetweentwocourseseach ofwhichinvolvesadifferentbutcompellinggood;oronemustchoosebetweentwoevils. Actionscaninvolvebasicactions,chainsofrelatedactionsorongoingactionpractices.Sometimesthe outcomeofanethicalreflectionchangesasactionsarelookedatintemporalandcircumstantialcontext orifabasicactionisconsideredasaprecedentforongoingpractices.

Withinestablisheddemocracies,thereisaconsensusonanumberofpointsthatcouldconstitutea protestpolicingdeontology:respecttherightsoffreedomofexpressionand;useaminimumofforce (thoughthiswouldbedebatedbythosedevotedtocommandandcontrolapproaches(Vitale2005); avoidconfrontation;putpublicorderandgoodrelationsaboverigorousenforcementofthelaw;inno wayletcrowdshaveanyaccesstoInternationallyProtectedPersonsandsoon.Evenwithagreementon basicprinciples,thereareanumberofareasthataredeservingofethicalreflection.Thediscussionof theissueareasbelowisintendedtohighlightwhatisatstakefromanethicalperspective. PoliceJudgmentofCrowdsandIssues AswaspointedoutinthesectiononProtestCrowds,therearedifferentlevelsofethicalconsciousness reflectedinthedifferentissuesaboutwhichcrowdsmightbegatheredtoprotest.Somecrowdsare clearlygatheredforthesakeofthepublicgoodandformulatetheirgoalsinawaythattranscends narrowselfinterest.Somecrowdsaredrawnfromoneidentitygroup,aremotivatedbyhatredand communicateadesiretoworkagainsttheinterestsandwellbeingofdifferentgroups.Attimesthis hatredisbasedonhistoricinjusticesandatothertimesitisbasedonstereotypes,fearor hyperthumiaamanicdesireforsuperiorrecognition.Acrowdmayhaveacentreofgravitythat reflectsbothanorientationandalevelofconsciousness. Thisdifferenceinprotestcrowdsraisesthequestionforpolicing,shouldacrowdbetreateddifferently basedonthelevelofmoraldiscourseorlevelofconsciousness?Ifso,whoistojudge?Isitatall legitimateforpolicetobemakingsuchjudgments?Isittheirrole?Ifnotthepolice,thenwho?Police,as humanbeings,dohavevaluesandtheydomakejudgments.Werememberoneseniorofficer,reflecting ontheprotestattheSummitoftheAmericasin2001,whomentionedthatheagreedwithmostofthe positionsoftheprotestersandwentontosaythatOurwivesandchildrenarepartoftheprotest crowd.Otherjudgmentsarenotthatgenerous.Itisnotuncommonforpolicetocharacterizecrowdsas theenemyortodevelopnegativestereotypesofvarioustypesofprotesters,particularlythosedressed inblack. Thisraisesthequestions,Arecrowdstreateddifferentlyonthebasisoftheissuestheyespouseandwho mightbeinthecrowds?andShouldtheybe? Anopenquestion,then,ishowshouldwehandlethephenomenonofpoliceandjudgmentofprotest crowds? PoliceasShapersofSociety Policeareleadersinsociety;theirconductcanhaveaprofoundimpact,forgoodorill,ontheevolution ofsocietalcustomsandvalues.Theyfunctionasoneofseveralgroupsinthedynamicchangesthattake placeinagivencommunity.InthecaseoftheMetropolitanPoliceofLondon,itisclearthatthestyleof policingwasreflectiveofandatthesametimewasashaperofBritishsociety.Ifthisisthecase,whois toevaluatethelongitudinalimpactofprotestpolicingstyles?Forexample,thereisinthepublicmedia significantemphasisongratuitousviolence,inwhichviolentgoodguyssuppressthethreatandimpact ofthebadguys(Wink1992).Ifthepolicebuyintothismentality,itiseasyforthemtorelishphysical

confrontationwithdisruptiveprotestersandthusframethemselvesasheroes.However,theyhavethe optionofdeliberatelyworkingtoraisethepubliclevelofmoralconsciousnessbyconcentrationonother meansofcrowdmanagement. Thequestionsthenbecome

Howmightthepolicebeinvolvedininfluencingcultureandpublicconsciousness? Whomonitorsthisaspectofpolicework? Whichvaluesareparamountasabasisforpoliceaction?

CrowdControlandManagement Theveryconceptofcrowdcontrol,andeventhesubstitutionofcrowdmanagementasatermusedin protestpolicingraisesanumberofissues.FirstthiskindofdiscourseisathrowbacktoLeBonsconcept ofacrowdasacollectiveentityandevensuggeststhatsuchanentityisirrationalandneedstobe controlled.Wehaveshownthatitoftenmakesmoresensetothinkofacrowdasatemporarygathering ofwellinformedthoughtfulindividualswhoareengagedinextraparliamentarydemocraticaction.Isnt itpaternalistictothinkofcontrollingsuchatemporarygathering?Yettherealityisthattherearetimes whenriotousbehaviourisevident,livesarethreatenedandpropertyisdamaged.Isthereakindof discoursethatwouldincludeplacinglimitsontheprotestersactionswithoutrecoursetoamentalityof control.Whenitcomestomanagementarenotprotestcrowdsreallymanagedbytheirorganizers? Discoursepointstoaconsciousnesswhichhasvaluesembeddedwithinit.Ifchangeismadeonlyinthe wordsused,thechangeisoftendiminishedtothelevelofpoliticalcorrectness.Ifthereistobea changemadeinhowprotestcrowdsareconceptualized,valuedanddesignated,whowilldeterminethis andhowwillitbecommunicatedthroughoutthepoliceforce/service? UltimateLoyalty Towhomortowhatarepoliceultimatelyloyalatboththeindividualandcollectivelevel?Theansweris entwinedwithsomeoftheirstrongestvalues.Possibleanswersincludegroupsofpeople,institutionsor abstractionconceptslikethelaw.Theycouldbeloyaltothecommunity,thegovernment,thepolice force/service,ortotradition(itissimplynotdone),ruleoflaw,keepingthepeace.Howthisquestionis answered,isalsoafunctionoflevelofconsciousness.Thosefunctioningatamorecomplexlevelwill integrateanumberofthese.Somescholarsmaintainthatultimateloyaltyistothepoliticalmastersof thepolicewhoformthegovernment.Yetthepolicedonotrepresentthegovernmentandinthecontext ofdemocraticdevelopment,policearetobeindependentofgovernmentintheiroperations.Infact, onereasonfortheestablishmentoftheMetropolitanPoliceofLondonwastogetawayfromdirectlocal politicalinterference.MayneandRowanasstrongpolicecommissionersintheirownrightcreateda policingculturethathadafairmeasureofindependencefromgovernment.Inthemoreabstract presentationofsecurityasbeingthatwhichstandsbetweenprotestcrowdsinterpretationofevidence andtargets,threescenarioswerepresented:securityasneutral,securityasalignedwiththetarget,and securityasalignedwiththecrowd.Thesearenotabsolutecategoriesbuttheyraisethequestionofthe

degreetowhichpolicehavealignedthemselves.Itisimportantthattherebetransparencyaboutthe loyaltyofpoliceforitwillaffecttheireffectivenessandthekindsofrelationshiptheymighthavewith thepartiesinvolved. DyingintheDitchandaHermeneuticsofSuspicion Withinprotestpolicingcirclesthereisanunderstandingthatcertainlinesconstitutesuchabsolute prohibitionsthattheyarepreparedtodieintheditchtomakecertainthattheyarenotcrossed.These linesmaybegeographicalorbehavioural.Itisformaintenanceoftheseultimaterestrictivelinesthat tacticaltroopsarekeptonstandbyandallsortsoflessthanlethalweaponsareprocured. Inthecaseoflargecrowdsorganizedorselforganizedtoprotestactionsofgovernmentsor internationalagenciesthereisadutyonthepartofpolicetoprotectgovernmentofficials.Ifthereare InternationallyProtectedPersons(IPPs),thepressureonthepartofpolicetoavoidmishapisabsolute. Shouldsomethinghappentoaforeignheadofstateorgovernmentminister,itwouldcausean internationalincident,lossoffaceforthegovernmentthatemploysthepoliceandserioussanctionsfor anypoliceofficerheldresponsible.Likewisefordomesticleaders. Manyofthetactics,andthenegotiationapproachesareinplacetopreventasituationevolvingtothe pointwherepolicemightbecalledupontoenforcetheultimaterestrictions.Theparametersofwhat constitutesadieintheditchsituationpointtowhatreallyconstitutestheprimaryvaluesofpolice. Thereis,however,littlepublicdiscoursearoundtheseabsoluteprohibitions,whichraisesthepossibility ofexercisingahermeneuticsofsuspicionraisingbasicquestionsaroundwhattheyare,wheredid theycomefrom,andwhoisresponsibleforchangingthem.Thiskindofdiscoursedoesnotimplythat theywillberejectedbutitmighthavetheeffectofmodifyingthemslightly,and,moreimportantly, extendingthedegreetowhichtheyarerespectedaslegitimateboundariesbytheprotesting community.Somecreativescenariodevelopmentinvolvingpoliceandprotestersoutsidethemomentof actualdecisionmighthelptodeterminethecircumstancesunderwhich,forexample,thetacticaltroops needtobecalledinorlessthanlethalweaponsshouldbeusedintheinterestofkeepingthepeace.This mighthelpintelligence,policeinthedevelopmentofnew,yetunimaginedalternativestotheuseof coerciveforce.Itwouldalsoclarifywhohaswhatauthorityateachstepalongthewaytomake decisionsabouttheuseofweaponsandforcefultactics. Intelligence,InterpretationandTransparency Arisingoutofthepassionatedesireonthepartofpolicetoneitherlosecontrol,becaughtoffguard,nor befacedwithenforcingtheultimaterestrictions,theneedforpreparednesscallsforpoliceintelligence. Earlyoninthehistoryofpublicorderpolicing,plainclothedofficerswouldminglewiththecrowdand reportbackwhatwasgoingonandsignalpotentialtroubleiftheysenseditwasintheworks.Later detectivesworkedatgatheringinformationabouttheorganizationofprotestcrowdactivities.Onthe onehand,thisisunderstandableitmakessensethatpolicewishtobepreparedontheotherhand,it raisesquestionsaboutthelengthspoliceshouldbeallowedtogointheinterestsofintelligence gathering.Itisonethingtotalktoorganizersinadvancetogetinformationaboutwhatisplanned;itis quiteanotherforpolicetoposeasprotestersandgotoorganizationalmeetings.Itisonethingforpolice

tovisitwebsitesofprotestingorganizations;itisanothertointerceptemailsorlisteninonphone conversations.(Policecanonlyinterceptemailsandphoneconversationswithapprovalofajudge.This approvalisgivenwithhardevidencethatthereisareasonablesuretythatsomethingillegalisbeing communicated.)Oncerawinformationisgathered;itmustbeinterpretedandinterpretationissubject tobias.Thereshouldalsobeanalysisofmindsetorientationandlevelofconsciousness.Sometimes peoplespeakinmetaphorsorusehyperbole,particularlywhenthereisagooddealofemotioninvolved. Someonelisteninginmighttakewordsliterallywhentheywereneversointended.Thisraisesthe questionofrealitychecksonhowinformationtakeninbythepoliceisinterpreted.Misinterpretationof informationcanresultinpeoplebeingwronglyarrestedandpossiblyevenincarceratedordeported. Whoisresponsibleforchecksandbalancesinthisaspectofpolicework,whichmaybeconductedina secretiveway?Adistinctionneedstobemadebetweentacticsthatareusedtogatherinformationafter acrimeforthesakeofconvictionandtacticsthatcanbeusedforthesakeofprevention. Thischapterhasprovidedanhistoricaloverviewoftheriseandfallofprotestpolicingthathasbeen bothsupportiveandrepressiveofdemocraticprotest.Wehaveprovidedsomereflectionontheissues ofthepolicingorganization,thengiveninformationonstateofthearttechnologicaltoolsandcurrent strategiesandtacticaloptionsusedbypoliceservicesinCanadaandelsewhere.Thelastsectionraised manymorequestionsthananswersandwillprovidefertilegroundfordiscussioninthefuture. Behindmanyoftheseissuesisthequestionofwhatparadigmsareusedasthebasiclensesthrough whichthephenomenaoftemporarygatheringsofprotestersareviewedandinformationandevents interpreted.WeareworkingtowardadiscussionofparadigmaticoptionsinChapternine,butbeforewe gettothatwehavetointroducemoretheoreticalconceptsandintroducetheotherstakeholders.With thatinmindweturnnowtounderstandingsofhowpeoplecanbeconstruedasradicallyother,somuch so,thatviolenceagainstthemcanbejustified. BeyondControlNotesandBibliography: 1.AdamSmithwasaScottishpoliticaleconomistandphilosopher.Hehasbecomefamousbyhis influentialbookTheWealthofNations(1776).Smithwasthesonofthecomptrollerofthecustomsat Kirkcaldy,Fife,Scotland.TheWealthofNationswasthefirstandremainsthemostimportantbookon thesubjectofpoliticalecomomyuntilthispresentday.(Faber2003) 2.MedEngSystemswasasupplierofprotectivegeartopolicearoundtheworld.Thesedescriptionsare basedonits2005promotionalliterature(CrowdManagement:VTopEnsemblesandHelmets),included toillustratethekindsofequipmentavailabletopublicorderpolice. 3.MostofthesearefromanappendixinTheStrongArmoftheLawbyP.A.J.Waddingtonwhogotthem fromtheTacticalOptionsManualpublishedbytheUnitedKingdomAssociationofChiefPoliceOfficers. 4.ThisisfromanemailtoVernNeufeldRedekopdatedJuly31,2009andisusedwithpermission. 5.TheGroupofTwenty(G20)FinanceMinistersandCentralBankGovernorswasestablishedin1999to bringtogethersystemicallyimportantindustrializedanddevelopingeconomiestodiscusskeyissuesin

theglobaleconomy.TheinauguralmeetingoftheG20tookplaceinBerlin,hostedbyGermanand Canadianfinanceministers.TheG20ismadeupofthefinanceministersandcentralbankgovernorsof 19countriesplustheEuropeanUnion.www.g20.org/about_what_is_g20.aspxThisparticularG20wasa Summitthatincludednationalleaders;itwasthefirstoverseasvisitofPresidentObama. 6.Policerefertothemselvesaspoliceforcesorpoliceservicesindicatingwhichaspectsoftheirroleis emphasized(Brown1996). 7.IntheUnitedStatesthePosseComitatusActrestrictstheuseoftheregulararmyindomestic situations;rathertheNationalGuard(reservesoldiersnormallyunderthecontroloftheStategovernor butwhocouldalsorespondtothePresident)iscalleduponforbackup;however,thePresidentcancall uponthearmyinextremecircumstances(Kratcoski2001). TheViolenceofOtherness ScapegoatingandHegemonicStructures Wehavenowintroducedprotestcrowdsandgivenanaccountofhowtheyhaveevolvedhistoricallyto thepointtheyaretoday.Wehaveshown,throughtheuseofhumanidentityneedstheory,thatfor someprotesters,asignificantpartoftheiridentityistiedupwiththecauseforwhichtheydemonstrate andtheinjusticeagainstwhichtheyprotest.Inthecourseofmajororganizedproteststheyencounter thepolice.Thisencountermeansthatprotestersandpolicebecomepartofarelationalsystem.Each grouphastodealwiththeotherinasignificantway.Sometimestheencounterlastsforonlyasingle eventthatincludesplanning,assembling,crowdactivity,dispersalandposteventfollowup.Inother casesaprotestcanlastalongtimeuptoseveralmonths,yearsordecades.Otherprotestactivities formactionchainsorevenpracticesinwhichoneprotestcrowdafteranotherassemblestemporarily overthesameissue.Thismeansthatthepoliceprotesterrelationalsystemcanbesustainedoveralong periodoftime. Anyrelationalsystemtakesonuniquecharacteristics.Iftherelationalsystemismutuallyhurtfuland antagonistic,wecansayithastakenonthecharacterofamimeticstructureofviolence.Mimeticmeans thatthestructureisimitativeofbothbehaviourandintentandsobothpartiesreciprocateillwill towardoneanother.Iftherelationshipismutuallybeneficial,wesaythatthecharacteristhatofa mimeticstructureofblessingmimeticstructureofblessing.InChaptereightwewilldeveloptheconcept ofmimeticstructuresofblessingmorefully.Thischapterintroducesmimeticstructuresofviolence;and usesspecifictheoreticalexamplesofviolentrelationshipswheretheOthersideoftherelationshipis viewedandtreatedstereotypically. cantakemanyforms.Overtphysicalviolenceisthemosteasytoidentify.Ifpeoplearehitting, pounding,throwingstones,shooting,usingteargas,throwingMolotovcocktails,settingfires,or breakingwindows,itiseasytosaythatthislooksandfeelslikeviolence.Violentactionscanbe camouflaged,indirect,emotional,orpsychological.Threats,orevenimpliedthreats,canbeformsof

violence.Violenceforcespeopletodowhattheydonotwishtodo;ithurtsthem;itdiminishestheir selfworthanddignity;itkeepsthemfromtakingmeaningfulaction;itdestroysorstealstheirproperty. Thelongtermeffectofviolenceisthatitestablishesariftintherelationshipaprofoundsenseof Otherness.Thisrift,asitgrowsindepth,resultsindehumanizationtheOtherisnotseenasa dignifiedhumanbeing.ItcanmorphintodemonizationwheretheOtherisblamedforallthatiswrong, orthreatensthelifeofoneselfandonesgroup. Violenceisitselfacomplexphenomenonwithmanydifferentaspectstoit.Inthischapterwewill examineingreaterdetailtwodimensionsofviolencethatcanplayaroleintheprotestcrowdpolice relationalsystem;namely,scapegoatingandhegemonic,ordominating,structureswherestereotypical viewsoftheOthercontributetoviolence.Inthesectiononscapegoating,thefirstdimension discussed,wewillprovideatheoreticalbaseforunderstandingtheviolencephenomenonbasedonthe workofFrenchthinkerRenGirard.Girardmakestheobservationthatscapegoatingisaviolenceof differentiationinwhichthescapegoatvictimbecomescompletelyOther. Anyviolenceofdifferentiationcanbesustainedovertimethroughtheseconddimensionthatwewill discuss,namely,structuresofdomination,orhegemonicstructures.Thosewhohavethepowerto subdueothersputthesehegemonicstructuresintoplace.Intime,thosewhoaresubjectedinternalize feelingsofinferiority.Inthisway,hegemonicstructuresaresustainedwithaminimumofeffortoreven aminimumofawarenessespeciallyonthedominantside.Insomeinstances,policearecalleduponto maintainhegemonicstructures;ontheotherhand,somesocialmovementsareallaboutbreakingfree ofthesestructures.Instillotherinstancestheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystemcanexemplify characteristicsofahegemonicstructurewiththepolicetakingonthedominantrole.Aswelookatthe differentaspectsofhegemonicstructures,thenatureofthesedynamicswillbecomeclearer.Before that,wewilllookattheprocessofscapegoatingtoclarifybyexampleonewaywedehumanizeand differentiateOthersinourlives. Scapegoating Scapegoatinginvolvesafrustrated,chaoticcommunitybeingunitedinblamingavictimfortheir troublesandtakingouttheirresentmentsandviolentsentimentsonthatvictim.Thisphenomenonis oftenseenemergingwithincrowds(e.g.burningeffigies,chantingagainstapersonalityorevent),and canalsobeobservedamongpolice(e.g.arrestingatokentroublemaker).Inasituationwhereacrowd isangryaboutaninjusticetheyarefacingandfrustratedthattheirmessageisnotgettingthroughtothe public,politiciansormedia(thisisimportantbecauseprotestgroupswillescalatetogetpublicity),they couldmakescapegoatsofsecurityorevenjournalists.Oneexamplehappenedduringthe Oka/Kanehsat:kecrisisof1990,MohawkshadblockedtheMercierBridgeturninga15minute commuteintoMontrealintooveranhourtripascommuterswereforcedtotakethelongwaytothe city.Protestingcrowdsinoppositiontotheblockadewereangryabouttheinconveniencethatthey thoughtwasunjust,upsetwiththeMohawksandfrustratedwiththeGovernmentfornotresolvingthe crisis.Thescapegoatimpulsewaslikelighteninglookingforaplacetostrike.Sometimesmembersofthe crowdturnedonjournalistsorindividualswhoworeaCanadianflag.TheyburnedineffigybothPremier

BourassaandaMohawkwarrior,examplesofsymbolicscapegoating.Asecondexamplewasduringthe QuebecSummitoftheAmericasinApril2001,whenaGlobalTVvehiclewastrashedbydemonstrators. DuringtheStrategicLeadersSeminaronCrowdManagementandConflictResolutionthatMay, participantsreflectedonthefenceatQuebecCitybecomingthesymbolicscapegoatforactivists.They feltthefencewasillegitimate.Oneparticipantcommentedthatoncescapegoatingcatchesonitisvery powerfulanddifficulttodefine.Anothersuggestedthatitwasbettertohaveafenceasascapegoat thanapoliticaltarget. Thescapegoatisonewhothreatensthesecurityofthegroupcausingfearoflosingtheirgroupidentity. Theybecomeathreattothesenseofjusticeofthegroupresultinginangerandathreattothe connectednesscreatingasenseofsadness.Theactionisdistorted,differencesarenotrecognized,the groupisseenasincoherentandthecontinuityisthreatened.Inotherwords,thehumanidentityneeds ofthecommunityarethreatened.Asaresult,thecommunityturnsagainstthosetheycanblame.Inthe caseofthefence,themereexistenceofthefencethwartedtheneedsoftheprotestcommunityand thisbecameverypersonalforthosefencedout. Itisalsopossiblethatsecuritybecomesthescapegoatforthecrowdandperhapsforthetargetandthe bystanders(Figure5.1).ReturningtotheOka/Kanehsat:kecrisisof1990,thecrowdinChateauguay,at onepoint,turnedontheQuebecpolicewhohadtolockthemselvesinadetachmentfortheirown protection.TheRoyalCanadianMountedPoliceintervenedtohelpprotecttheprovincialpolice. Figure5.1SecurityOrientationvisvisCrowds Knowledgeofthedynamicsofscapegoatingwillhelppoliceandprotestleadersworkstrategicallyto preventscapegoatvictimization.Hence,wewilllookfirstatthecharacteristicsofthescapegoatandthe processofscapegoatingitself.Wewillthenlookatsomeoftheculturalpermutationsofscapegoatingas ittakestheformofsacrificialritualsandisembeddedincommunitymythology. DrawingonGirardscarefulanalysis,itbecomesevidentthatscapegoatsaredifferent(Girard1982),but nottoodifferent;arepowerful,butnottoopowerful(Girard2000);andareillegitimate.Historically scapegoatshavebeenphysicallydifferent.Sometimesthedifferenceisbasedonclasseitherthoseat thebottomorthoseontoparesingledoutinaspecialway(Girard1982).Theidealscapegoatidentifies withthecommunityinsomewaysbutisdistinguishedfromitinotherways(Girard1972).Scapegoats arepowerfulenoughtoberesponsibleforthefrustrationsofthecommunityyettheymustbe sufficientlyvulnerablethatthescapegoatactioncanworkwithoutbackfiring.Thesenseofillegitimacy canbearesultofrealorperceivedinjustices,remembranceofpastviolence,suspicionsofapotential threattothewellbeingofthegroup,someonehavingbrokenthelawordonesomethingthatviolates establishedcustom.Thescapegoatmaybeanindividualorgroupthatshowsupthedefectsofa community,causingittoloseface,thusbringingnegativerecognitiontothegroup.Inscapegoataction peopleareunitedinprojectingtheirfrustrationsontothescapegoat.Scapegoatingasaphenomenonis alwayshiddentotheparticipants;thatis,peoplearenotconsciousofthescapegoatingdimensionsof theiractions.

Manycrowdsworkinascapegoatingmanner.TheSeattleprotesterswhoshutdowntheWorldTrade Organizationtalkswereconvincedthattheparticipantsinthesetalkswereabouttoreachagreements thatwouldhavegivenmorepowertomultinationalcorporations,resultinginreducedrightsofworkers andathreattotheenvironment.Thetalkswereillegitimateintheireyes.Theworldleaderstakingpart inthetalkswereclearlypowerfulenoughtocausetheseperceivedthreats.Theyweredifferentfrom theparticipantsinthattheyweregovernmentrepresentatives.Awidevarietyofgroupswithvarious identitiesandagendaswereunitedinacommonpurposeandtheirresolverevealedapassionate commitmenttoachievetheirgoals.Indeed,theywerepowerfulenoughtounseattherepresentatives fromtheiragendasandshutdownthemeeting. Mostcrowdsarenotassembledwithanintensesenseofscapegoatingpresent.Asobserversofcrowds havenoted,mostpeoplecomeinsmallgroupsoffriendsandtheymaintainasenseoftheirown individuality.Hence,90percentofprotestsoccurwithoutincident.However,sometimesinthecourse ofaprotest,somethingmayhappenthatgalvanizesagroupofprotestersandthereisaviolent contagionastheypourouttheirfrustrationonaparticularscapegoatvictim.Inahighlyvolatilecrowd situationwherefrustrationisrampant,thetendencytoscapegoatcangalvanizeasubgroupwithina crowdtodestroypropertybelongingtothetargetorturnonsomeonewhodoessomethingatthe momentthattriggerstheiranger.Identifyingascapegoatcanalsocreatethecrowdinthefirstplace. Someonetakesasoapboxtoapublicspaceandstartstotalkabouttheperceivedwrongdoingofa potentialtarget.Thecrowdforms,getsinflamed,andmarchestowherever.Thecrowdmighthavebeen individualshopperswithnointentionofjoiningaprotestwhentheylefthomethatday. Theprocessofscapegoatingstartswiththefrustrationofthecommunity(Girard1972).Thisfrustration maybecausedbyinterpersonaljealousiesandrivalries;itmaybeanexternalthreatorreversesinthe fortunesofthecommunityasawholeoritmaybeafeelingofpowerlessnessinthefaceofperceived injustices.Itcanbeadiversionarytactictodeflectexaminationfromthewrongdoingsordeficienciesof somebyfocusingblameonothers.Theinternalbuildupoflatentviolencecanbringacommunitytothe edgeofchaoswhereanythingcanhappen. Thesecondstepinthescapegoatprocessistheselectionofascapegoator,asGirardwouldsay, sacrificialvictim.Insomeinstances,wherethishappenswithsomeregularity,thevictimisclear.The samevictimgroupmightappearagainandagain.Inotherinstances,avictimemergesspontaneously.A policedogmaybeaccidentallyletlooseonacrowdandthreateninnocentprotesters.Thepolicethen areperceivedtobeunjustlyviolenttowardthecrowd;thecrowdthenturnsonthepoliceinascapegoat action.Ontheothersideofthedivide,policemaybefrustratedathavingtowearuncomfortable protectiveclothingforhoursonend.Oneprotestermaybeparticularlyprovocative,hurlinginsultsat thepolice.WhenthispersonhurlsaMolotovcocktailandonepoliceofficerisburned,evenslightly;it tipsthebalanceandthepolicegoafterthisprotester,arrestandconstrainthepersonsometimeswith farmoreforcethanisnecessary.Thesituationreachesaflashpoint. Withoutdrawingonscapegoattheory,AbbyPetersonobservesthatinDenmark,theundercoverpolice, whomprotestersrecognize,areviewedasthetoughestandbaddest,makingthemthescapegoatsfor activistdiscontentwithDanishpublicorderpolicing(2006,57).

Athirdstepisthescapegoatactionitselfwhichisacombinationofisolatingandidentifyingthe scapegoatandperpetratingsomeformofviolencethathastheeffectofhurting,killing,banishingor otherwisedisempoweringthevictim.Insomecultures,particularlyinformertimes,itcouldtakethe formofstoningsomeoneorpushingthevictimoffacliff.Inmoremoderntimes,ascapegoatactionalso isoftensymbolic.Ascapegoatmayberemovedfromasituationoremotionallyisolatedorshunned. Thereisarapid,almostsimultaneouscontagionasanumberofpeopletogetherareunitedinaviolent actionagainstthedifferentiatedOther.Theviolentactionincludesthereleaseofviolentemotionsthat havenothingdirectlytodowiththevictimbutaretheresultofanaccumulationoffrustrateddesires, injusticesandthwartedactions.Variousoveraggressivebatonchargesofpolicecanbeunderstoodin thisway.Therecipientsofthebatonblowscanbecompletelyinnocentofanyviolentactsorgestures buttheyarevulnerablebecausetheyareatthefrontline,theyareperceivedaspowerfulbecausethe crowdispowerfulandtheyareillegitimatebyassociationsincemembersofthecrowdmayhavebeen threateningthesecurityofthepoliceorofpoliticaltargetswhomthepolicearedutyboundtoprotect. Inoneexample,duringaprotestabystanderwaswalkinginthevicinityandthepoliceattackedhim withbatons;hefelldownandtheattackprecipitatedhisdeath. Afourthpartoftheprocessisthatthescapegoatinggroupisunitedinitsaction.Differencesdissolveas theyworktogethertowardthesameobjectivestoppingtheilleffectsofthescapegoat. Throughout,thescapegoatdimensionremainshiddentothosecaughtupintheaction.Ataprimallevel theyarecaughtupinthepassionsofaddressingtheinjusticestheyperceiveinthesituation. Finally,ifthevictimiskilledorextractedfromthecommunityinsomeotherway,thevictimbecomesa heroforhavingbroughtpeacetothecommunity(Girard1972).Themythologythatevolveshasthe doubleactionofconcealingtheillegitimacyofthevictimandthescapegoatactionandcommunicating someformofbanishmentorvictimization.Eventuallyaninitialscapegoatactioncanleadtosacrificial ritualsinwhichtheeffectsofgroupunityareachievedregularlythroughthesacrificeofsomeoneor someanimalfromavictimgroup.Incontemporarysociety,bloodsacrificehasbeenreplacedwith symbolicacts,althoughsometerroristactionscanbeunderstoodinsacrificialterms. Inclassicalscapegoating,wheretherearenoaccountabilitystructuresoutsidethecommunity, scapegoatingresultsinanewpeacethatisestablishedamongformerlyantagonisticcommunity members.Inthecontextoftheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystem,anumberofthingsmight happen,exemplifyingaspectsofthisphenomenon.Onescapegoatactionononesidemayprompta scapegoatphenomenonontheotherside.Recognizingthepotentialforthis,policeoverlookmany actionsthatcouldbeinandofthemselvestransgressionsofthelawwiththerealizationthatstrict enforcementcouldcausetroubleswhichcouldbeinterpretedasscapegoatactions.Sometimesthe zealofascapegoatactionmeansthataccountabilitystructureswillholdprotagonistsaccountable.On oneoccasiononegirlinacrowdwaskilledbyapoliceprojectile,theimageofherinthecoffinbecamea rallyingpointagainstthepoliceasshebecameaheroforthecrowdandthecauseofadditional protests.In1833,therewasamajorprotestinLondon.ItwasonlyafewyearsafterPeelsprincipleshad beenintroducedalongwithanewMetropolitanPoliceForce,whichwasputtothetest.Attheendof theprotestpoliceencounter,theonlyfatalitywasapoliceconstable.Thedeadpoliceofficer

consolidatedpublicopinioninfavourofthepoliceandthecrowdstrategiestheyhademployed;hadthe victimbeenfromthecrowd,thingsmighthaveevolvedverydifferently. Inrecentyears,therehasbeenasignificantemphasisinpolicingcirclesonmaintainingasenseof legitimacyintheeyesofthepublic.Thishasfoundexpressioninnegotiatedmanagementprocedures, avoidingconfrontation,keepingtacticaltroopshiddenuntiltheyareabsolutelynecessary,andnot enforcingthelawstrictly.Wecanseethatinthelightoftheory,thisisawiseapproachonthepartof police,sinceoneofthequalitiesofascapegoatisthattheyareperceivedasillegitimate.Notonlydoesit reducetroubles(someofwhichcouldbescapegoatrelated),keepthepubliconside,andavoidviolence, italsoisgoodfromthepointofviewofscapegoatprevention.Injurisdictionsinwhichrepressive policingisthenorm,policeavoidbeingscapegoatedintheshorttermbybeingtoopowerfulforthe crowd;strategically,inotherwords,theyavoidthequalitythattheisvulnerable.Hencepolicehavea choice:aretheytoavoidbescapegoatedonthegroundsofbeingperceivedaslegitimateoronthe groundsofappearingtoopowerfulforittowork? Wherepolicenegotiatorsorliaisonofficersbuildrelationshipswithprotesters,scapegoatactionagainst thepoliceisreducedbecauseitisharderforprotesterstoputpoliceinthecategoryofthe differentiatedOtherwhomightbecomeascapegoatvictim.Thesameholdstrueontheotherside.As policeseethehumansideofprotestersandunderstandwhytheyaredoingwhattheyaredoing,itis lesslikelythatpolicewillresorttorepressivemeasuresthatcantaketheformofscapegoatinga protester. Weturnourattentionnowtoasecondstructuredwayofexpressingbothothernessandpower,thatof hegemonicstructures. HegemonicStructures Hegemonicstructuresarepatternsofsocialandpoliticalrelationshipswherebysomegroupsare consistentlydominatedbyothers(Cummings1993;Gramsci1968;Linger1993;Redekop2002).One extremeformofahegemonicstructurewastheinstitutionofslaveryinwhichtheslavesliveswere totallycontrolledbytheslaveowners.Theyweretreatedaspropertyandalloftheirskillsandenergies wereharnessedintheserviceofthephysicalandeconomicbenefitstotheirowners.Moresubtleforms ofhegemonicstructuresinvolvesocietalracismandclassdistinctioninwhichcertainracesorclasses havesystemwidebarrierstotheiradvancementwithinsociety. Thedominantcontrollersmayexertcontrolphysically,politicallythroughcurtailmentofrights, economicallybymakingrulesthatbenefittheirowninterests,anddiscursivelybythwartingfull expressionofwhatiskeytotheidentityofthosesubjected,favouringaparticularlanguage,accentor affectation,andbydesignatingidentitygroupswithlanguagethatimpliesinferiority(Linger).Alsothere isacontrollingkindofenergyorspiritthatkeepspeopleintheirplace.Theycanalsocontroltheflowof informationandaccesstoeducation.Thesedifferentaspectsofdominatingstructuresaredepictedin Figure5.2.

Ifhegemonicstructuresareacceptedandinteriorized,thereissuperficialsocialpeaceaswasthecase whenslavery,fascismandcommunism,ascontrollingstructures,wereacceptedbythepopulationsthey controlled.(Typically,thesepracticeswerenotuniversallyacceptedsothesocialpeacewasanillusion existinginsomeplacessomeofthetime.)Whenpeoplebecomeawareofthesecontrollingstructures andwanttochangethem,thereisconflict,passionandsocialunrest. Hegemonicstructuresareasignificantpartoftheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystemfortwo reasons.First,policeoftenareputintoapositionofhavingtoprotectpoliticalandbusinessleadersand institutionsthatareinadominantpositionwithinsociety.Forexample,precedingtheOka/Kanehsat:ke Crisis,Mohawkswereblockingatinyroadinordertopreventthedevelopmentofagolfcourseonland theyclaimedtoberightfullytheirs.TheclaimstothelandwerecomplexandJohnCiaccia,theQuebec MinisterofNativeAffairsbelievedtheseshouldbesettledbeforeanytreeswerecutdown.The interestsinthegolfcourseincludedboththegolfingcommunityandtheMayorandcouncilofOkawho sawmanyeconomicadvantagestothedevelopment.Ultimately,theyhadthepowertosetinmotiona raidbytheSQ,theQuebecProvincialPolice.Policerespondedtorequestsforhelpfromdemocratically electedcommunityleadersenforcingthehegemonyofthelocalpoliticalstructure.Inthatcase,the Mohawksfeelingsofsubjugationwerecompoundedbywhattheysawasunfairsuppressionoftheir righttoprotestinasituationinwhichtheycouldmakeacaseforhistoricrightstotheland(Gabriel Doxtater1995;Redekop2002).Second,withinthepoliceprotesterrelationalsystempoliceplaya dominantrole.Theyhavetheresourcesofthestatebehindthemandcanprocurepowerfulweaponsof manytypesthatcanbeusedtoforcecrowdstodisperse,weaponsthatareillegalforordinarycitizensto carry. Figure5.2HegemonicStructures Crowdangerisintensifiedifparticipantsbecomeconsciousofbeingcontrolledandoverpoweredby dominatinggroups.Currently,manyactivistsfeeltheforceofdominatingstructuresattwodifferent levels.First,theybelievetheevidencethattrendsincorporateglobalizationaresettingupgrand controllingpoliticalstructuresthattheyobjecttobutfeelpowerlesstochange.Second,whenthey protesttheyunderstandthatthesecurityactionsaremeanttocontrolthem.Incrowddynamicsthe demonstratorsconsiderthepolicetobethedominators.Theyhavethepower.Oneactivistsaid,itisnt realistictotalkaboutequaladversariesinthissituationthepolicehaveallthepowerandareusingit againstdemonstratorsinanabusiveway. Thepositionofpoliceinrelationtosocietywidehegemonicstructuresisnotwithoutitsironiesand ambiguities.Lowerrankingofficersandsomeseniorofficersarepartofpoliceunionsand,assuch,have certainsympathiesforlabourunionswhofeeldominatedbymanagement.Furthermore,asthoughtful individualstheycanunderstandtheplightofpeoplewhoarealarmedthatconcernsforthe environment,socialjustice,distributiveandotherissuesthatmaynotbeaddressedorconsideredby dominatinginstitutions.However,thepoliceasabodyhaveaspecialresponsibilitytokeepcommunities safeandpeaceful,protectthelivesofInternationallyProtectedPeople,protectpublicinstitutions,and createacontextinwhicheventslikeinternationalsummitgatherings,liketheannualG8,cantakeplace withoutdisruption.Policeareinapositiontosensethefrustrationofprotestersforsituationsthepolice

havenopowertochange.Thatis,policehavenoresponsibilitieswithregardtotheissuesthatareatthe heartoftheprotestcrowdtargetrelationalsystemandconsequently,mustbehaveneutrallywith regardtothoseissuesnotwithstandingtheirpersonalconvictions.Similarly,governmentsinresponsible democracieskeepthemselvesatarmslengthfromthedaytodayfunctioningofthesecurityforces.In instanceswheretheinjusticesofgovernmentpersonalitiesand/orinstitutionsaresignificantenough andsufficientlyknown,policemaystandbyascrowdseffectadramaticchangeinhegemonic structures.ExamplesofMilosevicandCeausescuhavealreadybeengiven. Theconceptofhegemonicstructureshelpsustounderstandhowpolicecanbeeffectiveincontrolling crowds.Inrepressivestylesofprotestpolicing,itisthephysicalpowerofpolicethatputsthemina dominantposition.Policefirepowercaneasilybeusedtogetcrowdstodisperse.However,dominance isestablishedandevidentinotheraspectsofpolicing.Theuseofsofttacticstogetprotesterstodo whatthepolicewantisanexampleofdiscursivehegemonicstructures.Manypeoplewithinsociety haveatendencytodowhatpolicetellthemtodo,basedonacombinationofrespectandfear.Police demonstratethattheyknowhowtoplanademonstrationbetter,whichroutesworkbest,etc.By smilingandusinglanguagethatisbothhelpfulandauthoritativetheycanshapebehaviourssothe outcomeistotheirliking.Wemustqualifythisbysayingthatsomepolicenegotiatorsforegothesubtle formsofdominancethataccruetothemandgooutoftheirwaytofacilitateasituationsothatthe interestsofprotestersareaddressed.Somepolicealsohaveanauthoritativedominatingspiritmakingit difficultforlessexperiencedprotesterstostanduptothem.Economicallytheyhaveanadvantagein thattheycanhirefulltimeprofessionalstoworkoncontrollingaprotestcrowd.Politicallytheyhavean advantageinthattheyhavelinesofcommunicationtopoliticalandbureaucraticleaders.Regarding information,theyhavetheabilitytocollectinformationabouttheprotestwhereasprotesterscannot havesimilarinformationaboutthestrategyofpolice.Oftenpolicehavededicatedmediaexpertsthat canworkstrategicallytogettelevisioncameraspositionedtohighlightcrowdviolenceandminimize coverageofanypolice. Inthischapterwehaveshownhowboththeprotestcrowdandthepolicecontributetorelationshipsof violencethatdehumanizetheOtherbytheprocessofscapegoating.Thescapegoatingprocess effectivelyexpelstheOtherfromtherelationalstructureorcommunity.Thosedoingthescapegoating dontrecognizethehumanityoftheirvictimsand,typically,theydontwanttoknowthem.Theymay evengosofarastofeargettingtoknowtheOtherandwillcomeupwithmanyreasonsformaintaining theirdistance. ThestereotypeoftheOtherismaintainedbyaperceivedorrealhegemonicstructuremaintainedby bothsides.Protesterssometimesfeeltheymustovercomethepowerimbalanceinherentinthe hegemonicstructureand,consequently,feeljustifiedinresortingtoviolenceinordertodoso.Thisis theonlypowertheyfeeltheyhave;theyaredeterminedtouseit.Policesimilarly,recognizethe legitimacyoftheirowndominanceandarewillingtoexercisethispoweriftheyfeeltheyhaveto.The hegemonyreinforcesthefeelingsofconflictand,typically,perpetuatesthespiralofreciprocating violence.

Sofar,theemphasishasbeenontheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystem.Thetargetsofprotest havebeenstandingintheshadows,wehavebeenawareoftheirpresencebuttheyhavenotbeen formallyintroduced.Inthenextchapterwewillrectifythisaswetalkaboutdifferenttypesoftargets andintroducevariousbystanderswhoimpactandareimpactedbytheprotestcrowd.Throughthe media,thebystanderpopulationcangrowtoglobalproportions;oftenprotestcrowdsassemble primarilyformediacoverage,hencethemediawilldemandaformalintroductionaswell. IntroducingTargets,Bystanders,andMedia Fillieule,OlivierProtestersareouttochangeasituationbyhavinganimpactondecisionmakersdirectly andindirectlybymobilizingbystandersandthegeneralpublic.Mediacoveragecanhaveanimpacton publicopinion,whichinturncaninfluencepolicy.Inmostcasesprotestcrowdsdirecttheirdissenting voicesandactionstowardatargetinthebeliefthatthiswillchangeasituationtobenefitthepublic good(ortheirinterests,dependingonthelevelofmoralconsciousness).Inthefirstsectionwewill examinetheprotestcrowdtargetrelationalsystem. Intheprocessofdemonstrating,marchingorengaginginotherprotestactions,thecrowdhasanimpact onthebystanders.Bystanderscanincludethosephysicallypresentbutnotpartofthecrowditself, thoselivinginthevicinity,businessesandcommuterswhoareaffected,andotherswhohearaboutor seewhatishappeningbymeansofthemedia.Theymaybewatching;theirpropertymaybe jeopardized;theymayhaverelationshipswithpeopleinanyoftheothergroups.Thesecondsectionwill elaborateontheprotestcrowdbystanderrelationship. Whenacrowdeventmakesitintothenews,thegeneralpublicgetsdrawnintothebystandergroup. Partofthebystandergroup,themedia,facilitatesthegrowthofthebystandergroupanddeserves specialconsiderationinthethirdsection.Onceourintroductionsarecomplete,wewillfocusonthe significanceofcrowdsascomplexsystems. Targets Theprotestertargetrelationalsystemiscentralwithinawebofinterrelatedrelationalsystems.After all,protesterswishtohaveanimpactontheorganizationandpeoplethattheyseeashavingtheability toeffectthoseactionsanddecisionstheyhaveidentifiedneedtobetaken.Thetargetmaybe government,business,aninternationalorganizationoranidentitygroupthatisdoingsomething perceivedbytheprotesterstobeunjust,unwise,orillconceived.Forexample,theGlobalJustice Movement(GJM)hasconcernsaboutwhatishappeningwithintheglobaleconomy(Reiter2006,145 173)Theyperceiveawebofinterconnectingissuesincluding:environmentaldegradation,global warming,concentrationofeconomicpoweramongwealthynationsandcorporations,labour exploitation,andtheuseofhealthrelatedproductsandprocessesforcorporateprofit.Thismakesfora verydiffusetargetthatincludesgovernmentsandcorporationsandthosepeopleassociatedwithboth. Summitgatherings,especiallythoseinvolvingthemostpowerfuleconomicnations,arenaturaltargets foranticorporateglobalizationdemonstrationsasareinstitutionsliketheWorldBank,theInternational MonetaryfundandorganizationalgatheringsoftheWorldTradeAssociation,theMultilateral AgreementonInvestment(MAI)oranythingthatsymbolizesthewebofinterconnectedissueareasthat

concernactivists.Relatedmaybemorespecificissuesofconcern:acompanythatpollutes,alogging industrythatcutsdownoldgrowthforest,apharmaceuticalcompanythatdumpsdrugsbannedin NorthAmericainsouthernmarkets,oracompanythathasrenderedlocaldrinkingwatertoxicbecause ofindustrialwaste.Eachcanbecomeatarget.Especiallyinthelastinstance,localpeoplemayprotest bothagainstthecompanyandagainstagovernmentthatdidnotsufficientlyregulatetheindustry. Targetsmaybeseparatedintotwobroadcategories:institutionsandindividuals.Institutionsmaybe governmental,nongovernmentalorcorporate.Individualsmaybeleaderswhohavecommitted atrocitiesrememberalltheprotestsagainstPinochetwholedarepressiveregimeinChile.Criminals whohavecommittedtheworstofcrimesarethefocusofprotestiftheybecomeeligibleforparole. CanadiancriminalswhoseparolehasbeenprotestedincludeserialchildkillerCliffordOlsenandKarla Homolka,who,togetherwithherhusbandPaulBernardo,wasresponsibleforanumberofrape murders.Attimes,bothinstitutionsandindividualsarecombined;forexample,duringprotestsagainst thependingIraqwarin2002,aplacardtalkedofeliminatingColincancerreferringtoUnited StatesSecretaryofStateatthetime,ColinPowell.Likewise,inthecaseofcriminalseligibleforparole, theprotestmaybedirectedtowardthecriminaljusticesystem. Oftenthereisastrongsymbolicdimensiontothetargetofprotests.Embassiesbothrepresentandare symbolsofparticulargovernments.Likewise,statuesandmemorialsaresymbolicsitesforprotest. DuringtheIsraeliHezbollahviolentconflict,aJewishandMuslimjointpeacemarchwentfromthe humanRightsmonumentinOttawatotheWarMemorial. Inmostinstances,theindividualsagainstwhomtheprotestisorganizedortheleaderstowhomitis directedarenotpresentattheprotest.However,itispossiblethattheysendmessagesorthatcrowd organizersmeetwiththeirrepresentatives.DuringtheQuebecCitySummitoftheAmericas,Prime MinisterJeanChrtiensentamessagetotheprotestersthatacknowledgedthelegitimacyoftheir concerns;theresultwasacalmingeffectonthecrowd. Ifthereisagreatpsychologicalorphysicaldistancebetweencrowdsandtheirtargets,the communicationbetweenthemisveryindirect,oftenplayedoutinpresscoveragethatwillprovide quotesfrompeopleoneachsideoftherelationalsystem. Ifthegoaloftheprotestcrowdistocommunicateatruththattheyfeelpassionatelyneedstobe communicatedandworkforchange,wecandiscernamorenuanceddifferentiationoftargets: PrimaryTargetsthoseperceivedasresponsiblefortheinjustice AuthorityTargetsthosewiththeauthorityandcapacitytomakechanges PublicOpinionSecondaryTargetsthepointoftheprotestisoftentoimpactpublicopinionsothe strategyistoprotestthePrimaryandAuthorityTargetsinamannerthatwillcapturethesupportof bystandersandthebroaderpublicthroughmediacoverage. Targetsoftheprotestcrowdactivitiesarevitaltothesuccessoftheprotestersobjectivewhetherthis objectiveistomakechange,stopchangeortoinfluencepublicopinion.Althoughprotestersusually

wanttocommunicatedirectlywithtargetsmostoftentheyhavetobecontentwithpassingtheir messagethroughbystanders,thenextrelationalsystemwewillexamine. Bystanders Therearethreewaysofhavinganimpactonthetarget:throughdirectimpact,publicopinionandmedia coverage.Thelattertwoinvolvemediaandbystandersinrelationalsystemswiththeprotestersand withthepolice.Thebystanderscanbeseparatedintoimmediatebystandersthosephysicallypresent whocaneitherwatchtheprotestorwhomightbeaffectedbyitbecausetheylive,havebusinessesor workinthevicinityandpublicbystandersthosewhobecomeawareoftheprotestthroughthe media,internetorwordofmouth.Onecanimagineconcentriccirclesofbystandersgoingfromthose directlyaffectedbecauseoftheircloseproximitysuchasshopownerswhomaybethevictimsofthe breakingwindowsandlootingtothoseinconveniencedcommuterswhoseroadisblocked temporarilytothosewhoareindirectlyaffected. PoliticalpsychologistErvinStaubhasdoneextensiveresearchontheroleofbystandersininfluencing socialdynamics(Staub1992).Initiallyhedidclinicalexperimentsthatdemonstratedhowtheactionsof individualsweresubjecttotheinfluenceofthosearoundthem.Laterheappliedhistheoretical conclusionstogroupactions,showinghowtheencouragementorsilenceofbystanderscanstrengthen theimpulsetobeviolent.Aspeoplenotdirectlyinvolvedinacrowdaction,especiallyifitislong standing,bystanderscaninfluencethecourseofevents.Byeitherdisapprovingorencouragingtheycan diminishorexacerbatecrowdviolence.Staubextendsthebystandercircletoincludetheglobal community,suggesting,forexamplethatiftheglobalcommunityhadexpressedunequivocal disapprovaloftheinitialrepressiveactionsoftheNazisinthe1930s,thingsmighthaveturnedoutvery differently. Therearefourgroupsofbystanderswhoareparticularlysignificantforprotestcrowdsandpolice: propertyowners,moralandopinionleaders,civilsocietyobservers,andthemedia.Themediaplaya distinctroleandwillbetreatedseparatelyinthenextsection. Propertyownersandcitizenslivingneartheprotestareamaybedrawnintotheactioninanumberof ways.Theymayneedpermitsandhavetopassthroughsecuritycheckstogettotheirhomesor businesses.Theymaybeaskedtoprovidehelptothoseinjured.Theirpropertymaybedamagedor looted.Theymaychokeonteargasthatthewindblowsintheirdirection.Theirfreemovementthrough thestreetsmaybeblockedduringademonstrationandtheresultingangercancreatemoreconflictas theyarecalledtojoinintheescalatingviolenceofthecrowd.Theymayinadvertentlyencounterangry interactionsbetweenpoliceandprotesters.Whatevertheirexperience,theycommunicateittofriends inthewidercommunity.Howtheinformationisinterpretedhasanimpactontheoverallsenseof security,justiceandhopeordespairforthefuture. Figure6.1BystanderGroups Somecivilsocietyinstitutionshaveaconcernnotonlyfortheissuesraisedbyactivists,butalsoforthe dynamicsofactionstakingplaceatademonstration.Theymayhaveconcernsaboutviolence,human

Rightsandtheimpactoftheprotestitselfontheviabilityofcivilsociety.Moralandreligiousleaders whocommunicatewithsignificantnumbersofpeoplemayobserveandreflectonwhatishappening andcommunicatetheirthoughtstopeopleinthewidercommunity.Throughtheintermediateeffortsof thesegroups,peoplewithinacountryandinternationallyaremadeawareofwhatishappeningasa resultofaprotestingcrowd. Givenallofthesediverseplayerswithinthetotalpictureofacrowdactionandtheresponseofthe variousparties,therearemanychoicesthatpeoplecanmake.Abasicchoiceistoa)workfroma paradigmoftryingtocontrolthesituationfromonesownframeofreferenceorb)acceptaparadigm thatemphasizescommunicationandcreativeoptionsthatenhancethewellbeingofeveryone. Throughthemediathecircleofbystandersiswidened;itisthenextfocusofattention. TheMedia Mediahavethepowertosatisfycertainidentityneedsofprotagonistsinademonstration.What journalistschoosetocovercaneithersatisfyorthreatenneedsforrecognitionandaction,sincesome demonstratorshavethegoalofattractingmediacoverage.Howastoryiscoveredhasanimpactonthe meaningsystemsofthoseinvolved.Ifcoverageisperceivedtobeunfair,itprovokesanger.Ifthe frighteningdimensionsofeithersideareexaggerateditdiminishesasenseofsecurityandincreases fear.Ifastoryenhancesmutualunderstanding,itmakespeoplefeelconnected.Giventhepowerofthe mediatoimpactidentityneedsatisfiers,itiseasytoseehowthemediapromptastrongemotional reactionpeopleloveandwantthemediafortheexposureandinformationofferedandhatethe mediaforperceptionsofbias,incompleteness,orsensationalismtosellpapersandincreaseratings.An indicationofthepowerofthemediaisthatSeattle,QuebecCityandGenoahavebecomecodewordsfor violentprotest,largelybecausethroughthemediatheyhavebecomepartofglobalconsciousness. Aspeoplenotdirectlyimplicatedinthecrowdaction,mediaplayanumberofroles.Theyarekey membersofthebystandergroup.Throughmediacoverage,allofsocietycangetdrawnintothe bystanderrole.Ascommentators,theyhelpthepublicinterpretwhatgoesonandthisinterpretation maybeeithercriticalorencouragingofonegroupovertheother.Theircoveragehelpstoshapethe overallimpressionpeoplehaveofeachgroup.Consequently,policenowengagemediaconsultantsand arrangeforcamerastobesetupbehindpolicelines.Eachstakeholdergrouptriestoputtheirownspin onthestory.Storiesaretoldofprotesterswholaunchaviolentactionwhenthetelevisioncamerasare rollingandstopassoonasthemedialeave.Protestbecomesperformance.Intheend,mediacoverage doesnotalwaysreflectthetruenatureofthedemonstration.However,giventhepowerofthemediato influencepublicopinion,mediaaccessandattentionbecomeobjectsofmimeticdesireforactivistsand politiciansaswellasthepolice. Mediahaveatendencytofocusontheconflictualdynamicsoflifeconflictmakesabetterstory;they cangetdivertedfromthesubstanceofthemeetingbyaviolentsideshow.Televisionmedialooksfor grippingvisualfootagethatiseasiesttogetinaviolentsituation.Assuch,thereisabuiltinmediabias towardthemoreviolentconfrontationsbetweencrowdsandsecurityorcrowdsandtargets. Furthermore,coveringviolentconfrontationsrequireslessresearchandfeedsthedemandofpressing

deadlines.Takingstereotypicalpositionssuchaspoliceareaggressive,orfreetradeisbadmeans theydonthavetothinkabouttheissueinadeeperway. Journalistsarenotobjectstobemanipulated;theyarepeopleandtheyareactorswithinthewhole situation.Theyhavetheirownvaluesthatfindexpressionintheworktheydo.DuringtheQuebec Summit,onereporterattemptedtoexperiencewhatitwasliketobeonthesecuritysideofthefence andhebecamethetargetofprojectilesfromtheactivistsside.Hefeltthishappenedbecausehewas theonlyonewithoutprotectivegear. Variousmediaimitateoneanotherincoveringthesamestoriesandhighlightingthesamedetails. ImagesoftheAPEC(AsiaPacificEconomicCooperation)Conferenceandthepeppersprayincident1in Vancouverhavebeenairedagainandagainandagain.Thismakesforsomeanomalies.Onepolice officertoldofasituationinAtlanticCanadaatthesametimeastheAPECmeetingwherepoliceactions tosuppressademonstrationwerefarmoreviolentbutbecausetheAtlanticsituationwasalocalevent, itreceivedhardlyanycoverage.AtthetimeofAPEC,policereliedontheuseofpepperspray;itwas usedwithlessobjectionfromthepublicthanhasbeenthecaseaftertheAPECincident.Theofficerwho sprayedtheAPECpepperhasbeensubjecttoendlessridicule(e.g.SergeantPepperjokes);hisfamily andhiscareerhavebothsuffered.Thispoliceofficerbecameascapegoatinthepolicingcommunity,in partbecauseoftherepeatedplayingofafewsecondsoffootagewherehewassprayingpeoplewith pepper. Pressurefromeditorsandpublisherssometimescontrolswhatjournalistsareallowedtowrite,eitherby virtueofthetimegivenorthematerialthatwillbeaccepted.Individualswithinthemediafromfront linejournaliststoeditors,publishersandproducersareaffectedbyeventsandfiltertheiractions throughthesocalledgoodstoryfilter,thebalancedreportingfilterandthroughothermediacultural valuesthatoperateonatacit(unexpressed)level.Theyhavetheirownidentityneedswhichfind expressioninthewayinwhichtheydotheirwork. Assignificantrelationalsystemsaremultipliedvisvisaprotesteventtheinterconnectionsincrease exponentiallytothepointwherethewholebecomesacomplexsystem.Itthenbecomesimportantto includecomplexitytheoryinthecompositeframeworkusedtounderstandwhatishappeningduring majorprotestcrowdevents. Complexity Whathappensinanyoftheserelationalsystemshasanimpactonalloftheothers.Wecannowrevisit theconceptofcomplexityinrelationtoprotestcrowdsasdevelopedbyDeborahSword: (2003,29) Complexsystemsaredynamic,nonlinear,unpredictableandselforganizing.Incomplexsystems,an infinitenumberofpartsmakethewholebutthewholecannotbeknownbysummingtheindividual parts.Thepartsareinterdependent,meaningtheyinfluenceeachotherinafeedbackloop,notin simpleactionandreaction.

Swordappliedchaoscomplexitytheorytoananalysisofthreeprotestmovements,focusingprimarilyon theprotestergovernmentrelationalsystem.Inherresearch,shelookedatthedominantandshadow systemsthatformedintoacomplexconflictsystem.Dependingontheprotest,thedominantsystemwas comprisedofthoseagentsthathadtheabilitytoinfluencetheconflictsysteminadirectionsupporting thepolicythattheprotestgroupobjectedto,suchasgovernment,police,mainstreamnewsmediaand industry.Protestmovementsandthoseagentsgeneratingknowledgethatinfluencedtheconflict systemagainstthepolicybeingprotestedweredesignatedtheshadowsystem.Shedemonstrated throughthesecasestudies,thenonlinear,mutualdynamicsinrelationalsystemsandsurprising outcomesalongtheway. OneoftheunpredictabledynamicsSworddevelopsaspartofhercomplexityframeworkisthatof mimeticcontagion: (Sword2003,32) Agentsincomplexsystemsareinfluencedbywhatnetworkstheyareinandwhatpeopletheyknoware doing.Ifapublicprotesthasalreadybeguntoattractacrowd,itwillattractmoreofacrowd.AsGell Mann(1994)quipped:themthathas,gets.Gladwells(2000)researchintotippingpointsdemonstrated, thatincomplexsystems,thingsdonotnecessarilybecomepopularbybuildingacceptanceslowlyand steadily.Instead,popularthingshavecontagiousnessandunpopularthingsdonot.Ifsomethingisgoing tobecomepopular,itwilldososuddenlyanddramatically,althoughthepopularitymayonlyseem suddenbecausetheobserverhasnotnoticedthesmallinputsthathavebeenaccumulatingtocreate thatdramaticmoment. Mutatismutandis,themimeticcontagioneffectcouldhappenatanypointintheinteractionswithinand betweenrelationalsystems.Forexample,agenerallypeacefullawrespectingcrowdthatwitnesses whatisperceivedasunjustifiedviolenceonthepartofthepolicemay,inaninstancebecomehighly agitated,mimeticallymirroringandamplifyingtheviolencetheyhavewitnessed.Likewise,policeare impactedemotionallybywhattheyseegoingoninacrowd. Itisclearfromtheintroductionsofprotestcrowds,police,targets,bystandersandmediathateachof thesegroupscanrepresentacomplexsystem.Bringingthemalltogetherinthecontextofamajor protestmultipliesthecomplexityoffactorsatplay.Atanymoment,actionscomingoutofanyofthese groupscanhaveanenormousimpactonalloftheothersystemsatplay,particularlyifthataction comesatabifurcationpoint.Inthenextchapterwewillexaminetheconceptofmimesisasdeveloped byRenGirard.Thiswillprovidesomeinsightonthedynamicsbywhichactionstakeonanamplified importancewithincomplexsystems. Thischapterhasextendedthestructureofdemonstrationstoincludetherelationshipoftheprotest crowdwiththetargetandthebystandersincludingthemedia.Protesthasaprimalandadramatic componenttoit.Thekeyobjectiveofthecrowdistogetthemessagetothetargetthathasthepower todosomethingabouttheperceivedproblemandtoengagethehelpofbystandersincludingthemedia alongtheway.Throughtheprocessofmimeticcontagionandwithabasicintroductiontocomplexity theoryweareabletoprojecttheunpredictabilityofcrowdactionsandappreciatethesignificanceof

havingaframeworkwithwhichtoanalyzecrowds.Thenextchapterintroducesmimetictheory,which willgroundourunderstandingofmimeticcontagionandreciprocalviolence. ReciprocalViolence Sofar,wehaveintroducedprotestcrowdsandhaveshownhowthepassionthattheybringtodissentis linkedtotheirhumanidentityneeds.Thepolicewereintroducedwiththerecognitionthattheirworkis similarlyintertwinedwiththeiridentity.Weshowedthattheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystem mayinvolvearadicalOtheringwherebyeachgroupisdehumanized.ThisOtheringprocessmaytake theformofscapegoatinginwhichthefrustrationseachsideisstrugglingwithareprojectedontothe Othersideresultinginaviolenceofdifferentiation.Anotherformofaviolenceofdifferentiationisa hegemonicstructurewhereonesidedominatestheother.Scapegoatingandhegemonicstructuresare differentformsofmimeticstructuresofviolencestructuresweexamineingreaterdepthinthis chapter. Inthelastchapterweintroducedtargetsofprotest,bystandersandthemedia.Wealsoshowedthatthe protestcrowdphenomenonwithallitsattendantrelationalsystemsandunpredictabilityisacomplex systemthatcanverywellendupattheedgeofchaosatwhichpointanysmallthingcanmakeabig differenceandanythingcanhappen.Thisanythingthatsuddenlyresultsinamomentcouldbe interpretedaseitherabifurcationpointincomplexitytheoryoraflashpointinthepoliceliterature,the pointwhenitbecomesimperativethatdecisiveactionbetaken. Inthischapter,wewillusethemimetictheoryofRenGirardtoilluminatethedynamicswithina relationalsystem.Intheprocesswewilldeveloptheconceptsofmimeticdesire,reciprocalviolence, mimeticcontagion,andmimeticstructureofviolence. MimeticDesire Mimeticdesireisahelpfulconceptatthispointfortworeasons:first,theconcepthelpstoexplainsome oftheactionsofprotesters,policeandothersinvolvedinthecrowdprocess;second,mimeticdesire pointstothemimeticnatureofhumanityandthishelpstoexplainwhypeoplejoincrowdsinthefirst place. Wehavealreadymadethebasiclinkbetweenmimesis,theGreekword,andimitationthemorepopular Englishwordderivedfromit.WhatGirardhasdone,throughacademicresearchspanningmorethan halfacentury,istoshowhowdeeplyourlivesarepermeatedwithmimeticimpulses.Itisclearthat knowledgeoflanguageandcultureislearnedbymimesiswewatch,welisten,andweimitate.Girards keyinsightisthatwhatwedesire,whatmotivatestoextendourreachtodo,become,oracquire somethingisarrivedatmimetically.Thatiswewatchoneanotherandwhensomeoneelsehas something,doessomethingorbecomessomethingthatappearstobesatisfyingtothemwewantthe sameforourselves.Ifotherpeoplegiverecognitiontothisotherpersonforpossessions,actionsor prestige,thevalueoftheobjectbecomessomuchgreaterandourdesire,arrivedatmimetically, becomesmuchgreater.However,asGirardpointsout,assoonaswehaveacquiredsomething,itloses itsvaluetousbecausethegamewastogetwhattheotherwanted;sowefindsomethingelsetodesire.

Thepersonorgroupwhosedesiresweimitate,GirardcallstheModel(Girard1990).IftheModelstands inthewayofusgettingtheobjectofmimeticdesire,theModelbecomesanObstacle.Ifwesucceedin gettingwhattheModel/Obstaclehaspromptedustodesire,welookforamorechallenging Model/Obstacle. MimeticdesireincreaseswhentheModelissomeonewecanidentifywith(Girard1990;Redekop2002). Ifthereisahegemonicstructureinplace,thosewhoaresubjectedcannotidentifywithpeoplefromthe dominantgroup,rathertheyhaveintensemimeticdesireforthosewho,likethem,aresubjected.In instanceswhereacrowdlooksuptothepoliceasadominantgroup,theywillnotdesirecontrolofthe situation.Inthisinstancetheyaresimplyhappytohavethepolicehelpthemwiththeirprotest.In instanceswhereaprotestisorganizedbyprofessional,sophisticatedorganizers,controlbecomesa matterofmimeticdesirewhichoperatesinareciprocalfashion.Themorethepolicetrytocontrolthe situationthemorethedemonstratorswanttotakecontrol.Thebiggertheobstaclethepoliceputin place,themoredeterminedtheprotesterstofindawayaroundit.Hence,thepoliceneedbackupplans withlotsofforcewhethertheybeintheformoftroops,forcefultacticsorweapons.Mimeticeffectscan alsobeseeninregardtoclothingandtactics.Aspolicehavedonnedprotectiveclothingthatcoverstheir faces,protestershavecoveredtheirfaces.Asfenceshavegoneup,thedesireonthepartofprotesters topenetratefenceshasgrown.Withteargashavecomeclothssoakedinvinegartoprotectagainstits effects;attimesteargascanistershavebeenhurledbacktowardthepolice. Withescalationofviolence,intelligencegatheringplaysanincreasedrole,becomingincreasingly intrusive;ontheotherside,protesterstakeconcretestepstokeeppoliceinfiltratorsoutoftheir meetings.Thesamemimeticdynamicstakeplacebetweenprotestersandthosetheytarget.Suppose theobjectofdesireisanoldgrowthforest.Aforestrycompanymakesplanstocutitdownforlumber. Environmentalistsareconvincedthatitneedstobepreservedintact.Eachsidedoesitsresearchto corroborateitsposition.Whenthetimecomesforthecuttingtobegin,protestersliveinthetrees,chain themselvestotrees,blockadeloggingroadstheydoanythingtheycantokeeptheforest.Themore theytrytopreservetheforest,themoretheloggingcompanyisdeterminedtogoahead.Theyfilecourt injunctions,callonthepolice,andtakeadvantageofanyopeningtheycan.Eachsidehasitsown interestsbehindtheirpositionbutthemimeticdesireeffectincreasesthecommitmentandthepassions onbothsides. Inthiseraofglobalization,theobjectsofdesirecanbecomeabstractandsymbolic.Theycanincludethe termsofinternationaltreatiesandagreementsthatmakeitpossibleformultinationalcorporationsto extractresourceswithminimumcompensationtolocalpopulations,keepmovingproductiontoplaces withfewrightsforworkers,andsoon. MimeticContagion Whilemimeticdesireisoperativeinsituationswheretwopartiesdeveloparivalryforthesamethings, mimeticcontagionisaphenomenoninwhichpeoplegetontothesamebandwagon.Itisamatterof peopleimitatingthemovement,actionandideasofthosearoundthem.Thisiscleartoseeinthestock marketwhereifthereappearstobeastrongmovementtobuyacertainstock,everyonewantsapartof

theactionandthepricegoesupdramatically.Similarlyifwordgetsouttosell,everybodysellsandthe pricegoesdownfast.Thishasthreedimensionsasisillustratedbythesayingthemthathasgets.First, themthathasalwayswantmore;theycomparethemselvestothemothersthathas.Second,them thathasnotdesirewhatthemthathashave.Third,becausethemthathasaremimeticmodels, peoplefollowtheirlead;hence,iftheyinvestinagivencorporation,othersfollowthemanditbecomes selffulfillingsincesharepricesinthatcompanygoup. Similarly,crowdsassembleandgrowthroughamimeticcontagionwherebywordgetsoutthat somethingishappening;somepeopleassembleandotherswhoseeorhearaboutwhatsgoingonthink thatbecausesomepeoplearethere,itmustbethethingtodoandthecrowdgrows.Withinthecrowd theremaybeamimeticcontagionaroundacertainaction.Somepeoplestartchantingasloganand beforeyouknowit,manyaredoingthesamething. Noteverythingthatisinitiatedcatcheson.Itisoneofthosecomplexdynamicsofcrowdbehaviour.If therightpeoplestartitattherighttimewhenthecircumstancesareright,itcantakeoff.Thefactthat manypeoplearegatheredtogetherandarecloseenoughtosee,hearandtoucheachotherincreases thechancesofamimeticcontagionhappening. Amongcrowdtheoriststhereissomedebateabouttheconceptofcontagion,whichwearenowina positiontoaddress.GustafLeBonandothertheoristsofthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcentury developedthenotionofcontagionwithinacrowdsuggestingthatpeoplelosttheirindividualityand withtheanonymityofthecrowdsurrenderedtheirrationalityandbecametotallysubjecttothepower ofcontagionsoastoactunanimously.Empiricalresearcherswhohavecarefullyobservedmanycrowds haveclearlyshownthatpeoplegotocrowdswithgroupsoffriendsandtendtokeeptheir independenceandtheirrationality. Mimesismeansthatsomehoworotherwearealwayspickinguponthingsgoingonaroundusandto somedegreeoranotherimitatethat.Ifcrowdsarehighlydiverse,therearesomanythingstoimitateat anygivenmomentthatitisunlikelythatanythingwilltakeoffinamimeticcontagionthatinvolves everyone.Girardsayswewillchoosetoimitatethosewhoarewithintheclosestrelationalsystemto usthosewhoweadmiremost.Itisthesizeofthecommonalitythatdeterminestheextentofthe contagion.Iffrustrationsincreaseandifeveryonestartsfeelingthesameleveloffrustrationandsome action,whichisperceivedunjustandisasharedexperienceofagroup,isperpetratedbyanactorthat canbeblamedforthisfrustration,ascapegoatemergesandeveryonehasacatharticexperienceasthey expresspassionatelyandperhapsviolentlytheirangeratthescapegoat.Scapegoatingisonestrong formofmimeticcontagion. Inalargecrowdlikethedemonstrationsatsummitgatherings,therecanbelimitedversionsofa mimeticcontagionasasmallportionofacrowdgetsinvolvedinattackingavehicleorintryingto dislodgeafencethatisusedtolimitaccesstothevenuewhereleadersaregathered. Wecannowseehowbothsidesoftheargumentcancometogether.LeBonandotherswitnessed examplesofwhatwedescribeasmimeticcontagionwhereacrowdgotcarriedawayincollectiveaction. Theyinterpretedwhattheysawasapropensityforpeopletolosetheirmindsandindividualityinthe

crowd.Empiricalstudentsofcrowdssawthatpeopletendtokeeptheirfacultiesandindividual identities.Withtheconceptofmimeticcontagionwecannuancethediscussion.Peopleseethemselves asindividualsbutatthesametimearesubjecttoinfluenceincrowdsnolessthaninanyotherareaof life.Mimeticcontagionwilltakeoffwherethereismimeticresonance;thatispeoplewillidentifywith thepassions,concerns,frustrationsandbehavioursofcertainmimeticmodels.Incertaincases,like hooligansafterasportsgamethereisasensethatacertaintypeofriotingisthethingtodo.Many willhaveseenorparticipatedinsuchriotinginthepast.Wherethecircumstancesareright,aflashpoint aroundawrongcall,awinoraloss,theywillgetinvolvedintheriotingactivity.Somewillhavewanted todothisinthefirstplace.Thosethatstarttheriotingwillhaveamimeticresonancewiththosewho haveasimilarsubculturalmentalityandthemimeticcontagionwillhappen.Inprotestcrowds,thereis amorelikelypotentialformimeticresonancethaninarandomgroupfromthegeneralpublicbecause certainsharedmotivationshavebroughtthemtogetherinthefirstplace. ReciprocalViolence Whenpeopleexperienceviolence,theyhaveastrongtendencytoreturntheviolence,mimetically,with interest(Girard1978).Theothersidethenimitatestheviolenceandagainreturnsitwithevengreater force.Theresultisanupwardspiralofviolence.Violencethatisimitatedescalatesaseachsidegets evenwiththeother,whichinturngetsevenagain. Protestersinacrowdmayviewtheactionsofthegovernmentorofbusiness(e.g.clearcuttinganold growthforest)asessentiallyviolent.Theyfeeltheyhavenochoicebuttouseviolentmeanstostop whattheyconsideragreaterviolence.Securityiscalledintocontroltheviolence.Assecurity experiencestheviolenceoftheprotesterstheyfeeltheyhavenochoicebuttouseviolentmeansto stopwhattheyperceivetobethegreaterviolence.Whatthecrowdexperiencesastheviolenceofthe policeinturnpromptsthemtobecomemoreviolent.Withatrendtowardeverincreasingviolence associatedwithmajorinternationalevents,everyoneisconcerned.Securitypersonnelhavebeen assumingbetterandstrongerphysicalprotection,betterandstrongerfencesand,asonepolice participantsaid,Whatnextbarbedwire?Oneactivistcommentedthatwhenbeingattackedyouhave totakeactionthereisatimewhentalkingisover. Inthecaseofreciprocalviolence,thereisamimeticcontagiononbothsidesastheytrytoreturn violencemimeticallytooneanother. MimeticStructuresofViolence Whentheattitudes,actionsandorientationofbothpartiesareturnedagainstoneanotherasthey attempttocontrol,hurt,diminishorotherwisedoviolencetooneanother,wehaveamimeticstructure ofviolence.Themimeticdimensionincludesmutualmimesisofoneanotherintermsoforientation mutualhate.Itcanincludereciprocalactsofviolence.Alsoevidentarecompetinginterpretive frameworksandpublicrelationsstrategiesinwhicheachpartyminimizesitsownviolenceand maximizestheunjustviolenceperpetratedbytheotherside.Thereisnodesireformutual understanding.Themimeticeffectpromptsnewwaysofdiminishingtheothersidebasedonan imitationofviolenceinotherrelationalsystems.

Withinmimeticstructuresofviolenceidentityneedsaredefinedintermsofgettingpoweratthe expenseoftheOther.Allofthedimensionsofhegemonicstructurescanbepartofmimeticstructures ofviolence.Memoriesofpastinjusticesandvictimizationarekeptalive.Thereisnowayoutofthe negativeenergyassociatedwithpasttraumas. Mimeticstructuresofviolencecancharacterizeanumberofrelationalstructuresimplicatedinprotest crowddynamics.Theprotestitselfmaybebetweenpartiescaughtinamimeticstructureofviolence. Letusprovideafewexamples: ProtestCrowdTarget

Citizensofarepressivedictatorshiphavemovedtoanothercountryandthedictatorpaysa statevisittothatcountry.Theexpatriatesprotest. Anindigenousgroupisbeingharmedbymultinationalcorporationresourcedevelopment perpetratedbyahegemonicentity.Activistsinsolidaritydemonizethesupportinghegemonic entityinprotestingnativesvictimization. AGovernmentishostinganinternationaleventandprotestactivitythatinsultsforeignvisitorsis interpretedasanembarrassment.Governmentdeterminesthatprotestercrowdsneedtobe repressed.

ProtestCrowdPolice

Whatisinterpretedasadiversityoftacticsorcivildisobediencebyactivistsisinterpretedas illegitimateviolencebypolice.Leadersadvocatingthesetacticsaretreatedassubversive troublemakersandpolicemakepreemptivearrests. Policebecomeangryatindividualprotestersthrowingprojectilesatthem;whentheyhavea chancetomakeanarresttheyusemoreforcethannecessarytosubduetheprotesters. InLosAngeles,intheearly1990stherewasahistoryoftensionsbetweenthepoliceandAfro Americanswhofeltdiscriminatedagainst.ThevideotapeofpolicebeatingRodneyKinginvoked feelingsofangeronthepartofpeopleforwhomthiswasoneexampleofwhatwashappening onabroaderbasis.WhenthepoliceseenbeatingRodneyKingweregivenanotguiltyverdict, riotingensued(Times1992).

ProtestCrowdBystander

DuringtheRodneyKingriotsmanybusinesseswerelooted;awhitetruckdriverwhohappened tobeinthewrongplacewasmimeticallyclubbedinthesamemanneraswasRodneyKing. Bystanderscantakeapositioncontrarytoprotestersresultinginviolentexchanges.

Mimeticstructuresofviolencecaneasilydrawothersintotheirvortexasmembersofthepublicendup takingsidesonanissue.Familymembersononecontinentcanbehostilewithoneanotheronthebasis

ofeachtakingdifferentsidesinaviolentconflictinanotherpartoftheworld.Mimeticstructuresof violencetendtobeclosed,acquisitive(eachtryingtogetasmuchaspossibleattheexpenseofthe other),aggressiveanddeathoriented(Redekop2002). Afterhavingintroducedthemanydifferentpartiesimplicatedinprotestcrowdactivitywehaveshown thatmimeticdynamicscropupallovertheplace.Someofthesehavetheeffectofgeneratingviolence, someincreaseviolence,someentrenchviolence,andsomespreadviolence.Whenthereisanongoing patternofviolenceinarelationalsystemwehaveamimeticstructureofviolence.Thepeacebuilding strategyinthissituationistotransformthestructure.Inthenextchapterwewilllookatmimetic structuresofblessingasanalternativetoviolence. MutualBlessing Fromtheframersofconstitutionstospiritualleaders,peoplehavecreatedlanguagethatprovidesa visionforhumanwellbeingfromlife,libertyandthepursuitofhappinessandpeace,orderandgood governmenttoletjusticerolllikeariverandIhaveadreamthatlittleblackchildrenandlittlewhite childrenwillwalkhandinhand.1Theseallcontributetoadiscursivefieldthatcanberelatedtothe conceptofmimeticstructuresofblessing.Thesearestructuresinwhichtheattitude,actionsand orientationofthepartiesinarelationalsystemaredirectedtowardmutualwellbeing(Redekop2002). Thetransformationofmimeticstructuresofviolencetomimeticstructuresofblessingincludesboththe reductionofviolenceandtheholdthatviolentimpulseshaveonpeople,ontheonehand,andthe developmentofacontextinwhichcreativenewoptionscanemergethatenableallpartiestoboth thriveandcontributetothethrivingofoneanother,ontheother.Thistransformationisthegoaland theprocessofreconciliation. Asnotedintheintroduction,forsomepeople,blessingcanbeaproblematicword(Redekop2007a). Whenweuseittodesignatemimeticstructuresofblessing,wemeanapatternwithinarelational systemwherebypeoplecontributetothemutualwellbeingofoneanother.Blessingincludesgenerosity, care,willingnesstounderstand,andempowerment.Mimeticstructuresofblessingarejoyous,creative andlifeoriented.Inmimeticstructuresofblessing,peopleincludetheOtherpositivelywithintheir identitymakeup.Theadvantageofusingtheconceptsofmimeticstructuresofviolenceandmimetic structuresofblessingascategoriesofanalysisisthatitgetsawayfromthediscourseofblamewhichcan beanotherformofviolenceandformthebasisforscapegoating. Muchofthemandate,visionandorientationofbothprotestcrowdsandpoliceisthebuildingand maintainingofmimeticstructuresofblessing.Protestcrowdsthatspeakofinjusticeareorientedtoward tryingtoreducetheviolencethatadhereswithinvariousrelationalsystems.Theyhaveavisionof blessing.Police,aspeaceofficers,areorientedtowardprotectingpeoplewhomightbevictimized;they aretryingtopreventviolentoutbreaksthatdestroyproperty.Inademocraticenvironment,theyare tryingtoupholdtheconstitution,theruleoflaw,andtheorderlychangeofgovernmentthatprovidea contextforanonviolentapproachtogovernance.Thesearepoliceandprotestersattheirbestandin responsetotheirrespectivecallings.However,they,likepeopleeverywhere,arenotimmunefrom mimeticstructuresofviolence.

Inthischapterwewilldevelopfurthertheconceptsofmimeticstructuresofblessingandof reconciliation.Wewillthentrytoidentifywherethesearepresentwithintheprotestcrowdpolice relationalsystemandhowtheymightbeextended.Thiswillprepareusforthediscussionofparadigms inthefollowingchapter. MimeticStructuresofBlessing Partiesmaycreatemimeticstructuresofblessinginonerelationalsystemandparticipateinmimetic structuresofviolenceinotherrelationalsystems.Someprotestersmayusethediscourseofcarein relationtotheenvironment,forexample,butusehostilewordsandactionsinrelationtopolice.Police, fortheirpartmayexpressbrotherlyandsisterlysolidaritywithotherpolice,marchinginsupportof fallencomradesononehandanduseviolentactionsagainstbadapples. Theconceptofmimeticstructuresofblessingsuggestsabroadethicalvisionthattranscends antagonisticpolarities.Itdoesnotprecludeconflictbutoffersaframeworkinwhichconflictis transformedintocreativityandevernewoptions.Itsuggestsanorientationofmutualrespectandeven carewithoutprescribinghowthatmightbeexpressed. Inthissectionwewillexaminetheconnectionsbetweenmimeticstructuresofblessingandemotionsas wellasthelinkswithcreativity,complexity,andlevelofconsciousness. BlessingandEmotions Probablythebiggestsingleobstaclestomimeticstructuresofblessingaretheemotionsandthe subsequentinterpretationsandimpulsesthatsupportviolence.Wewillexaminethesefirst,lookingat someoftheambiguitiesassociatedwiththem.Wewillthenlookathowmimeticstructuresofblessing canaddresstheseemotionsandfinallytalkabouttheemotionalpayoffifmimeticstructuresofblessing arecreated. InChapterthreewetalkedabouttheemotionsthatarestirredupwithathreattohumanidentityneed satisfiers:

securityanger, actiondepression, connectednesssadness, securityfear,and recognitionshame.

Wealsosaidthatalargenumberofemotionalcombinationscanbeinvokedthroughathreattoa combinationofneedsatisfiers. Withinamimeticstructureofviolence,identityneedsarerepeatedly,andsometimescontinuously, threatened.Thereisnotonlyaprimaryemotionalreactiontoagiventhreat,butthereisanimmediate

callingupofemotionalmemoriesassociatedwithasimilarthreatinthepastsuchthattheemotional impactisintensified.Ifpeoplearelockedintoahegemonicstructureinwhichtheyareatthemercyofa dominantgroup,everytimetheytrytoadvancethemselvesrelativetothisgrouptheyareputdown. Eachtime,theyfeelpowerlesstodosomethingandangryattheinjusticeofitall.Eachtime,thefeelings growstronger,resentmentdeepensandturnstohatred.Hatredisacombinationofemotionsthat promptanorientationandcommitmenttodoviolencetoonesOther.Atanextremeitwishesthe deathofonesOther. Thosewhoseidentityiswrappedaroundtheirsuperiorityinrelationtoothersarethreatenedatthe identitylevelwhentheOthertriestoidentifywiththem.Theydoalltheycantokeepintheirsuperior positionandastensionsandthreatsescalatetheycanbecomeimprisonedintheirownsecurity systems.TheyrefusetohaveanycontactwiththeOtherforfearoflosingtheirsuperiority.When protestersrefusetomeetwithpoliceorpolicerefusetomeetwithprotesterstherearesomeelements offearofsharingstrategiesandfearoflosingtheirsuperiorityinvolved.Thefearreflectsamimetic structureofviolence. Inthefaceofinjusticeinspiredanger,fear,resentmentandhatred,thelastthingthatpeoplewantto hearaboutisreconciliationandblessing.Theseemotionsfunctionasafirewallagainstanyreal considerationoftheseconceptsandtheactionsthatmightleadtothem.Theonlythingsthatcan overcomethisemotionalfirewallinpeoplelockedinamimeticstructureofviolenceare

anexperienceofpositiveemotionchargedactionsuchasagestureofgenerosityorhospitality whichthencangrowmimetically,or acognitiveandvolitionaltransformationwherebytheydecidetoembarkonthe reconciliation/blessingjourneyeventhoughitfliesinthefaceofwhattheyarefeeling.

Inorderforthelattertohappen,theyhavetohaveaconceptualunderstandingofblessing(inwhatever wordsitmightbeexpressed)andanimaginationthatisopentoitspursuit.Inthesectionon reconciliationwewillexplorefurtherhowthismightcomeabout. Itisimportantthattheveryprocessofcreatingamimeticstructureofblessingmimeticstructureof blessingbedeeplyrespectfuloftheemotionalrealitiesofthepartiesinvolved.Attimestheseareatthe levelofposttraumaticstresssyndrome.Thereisacomplexemotionaldancethatisinvolvedthat demandssensitivitytotheemotionsthatexistwithoutallowingthoseemotionstodictatefuture relationships.Ifpeople,whoareemotionallyvulnerableorcharged,interpretoutsideactorsasasserting pressureonthemtochangetheywillfeelrevictimizedandtheemotionalfirewallwillgrowstronger thanever. Destructiveemotionsdrivemimeticstructuresofviolence.However,becausetheyhijackcognitive, volitional,heuristicandhermeneuticcapacitiesofthemind,theycandisguisethemselvesinthe languageoflogic,justiceandobjectivity.Theymaysay,Reasonoverpassion,buttheirbehaviour showshowreasonispromptedbypassion.Howtheythink,whattheycommitto,whattheydiscover andhowtheyinterpretrealityarealldrivenbytheiremotions.Iftheyhatetheiradversary,thathatred

willcaptivatetheirimaginationssuchthattheywillnotevenseegesturesofgoodwill,norwilltheyhear conciliatorywords,norwilltheyimagineapositivefuturetogether. Ifthefirewallispenetratedbygoodwillandpartiesproceedinaprocessofreconciliation,therewillbe anemotionalpayoff.Asrelationshipsarebuiltupandtrustreestablished,feardiminishes.Asstories areshared,historicalmemoriesarereframed.Notonlyaredestructiveemotionsreduced,butpositive emotionslikeselfrespect,selfconfidence,andjoyareincreased.Emotionaltransformationsaresome ofthehardestgoalstoachieve.Thereisneitherformulanortechniquethatmakesiteasy.However, whentheyoccurtheyprovidesomeofthegreatestsatisfactionever. Protestcrowdsaredrivenbyemotionspositiveandnegativethatareinspiredbyinjustice.Some protestersharnesstheircareforthirdpartiesbypressingforamessagetobeheardandchangetobe implementedatthelevelofpolicyandpractice.Otherprotestersaredrivenbyhatredthatisnursedby ahistoryofbadexperiences.Theseemotionsareoperativeintheprimaryrelationalsystemthat includestheprotestcrowdandthetarget.However,ifthepoliceareperceivedtobeinsolidaritywith thetarget,areseentobethwartingeffectiveprotest,orareexperiencedasbeingviolenttowardthe protestcrowd,thedestructiveemotionscanbedirectedtowardthepolice.Dealingwiththeemotional sideofprotestcrowdsinawaythatwillenhancemimeticstructuresofblessinginallrelationalsystems isitselfacomplexundertaking. Complexity,Creativity,andConsciousness Complexity,creativityandlevelofconsciousnessareinterconnectedconceptsthatcanworktogetherto buildmimeticstructuresofblessingeveninthemostunlikelycircumstances.Ithasalreadybeenargued thatprotestcrowdeventsarethemselvescomplexsystems.Assuchtheyarebeyondlinearcontrol,can evolvetotheedgeofchaoswhereanythingcanhappen,andaresubjecttosignificantchangewith minorinterventionsattherightplaceandtime. Complexity Numerousaspectsofalargeprotestcrowd,suchasaG8protest,constituteacomplexsystem.The issuescombinedifferentintertwinedaspectsofglobalization.Theperceivedtargetismultifaceted multinationalcorporations,corruptgovernments,multilateralfinancialinstitutionseventhoughthe immediatetarget,thegovernmentleaders,ismorefocused.Theprotestcrowdhasanarrayofaffinity groups,manyofthemconcernedaboutdifferentissueslabour,poverty,environment,humanrights. Securityinvolvesmultiplepoliceforces/servicesfromallofthedifferentcountriesrepresented.Military forcemaybeimplicatedasabackupplan.Surveillanceandintelligencegatheringaremultifocusedand couldinvolveseveralagencies.Thebystanderpopulationreachesoutinconcentriccirclestoaglobal mediaaudience,asmediafrommanycountriesarepresent. Theprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystemiscomplexeveninsmallermorefocusedcrowdsituations. Thecomplexitymaybealittlelessobviousbutitisthere.First,intermsofdiscourseabouttheissue, thereisaflurryofcommunicationsthroughtheinternet.CommunicationsfromGovernmentaremeant tosellagivenpolicy.Critiquesareevidentinthemedia,butalsowhizzingthroughinternet

connections.Organizationalinformationisreceivedbymembersofaffinitygroupsbutpolicealso receivethesameinformationandinterpretitdifferently.Thereareethicalambiguitiesbuiltintothe dynamicsaswell.Protestersmaybeattunedtoahighethicalstandardintermsoftheissuesbutmay reverttoadifferentstandardiftheygetintoagoodguybadguymentalitytowardsthepolice.The policemayagreewiththeissuesoftheprotestersbuttheyhaveajobtodowhichmayinvolvelimiting thescopeandeffectivenessoftheprotest.Ononehand,policecandifferentiatebetweenaprotest againsthumanrightsabusesandaracialsupremacistgroupthatspreadshate;ontheotherhand,itis notuptopolicetodeterminewhocanprotestandaboutwhat. Therearelegalissuesaswell.Wehavealreadyshownthatpolicearenotalwaysrigorousaboutlaw enforcementinthecontextofaprotestcrowdbecausetodosoindiscriminatelycouldcausetroubles. However,thisraisesquestionsaroundwhichlawsareenforced,oriftheenforcementofsomelaws couldbeusedtomanipulateacrowd,orperhapsiftheappearanceofenforcingalawmightallowpolice toarrestaprotestleaderwhohasbrokennolaw.Thecumulativeeffectofallthiscomplexityisthat protestcrowdeventsarepositionedontheedge,theborder,ifyoulike,ofnotonlychaos,butof culturalnormsandlimits.Assuch,theyareattheconfluenceofchange. Creativity Creativityinvolvesnewcombinationsofthingsandideas,reframingandreinterpretingrealityandthe emergenceofnewparadigmsandworldviews.Asimpleillustrationofcreativity,thatiscombining thingsinnewways,wastheplacementofamotor,alreadydeveloped,intoacarriagewhichbecamea horselesscarriagethatevolvedintoanautomobile(selfmoving)orcar.Intherealmofideasandart similarthingshappen.Inthe1930sinSaskatchewan,TommyDouglastookhisconcernoverpovertyand healthandcombineditwiththeconceptofpubliclyfundedprogramstosupportthecommongood.His positionofPremierintheprovincialgovernmentenabledhimtoinstitutionalizepubliclyfunded hospitalsandeventuallymedicalcareforeveryoneintheprovince.ThisbecamethemodelofMedicare forallCanadians. Creativitycanleadtoachangeofparadigm,orwayofperceivingreality.CharlesDarwintook observationsaboutsimilaritiesanddifferencesinplantsandanimalsandreinterpretedthedatawithin aunifiedtheoryofevolution.Similarly,Copernicustooktheintricatemeasurementsofthedifferent positionsofplanetsintheskyandreinterpretedthesamedataashadpreviouslyusedtoplot complicatedcirclesintheskytoseetheplanetssimplyasmovingaroundthesamecentrethesun. Inthenextchapterwewillusetheconceptofachangeofparadigmstolookattheprotestcrowdpolice relationalsystem.Forthetimebeing,wearelookingatashiftofparadigmsasonedimensionof creativity.Asdataisreframedandnewparadigmsaredevelopedcreativitypushesusinthedirectionof newinsightsandtheemergenceofnewlevelsofconsciousnessandworldviews.Theverynatureof creativityasinsightandemergenceofnewwaysofthinkingissuchthattheresultscanneverbepre determined.Insighthappensinanopensystemandusuallythroughtheinteractionofdiverse perspectives.

Creativitycanbeorientedtowardviolenceortowardblessing.Commandeconomiesofweapons developmentcancreatethemeanstohurtanddestroypopulationsinnewways.Ontheotherhand, researchintothepreventionandcureofdiseasescanenhancethelivesofmany.Similarlythedynamics ofprotestcrowdsinteractingwithgovernmentandbusinessleaderscouldproducenewsolutionstoold problemsortheycoulddeteriorateintoviolentconfrontationsinwhicheverybodylosesexceptthose whohaveavestedinterestinnothingchangingortheconflictcontinuing. NewLevelsofConsciousness Overthelastseveraldecades,agreatdealofworkhasbeendonearoundtheemergenceofnewlevels ofconsciousness(Wilber2001).Thishasincludeddevelopmentalpsychologistsmeasuringcognitive developmentandmoralthinkerslookingatstagesofmoraldevelopment,anthropologistsexamining culturaldevelopment,andintegrativethinkerscombininginsightsfromalloftheseintointegrated modelsoflevelsofconsciousness.Oneofthelatter,RichardMcGuigan,useddevelopmentaltheoriesof RobertKeganandKenWilbertoexaminethequestionoflevelsofconsciousnessandconflict.He demonstratedthatthemorecomplextheconflict,thehigherlevelofconsciousnesswasneededtodeal withiteffectivelythatis,creatively,withoutlettingitdeteriorateintoviolence(McGuigan2006).This suggeststhatifallofthepartiesinvolvedinprotestcrowdpolicedynamicshaveanopennesstolearn fromeachotherandfromthecomplexityofthesituationtheycoulddealwithitmoreproductively, allownewandcreativeoptionstoemergeandgrowintheirownlevelsofconsciousness.Muchofthis has,infact,happenedwithinanumberofdemocraciesastheinteractionsbetweenprotestcrowds, governmentsandpolicehasmovedsocietiesintouniversalsuffrage(fromonlypropertiedwhitemales beingallowedtovoteinitially)andtosuchthingsasarecognitionoftherighttocollectivebargainingon thepartoflabourunions.Thesedevelopmentscanbeseenascreative,emergentandtransforming. Sincethetransformationfrommimeticstructuresofviolencetomimeticstructuresofblessingcanbe framedasreconciliation,inthenextsectionwewillpresentelementsofreconciliationaspectsand processesthatneedtobepresentinvaryingdegreestomovedestructivelyconflictualpartiesclosertoa situationwheretheycancoexisttolerantlyandfurthertowheretheycanenhancethewellbeingof oneanother. Reconciliation Reconciliationisconcernedaboutlongtermrelationships.Assuch,itcanbeunderstoodasbothagoal andaprocess(BarTal2004).Reconciliationasagoalmayhavespectrumofoutcomes,rangingfroman agreementtostopallformsofviolence,tolivingwithasmuchdistancebetweenthepartiesaspossible, totolerantcoexistence,tomutualrespect,tofriendshipandadesireformutualwellbeing(Sluzki 2003).Reconciliationaimstodealwiththeaftermathofpastvictimizationandpreparepartiesfora peacefulfuturetogether. Attimes,partiesneedingreconciliationareseparatedgeographicallyandpsychologically.Inother instancessuchasthepopulationsofsuchconflictedareasasNorthernIreland,BosniaHerzegovina, Rwanda,SouthAfricaandIsraelPalestine,antagonisticpartiestoadeeprootedconflictcontinuetolive

asneighbours.Inthesecasestheneedforreconciliationatlevelsfrompoliticalleadershiptograssroots isparticularlyacute(BarTal2004). Reconciliationasaprocessmaybeunderstoodasacomplexsetofexchangesthatincludeanumberof elements.Attimes,theprocessisdirectedthroughaconsciouswelldefinedefforttoachieve reconciliation,inotherinstances,theprocessmaytakeplaceatthetacitlevelwithdifferentactors intuitivelytakingavarietyofinitiatives.Invariably,theprocesswillincludesomeorallofthefollowing elements(Redekop2002): 1. Visionandmandate:eitheroneofthepartiesorathirdpartyhasavisionanddesirefor reconciliationandobtainsamandatetoworktothatend. 2. Safety:thesafetyofthepartiesneedstobeassured.Thismeansthatovertviolencemustbe halted.Sometimesalegalframeworkneedstobeinplacetoassurethesafetyofpotential victims.Safetyalsomeansthatthepartiesdonotintimidateeachother(Redekop2007b). 3. Immediatesurvivalneeds:reconciliationprocessescanbedemandingbothcognitivelyand emotionally.Henceitisimportantthatpartiesareassuredofhavingtheirimmediatephysical andemotionalneedssufficientlymettofunctionthroughtheprocess. 4. Teachings:theprocessofreconciliationisdirectedbyaframework,values,rootmetaphorsand mentalmodelsthatprovidemotivationandinsighttokeeptheprocessgoing.Teachingsmay taketheformofstoriesofpreviousreconciliationprocesses,traditionalproverbsandcustoms, oranalyticalinsights.Educationforreconciliationincludesthedevelopmentofskills(Huyse 2003)andgenerationofnewbeliefsandattitudesaboutboththeconflictandtheotherparty (BarSimanTov2004). 5. GradualReciprocatedInitiativesinTensionReduction(GRIT)(Osgood2002):onepartymay decidetomakealowriskgestureofgoodwill;iftheotherpartyreciprocateswithasimilar gesturethefirstpartymaytakeanotherpositiveinitiative(Osgood2002).Graduallythetension dissipatesandthepartiesarepreparedtoenterintoanotherlevelofdiscoursetoaddressthe deeprootedconflict. 6. Dialogue:atsomepointpartieswillenterintoadialogueinwhichtheyaremotivatedtotruly understandoneanother.Dialoguemeansthatmeaningflowsfreelybetweentheparties(Bohm 1997).Thereisalsoopendisclosureoftheemotionaldimensionsoftheconflict. 7. Truthtelling:inadditiontothedialoguetheremaybeaneedtoformallyestablishthetruthof whatoccurred.Ideallythiswillleadtoasharedacceptanceofthesamepresentationofthe historyoftheconflict.Analysts,historiansandlawyersmayplayaroleinthisanditmayinvolve aformalprocess(Lederach1997). 8. Expressionsofacknowledgement,remorse,andapology:eventuallythosewhohavecommitted actsofviolencewillunderstandtheimpactoftheseactsontheotherparty.Asthey acknowledgea)whattheyhavedone,b)thehurtithascaused,c)feelingsofremorseover

havingcausedtheharm,andd)adesiretonotcommitthesameactsinthefuture,theywillbe abletoofferaneffectiveapology(Redekop2007a). 9. Expressionsofvictimization,opennesstoforgiveness:thosevictimizedwillexpresstothe perpetratorandthirdpartieswhattheyhaveexperienced.Astheyhearanacknowledgementof theirhurtfromtheperpetratoralongwithapologiesandexpressionsofremorsetheymay becomeopentoforgive.Forgivenessmeanstogiveupanimpulseorrighttomakethe perpetratorsufferinresponsetothesufferingcausedbytheperpetrator,implyingmoral judgment,thehumanityoftheperpetrator,andadesireforarenewedrelationship(Bole2004; Shriver2001). 10. Justiceandmercy:justiceinvolvesmakingsomejudgmentaboutwhatwouldrestoreasenseof balancetotherelationship.Whereviolencehasinvolvedtheftordestructionofpossessions, thesecanberestored.Whenthereisemotionalpain,torture,orlossoflife,itisimpossibleto returnpartiestotheirpreviousstate.Somethingsmaybedonebywayofcompensationor compensatoryactionstoalleviatetheloss.Strictretributivejusticecouldresultonlyinanother roundofviolence.Someformofmercyorgenerosityofspiritmaybecombinedwithpositive balancingmeasurestocraftaprofoundforgiveness(Lederach1999). 11. Reorientation:atsomepointthepartieswillreorienttheirrelationship.Thisreorientation maydemandinnerchangesofidentity,attitudeandorientationinrelationtotheother(Bar SimanTov2004).Bothpartiesandtherelationshipitselfwillbetransformedsuchthatboth partieswillcontributetomutualempowerment. 12. Healingoftraumasandmemories:inorderforthereconciliationprocesstobesustainedandfor bothpartiestoflourish,itisimportantthatasmuchaspossibleemotionaltraumasand memoriesbehealed.Reconciliationritualsmayplayaroleinthisprocess(Schirch2005; Redekop2007a)ascanvariousformsoftherapy(Herman1997),cognitivereframingand spiritualdisciplinesandpractices(Hermann2004). 13. Redefiningtermsoftherelationshipincludingtransformationofstructures:reconciliationisnot completeifthestructuresleftinplacecontinuetovictimize.Forexample,hegemonicstructures, inwhichonepartysystematicallydominatesanotherparty,involveeconomic,political,physical, and/ordiscursivedimensions.Actionhastobetakenineachoftheseareastoaddresssystemic imbalances.Newlaws,customs,economicregulationsandinstitutionsmaybeneededto sustainthereconciliationprocess(Kriesberg2004;Redekop2008). Reconciliationisnotalinearprocess;ratheritiscyclicalanditerative.Notalloftheelementsabovemay bepresenteachtimeandsomemayhavetobeaddressedrepeatedly.Reconciliationcanbeunderstood asafreedomfrommimetic(imitative)structuresofviolencethattakeonalifeoftheirownanda freedomtocreateandnurturemimeticstructuresofblessingorpeace,inwhichnewlifeenhancing optionsaresystematicallygenerated.

Incaseswheretherehasbeenahistoryofviolentexchangesbetweenpoliceandprotesters,liketheG8 SummitinItalywhereaprotesterwaskilledbypolice,theremaybeaneedforreconciliationprocesses. Theaboveelementscouldbeusedtodesignaprocesstoworktowardthatend. ProtestCrowdPoliceRelationalBlessing Whatwoulditmeanfortheretobemimeticstructuresofblessingintheprotestcrowdpolicerelational system?Firstoff,whatitwouldnotmeanwouldbeanabsenceofconflict;neitherwoulditmeanthat therelationshipwouldbeprescribed.Ratheritwouldmeanadynamicrelationshipthatinteracts respectfullywithinevitableconflictincreativeandtransformativeways.Theattitudeoftheplayersis whatisimportant.Theveryfactthatprotestcrowdsarepushingtheedges,oftenintheinterestsof extendingmimeticstructuresofblessingtopeopleviolentlyvictimizedmeansthatthereisatension withthestatusquoandwithpeaceunderstoodastranquility.AsweshowedinChaptertwo,expression ofdissentisanimportantpartofathrivingcommunity,organizationorpoliticalsystem.Thismeansthat policeasapartyintherelationalsystemcanexpressdissentatprotestactivitiesjustasprotestersmay critiquepolicetactics.Inourexaminationofthemeaningofmimeticstructuresofblessingforprotest crowdsandpolicewewillfirstexaminethecurrentsituationtoseeifthereisevidenceofmimetic structuresofblessingwithinthisrelationalsystem.Wewillthenlookatthechallengesofblessingand thepotentialofblessingasasupraordinategoal.Finallywewillstresstheimportanceofmimetic modelingbyallparties. ThePresenceofBlessing Withinrepressiveregimesthatseedissentasathreat,theinherentdynamicintheprotestcrowdpolice relationalsystemisamimeticstructureofviolence.However,indemocracieswheretemporary assembliestoprotestisaright,therehasbeenanevolutionintherelationalsystemssuchthat consistently90percentofprotestcrowdactivityhappenswithoutincident.Inmostoftheseinstances, protestersseethepoliceasplayingahelpfulroleinmakingthedemonstrationhappenwithouta problem. TheChallengeofBlessing Whilethe90percentstatisticssoundappealingandrepresentahigherlevelofconsciousnessthanthe situationincountrieswhereallexpressionofdissentisputdown,therestillareanumberofchallenges tobefacediftherearetobetrulymimeticstructuresofblessing.First,muchofthispolicehelpfulness comesoutofapaternalistic,controllingattitude.Policearemoresophisticatedingettingcrowdstodo thingstheirwaywithoutashowofforce.Notwithstandingthis,thevelvetglovehidinganironfist approachisnotdevoidofviolence.Second,theremaybeadifferentmentalityonthepartofpublic orderpolicewhosejobitistodevelopgoodrelationshipswithprotestcrowdsandfrontlinepolice officerswhomightseethingsdifferently.Forexampleoneofthepoliceofficersinourseminars reportedaboutafellowpoliceofficer,lackingintrainingandsensitivity,whoreferredtoprotestersas theenemy.Whenproteststurnchaotic,bothprotestersandpoliceonthefrontlinemaketheirown decisionsonwhattodosecondbysecond.Thereisnotimetoconsultwithleadershipaboutstrategic andlogisticaloptions.Yetwhathappensatthemomentofconfrontationreflectsoneachgroupand

maysetinmotionsomesignificantnewdevelopmentsorientedeithertowardviolenceorblessing. Thissuggeststhatasmuchaspossible,asmanyaspossiblefromallsidesshouldbegiventhechanceto participateintrainingsessionstogether(seethefinalchapter). Anotherchallengearisesfromtheverydifferentorganizationalstylesofthetwogroupsand communicationandleadershipissuesthatarise.Policeareorganizedinahierarchicalmanner;attimes policingdecisionsaremadeatalevelthatmaynotbeawareofunderstandingsreachedbetweenpolice liaisonofficersandprotestleaders.Thisproblemisafunctionofinternalcommunication,leadershipand decisionmaking.Similarlythediversityofaffinitygroupsontheprotestsideandtheemphasison consensusmeansthatnegotiationscanbecomplexandwithalargenumberofplayerswithdiverse perspectives,miscommunicationcanhappen.Thespokeswhomaybepresentforthenegotiationmay notspeakforalltheaffinitygroups.Third,theverypresenceofpolicetacticaltroops,theirequipment andtheirtrainingaredesignedforviolentengagementwithprotestcrowds.Thevisiblepresenceof theseofficersisasymbolicformofviolence;iftheyarehidden,theirpresencestillworksatatacitlevel, leadingsometorefertoasuperficiallysofthatmode(King2006,95). Thereiscuttingedgethinkingtakingplacearoundtheconceptofmorphogenicfieldsthatcould eventuallybehelpfulinanalyzingtheinfluenceofunseentroopsonthebehaviourofprotesters. Morphogenicfieldsareinformationfieldsthatinfluenceallwhohavemorphicresonance(Sheldrake 2003).Forexample,ifagroupofpeoplethinkandfeelacertainway,theyestablishamorphogenicfield suchthatthosewhoaresensitivetothisfieldcouldbeaffectedbyit.Thereiscurrentlyscientific researchgoingonregardingthesefields.Iftheearlyresearchinthisareaiscorrect,itwouldsuggestthat preparationsforviolencebythepoliceorhavingaviolentorientationcaninfluenceasituationby increasingthepotentialforviolence.Ontheotherside,thereareprotesterswhoareconvincedthatthe useofviolenceisessentialtotheireffectiveness.Thisintentcaninfluencethefieldaroundthemand consequentlyinfluencepoliceofficersinthatfield. Afinalchallengeisthatpoliceandprotestershavetroubleseeingthehumanityofoneanother.Thisisa resultofdifferencesinmentality,physicalandpsychologicaldistancebetweenthegroups,theuseof maskstohidefaces,andarhetoricofusversusthem.Dehumanizationmakesiteasierforeitherside tobeviolenttowardstheother. Policearetoagreaterorlesserextentresponsibletothegovernmentthatultimatelyprovidestheir budgets.Somegovernmentshavelittletolerancefordissent,orlittletoleranceforproteststhatmight causethemtolosefaceorcontrolespeciallyinthepresenceofforeignvisitors.Ifpolicearedirectedto eitherrepressprotestorkeepitsofarawayastobebenign,theymayhavetouseviolencetofulfill operationalgoalsimposeduponthem.Thisraisestheparadoxthatontheonehanditisessentialfor policetobesubjecttodemocraticallyelectedgovernments;ontheotherhand,itisessentialthatpolice notbecomeinstrumentalinimposingpartisanorcapriciouspoliciesofagovernmentonapopulation.(It isnoteworthythatRowanandMayne,asthefirstcommissionersoftheMetropolitanPoliceofLondon wereabletomodelanapproachtopolicingthatcarvedoutaspaceatthecentreoftheparadox.)

Finally,realviolenceisafactofprotestcrowdpoliceinteractions.Policecanviolentlyarrestprotesters. Evenbeforeanevent,thedetentionofleadersisaformofviolence.Batoncharges,intimidatingtactics, andtheuseoflessthanlethalweaponsallareformsofviolence.Ontheprotesterside,throwing stonesandMolotovcocktailsMolotovcocktailsareformsofviolenceasisforciblypushingbackapolice cordon.Onbothsides,thereisdiscursiveviolencethroughlanguagemeanttoputdown,intimidate, dehumanizeanddemonizetheotherparties. BlessingasaSupraOrdinateGoal Whatisadvocatedhereisthatifthebuildingofmimeticstructuresofblessingbasedonjusticebecomes theoverarchinggoalofalltheparties,that,inandofitself,couldbetransformative.Itcouldforman ethicalvisiontoguideassessmentsofstrategicgoalsandultimatelyoperationalplansandontheground tactics.Insofarasprotestersarevisiblyworkingtowardsmimeticstructuresofblessing,policewould beorientedtohelpingthemachievetheirgoals.Likewise,governments,multilateralorganizationsand multinationalbusinessescouldalsobechallengedtoworkformimeticstructuresofblessing.Ifthings areframedthiswayandiftheimportanceofdissent,complexityandcreativityweretobeaffirmedas partoftheprocessofblessing,protestcrowdscouldbeembracedasanessentialpartofcollective evolutiontohigherlevelsofconsciousness. MimeticModeling Itisnotlikelythattheconceptofmimeticstructuresofblessingwillbeunderstoodandembracedbyall partiesatthesametime.Inthemeantime,giventhepowerofmimesis,anyindividualsandgroupswho arecommittedtomovinginthisdirectioncanhaveanimpactbymodeling,inacongruentway,their understandingofmutualblessing.LittledidtheBuddhistmonks,peacefullyprotestinginthe1970s realizetheimpacttheywouldhaveonSharonWelsh,thenanangryantiwarprotesterusingarhetoric ofviolencetotalkaboutpeace(refertoherstoryattheendofChaptertwo). Havingdevelopedkeyconceptsofmimeticstructuresofviolence,identityneeds,hegemonicstructures, destructiveemotions,traumaaswellasmimeticstructuresofblessing,reconciliation,complexityand creativity,wearenowinapositiontoseehowthesetranslateintoparadigmsofprotestpolicing. Knowinghowgovernment,multinationalbusiness,andmultilateralorganizationsareimplicatedas targetsofprotestandhowbystandersandmediaplayimportantrole,weareinapositiontoexplorethe implicationsoftheseconceptsforallthepartiesinvolved. BeyondControlNotesandBibliography: 1.ThesephrasescomefromtheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica,thelegalmandatefor Canadianpeaceofficers,thebookofAmosintheHebrewBible,andaspeechofMartinLutherKing, Junior,respectively. TowardsaMutualRespectParadigmofProtesterPoliceDynamics Policeareessentiallymandatedtoestablishandmaintaingeographicalandbehaviouralboundariesfor protestcrowds.Howtheboundariesaresetandhowtheyaremaintainedisafunctionofpolicies,

establishedpractices,strategy,tactics,policingandpopularcultures,organization,training,equipment, commandstructureandthepersonalitiesofthoseinvolved.Theseboundariesconformto interpretationsofwhatitmeanstopreservethepeace,protectthepropertyandpersonsofcitizensand government,andobeythelaw.Allofthesearedetermined,inmanyrespects,bytheparadigmof protestpolicingthatinformsthosewhomakedecisionsthatimpingeonpoliceactivityatanylevel. Paradigmsfunctionasdifferentlensesthatdeterminehowfactsandeventsareinterpreted. Similarly,throughexperience,protestersrepeatsuccessfulstrategies,practices,andtacticsalways pushingtheedgeoftheenvelopeforsomethingthatwillmakeadifferenceandgaintheattentionof thetargetsoftheirdemonstrations.Theytoointerpretwhattheydothroughaparadigmaticlensthat includesvaluesandexpectationsaroundrolesandbehaviourofpolice,targets,mediaandprotestitself. Wewilldeveloptheconceptofparadigms,first,showinghowtheywork,howtheychange,andwhata differencethismakes.Thenwewilldevelopthreedifferentparadigmsofprotestpolicing:crowdcontrol, crowdmanagement,andmutualrespect.Givensignificantchangesinprotestpolicingoverthelast severaldecades,itisclearthatnotallapproachesfitcleanlyintooneparadigmoranother;hence,we willlookattheinterplayamongthem.Justaspoliceareessentiallyreactiveinrelationtocrowdsthat is,theyonlyhavetotakeactioniftheirboundariesarethreatenedsoprotestersarereactiveinterms ofparadigmaticdevelopment.Thatis,protestersorientthemselvestothepolicebasedontheparadigm ofprotestpolicingthattheyexperience.Oftengovernmentshaveamorerepressiveattitudeindealing withprotestcrowdsthandopolice.Wewillexaminewhythisisthecaseandwhyitisimportantthat theparadigmsofgovernmentsinrelationtoprotestcrowdsareimportantandhowtheyneedto change.Finallywewilllookattheimportanceoftheseparadigmsforthepublicandforthemediawhich reportsonprotestcrowdsonthebasisoftheirownparadigmaticlenses. Paradigms Aparadigmisawayofperceivingaphenomenonaswhole;theparadigmdetermineswhatthe componentpartsofthephenomenonare,howthedifferentpartsareinterpretedandwhattheir relationshipistooneanotherandtothewhole.Examplesofparadigmsarepicturesthatcanbeseenin twodifferentways.Forexample,thepictureattheleftcouldbeseenaseithertwofacesorasachalice. Dependingonhowitisperceivedthedifferentlinestakeondifferentmeaning. Inthecaseofaparadigmconcerninghumanrelationships,ashiftinparadigmcanmakeahuge differenceinattitudes,valuesandactions.Ashiftinparadigmmaydependonthedevelopmentofa morecomplexlevelofconsciousnessinthesamewayassomecomputersoftwarewillonlyrunwitha morecomplexoperatingsystem.Wewillgivetwoexamples:theshiftinpolicingparadigmfromfighting crimetocommunitypolicingandashiftfromaretributivejusticeparadigmtorestorativejustice. Inthe1980stherewasamovementamongpolicetochangetheparadigmofpolicingfromastrictlaw enforcementapproachtocommunitypolicinginwhichpoliceweretoidentifywiththecommunityas partofthecommunity.Thislatermorphedintoproblemsolvingpolicinginwhichpoliceweretolookat difficultsituationsasproblemstobesolvedratherthansimplybadpeoplebreakingsomelaws.Careful analysisoftherootcausesoftheproblemandcreativesolutionswererewarded.OneCanadianpolice

inspectorwhotookanationalleadincommunitypolicingusedtorewardoneofhisofficersmonthlyon thebasisofwhohadworkedwithcommunitymemberstofindacreativelongtermsolutiontoan intractableproblem.Thisisinstarkcontrasttopolicebeingrewardedforarrestsmadeorcasesclosed. Beginninginthe1970stherewasashiftincriminaljusticefromretributivejusticetorestorativejustice. ItallstartedwiththeElmiraCaseinOntario,Canada.Someboyshadvandalizedanumberofcarsand propertiesinaneighbourhood.Contrarytoallexpectations,thejudgeruledthattheseboysshouldvisit allthehomestheyvandalizedandoffertomakethingsright.Fromthisemergedawholenewapproach todealingwithcrime.Itstartswiththeviewofcrimeasharmdonetopeople(incontrasttobreakinga law)andthegoalofjusticebeingtomakerestitutionforharmdone(insteadofpayingonesdebtto societythroughbeingpunishedbyspendingtimeinprison).Programmatically,itfindsexpressionin VictimOffenderReconciliationPrograms,CommunityHealingCircles,AlternativeSentencing,Circle Sentencingprocesses,FacetoFaceencountersinpenitentiaries,andsoon.Restorativejusticeisnowan internationalmovement,eveninformingsuchinstitutionsastheTruthandReconciliationCommissionof SouthAfrica.Asweshallseebelow,anewparadigminprotestpolicinghasthecapacitytochange dramaticallythestrategicplanningandoperationaldynamicsofdealingwithprotestcrowds. ThreeParadigmsofProtestPolicing Thethreeparadigmsofpolicingthatarepresentedbelowhaveevolvedinaparticularwaysincethe 1960s,eventhoughelementsofallthreecanbeseenindifferenthistoricalsettings.Thefirstoftheseis giventhename,CrowdControlParadigm.Itevolvedasprotestcrowdsbecamelargerandmore sophisticatedduringthetimeoftheVietnamWar;itsrootsareevidentincolonialpolicing.Referredto ashardpolicing,itresurfacedwiththedevelopmentofnewprotectivegearforpoliceandawholenew rangeoflessthanlethalweapons.SecondistheConflictManagementParadigmwhichevolvedthrough the1980sonwardwiththerealizationthatpolicecouldbemoreeffectivethroughtheuseofsoft tacticssometimesreferredtoasnegotiation.ThirdistheMutualRespectParadigmthatrecognizesa greaterdegreeofmutualitybetweenprotestcrowdsandpolice.Itsemergencecanbetracedtoaseries ofseminarsdescribedintheCaseStudyofPart2. Eachoftheseparadigmshasanimpactonthefollowingcomponentpartsofprotestpolicing:

Perceptionofthecrowdandthelanguageusedtotalkaboutit Thenatureofthechallenge Strategy Tactics Intelligence Decisionmaking. Organization

Policies Values Accountability Identity

Withineachoftheseparadigmsthereiswidelatitudeastopracticesandattitudesofthosewhooperate withinthem.Inordertodifferentiatetheparadigms,theywillfirstbepresentedwiththeirdistinctions clearlydefinedandcontrasted.Itmayseemtobeanoversimplificationattheoutset;howevermoreof thesubtletieswillbedevelopedlater. TheCrowdControlParadigm Thelanguagethatisusedbypolicetodesignatethemselvesandtheprotestcrowdhasbothapower andanethicaldimensiontoit.Todesignateaunitasresponsibleforcrowdcontrolmakesthecrowd intoanobject.Tosayitmustbecontrolledspeaksofahegemonicstructurewhereapowerfulbodyis abletodeterminewhatthecrowdcando.ThislanguageharksbacktoLeBonsnotionofacrowdas hysterical,uncontrolledemotionalwomanwhoneedastrongmantocontrolher.Crowdsareseenas essentiallyproblematic;somewouldevengosofarastocallthemtheenemy.Eventhoughthe languageofenemymaynotbeused,thekindofstrategicpreparationisakintofacingtheenemywith whompoliceareatwar.Thedesignationriotsquadspeakstotherealityofpotentialriots. Thechallengeofcrowdcontrolistomakecertainthecrowdisundercontrolallthetime.Thatmeans thatthecrowdisconfinedintoitsdesignatedarea,isheldthere,andifitsbehaviourbecomesmore rowdythanisalloweditisforciblydispersed.Thestrategyistohaveastrongshowofforcetobecertain thecrowdknowswhoisincontrol.Thismaytaketheformofwellarmedpoliceformingacordon,the useofshields,andperhapsfencestoformaboundary.Beyondthatitistousespecializedsquadsto keepthecrowdatbayortodispersethecrowd.Watercannonswatercannonsandteargasarereadily availableasarelessthanlethalweaponsthatcanimmobilizeprotesterswhogetoutofhand.All contingenciesarecoveredinadvance. Tacticsofcrowdcontrolarequicklyreactivetoanyviolentbehaviourwithinthecrowds.Should demonstratorsprovemenacing,theyarequicklyforcedback.Particularlyviolentprotestersare apprehendedwithenoughforcetomakeexamplesofthem.Anycontrollingactionisinthehandsof police.Decisionmakinghappensinahierarchicalmanner.Emphasisisputonobediencetoorders.The organizationisparamilitary.Communicationwithprotesterstakestheformofdirectivesandorders. Extensiveintelligenceisusedtogaugethethreatofaprotestcrowdandtoidentifypotential troublemakers.Sinceavoidanceofthingsgettingoutofhandisofparamountimportance,ifprotest leaderscanbeisolatedfromthecrowdbydenyingthementranceintothecountryorarrestingthemon spuriouscharges,somuchthebetter. Policies

Withinacrowdcontrolparadigm,strengthisvalued.Thedecisiveleaderwhotakesfirmactiontostopa crowdandthetactroopswiththefullyprotectiveclothing,whoknowhowtoadvanceonacrowdor dartintoacrowdtomakeanarrestwouldreceivethehighestrecognition.Accountabilityandloyaltyis primarilytothepoliceforce/servicethatwishestocomeoutlookinggoodatallcosts.Theidentityofthe valuableprotestpoliceofficerisonewhoisstrongenoughtonottakeanythingfromprotesters;andisa welltrainedprofessionalwhocanusealltheweaponsavailablewhencommandedtoandwithgreat effectiveness. TheCrowd(orNegotiated)ManagementParadigm WithintheCrowdManagementparadigmprotestersarethoughtofascitizensexercisingtheirrightto protest.Theremaybeproblemsthatdevelopbutgoodmanagementstrategieswillkeepthesetoa minimum.Giventhefactthatacrowdisthoughtofsomethingthatneedstobemanaged,thediscursive structureisstillhegemonic.Crowdswillbedirectedandeveryeffortwillbemadetomakecertainthey dothingsinlinewithwhatthepolicewoulddesire.Thelanguageofnegotiationisusedtoindicatethat processesofplanning,crowdevents,anddispersalarearrangedthroughdiscussion;however,discursive tacticsareusedtomakecertainthingsgorightforthepolice. Thechallengeistofacilitateprotestersinorganizingtheircrowdeventsinawaythatdoesnotcreate incidents.Itisimportantatallcoststoavoidtroubles.Thestrategyistousediscursivemeansifatall possibletocontrolthesituation.Allthemeansofcrowdcontrolarestillavailablebutonlyasalast resort.Confrontationwiththecrowdistobeavoidedatallcost.Latitudeinlawenforcement, compromises(realandapparent)andalethalforcehelpfulattitudebecomepartofthestrategyof makingthisparadigmwork.Thefollowingchart(Figure9.1),madeavailablebytheRoyalCanadian MountedPolice,showsthetacticaloptionsavailable.Clockwisefrommidnighttacticsareincreasingly heavyhanded.Thestrategywithinthisparadigmistocontinuallytrytokeepontherightsideofthe diagramandtoresistclockwisemovementifatallpossible. Primarytacticshavetodowithcreatingpsychologicalboundariesandmaintaininganonthreatening presence.Helpfulnessinplanninglogisticsanddivertingtrafficareusedtoestablishgoodwillandto controlthesituation.Therearemeetingswithcrowdorganizers;crowdmarshalsarebriefed.Theremay evenbeoutrightcollaborationbetweencrowdmarshalsandleadersandpolice.Attimesmarshalswill evendirecttroublesomeprotestersdownalaneintothehandsofpolicewhoarewaitingforthem. Intelligencegatheringisdonefirstandforemostthroughpermitsthatcrowdorganizersneedtofillout beforeaprotestcrowdevent.Intheprocessoffillingouttheform,policewillgothroughachecklistof questionstobesurethatplanningiscomplete.Theprocessbothensuresthatthereisgoodplanning andthatpolicegetenoughinformationforthemtoplanproperly.Informationthatispubliclyavailable suchaspamphlets,websites,advertisements,etc.isaprimarysourceofintelligence.Greaterauthority isgiventocrowdliaisonofficerstomakedecisionsinconcertwithprotestcrowdleaders.PublicOrder ManagementSystemsareputintoplacewithsophisticatedinformationloopsanddecisionmakingflow charts.Policiesandvaluesemphasizetheavoidanceofconfrontation.Trainingputsgreateremphasison negotiationandotherdiscursivemeansofmanagement.Thereisconsiderableemphasisonthestrategic

useofthemediatoconveyinformationinsuchawayastoshowthepoliceascompetentlymanaginga situationinconformitywiththepublicgood.Thereisagreatersenseofaccountabilitytothepublic. Figure9.1RiskDiagnosisandUseofForceOptions (2009)HERMAJESTYTHEQUEENINRIGHTOFCANADAasrepresentedbytheRoyalCanadian MountedPolice(RCMP).ReprintedbypermissionoftheRCMP. Protestpoliceseethemselvesasbeingidentifiedmorestronglywiththecommunity.Theysee themselvesasprofessionalcrisismanagers,teambuilderswhocancollaboratewithcrowdorganizers andevenbuildarelationshipwiththem. TheMutualRespectParadigm Inthisparadigm,policeviewcrowdsasgroupsofpeoplewhodowhattheydoforareason.Thismeans theythinkintermsofcrowdsbeingonepartofarelationalsystemthatincludesgovernmentinstitutions andbusinesses(targets),bystandersandsecurity.Tothinkofcrowdsasbeingpartofarelationalsystem meansthatwhatanyonedoeshasanimpactonalloftheothers,hencetherelationshipisdynamic.The emphasisisputonmanagingtherelationaldynamicratherthanoncontrollingthecrowdperse.The heartofthisparadigmaticapproachistosetupstructuresthroughwhichallthedifferentpartiescan communicatewithoneanother,exploretheidentitydimensionsoftheissuesinvolvedandcreate dynamicsituationsthatcanservetheinterestsandwellbeingofallthedifferentparties. First,theMutualRespectParadigmisbasedonlanguage,dialogueandcommunication.Notonlyis languageusedforcommunicationitalsobecomesthefocusofdiscourseandanalysis.Thekindsof wordsthatareusedtodescribeanactionputacertainspinontheeventandavaluejudgmentonthe peopleinvolved.Awordlikeviolenceisvalueladen.Withinthisparadigm,therewouldbeopen dialogueonthemeaningofviolenceindifferentcontexts.Whatexactlyisaviolentaction?Ifshowna videoofcertainactionsdeemedbysomeasviolent,othersmightsaythatthesewerenonviolent.For example,oneactivisthassaidthattheattemptstotakedownthefenceinQuebecCitywerejustified andnotviolentinthattheyhadnointenttoentertherestrictedarea,yetsecuritypersonneltook aggressive,violentactiontolimitit.Fromthesecurityperspective,thefencewasdeemednecessary forthemtobesuccessfulintheirprimemissionofprotectingthemeeting;anydestructionwasviolent andtheiractionswerejustifiedinthecircumstances.Theseeminglyuncontrolleduseofteargas canisterswasconsideredviolentbypeacefulprotesterswhoweregassed,yetsecuritypersonnelfound theinaccuracyoftheteargascanistersandtheirlimitedscopeofvisiontobeatleastpartiallytoblame fortheirgassingpeacefulprotesters.Thesamewordsuseddifferentlybydifferentpartiescanpromote misunderstandinganddistrust;ontheotherhand,whenpeoplesharetheirmutualunderstandingsofa givenphenomenontheymaynotalwaysagreebuttheywillrespecttheperceptionsoftheother.Words arefoundtoexpressemotions.Usingwordstotalkaboutemotionsisverydifferentthansimplyacting onthem. Second,theMutualRespectParadigmisrelational,emphasizingthebuildingofrespectandtrust.Dennis S.ReinaandMichelleL.Reinahavesaidthatinhightrustenvironments,peoplearemorewillingtokeep

agreements,shareinformation,admitandlearnfrommistakes,andtakeongreaterresponsibility(Reina 1999).Thereisavaluetorelationshipsandasensethatrespectfulrelationshipsinandofthemselvesare apositivefactorinmanagingtheinteractionsinawaythatbenefitseveryone.Allpartiessharea commoncommitmenttoexplorethedevelopmentofpositiverelationships. Third,theMutualRespectParadigmissensitivetotheidentityneedsandinterestsofthevarious parties.Onesidentityneedsarethosethingswhichareimportanttosupportthepersonswellbeing; theneedformeaningintheirlives,tobeabletotakeaction,tobeconnectedonewithanother,tobe recognizedasgoodandworthy,andtobesafeandsecure. Fourth,theMutualRespectParadigmvaluescreativity.Creativityinvolvesdiscoveringnew,helpfuland innovativeapproachestomeetingtheneedsofvariouspartiesatthesametime.Itbringstogethera varietyofresourcesandcombinestheminawayinwhichtheyhavenotbeencombinedbefore. Creativityisaresultoflookingatthesameoldprobleminanewway.Itisinspiredbyinsightsandinthis casetheinsightsarestimulatedbydialogueamongtheparties.Tovaluecreativityistovalueopen endedprocessesthatallowcreativeideasandapproachestoemerge.Creativitywithinacommunity alsoinvolvesdiscernment.Noteverynewideaissignificantandhelpful.Inbrainstorming,forinstance, everyideaiswelcomedandreceivedequallybyfacilitatorandgroup.Later,inthinkingabouttheideas andworkingwiththem,somewillemergeasbeingtrulyinsightfulandhelpfulandotherswillbeputon thebackburnertosimmeruntilsuchtimeastheyareneededorinspireotherusefulideas. Fifth,theMutualRespectParadigmisdrivenbyprinciples.Thereisanethicalculturethatisdeveloped throughtheinteractionamongthepartiesinvolvedinthecollaboration.Theprinciplesthatunderliethis ethicalculturecanbeidentified,writtendown,taught,discussedandexplained.Principlesneedtobe developedcollaborativelyand,atthistime,theirformulationisintheearlystages. Sixth,theMutualRespectParadigmhasaboutitaspiritofgenerosity,mutualcareandjoy.Thestoryis toldofajointIsraeliPalestinianworkinggrouponwatermanagement.Theybecameclosepersonal friendsthroughtheircollaboration.Whiletheyweretogetheratalocationfarremovedfrom Israel/Palestine,asuicidebombwasdetonatedafewblocksfromthehomeofoneoftheIsraelis. ImmediatelyoneofthePalestinianswasonthephone,callingtohiscontactstoverifythatthefamilyof hisIsraelifriendwasunharmed. Outofrecognitionoftheimportanceofeachfortheothershouldemergeanattitudeofrespect.Such anattitudeisimportantforthedevelopmentofauthenticrelationshipsandmutualtrust.Thesame actiondonewithadifferentattitudetakesonanentirelydifferentcharacter.Theactionofpolice consultingwithprotestersisverydifferentifthepurposeoftheconsultationistoenhancepolice intelligenceandestablishawayofcontrollingormanagingthecrowdasopposedtoagenuinedesirefor protesterstodowhattheyhavetodoinsafetyandinanatmospherefreeofhasslesandviolence.As Kratcoski,VermaandDasobserve: (Kratcoski2001)

Nocountry,regardlessofhowtraditionalitsvaluesandcultureare,willremainstatic.Thereisconstant change,andoftenprotests,demonstrationandstrikesarethemechanismsusedtobeingaboutdesired changesmorequickly.Ifthepoliceapproachsuchdisordereventsfromtheperspectivethattheseare opportunitiesforpeacefulsolutionstopoliticalorsocialunrestproblems,theoutcomesarelikelytobe productive. Likewise,ifprotestersrespectthemandategivenpoliceandtheactionstaken,theywillbeableto combineeffectiveprotestandmaintainthedignityofpoliceandthosetheyarecalledupontoprotect. Thisremindsme(VNR)ofparticipatinginamarchtocommemoratetheOka/Kanehsat:keCrisisof 1990.IwaswalkingwithEllenGabrielthroughthegolfcourse.Whenwegottooneoftheholesshe tooktheflagmarkeroutoftheholeandgentlylaiditdown,remarkingthatwewerenottheretohurt anything,justtomakeapoint.

CommunicationTherearesomebuiltinchallengestoeffectivecommunicationbetween protestcrowdsandpolice.Thesearearesultoftheirverydifferentcharactersand organizationalsystems(andthestagesofconsciousnessoftheactors).Complexprotestcrowds areusuallymadeupofadiversityofgroups;thesegroupsworktogetheronthebasisof consensus.Policeareorganizedaroundahierarchicalstructurewithacommandandcontrol leadershipstyle.Nonetheless,giventhepoliticalwill,effectivecommunicationcanhappen.Itis importantforpolicetolistencarefullytonotonlytheneedsandplansofprotestersbutalsoto theirgoals,theissuestheyespouseandthevisiontheyhaveforsociety.Protestersshouldlisten tothechallengesfacingpolice.Iftherearedieintheditchboundariesforthepolice,these shouldbetalkedaboutopenlyandvariousscenariosshouldbeworkedthroughinadvance. Thereshouldbesomeopennesstoredefiningboundariesoncertainoccasions.Wherethe absoluteboundariesareinviolable,theyshouldbeexplainedtoprotestersalongwiththe rationale.Everyeffortshouldbemadetoarriveatsharedunderstandingsofthemeaningof boundaries.Solutionstovariousotherproblemscouldbearrangedandjointcontingencyplans developed.Duringamajorcrowdprotestevent,linesofcommunicationshouldbeopensuch thatifsomethinggoeswrongoneithersidethiscanbeimmediatelycommunicatedand explainedtotheotherside.Afteranevent,ajointdebriefwouldcontributetomutual understandingandfurtherplanning. ChaosandCreativityGiventheambiguitydescribedaboveregardinglawsandpeace,and giventhepassionsinvolvedtoworktowardchange,itwilllikelyhappenthatprotestcrowdswill pushlegalityandpublicordertoitsedges.AsDeborahSwordpointsout,protestcrowdshavea tendencytobeattheedgeofchaosandmembersofprotestcrowdsmaywellhaveahighlevel oftoleranceforsuchasituation.Outofchaosmayemergeeithercreativeblessingorcontagious violence.Itisimportantthatpoliceschoolthemselvesinchaostheoryandevenworkwith protestersonroleplaysandcontingencyplanstodealeffectivelywithlifeattheedgeofchaos. Itmayevenbethatthoseassignedtoworkonpublicorderpolicingbescreenedaccordingto theircapacitytodealeffectivelywithchaoticandambiguoussituations.

MimeticStructuresofBlessingInmanyinstancesprotestcrowdsandpolicedoplaymutually empoweringroles.Itisimportanttoidentifythemimeticstructuresofblessingwherethey occur.Itisalsoimportantforpoliceandprotesterstoexploretogetherwhatmimeticstructures ofblessingmightmeantothemandtojointlycommittothecreationandnurtureofsuch structures.

Amandatemaybegiventoaneutralthirdpartyorganizationtofacilitatetheoperationalizationofthe abovepoints.Unlesssomeonehasamandatetoorganizejointactionitwillnotlikelyhappen.Insome casesthereisahighlevelofdistrustonbothsidessoaninitiativefromeithersidewouldbeheld suspect.Athirdpartyinvolvementwoulddiminishthesensethatpolicewouldusejointsessionsto controlthesituation.(Thispointisderivedfromanumberofseminarsthatbroughtpoliceand protesterstogetherseePartTwo.)Suchinvolvementwouldnotprecludebilateralcommunicationand negotiationbutwouldhelpprovideasupportiveframework.Duringoneofourseminarstherewasan eveningdebriefoftheprotestcrowdactivitiesattheSummitoftheAmericasinQuebecCityin2001. Protestersandpolicespokeopenlyabouttheirrespectiveexperiences;alongthewayoneofthem commented,Weusuallydoourdebriefsseparatelybutthisismuchbetter! Withasharedvisionofmimeticstructuresofblessingwecanimagineavibrantdynamicsocietyinwhich newperspectivesareconstantlygeneratedandsharedinpublicspaces,whererolesofstakeholdersare periodicallyscrutinized,andwheredifferentvoicesofresponseexpressdivergentviewsinaspiritof transparency,respectandopennesstochange. ParadigmsCompared Thefollowingchartoffersaconcisepointofcomparisonamongthedifferentparadigms. CrowdControl CrowdManagement MutualRespect

Crowdwelcomedasessential Crowdthoughtofascitizens Crowdthoughtofasenemyor exercisingtheirrights;notaproblem componentofcivilsocietyand problembysecurity initselfbutcausingpotential generatorofcreativeoptionsfor problems society Crowdleadersconsultedbypolice; Securitydevelopsstrategyonits jointplanbutpolicestrategyand own backupplansarehidden Allthemeansofantagonistic preparationsareusedincluding surveillanceandcovert intelligencegathering Crowds,securityandpossibly targetscollaborateonstrategy fortheevent

Moreemphasisoncollecting Informationissharedopenlyall informationthroughpermitforms around;identitiesandrolesare andpubliclyaccessibleinformation transparent likewebsites Securityisderivedfromtrusting relationshipsbasedonmutual

Securityisderivedfromusing Securityisbasedongetting thetoolsofcontrolincludingless agreementonasmanypointsas

CrowdControl thanlethalandlethalmeans

CrowdManagement possible;openlinesof communication;cleardemarcation ofboundaries

MutualRespect dignityandrespect

Triestohaveallcontingencies coveredbeforeengagement withcrowd

Sharesresponsibilitieswithcrowd Usesopenprocessestoimagine marshalsandorganizers;onoccasion newandmutuallybeneficial collaborateindealingwith waysofdealingwithconflicts instigatorsofviolence Securityresponsibleforwell Keepsarmslengthrelationshipwith beingofentirepopulation targetatmost;neutralatbest includingprotestingcrowd

Securityfundamentally responsibletoTarget

Focusesonviolentprotestersas Differentiatesamongdifferenttypes Triestounderstandreasonsfor extremeemotionsandpassions criminals,'troublemakers,etc. ofprotesters Triestothwartactionsof protestersbyclosingborders, Expeditesmovementsand impedinglogistics,harassingand organizationofprotesters arrestingprotesters

Createsacontextforprotest effectiveness

Debriefsacrowdeventalone

Communicatesinformallywith crowdorganizers

Debriefsacrowdevent together;periodicfacilitated workshopstoreflectonthe natureandroleoforganized protest Mediaframesstoriesaroundthe creationofmimetic*structures ofblessingarisingoutof mimetic*structuresofviolence Targetsseecrowdsasasignthat somethingsneedtochange;as asourceofkeyinformation abouttheworld

Mediaframeseventaround Mediaportrayalofpoliceviolence conflictbetweenprotestersand kepttoaminimum police Targetsreluctantlyopento Targetsseecrowdsasnuisance negotiationwithcrowds;police andthreat and/ormediatorsfacilitatethe process Activistsseepoliceandtargets asenemy

Policeareseenasrenderinghelpful Activistsseepoliceandleaders adviceandassistance playingessentialroles

CrowdControl Mimetic*andescalating violence Publicgetsmessagethat violenceisonincrease Publicincreasinglyworried aboutfuture

CrowdManagement Violenceminimized

MutualRespect Mimeticandexpandingblessing Publicgetsnewvisionforfuture possibilities Publicreassured

Lowkeymessagetopublic

Peoplemoverespectfullyinto eachother'sspaces

Peopleareboxedintorolesand spaces RelationshipamongParadigms

Therelationshipamongparadigmsisnotstraightforward.First,thereisconsiderablelatitudeinthe rangeofactionsandattitudesthatcanbeevidentwithineachparadigm.Second,sincetheseparadigms areparadigmsofpolicing,developedfromtheperspectiveofthepolice,itisimportanttoexamine paradigmsfromaprotestcrowdperspective.Third,eachparadigmcanbeseenasreflectionofa differentlevelofconsciousness;withthatrealization,insightsaboutrelationsamonglevelsof consciousnessproveinstructive.Forth,thedevelopmentofnewparadigmscanbeseenascreative emergence;lookingbackonecanidentifyanumberoffactorsthatworkedtogethertostimulate paradigmaticchange.Thesefouraspectsoftherelationshipwillbedevelopedingreaterdetail. LatitudewithinParadigms Eachoftheseparadigmsallowsforconsiderablelatitudeinbehaviourandattitude.WithintheCrowd Controlparadigmcouldbeanattitudethatishostiletowardprotestcrowdswithrepressivebehaviour thatlimitsprotestcrowdactivitycompletely.Itwouldalsobepossibletohaverelativelybenignand friendlyattitudestowardprotestcrowdsaslongastheystayedwithinthebehaviouralandgeographic boundarieswithwhichpolicewouldfeelcomfortable.Therearealsodifferenceswithinthisparadigmof howpolicepresentthemselves.Thisrangesfromimmediatelypresentingthemselveswithprotective shieldsandtheDarthVaderlooktoappearingfirstonbicycleswithsofthats.Whatdistinguishesthe paradigmishowpoliceunderstandtheirtask;inthiscaseitistocontrolcrowdsthathavethepotential togetoutofhandortoriot. TheCrowdManagementParadigmlikewisecanexemplifyabroadrangeofapproaches.Whatpassesfor negotiationcanrangefromoutrightmanipulationtogetprotestcrowdstocomplywithpolicewishes toagenuineinterestinaccommodatingconcernsofprotest.Intelligencegatheringcanrangefrom collectinginformationthatispubliclyavailabletointrusiveintelligencethathasundercoveragents posingascrowdparticipantsororganizers.Thereisalsoarangeofrelativeweightingofthecomponent partsofaPublicOrderManagementSystem.Insomecasesthenegotiationsideisdominantandin othercasesitmaybesimplywindowdressingtocamouflagewhatisineffectacrowdcontrolapproach.

Thereisalsoadistinctiontobemadeamongthedifferentkindsofrelationshipsbetweenliaisonofficers andthecommandstructure.Inoneinstancetheliaisonofficerhasdirectaccesstotheoperational commanderandensuresthatifthereisachangefromwhatsheorhehastoldcrowdorganizers,thisis immediatelycommunicatedtocrowdrepresentatives.Alternately,theliaisonpersonisthoughtofby policeleadershipasameansofcollectingintelligenceandtheythinknothingofoverridingwhatmight havebeenagreeduponinnegotiationswiththeprotestorganizers,norofwithholdingsignificant informationfromthem. TheMutualRespectParadigmlikewisecanbeexpressedindifferentways.Itiscertainlyopento subversiononbothsidesbypeoplewhodonotcommunicateingoodfaithandchoosetousethe opennessofothersintherelationalsystemforstrategicadvantage.Ontheotherhand,itcanbeusedto genuinelyimprovethesituationforallconcerned. ParadigmsfromaProtestCrowdPerspective Thesethreeparadigmsalsoapplytoprotestersandhowtheyviewpolice.Thecorrespondingparadigms areasfollows:

CrowdControl:PoliceasRepressive CrowdManagement:PoliceasPotentiallyHelpful MutualRespect:PoliceinaComplementaryRoleinAdvancingPublicGoods

Theparadigmusedbycrowdsmayormaynotcorrespondtothatofthepoliceinanygivenprotest crowdpolicerelationalsystem.Wewilldescribethedifferentparadigms. IntheRepressivePoliceparadigm,policeareseenasenemiesofdissent.Thereisasubstantialamount ofsuspiciontowardsthepolicewhoareseenasdoingeverythingintheirpowertothwarttheefforts, interestsandgoalsofprotesters.Policeareregardedaspotentiallyviolentandspecialtrainingisgiven tominimizetheeffectsofteargasteargasandtomaximizethedifficultyineitherbreakingupaprotest grouporarrestingmembers.Specialprecautionsaretakentokeeppoliceinfiltratorsoutofmeetings. Informationaboutstrategyandtacticsiskeptassecretaspossible.Oneleaderwithintheprotest communityevencametoajointprotestcrowdpolicetrainingsessionprimarilytomakecertainthat fellowprotestersnotdivulgetoomuchinformation.Chosentraumasoftheprotestercommunity includememoriesofpoliceviolence,peoplehurt(somekilled),exposuretomanylessthanlethal weapons,activistsbeingstoppedandturnedbackattheborderfornoapparentreason,andbrutal arrestprocedures.ChosengloriesincludeshuttingdowntheWTOtalksinSeattle. IntheHelpingPoliceparadigm,acertainrapportandworkingrelationshiphasbeenestablished betweenprotestersandpolice.Thereisasensethatpeopleonbothsidesknowthescoretheyknow andunderstandthelimitsoftheiractions.Protestbecomesinstitutionalizedandfollowsacertain routineandrhythm.Iftherearetobearrests,thisisagreeduponinadvance;policeacknowledgethat thearrestsareneededforpublicityandeveryoneplaysanappropriaterole.Thevenueforprotestis agreeduponinadvance.Marshalswithinthecrowdworkwiththepoliceatdealingwithtroublemakers.

Thosethatarerelativelyinexperiencedatorganizingprotestcrowdsaregratefulfortheadviceand informationtheyreceivefromthepolice. TheMutualRespectparadigmfromtheperspectiveofprotestersincludesarecognitionthat

policehavethenecessaryfunctionwithinademocracytopreservethepeace; policearehumanbeingswithacapacitytounderstandcomplexissues; itiscounterproductiveforthesideshow(policecrowddynamics)tobecomethemainshow; itislikewisecounterproductiveforprotesttobeinstitutionalized.

Inthelightoftheseobservations,thereneedtobeevernewandcreativewaysofexpressingdissent suchthatthemessagewillgetacross.Inorderforthistohappen,protestersneedtoengagepolice, governmentleaders,media,andcommunitymembersindialoguesessionsorworkshopsaimedatboth mutualunderstandingandthegenerationofideasastohowthecommongoodcanbeimproved throughthefreeflowandexpressionofideas.Thedeeprootedconflictisbroughtoutintotheopen: someprotestersarepreparedtoputtheirlivesonthelinebecausetheybelievesostronglyinanissue; policearepreparedtodieintheditchtomakecertainthatsomelinesarenotcrossed.Protestersare opentobeingchallengedontheirperceptions,valuesandbeliefswithoutimmediatelyreacting.Thereis opennesstoreconciliationofpastriftsandvictimizationandawillingnesstodevelopmimeticstructures ofblessing. ParadigmsandLevelsofConsciousness Eachparadigmcanbeunderstoodasrepresentingacertainlevelofconsciousness.Assuchitconforms togeneralunderstandingsaboutlevelsofconsciousness.Thesegeneralunderstandingsincludethe threeprinciplesthat 1. Theindividualisusuallyoperatingatonestageofconsciousnessacrossawidevarietyof contexts.Alllevelsofconsciouscanbeaccessedinanyonecontext. 2. Thoseatahigherlevelofconsciousnesscanunderstandthelevelsbelowthembutthoseat lowerlevelscannotunderstandthoseabovethem. 3. Higherlevelsofconsciousnesscanaccommodateandworkwithincreasinglevelsofcomplexity thatmaybepresentintheenvironment. Withtheseinmindwecannowpresentinamorenuancedmannertherelationshipsamongthese differentparadigms. Firstonthematterofhowcrowdsareperceived.AtanextremetheCrowdControlparadigmisstill informedbyelementsoftheoldLeBonideathatcrowdsarewholesinwhichindividualslosetheir individualityandrespectstrongleaderswhodirectthem.Empiricalevidencehasshownthatthisis highlymisleadingandpeoplecontinuetohaveasenseofrationalindividualityevenwhenparticipating

incorporateactivities.Howevertheremaybeinstancesofriotinginwhichmimeticviolencecatcheson; eventhough,assomeobserverspointout,thismaybelessoftenthecasethanisgenerallythought.At timeswhenprotestersdamageproperty,theremaybehistoricalandsymbolicreasonsfordoingthat. ElementsofCrowdControlcanbeseenasembeddedwithinCrowdManagementSystems,the differenceisthattheyarekeptatthelevelofcontingencyplanningforaworstcasescenario.The paradigmitselfemphasizestherighttoprotest,thepragmaticapproachdictatesthatitworksbetterto usediscoursetomanagethedynamicsandthetrainingincludesthedevelopmentofinterpersonalskills. TheMutualRespectParadigmdoesnotprecludeofferingpracticalassistancetocrowdorganizersasis thecaseintheCrowdManagementParadigm.Nordoesitprecludecontingencyplanningforapotential outbreakofviolence.However,theseelementstakeonarelativelylesssignificantrole.Theemphasisis onworkingwithprotestcrowdsinsuchawaythattheirmessageanditsurgencyareeffectively communicatedtotargetsandthegeneralpublic.Thereisanopennesstoflowwiththedynamicasa creativeprocess.Thereisalsotransparencyaboutcontingencyplansandaboutdieintheditch boundaries.However,thereisanopennesstonegotiateboundariesandeventofindsafewaysinwhich theboundariescanbesymbolicallytransgressed.Authentictrustingrelationshipsarevalued;these precludemanipulation;hence,thewayinwhichCrowdControlandCrowdManagementelementsare usedmaybedifferent. DevelopmentofNewParadigmsCanBeSeenAsCreativeEmergence Whatdoesittakeforagrouptomovefromoneparadigmtoanother?Suchamovementisessentiallya creativeact.Newparadigmsgenerallytakeplacewhenthereisaconvergenceoffactors,includingan indicationthatoldparadigmsarenotworking.Inthe1960stherewasamarkedincreaseinthesizeand numberofprotestcrowds.Therewasageneraltrendtouseparamilitaryforcefulmeanstosuppress crowds.Aspolicecommunicatedwithoneanother,techniquesweresharedandabroadbasedtrend emergedalongwithadiscursivefieldthatincludedthetermcrowdcontrol.Asthisbecame systematized,therewasgrowthinthekindsofequipment,tacticsandcommandstructuresthatwould makethismoreeffective.Therewerealsoinstanceswherethisapproachwasshowntoproduce disastrousresults.Therewereinvestigationsintosomeofthesemishaps,recommendationsweremade, legalandprocedurallimitswereputintoplace.Asaresult,itbecameclearthatthisparadigmhadsome basicflaws. Concomitantly,communitypolicingwasemergingasanewparadigmthatrecoveredsomeoftheearly principlesofthenineteenthcenturyMetropolitanPoliceofLondon.Asdiscursiveapproacheswereused withcrowds,itwasfoundthattheseworkedmuchbetter.Empiricaldatacomingoutofcrowdresearch emphasizedthatcrowdswerenottheproductofsocietyriffraff,rathertheyweremadeupofcitizens whodemandedrespect.Theideaemergedthattherewereafewbadapplesthatcausedtheproblem. Ifpoliceworkedwithcrowdleadersandmarshalsthesecouldbecontrolledinacollaborativefashion.In the1980sand1990stheNegotiatedManagementparadigmbecamebetterestablished.However,since September11,preoccupationswithsecurityhashadtheeffectofmovingprotestpolicinginthe directionofmorecoercivemethodswithsignificantlymoreemphasisontheuseofinformation strategies(della2006).Thereisnowadifferentiationbeingmadeinpolicingcirclesbetweencontained

andtransgressivegroups(Noakes2006).Containedgroups,likelabourunions,arewellknowntopolice, havetheirownmarshalsandcandeliveraprotestwithintheboundofagreeduponcriteria.The negotiationparadigmisusedwiththem(Noakes2006).Transgressivegroupsarethoughtofasbadby police,eventhoughtheycanbefurthercategorizedintothosecommittedtononviolenceandthose whoareopentoadiversityoftactics.Theyarenotcentrallycontrolledandtheiractionscannotbe predicted.Theyhaveacapacitytodisruptthedailylifeofpeoplelivingandworkingintheprotestarea. Theyaredealtwithbymeansofanincapacitationparadigm(Noakes2006)whichisavariationonthe crowdcontrolparadigmthatgainedascendancyinthe1960sbutinsteadofcontrolthough confrontationitemphasizescontrolthroughoverenforcementofthelaw,showofstrengthandthrough placinglimitationsonthecapacityofprotesterstoprotest.Basedonourresearchandexperience,the increaseduseofacontrolparadigmcoupledwithmorepassionateresolveamongprotestersconcerning justiceissueswillinevitablyleadtomoreintenseconflictbetweenprotestersandpolice.Aswillbe arguedinthenextchapters,bothdissentandnonviolentpolicingarenecessaryforathriving democracy.ItisinthiscontextthattheMutualRespectparadigmisadvanced. TheemergenceoftheMutualRespectParadigmisnewandtimewilltellwhetheritbecomesaccepted inthefield.Itrepresentstheconvergenceofanumberoffactors: 1. Aseriesofencounterswithpolice,protesters,journalistsandotherstakeholdersshowingthe potentialofopendialogue.ThesewillbedescribedindetailinPartTwo. 2. Researchthatestablishesthelinkbetweenprotestcrowdsandcomplexsystems. 3. Researchonthedevelopmentofhigherlevelsofconsciousness. 4. Comparativeresearchthatshowshowtheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystemisclearly linkedtothelocalcultureandisafunctionofvalues,attitudes,governanceinstitutions,anda historyofhowtherelationshiphasevolved. 5. Groundbreakingworkdonebycreativepoliceofficerswhoexemplifythisnewparadigm. 6. Dialogueamongprotestgroupsparticularlythoseadvocatingnonviolenceandthosewhose diversityoftacticsincludesviolence. 7. Openendedworkshopswithrepresentativesofallstakeholdergroups(seePartTwofora descriptionofwhatispossible.) AnIntegralApproach KenWilberhasdevelopedafourquadrantmodel(Figure9.2)thatcanshedsomeadditionallighton howtheseparadigmsfunction(Wilber2001).Ahorizontalaxisformsadivisionbetweenindividual (above)andcollective(below).Averticalaxisdividesaninteriorapproachtoreality(left)froman exteriorapproach(right).Interiorapproachesstresshoweventsareinterpretedbyindividualsand groups;exteriorapproachesemphasizewhatcanbeobservedempirically.Hearguesforanintegral

approachthatincludesthedifferentapproachesatboththeindividualandcollectivelevels.Wilbers modelcanberepresentedinthefollowingdiagram. Figure9.2KenWilber'sIntegralModel Eachquadrantcontainsasignificantdimensionofrealityasfollows: 1. IndividualInteriorthispertainstohowtheindividualexperiencessomethingataprimallevel; itincludeshowtheindividualinterpretsexperiencebasedtheirpersonalreflections,beliefsand values. 2. IndividualExteriorthispertainstohowthebehaviour(includingverbalexpressions)ofthe individualareobserved.Knowledgeofourobservedexperiencesarecategorizedinthis quadrant. 3. CollectiveInteriorpertainstohowgroupsexperienceagivenphenomenon;includedinthis aretheculturalvaluesofthegroupthatgiveparticularmeaningtowhatishappening. 4. CollectiveExteriorpertainstohowtheactionsandexperiencesofgroupsareobservedby others. Thedottedarrowsgoingoutfromthecentreindicatehowlevelsofconsciousnessevolve;theygenerally areoperativewithinallquadrants. Whenweapplythistothethreeparadigms,thedistinctionsamongthemarestartling.Thecrowd controlparadigmemphasizesthecollectivenatureofcrowdssoitisstrongerinthebottomtwo quadrants.Crowdsarebasicallyseenascollectives.Theindividualsofthecrowdasrepresentedinthe toptwoquadrantswouldbeunderstoodtobeatalowerlevelofmentality(riffraff).TheCrowd Managementparadigmhasbeeninfluencebyempiricalstudiesandismuchstrongerontherighthand side.Thereisalsoagreaterappreciationforspecificindividualsespeciallyorganizers,marshals, leaders,andtroublemakers.TheMutualRespectparadigmemphasizesallthequadrants.Inadditionto takingnoteoftheempiricalstudies,itvaluesthesubjectivityofcrowdprotestersandthemultivalenced messagesthatcrowdswishtoconvey.Italsoattendstohowpoliceunderstandandexperiencetheir roleinrelationtoprotestcrowds.Avalueisplacedontheinteriorityoftheactors;thisresultsinadesire forrespectfuldialogueandacommitmenttorespectfultreatmentofallpartiesinrelationtoone another. Inthebodiesofliteratureonprotestpolicing,protestandcrowds,thevariousstudiescanbeplaced withindifferentquadrants.DeBonandCanelli,writingoncrowds,triedtounderstandthecollective dynamicsfromwithin;theyemphasizedthelowerleftquadrant.RudandMacPhailworkedonthe basisofempiricaldatasotheirstudiestookplaceontherighthandsidelookingatboththeexperience oftheindividualsandthecollectivenatureofthephenomenon.DavidWaddingtonsflashpointmodel emphasizedempiricalstudiesbutalsopaidattentiontohowpeopleexperiencedthevarious phenomenaassuchithadpotentialforanintegralapproach.SimilarlyP.A.J.Waddingtonswork

emphasizeshowpoliceexperienceprotestpolicing(theconceptoftroublesiskeytothis)andhe attendstotheempiricallyverifiabledescriptionoftacticsandhowthesetacticsplayoutinthefield. Inthediagram,therearediagonalarrowsineachquadrantgoingfromtheintersectionoftheaxesout towardthefourcorners.Theseindicatelinesofdevelopment.Oneaspectofdevelopmenthastodo withlevelofconsciousness;thehigherthelevel,themorecomplexthesituationonecandealwith comfortably.Atearlierlevelsofdevelopment,individualsandgroupstendtothinkintribalisticterms, seeingrealityonlyintermsoftheprimarygroupstowhichtheybelong.Relatedtoprotestersand police,thosewhoareatthislevelwillbeinclinedtoadoptanusversusthemmentality.Itwillbehard forthemtoseehowalltheactorsfittogetherintoabiggerrealitywitheachplayinganecessaryrole.In sofarastheMutualRespectparadigmisdemandingthedevelopmentofauthenticrelationships betweenpoliceandprotesters,itencouragesthedevelopmentofthelevelofconsciousnessamong peopleineachgroup. ImplicationsoftheMutualRespectParadigmforStakeholders TheMutualRespectParadigmfunctionswithinanethicalvisionofblessing.Thismeansthatthereisan ethicalimaginationoperativethatenvisagesthemutualwellbeingofthevariouspartiesinvolvedas theyremainopentodoingwhatisintheultimatelongtermbenefittobothhumanityandthe biosphere.Asweexaminetheimplicationstoeachofthekeypartiesinvolved,wewilllookattheirrole, attitude,orientationandbehaviourwithinthisparadigm.Wewillbeginwiththepolicesincetheyarea constantinthefaceofnumerousdifferentprotestcrowds,thesecondgroup.Thenwewilladdressthe implicationsofthisparadigmforgovernments,multinationalcorporations,themedia,bystandersand thegeneralpublic. Police Policewillbeginwithinanattitudeofthanksforthosepeoplewhocareenoughtoprotest.Itis acknowledgedthatthelevelofcaremayvaryfromthosewhocaretoexpressgrievancesabouttheir ownlifesituationtothosewhocareaboutcollectiverightstothosewhocareaboutthewellbeingof thirdpartieswhomightnothaveavoicetothosepeoplewhocareaboutsystems.Thepotential contributionofprotestersis

tomakecertainthatthereisageneralunderstandingofthedifferentneedsandperspectives outinsocietyataminimumandpotentiallytohaltdestructivepoliciesandbehavioursof powerfulgroups, toaddcreativeanalysesandperspectivestothecommonmarketplaceofideas,andfinally tobeopentothefactthattheveryphenomenonofaprotestcrowdcoulditselfgeneratesome newperspectivesordirectionsforsociety.

Withthisorientation,planningandoperationaldecisionsaremadetooptimizetheeffectivenessofthe protestendeavour.EliSopowhasdevelopedaPublicOrderIntegratedNetworkTeam(POINT)approach topublicorderpolicing.Hesuggeststhatpoliceusethefiveemotionalfactorsandtheseven

organizationalfactorsoperativeineffectiveproteststosystematicallyworkwithprotesterstomaximize theireffectiveness(thesearepresentedonpages34and67).SopowsPOINTapproachdoesnot necessarilymeanworkingwithintheMutualRespectParadigmsincethiscouldbedonewithaCrowd Managementmentality.However,itdoesoffercluesastohowthosewishingtomoveintotheMutual RespectParadigmcouldoperationalizetheirthinking.Inordertomakeprotesteffective,theymayalso needtoquestionassumptionsaboutbehaviouralandgeographicalboundaries. Thisparadigmalsosuggeststhatdialogueandtheopen,transparentandfreecommunicationamong partiesneedstohappenaroundmajorprotestcrowdactivities(before,duringandafter)and periodicallybetweensuchactivitieswhenthefocusisonthenatureoftherelationalsystemsinvolved. Protesters Protesters,likepolice,operateoutofdifferentlevelsofconsciousness.Wecandistinguishamong protesterswhoseethingsinabsolutetermsandwishtocontrolthesituationinlinewiththeir perspective.Otherprotesterswishtocontributetopublicdiscourseonagivenissue;theywouldlike theirperspectivetobecommunicated,understoodandhopefullyactedupon.Atanotherlevel, protesterswouldliketobeapartofabiggerdialoguewithinwhichcreativeoptionsintermsofideas, policiesandactionsthattranscendindividualperspectivesalreadyoutthere.Withineachofthesebroad perspectivesareawiderangeofattitudesandbehaviours. Wehavealreadyshownthatprotestersarehighlymotivatedbysomethingtheyfeelisunjustor illegitimate.Thosethatareinacontrolframeofreferencecanbemotivatedtothepointthattheyare willingtodoanything,tothepointofforfeitingtheirlives,forthecauseoftheirprotest.Mark Juergensmeyerhasanalyzedreligiousbasedterrorism,itselfaformofprotest(Juergensmeyer2001).He hasfoundthateachgroupfromChristianswhobombabortionclinics,toJewswhoassassinatedRabin, toMuslimswhowereinvolvedinthe1993attemptedbombingoftheWorldTradeCentrehadasense thattheyhadadirectlinkwiththeDivinethatenabledthemtodeterminewhatwasabsolutelygood andabsolutelybadthelattergoingagainstwhattheybelievedwasthedirectwillofGod.Heshows thattheyviewtheworldinManicheantermswithacleardistinctionbetweengoodandbadandan absolutecertaintythattheyknowwhichiswhich.Withacertaintythatgoesbeyondanyopendiscourse, theyareconvincedthattheyhaveabindingalternativetostopwhattheyfeelisbadwithwhatever meansnecessaryevenifitmeansthelossoflifeandtheblowingupofproperty.Thisistheultimateofa controlorientedprotest. AtthebeginningoftheOka/Kanehsata:keCrisistheprotestersblockedaroadtopreventthecuttingof treesfortheextensionofagolfcourse.Whentheywereattackedbythepolicewhowantedtoforce downthebarrierandonepoliceofficerwasshot,anothergroupofprotestingMohawksblockedthe Mercierbridgeundertheconvictionthatwithoutthisactofprotest,theirfellowMohawkswouldbe subjecttoviolentattackatOka.Anotherverydifferentexampleincludestheprotestcrowdsthatwere convincedthattheWorldTradeOrganizationtalksaimedatfinalizingtheMAIwoulddosomethingin grosscontraventionofanystandardsofsocialjustice.Theywereconvincedthattheresultwouldbe evengreaterwealthinhandsofmultinationalcorporationsandgreaterpovertyandoppressionofthe

workingpoor.Furthermore,theysawtheprocessitselfasbeingillegitimate.Forthem,itwasabsolutely essentialforthetalksnottogoahead.Theysucceededatshuttingdownthosetalks.Theywouldhave muchpreferredtobepartytootherdiscursivestructuresthatwouldhavegiventheirperspectivea serioushearing(Barlow2001).Itshouldbenotedthatprotesterscamefromavarietyofbackgrounds andwithavarietyoflevelsofconsciousness.(Theperspectiveadvancedaboverepresentsthemore sophisticatedamongthem.Someworkers,forexample,protestedbecausetheyfearedalossofjobsin theUnitedStatesasfactoriesmovedtoothercountries.) Anoverwhelmingmajorityofprotestindemocraticcountriesisfocusedongettingamessageacross.In 2003thereweredemonstrationsaroundtheworldinvolvingmanythousandsofpeopleprotesting againstthependingUnitedStatesinvasionofIraq.Theyexpressedtheirperspectiveandthemedia reportedit,butinthiscaseitmadenodifferencetotheactionsoftheworldsonlysuperpower.The90 percentofdemonstrationsthatoccurwithoutincidentareofthisvariety;theywanttoexpresstheir point.Eventhoseproteststhatinvolveadramaticsymbolicactareessentiallydiscursivetheywantto communicateaperspective. Therearegroupsofprotestersthatdosophisticatedsocialanalysisandareawareofthediscursive controltacticsofthepolicethatpassundertherubricofnegotiation.Theyfeelstronglyaboutthe potentialdamagetopeopleandtheenvironmentifcertainpoliciesarecarriedout.Forthem,itisa stretchtothinkabouttheMutualRespectParadigmforitwouldinvolvetrustingthatthepolicewould actingoodfaith.Someofthesehavebeensubjecttobrutaltreatmentonthepartofpolice.Someof theirleadershavenotbeenallowedfreeaccessacrossbordersforprotestactivitiesbothintocountries likeCanadawheredemocraticexpressionisvalued.Forthem,theimplicationsoftheMutualRespect Paradigmwouldbethattheywouldeitherhavetoagreetosomelimitsonthebehaviourofprotest crowdsorrespectthepositionofpolicewhomustenforcecertainboundaries.Ifthelimitstheywould agreetotransgressedthedieintheditchlimitsofthepolice,theywouldeitherhavetonegotiatethese oratleastletthepoliceknowhowfartheywouldbepreparedtogo.Theycouldataminimumwork withpoliceoncreativescenariosofwhatwouldhappenattheedgeofchaossoastoavoidanyone literallydyinginanyditch.Ifthisparadigmwasacceptedallaround,thewaywouldopenforprotesters toworkwiththeotherstakeholdergroupsatgeneratingnewoptionsthatwouldreflecttheirvalues. Government Governments,likethepoliceandsomeoftheprotesters,canworkoutparadigmsemphasizingcontrol ordiscourse.Infact,oftengovernmentsareevenmoreinfavourofrepressivecontrolthanarethe policeormilitary.JohnCiaccia,QuebecMinisterofNativeAffairsduringtheOka/Kanehsat:keCrisis, reportsthatitwasthemilitarygeneralsinthecontextofacabinetmeetingwhotalkedtheBourassa governmentoutofrepressiveviolentsuppressionoftheMohawkprotests(2000).Oftenamimetic structureofviolenceiscreatedbetweenprotestersandgovernments.Inordertogetastrongmessage across,protestersmightusehighlydisruptivetactics.Inresponse,controlorientedgovernmentsvowto notcaveintotheirdemands.Asgovernmentsdigintheirheelsaroundcertainissues,protestersfeel theyhavetotakemoreaggressiveaction.Thespiralofviolencecontinuesuntilthepoliceorthemilitary breakuptheprotest,orpublicopinionsideswiththeprotestersandthegovernmentmustfindaface

savingwaytoextricateitselffromthesituation(duringtheOka/Kanehsat:keCrisistheGovernment boughtthelandindisputetogivetotheMohawks). WithinaMutualRespectParadigm,governmentswouldwelcomeprotestasacontributiontopublic debateonanissue.Theconceptsandcritiqueofferedbytheprotesterswouldbereceivednon defensivelybythegovernmentandconsideredontheirmerit.Incertaininstanceswhereawell researchedprotestgrouphasbroadbasedbackingandisoperatingatahighlevelofconcernforeither thirdpartiesorthepublicgood,representativesoftheprotestmovementcouldbeinvitedtomeet directlywithgovernmentrepresentatives.Thegoalwouldbetousetheideasofprotesterscreativelyto developbetterpracticesandpolicies. Governmentssetbroadpolicygoalsforpolice.Itisnoaccidentthatthecoercivesideofprotestpolicing grewduringtheeraofPrimeMinisterThatcherwhowantedprotestactivitytobecontrolled.Likewise, incapacitatingactionsonthepartofU.S.policebecamemorepronouncedduringtheBushera,which hasbeenmarkedbyastrongdesiretouseforcetocontrolsituations.Thismeansthatinthecoming years,therewillbeaneedfornewleaderstosetatonethatwelcomesdissentandthecomplexityand creativitythatcouldbederivedfromdivergentpublicdiscourse.Inthenextchapterwewillexaminethe potentialfortheevolutionofnewstructuresofgovernance. MultiNationalCorporations Structurallyitisalmostimpossibletoholdmanymultinationalcorporationsaccountablefortheir actions.Byhavingastrongpresenceinmanycountriestheycanshiftcapital,personnelanddecisions aroundtheglobe,findingcountrieswhoselawsfitwhattheywanttodosuchthattheycandowhat theylike.Furthermore,thosebasedinWesterncountriesoftenhaveenoughfinancialcloutthatthey havesignificantinfluenceongovernments.Theyoperateinacontrolparadigm,evenusingthediscourse ofcontrolastheytrytocontrolmarketshareandresistanygovernmentcontroloftheirenterprises. Withincorporationsitisallabouthavingcontrollinginterest. Publicprotestisonewayofholdingmultinationalcorporationsaccountablefortheiractions.Ifa resourcecompanyiscausingsufferingonthegroundinasoutherncountryandprotestersbringthatto lightneartheirpowerbase,thiscanhaveasignificantimpact.Itwasthroughwidespreadpersistent protest,includingdemonstrations,thatTalismanOilCompany,basedinAlberta,soldoffitsoilinterests inSudan(subsequentlythereweresomesecondthoughtsaboutthisinSudanbecauseofalloil companies,TalismanhadmoreofaconcernforSudanesepeople,agreateropennesstomoral arguments,andagreaterunderstandingofhumanrightsthansomeotheroilcompanies.)Protesters havearesponsibilitytoaccuratelyassesstheimpactofwhattheyareadvocating. WeremultinationalcorporationstoacceptaparadigmofMutualRespectwithanethicalvisionof blessingwherebytheywouldseetheirroleasprimarilycontributingtothewellbeingofhumanityand thebiosphere,theywouldembracethoughtful,researchbasedprotestasawayofgeneratingwhatthey weretheretodoevenbetter. Media

Newsmediacanbecaughtinacontrolbasedparadigmastheyframestoriesasconflictsovercontrol overasituation.Ifthereisoutrightviolencebetweenpoliceandprotestcrowdsitmakesforagood storybecausetheimagesarevisuallyarresting.Theytooareincompetitionforcontrolofmarket sharewantingtogetmoreviewersandreaders.Whatseemstoworkfornewshungrymediaare storiesthatemphasizeconflict.Conflictiscomplexandhasacapacitytostimulatecreativity;hence, mediacouldplayanexciting,provocativeandconstructiverolewithinaMutualRespectParadigm.In ordertodothistheywouldneedtotakeastepbackfromtheconfrontationandanalyzethedeeper issuesatstake. BystandersandPublic Asimmediatebystandersand,inthecaseofmajorproteststhatreceivemediacoverage,thegeneral publicbecomeawareoftheissuesraisedthroughtheprotest,theycanbegintothinkabouttheissues. Giventheinterconnectednessofcomplexsystems,itmaywellbethatthoughts,ideasandactions generatedbypeoplewhorandomlyhearoftheprotestmaymakeanewcontributiontotheissue.Ina MutualRespectParadigm,thereisanopennesstonewideaswherevertheymaycomefrom.Someof thisisalreadystartingtohappenthroughnewsnetworksthatsolicitideasandcommentsfromtheir viewers.Withinternetcommunicationavailable,protestorganizationsandgovernmentcanopen themselvestonewideas.Thenatureofcreativityissuchthatevenwhatmightseemlikeanoffthe wallideacanfunctionasthesparkthatgetspeopletothinkofthingsinanewway. Dialogue Nothingcantaketheplaceoffacetofacedialoguesamongpeople,dialoguesthatrevealdeeplyrooted stereotypesoftheOtherandconsequentlybringpotentialsurprisestothesurfacesotheycanbedealt withbeforetheeventandbeforetheedgeofchaosisreached.Aswillbecomeapparentinthecase studyinpartII,itisamazingwhatcanhappenintermsofmutualunderstanding,breakingdownof stereotypesandgenerationofnewideaswhenpeoplearegiventheopportunitytocommunicate openlywithoneanotherinasafe,neutralenvironment.UniversitieswerecreatedinMedievalEurope toprovideacontextforopen,probingandquestioningofideas.Theyprovidedacontextfortheopen expressionofideasandcritiqueofwhatwashappeninginsociety.WithinaMutualRespectParadigm, universitiescouldplayaroleathostingdialoguesinvolvingprotesters,policeandwhateverother stakeholderscouldplayarole.Thepurposeofthedialogueswouldbetocommunicateopenlyaboutthe issuesinvolved,cleartheairofmisperceptionsoftheOtherandallowforthepossibilityofgenerating entirelynewwaysofthinkingaboutpotentialopportunities.Creationofasafeneutralenvironment allowsforhighlychargedemotionalissuestobediscussedwithoutviolence.Thebasicprincipleswould bethatparticipantswouldtreateachotherwithdignityandrespectandthatallwouldbeencouragedto developadistalselfcapacitythatistobeabletoobservethemselvesandwhatishappeningtothem emotionallyandcognitivelyinresponsetowhatothersaresaying. Threeparadigmshavebeendefinedfortheprotestcrowdpolicerelationalsystem.Eachwaslookedat firstfromtheperspectiveofpolicewhohavemandatewithinsocietytomaintainorder.Thecrowd controlparadigmestablishesorderthroughforceandthethreatofforcethatincludescontroltactics

andweapons.Thediscursivemanagementmodeluseslanguageintheformofofferstohelp, assumptiveprecluding,andquestionstokeeporder.TheMutualRespectmodelemphasizesrespect, inclusionandanethicalvisionthatemphasizesthewellbeingofhumankind(especiallythemost vulnerable)andbiosphere.Theboundsofthemeaningofcontrolareopenedtoallowcomfortatbeing attheedgeofchaoswherethereisanopennesstoflowwithnewpossibilitiesandbeopentothe emergenceofcreativenewoptionsforthought,values,ideasandaction.Astheimplicationsofthisnew paradigmwereexploredforthevariousstakeholders,anewvisionforsocietybegantoemerge. Historicallywecannowseethataversionofthediscursivemanagementparadigmemergedinanumber ofhistoricalcontexts.First,theMetropolitanPoliceofLondoninthe1800smadeacategoricalshiftin approachfromamilitary,repressiveapproachtoonebasedondiscourseandmoralauthority.The latitudeforprotestofferedbythepoliceinmanyolddemocraciesissignificantlygreaterthanisthecase inauthoritarianregimes.Protesthasbeenresponsibleformanysignificantreformstheinstitutions andpresenceofdemocraticgovernmentsarelargelytheresultofprotest.Likewise,theresponsiveness ofgovernmentstoprotesthasallowedfortheevolutionoftherighttoprotestandexpandedsuffrageto includealladultcitizensregardlessofrace,classorgender.Protesthasmadegovernmentsmore accountabletothepeople.Wewillexaminethesethemesingreaterdetailinthenextchapteraswego astepfurtherbyaskingwhatmightbetheimplicationsofthisemergingnewparadigmonthe institutionsofdemocraticgovernance. ProtestCrowdsandPoliceintheContextofDemocracy P.A.J.Waddingtoncallsthepolicingofprotestindemocraciesintrinsicallymorallyambiguous: protestersarenotcriminals,butcitizensparticipatinginthepoliticalprocess;andconflictbetween protestersandthepolicetendstobeabattleofmoralequalsinwhichbothsidesareseekingthe approvalofbystanders.(DellaPorta,23) Withinmostdemocracies,thereisnowconsistencyaroundthefigureof90percentofprotestcrowds thattakeplacewithoutincident.Thereisanacceptancethattherighttoassembleforprotestis essentialtothefunctioningofademocraticgovernment.Theretendtoberegistrationsystemsinplace sothatpolicegetadvancebasicinformationaboutpotentialprotestcrowdactivity.Manyprotesters looktopoliceforadvicearoundprotestlogistics.Inmanyinstancespoliceplayahelpfulrole. Forthosewhoserealitymeanslivingandworkinginanondemocraticenvironmenttotalitarian, dictatorial,fascist,Communist,underoccupation,withareligiousautocracy,orinapostviolent conflictthischapterputsintoperspectivetheevolutionofdemocracyandthedramaofevolvingnew formsofgovernance.Thesignificanceisbroughtintosharpreliefthroughtheobservationsofthe GeneralinchargeofthePoliceAcademyofSudaninKhartoumin2003.InaconversationwithVern NeufeldRedekopabouttheimportanceofCommunityBasedConflictResolution,ThirdPartyNeutral trainingandreconciliation,heremarked,Wehavebeentrainingourofficerstokillforthelastfew decades;wereallyneedtodevelopnewskillssotheycandealwithproblemsinwaysthatdonotinvolve theuseofforce.However,lestCanadiansoranyothersbesmug,apriestfriendtellsthestoryof wantingtoshowapostertoPresidentBushafewyearsago.HehappenstobeUkrainianandthe contextwastheOrangeRevolution.ThePresidentwasvisitingOttawaandhadpubliclyannouncedplans

tovisitMoscow.Theposterread,TellPutintostayoutofUkraine.Ourfriendlivedafewblocksfrom themotorcaderoute.HepositionedhimselfataspotwheretherewasatleastachancethePresident mightseehismessage.AnOttawapolicecamebyand,talkingincoarselanguageandwithharshterms, coercedmyfriendtoleavehisspot.Theexperiencelefthimwithabadtasteinhismouthregardingthe police.Evenifforsecurityreasonshemighthavehadtoleave,themannerinwhichithappened revealedaforcefulcontrolparadigmattitude. Forthoselivinginademocraticenvironment,thischapterismeanttoshowhowimportantprotest crowdsandpolicehavebeenintheevolutionandmaintenanceofdemocraticinstitutions.Itwillalso provideavisionforroleseachmightplayintakingustonewformsofgovernancethattranscendour currentconceptionsofdemocracy. Wewillstartbylookingattheemergenceandevolutionofdemocraticinstitutionsasafunctionof protestandpolicing.Acomparisonofprotestpolicingwithinanumberofdifferentdemocracieswill showhowpolicinganddemocracyasinstitutionsdevelopincounterpointtooneother.Finallywewill lookatprotestandprotestpolicinginthedevelopmentofevernewformsofgovernance. ProtestandtheEmergenceandEvolutionofDemocraticInstitutions Theveryemergenceofdemocraticinstitutionscanbetracedtoprotest.TheAmericanRevolutioncan beseenasasustainedprotesteventthatturnedviolent.Theprotestwasagainstthenondemocratic hegemonyofBritainovertheThirteenColonies.Eventuallyitwouldtakeamilitaryvictorytodecidethe question.Forseveralyearsaftertheirvictory,representativesoftheColoniesmetinPhiladelphiato negotiateandwritetheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates.Theprotestersbecamethecreativethinkers todesignsomethingnew.Theformofdemocracyuponwhichtheydecidedwasdesignedtominimize thepossibilityofasustainedtyranny.Itdidthisthroughchecksandbalancesandperiodicelections. Later,amendmentstotheConstitutionstrengthenedtheinstitutionsofdemocracy. InFrance,thetransferofpowerfromthekingandaristocracytookplacewiththeviolenceoftheFrench Revolution.Securityforcesbecamecomplicitintherevolutionarymovement.Itwasinpart,thenegative modelofrevolutionthatencouragedtheEnglishelitestomaketimelyconcessionstoavoidsomething similarinEngland. TheemergenceofdemocracyinEnglandmeantfirstatransferofpowerfromtheCrowntothe aristocraticlords,thenatransferfromthelordstoparliamentandthenincreasingtransfersofpower fromtheupperandmiddleclassestothepeople.Thetransferswereandarenotcompletebutin relativeterms,theyrepresentsignificantchanges.Eachnewreformintheprocesswasprecededby protest.Inthe1840stheCharterofthePeoplefocusedtheenergyofdiversepocketsofprotesters aroundsixdemandsfordemocraticreformdiscussedingreaterdepthinChaptertwo.Eventhoughthe Chartistmovementwasdefeatedintheshortrun,overtimefiveofsixoftheirdemandsbecamea reality.Theevolutionofdemocracythroughthenineteenthcenturycameasaresultofacomplex interplayamongprotesterswhoestablishedadefactorighttoprotest,aformofprotestpolicingthat allowedforeffectiveprotestandcalculateddecisionstogiveintosomeofthedemandsofprotestersby therulingelite.

Inthe1830stherewerestrongprotestmovementsinbothUpperandLowerCanada.Thesewerein reaction,onceagain,tothenondemocratichegemonicgovernanceofCanadabyBritain.Theseprotests promptedtheBritish,whohadshownthemselvesresponsivetoprotestdemandsbackhome,toputin motionprocessesthatledtotheemergenceofCanadaasaseparateFederal,democraticstatein1867. Subsequentlyinthe20thcentury,democracywasstrengthenedwhen,inresponsetoprotests,women gainedthestatusofpersonsandtherighttovote.EventuallyChineseandothernonEuropeangroups likewisegainedthevoteasdidFirstNationspeoplewho,foryearswereleftoutofthedemocratic equation.ManyofthemcontinuetofeelleftoutandadditionalprotestsbyIndigenouspeoplesin Canadacanbeforeseenintheyearstocome. InCanada,someprotestmovementshavebeentransformedintopoliticalpartieswhichhavecometo powerattheprovinciallevel.Duringthe1930s,protestsbylabouroverworkingconditionsandthelack ofrightsforworkerscombinedwithprotestsoverthelackofhealthcareforthepoorevolvedintothe CanadianCommonwealthFederation(CCF)whichrancandidatesforofficeandtookcontrolofthe SaskatchewanprovinciallegislatureundertheleadershipofPremierTommyDouglasin1944.TheCCF wasinthepositionofaprotestgroupinchargeofcreatingnewpolicies.Theresultwasa comprehensiveMedicaresystemintroducedtoSaskatchewanin1964.Thisbecamethemodelforthe CanadaHealthActwhichestablishedMedicareacrossthecountry. Inthe1960sduringwhichtimetherewereglobalprotestsagainstcolonialism,aprotestmovement againstEnglishdominanceinQuebecevolved;oneorganizationwithinthismovementwastheFrontde LibrationduQubecFrontdeLibrationduQubec(FLQ).Atitszenithin1970itresortedtoviolence, includingkidnappingandmurder,andwasviolentlyrepressedwiththehelpoftheCanadianForces,but notbeforethedeathofoneQuebecministerandthehostagetakingofaninternationaldiplomat. Subsequentlyandinamuchlessviolentmode,thosewhowishedtoseeFrenchQuebecgainmasteryof itsownfutureorganizedthemselvespoliticallyandlegallyasthePartiQubcoiswhichgainedpowerin Qubecin1976.TheQubecProvincethensucceededinenactinglanguagelawswhichhadtheeffectof reversingthelinguistichegemonicstructure,makingFrenchthedominantlanguage.Theyalsoorganized tworeferendacallingforQuebecsovereigntyandaradicallynewrelationshipwithCanada.Sovereignty effortswerenotrealized;however,socialandpoliticalchangeinQuebecandwithCanadadidhappen. InCanada,theMohawkprotestaroundlandrightsin1990andtheOka/Kanesata:keCrisisledtothe RoyalCommissiononAboriginalPeople.However,mostofitsrecommendationswereignoredbythe Governmentandlikelywillcontinuetobeuntilthereisasignificantenoughprotestonthepartof CanadasAboriginalpeoplesandthosethatstandinsolidaritywiththem. Inrecentlyformeddemocracies,publicprotestsarerelatedtodeepseatedqualityoflifeissues; employment,housing,education,representationingovernmentpoliticalpowerthatcannotberesolved untilsweepingsocial,economic,andpoliticalchangesoccur.(Kratcoski2001)InZambia,forexample, fulldemocraticrightsweregrantedin1991,sincethenthecountryhasseenaproliferationofcivic organizationssuchaspoliticalparties,nongovernmentalorganizations,religiousassociations,cultural groups,tradeunionsandstudentbodies.(Kratcoski2001)Theshiftfromanauthoritariancommunist countrytoawarsituationtheneventuallytoafledglingdemocracyinvolvesthedramaticshiftinthe

identityofthepolice.InBosniaandHerzegovina(BiH)in1996,the45,000policehadbeentrainedonly assoldiers,werenotdistinguishablefromthemilitaryandhadahistoryofhumanrightsviolations (Vejnovic2005).AnInternationalPoliceTaskForcehasbeenworkingsince1996attrainingpersonnelin suchthingsashumandignityandcommunitypolicing,restructuringorganizations,buildinginstitutions, andstrengtheningtheroleofparliamentandcivilsocietyintheoversightofthepolice(Vejnovic2005). ThemanyfacetsofpreparingBiHpolicetofunctioninademocraticenvironmenthighlightwhathas alreadybeendevelopedoveralongperiodoftimeinolderdemocracies. Somecountrieshaveparticularchallengeswhenitcomestoprotestcrowds.InIndia,oneoftheseis sanitationfacilitiesandwater;thepolicehelpbyprovidingsomeoftheseservicestocrowds(Kratcoski 2001).GivenreligiouscleavagesinIndia,itisimportanttofinddemonstrationroutesthatdonotpass templesormosques.InmostcitiesthereisademonstrationareareferredtoasDharnaSthanwhere protestcanhappenandviolenceisavoided(Kratcoski2001).InGhanathechallengeforbothcivil protestanddemocraticdevelopmentisthatpolicecandeludethemselvesintothinkingthattheycan interpretandshapethelaw,resultingintheoppressionandintimidationoflawabidingcitizens (Kratcoski2001). ProtestPolicingintheCurrentContext Governmentsareessentiallyconservativewhenitcomestoformsofgovernance;theyareriskadverse andwilltolerateprotestwithincertainlimits.Thisleadstoanumberofambiguitiesintheroleofprotest policewithinademocracy.TherewasanawarenessoftheseambiguitiesbeforeSeptember11,2001 andtheyincreasedsignificantlysince. Oneofthemosteloquentexpressionsofthecomplexnatureofprotestpolicingbeforetheterrorist attacksintheUSAonSeptember11,2001comesfromP.A.J.Waddington: (Waddington1994) Massactioncanbethedefenderordestroyerofdemocracy.Officialrepressioncanextinguishfreedom andlibertyordefendtheweakandvulnerable.Liberaldemocraciesmuststeeraprecariouspath betweentheseopposingevils.Inliberaldemocracies,thosewhorepeatedlyfindthemselvestreading thatpatharethepolice.Theyineffectdecide,withinthelaw,theboundariesoffreedomofprotest. Protestpolicingwithindemocracieshasbeenaffectedbythoseterroristattacks.Thereisconstant contingencyplanningforaterroristdimensiontolargeprotestcrowdevents.In2002,whenCanada hostedtheG8Summit,thevenuewasmovedfromOttawatoKananaskisintheRockyMountainsof Alberta.Thevenueitselfwasmadetotallyinaccessibletoprotestersand,becauseoftheterrain, requiredprotectionbymilitarytroops. In2006theG8SummitwashostedinSaintPetersburgwheresecurityforcesrepressedallprotest, showingacombinationofvulnerabilityandriskaversion.Thisphenomenonofprotestrepressionisthe normincountriesaroundtheworldthathavenotyetestablishedsecuredemocracies. BeyondCurrentFormsofDemocracy

Atthispoint,thereareonlyafewisolatedexamplesofpolicingmovingintotheMutualRespect Paradigm.Ifanything,governmentsareevenlesscomfortablethanthepolicewiththisnewparadigm. Inreaction,protestmovementswhoaredeterminedtobringaboutchangearepreparedtopushthe limitsintermsofdisruptivetactics.Consideringthefearintheairsincetheterroristattackson September11,2001andthecommitmentbygovernmentstousewhatevermeansnecessarytocombat violence,thebehaviouralandgeographicboundariesofwhatmightbeallowedbeforedecisivestrong armedtacticsareusedhavebeenpushedbackinthedirectionofincreasedsafetyforthetargetsof protest.Paramilitaryorganizedcrowdcontrolparadigmsareverystrongeventhoughtheyare camouflagedbydiscursivecontroltactics. NicholasCharneyhasarguedthatoccidentaldemocraticinstitutionscontainwithinthemlatentviolence (Charney2006).HeusesthemimetictheoryofRenGirardandthememetictheoryimbeddedinspiral dynamicsasdevelopedbyBeckandWilbertomakehispoint.Hearguesthatthediscourseofpolitical partiesinCanadarepresentsthefirstTierthinkingofthelesscomplexlevelsofconsciousness(this correspondstotheCrowdControlandDiscursiveManagementParadigms).Assuchtheyincludehighly partisannoninclusiveformsofrhetoric.Notonlydopartiesattempttomakescapegoatsofoneanother duringelectioncampaigns,theelectionvictoryofoneparty,whichinCanadaalmostneverrepresentsa majorityofthepopulation,makesscapegoatsofalltheotherssincethewinnergetsexclusiverightsto power.Charneyarguesthatdemocraticinstitutionsastheyexisttodayareproductsoflowerlevelsof consciousness.Asthelevelofconsciousnessofpopulationsincreases,atacertainpointtherewillbethe emergenceofnewformsofgovernancethataremoreinclusiveofhigherlevelsofparticipationin decisionmakingandhencehigherformsofcomplexity. RichardMcGuiganhasarguedthatindividualswhofunctionatahigherlevelofconsciousnesscan handlecomplexconflictcompetently(McGuigan2006).Forthem,theconflictisanoccasionforcreative thoughtandthegenerationofnewpoliciesandpracticesthatsatisfymultipleparties.Forthosewhoare willingtotry,itispossibletointegratethepositiveaspectsofdiversepositionsintosomethingnewa wholethatisgreaterandbetterthanitsparts.Theorientationtowardsattemptingthisandthecapacity todoitareindicatorsofahigherlevelofconsciousness. TheMutualRespectParadigmcoupledwithamimeticstructureofblessinginfusingtheprotestcrowd policerelationalsystemcouldbethebeginningoftheemergenceofnewformsofgovernancethat reflectahigherlevelofconsciousness,comfortwithcomplexity,awillingnesstoexistforatimeatthe edgeofchaos,andanopennesstosurprisinginsightsthattranscendtheperspectivesofanyoneparty. Eventuallypoliticalleaderswhoexemplifybothahigherlevelofconsciousnessandawillingnesstorisk changewillplayarole. Thepotentialforthesedevelopmentstooccurisnotwithoutrisk.Howevertheriskoflatentconflict turningviolentiftheydonotoccurmaybegreater.Anygoodgoal,processandinstitutioncanbe subvertedintheinterestsofnarrowpartisaninterestsorofoutrightviolence.Theevolutionof democracyhasoccurredgingerlyinanefforttoavoidaworstcasescenario.Thecautiouswarningofthe chaosthatwouldensueshouldwomenbeallowedtovote,forexample,seemsludicrousatthispoint.

ButthesubversionofdemocracyinthedirectionoftyrannyandviolenceinMugabesZimbabweshow thatdemocracyinandofitselfisnotapanacea. Intheend,weconcludewithaspiritofhopeandoptimismthatanewparadigmwillemergetoguideall ofthestakeholdersthroughthecomplexconflictsrepresentedbyprotestcrowds. PartTwo:TheMutualRespectParadigminPractice OverviewofPartTwo TheMutualRespectParadigmofprotestcrowdpolicedynamicsemergedfromtrainingasan intervention,whichmorphedintoParticipatoryActionResearch.Theinitialinsightsweregenerated withoutknowledgeofthehistoryofprotest,crowds,andpolicingthatinformPartOne.Theintervention tookplacebetweentheSummeroftheyear2000andSpring,2002;thehistoricalandbackground researchwascompletedinthesubsequentyears.Thespiritofhopeandoptimismweholdforanew paradigmisnurturedbyourexperiencesinwhichwewitnessedthepowerofdialogueandcreative scenariodevelopmentthatdissolvedstereotypesandgeneratedoptionsthatwentbeyondwhatwe mighthaveimagined. ThestoryofourexperienceistoldinChaptereleven.Itprovidesanaccountoftheinitialtraining seminarsthatbroughtrepresentativesofprotesters,police,targetsandbystanderstogetherforshared experiences.Theseseminarstookplacewithinacontextandorganizationalstructurethatincludedan advisorycouncilandeventuallyfocusgroups.PartofthestoryincludesaG20gatheringofFinance MinistersinOttawa,Canadaduringwhichthepoliceprotestcrowddynamicswentofftrack.Followup gatheringsofpoliceandprotestersgeneratedmanynewinsightswhichinformedtheMutualRespect ParadigmdescribedinPartOneandprovidedlessonslearnedfortheinterventionmethodologyinPart Two. Ourstoryisfollowedbyessaysfromvariousrepresentativesofthedifferentstakeholdergroupsin Chaptertwelvewhichgivesvoicetosomeofthoseinvolvedintheprocess.InChapterthirteen,we providesomepracticalsuggestionsforimplementinganewparadigm.Itprovidesamodeland methodologyforpeoplewhowishtoinitiateprocessesforstakeholdersinproteststoshare understandings,generateinsights,anddevelopscenariosforproteststhatcanbeeffectiveinpromoting justiceandtransforminginstitutions. GettingtheDialogueStarted HearingfromthePlayers PracticalSuggestionsforCommunityBasedInitiatives GettingtheDialogueStarted CrowdManagementandConflictResolutionACaseStudy

TheSaintPaulUniversityCrowdManagementandConflictResolutionInitiativehaditsgenesisinthe summer2000.Anadhocgroupmetwiththepurposeofexploringaninnovativeapproachtocrowd management:onethatwouldmaintainpublicorderinanonviolentmannerwhilestillprotectingthe democraticrightsofcitizenstoprotestanddemonstratelawfullyandwithpassion.Weheldtwo developmentaltrainingsessionstotestthevalidityofourapproach.Thesesessions,alongwithAdvisory councilmeetings,amyriadofphonecalls,andtwofocusgroups,constitutedaParticipatoryAction ResearchProject.Theparticipantsfeedbackonthetrainingsessionswasoverwhelminglyfavourable, providingtheimpetustomoveaheadontheproject. RichardLAbb,PresidentofMedEngSystemsInc.atthetime,askedthequestionthatgaverisetoour initiative:Canyoudoanythingaboutcrowdcontrol?MedEngwasalocalOttawacompanythat developedandmanufacturedprotectiveequipmentforuseinfieldssuchasde?mining,bombdisposal andpublicorder.LAbbperceivedthattheremightbeinsufficienttrainingavailabletosecurityforces, particularlyincertainpartsoftheworld,withrespecttocrowdcontrol.Furthermore,hewantedto avoidthepotentialmisuseofequipmentdesignedtoprotectsecuritypersonnelmisusethatwould resultinpoliceexertingexcessiveviolenceagainstlegitimateprotesters.HebelievedthatCanadawasa leaderincrowdmanagementandintheprotectionofdemocraticrights,andthoughtthatan opportunityexistedtodevelopnewapproachesandtraininginthefieldofcrowdmanagement.He challengedSaintPaulUniversitytodosomethingonthesubjectatameetingintheRectorsofficeon July25,2000.Heofferedtofinancethefirsttrainingsession.Cynicsamongprotestgroupswerecritical ofouracceptingfinancingfromMedEng.WeknewLAbbscompanyhadmuchmoneytomakewith theescalatingviolenceandgrowingneedforprotectivepoliceequipmentandwewereconvincedthat theMedEngPresidentsdemocraticandpacifistnaturecoincidedwithourvalues.Wewerenot disappointed.Wehadfullacademicandpracticalfreedomtoproceedasindependentresearcherson thequestionHowmightpolicedevelopmorepeacefulmeansofdealingwithprotestcrowds? VernNeufeldRedekopplayedaleadroleinthedevelopmentofthisinitiative.HewasPresidentofthe CanadianInstituteforConflictResolution(CICR),becameDirectorofProgramDevelopmentforConflict StudiesatSaintPaulUniversityand,subsequentlyprofessorofconflictstudiesatSaintPaul.Redekop directedtheprotestcrowdpoliceresearch.TheUniversityagreedtoundertaketheinitiativeandgaveit ahomewithintheFacultyofHumanSciences.ShirleyParjoinedtheinitiativeascoordinatorandco trainer,bringingherexperiencewithgovernmentorganizationsandherknowledgeinpublic administrationintotheproject.Weformedanadvisorycounciltooverseetheinitiative,thegoalof whichwastosupporttheCanadiangovernmentsdedicationtopublicorderandpeace,athomeand abroad.ThisadvisorycouncilconsistedofrepresentativesfromSaintPaulUniversity,theCanadian PoliceCommunity,MedEngSystemsInc.andeventually,membersoftheactivistcommunity. WewillbeginthischapterwithadescriptionoftheCommunityBasedConflictResolutionmethodology andphilosophyusedintheinitialtrainingworkshops.Wewillthendescribethetwothreeday workshops,ourchallengesandsuccesses,whichprovidedthefoundationforourprojectandresearch. Wetestedourmethodologyinaminiseminar,oneeveninglong,topreparefortheprotestattheG20 financeministersmeetinginOttawa.AftertheG20,protestersandpoliceassembledforaneveningof storytellingandbrainstorming.Wewilltellthestoryandpresentadetailedanalysisofthelessons

learned.Theminiseminardebriefprovidedextensivedataandleadsintoasectiononlessonslearned. Briefdiscussionsonreconciliationandbuildingtrust,provideavisionandfoundationfordevelopinga process;processsuggestionsareincludedattheendofChapterthirteen.Ourprojectconcludedwith twofocusgroupsthatreviewedourinitialmanuscript,thepracticalaspectsofwhicharepresentedin thePartOneofChapterthirteen. CommunityBasedConflictResolution FromCICR,VernNeufeldRedekopbroughtextensiveexperienceusingtrainingasaninterventiontodeal withdeeprootedconflict.ShirleyParwasagraduateofboththeThirdPartyNeutralProgramandthe SeminarSeriesonInterveninginDeepRootedConflict. Createdin1988asanonprofitorganization,theCICRhasbeeninvolvedinstudyingdeeprooted conflictinCanadaandabroad,andhasdevelopedauniqueprogramtohelpuncoverthesourcesof deeprootedconflictandbegintheprocessofreconciliation.TheCICRexperience,andindeedhistory, hasshownthatlastingsolutionstodeeprootedconflictcomefromwithincommunitiesoramongthe individualsatthecentreofthedispute.TheCICRprogramapproach,therefore,focusesonbringing togetherthedifferentstakeholdersinaneutralenvironmenttoexaminetheunderlyingissuesinthe deeprootedconflictinanonjudgmentalmannerandtodeveloppotentialsolutions.Usingthis methodology,theCICRhasexperiencedconsiderablesuccessinresolvingconflictandfindingsolutions, bothwithinCanada(e.g.,CopsandKidsProgram,QueenswayCarletonHospitalamalgamationand morerecentlyinthenortherncommunityofSiouxLookout),andinternationally(e.g.,inTaiwan,the formerYugoslavia,andinRwanda). TheCICRusesaCommunityBasedConflictResolution(CBCR)processbasedontheunderlyingprinciple thatinordertoestablishunionorcollaborationwithinacommunity,everyonemusthaveaccessand understandingofthemethodsandprinciplesusedinconflictresolution.(Birt2001)Applyingthis principletoprotesterpolicedynamics,itbecamecriticalthatthesameinformationbeavailabletothe protestcrowds,thepolice,thosewhoweretargetedbythecrowds(usuallygovernmentofficials)and bystanders,includingthemedia.Ourprocesswouldbebasedonthesameprinciplesasthosedeveloped bytheCICR.Weneededapractical,efficient,effectiveandsustainablewaytoreachallgroupsinthe equation.Becauseweweredealingwiththisissueonacommunitybasis,theprocessneededtobe inclusive,barrierfreeandpositivelycentredsothatitwouldrespondtotheneedsofthoseinvolved. Worldwide,therehadbeensignificantuncertainty,tensionandviolenceassociatedwithprotesting crowds.Theseprincipleswouldhelptoeasethetensionand,hopefully,reducetheviolenceinfuture demonstrations.Protestswouldreturntotheissues;theywouldbecomelessaboutviolencewiththe police. AkeyprocessinCommunityBasedConflictResolutionisgathering,whichisusedintandemwith trainingasapositivelycentredactivitythatisnonissuebased.Gatheringstartswithasocialmappingof allthosewhoarepartofacommunityorofallthoseimplicatedinaconflict.Basedonthisanalytical work,peoplearegatheredforaninitialprocessplanningmeeting,trainingsessionordialogue.After theinitialanalysis,alarger,openlistismadeofallthosewhoshouldbeinvited.Peoplearethen

contacted;thepurposeoftheinitiativeisexplained;theyarealsotoldaboutotherswhoareinvited.In theprocessofgathering,weaskforthenamesofotherswhoshouldbeincludedtoenhancethe diversityofthegroup. CommunityBasedConflictResolution(CBCR)isbasedonanumberofprinciples.RobertP.Birtidentified theseinaspeechonMay19,1994attheendofhisthreeyearresidencywhichwasfocusedon developingafoundationforCBCR.Hestated: (Birt2001) wheredignityandrespectexist,trustwillfollowandthatthesearetheconditionsfortheforgiveness andhealingnecessarytobringaboutpeace. Asaprocessithasnopower,unlessitisenabledbythehumanspiritandwill.Asaprocessithasno meaning,unlessitcaninturnempoweritsuserswithasenseofselfdeterminationandpositivecentred activity.Ithasnodirection,unlessitismotivatedbyanessencethattranscendsthebarriersofdoubt andtouchesmuchhigherpowers.CommunityBasedConflictResolutionisatitsfullestapeacemaking process.Itsgoalis:tobringfromthechaosofconflict,orderandthepotentialityofpeace. Thepositivelycentered,inclusivegatheringofCBCRcombinedwithconflictresolutiontrainingproduces resolutionskills,aframeworktodealwithissuesand,mostofall,trustamongcommunitymembers. WedecidedtoapplytheprinciplesofCommunityBasedConflictResolutiontothecrowdmanagement domain.Inourinitiativewewouldgatherparticipantsfromeachpartofthecrowdsystemprotesters, police,targets,andbystanders.Thevarietyofbackgrounds,interestsandexperienceswouldreflectthe communitiesfromwhichtheparticipantsweregathered. TheFirstTrainingSession:November31December2,2002 AfterRichardLAbbsinitialchallenge,thefirststepwastosecureamandatetoproceed,particularly fromthepolicingcommunity.Theprotestcommunityismuchlessorganized;itisdifficulttoknowwho actuallyrepresentstheprotestcommunityand,consequently,fromwhomtoseekamandate.Anad hocmeetingwasheldatSaintPaulUniversityonSeptember8,2000.Thismeetingbroughttogether peoplefromtheRCMP,OttawaPolice,theCanadianForces(includingaMilitaryChaplaincommittedto advancingreconciliationasagoalamongchaplains),MedEngSystemsInc.,andtheUniversity.Itwas decidedtomoveaheadonaSpecialWorkshop:CrowdControlandConflictResolution(laterchangedto CrowdManagement)andanAdvisoryCouncilwasappointed. TheGoaloftheWorkshopwastoenhancethecapacityofpoliceandmilitary,inconjunctionwithother membersofsociety,tomanageangrycrowdsinaconflictresolvingmanner.Theobjectiveswere: 1. Tointroduceconflictresolutionapproachestothoseresponsibleforcrowdcontrol. 2. Toprovideaframeworktoanalyzethereasonsforcrowdanger,violenceandchaos. 3. Todevelopnewcreativepossibilitiesforcrowdcontrolstrategiesandtactics.

4. Togeneratenewunderstandingsaboutcrowdcontrol. Thefirstworkshopwasalsotopretestandevaluatethisnewapproachtocrowdmanagement,tosee whethertheabovegoalandobjectivescouldbemet.Wedirectedtheworkshoptowardsoperational policeofficersandtacticaltroopcommanders,andincludedmembersoftheRCMP,theOntario ProvincialPolice(OPP),MetroTorontoPolice,OttawaPoliceServiceandDepartmentofNational Defence(DND).G8ResearchGroup,UniversityofToronto InkeepingwithourCBCRobjectiveofworkingwithadiversegroup,otherparticipantsincludedselected representativesfromthemediaandprotestor/activiststakeholdergroups.Thiswasnoteasyinthe beginning.Earlyconcernsexpressedbythepolicewerethatsharingwithactivistsmightcompromisethe securityofpoliceandtheiractivities.Primarily,theneedsanddesiresofthepolicedrovethemakeupof thepilotworkshopastheyfelttheyweretheoneswhohadtheresponsibilitytochangethewaythey didtheirbusiness.Theywerenotconvincedthatactivistscouldcontributetotheirknowledgeofhowto keepthepeace.Inthepast,thepurposeofpoliceconsultationwithactivistswaslargelytogather intelligenceabouttheplansandbuildastrategythatwouldfacilitatepeacefuldemonstrations.In responsetoourrequestforadiversityofparticipants,thepoliceagreedtoincludeactiviststheyfelt theycouldtrust.Twooftheactivistparticipantsdidnotsharethistrustwiththepoliceandleftthe workshopearly.Similarly,thepoliceknewthemediarepresentativesinvited.Themediaparticipants wererestrictedinwhattheycouldwriteandpublishabouttheworkshop.Theycouldusethe informationfromtheworkshopbutnotattributeittotheworkshoporparticipants.Consequently,to attendathreedayworkshopwithoutagoodstoryattheendwasofquestionablevaluefortheirtime. Manypoliceofficerswishedtoattend;however,wehadlimitedcapacity.Weanticipatedthatfuture workshopscouldprovideaccesstomoreofficers.Afterthefirstsession,theresponsefromthepolice wassopositiveaboutthepresenceofprotestersthatwewereadvisedtohaveabalancedgroupinthe future.Theinitialresistancehadvanished;eventhedemandforlargenumbersofpoliceofficerstoget thetrainingdidnotoverridetheimportanceofthediversemakeupofparticipants.Wefeltthatour processwasworkingatadeeperlevelpolicenolongerhadtohavealltheanswersandnolongerfelt theyweretotallyresponsibletocomeupwiththerightstrategy.Ofcourse,noneofthiswas articulatedassuchand,infact,itwasandisneverquitethatsimplewhereemotionsanddeeprooted conflictareimplicated.Weknewthatitwasastart. Basedontheoriesofdeeprootedconflict(Redekop2002),thetrainingwouldbecomeanopportunityto workoutdifferencesandbecomeakeyconflictresolvingprocessinitself.Itwouldallowparticipantsto relatedeeprootedconflicttotheirpersonalexperiencessothatinsightswouldbelongtothemandthe learningwouldbeverypersonal. Thethreedaytrainingworkshopopenedwithaprocessknownascensus.Inthisprocesspeopleworkin groupsof4togatherinformationfromgroupmembers.Individualsfromeachgrouprotateinsucha waythateveryonereceivesinformationfromallthegroups.Thepurposeofcensusistoestablisha collaborativespirit,makeeveryonefeelincluded,getinformationaboutthegroupforbothgroup consciousnessandasenseofwhoisthere.Itstartspeoplethinkingaboutcertainthemesandbrings latentideastoconsciousness.Itshowsupunexpectedareasofcommonalityanditisfun.

Censusgetseveryonetalkingearlyon.Itbuildstrustaseveryonesharespersonalinformationinsmall groupscloseenoughtolookintooneanothersface.Itdemandscollaboration.Thecensusprocess createsasafespaceinwhichparticipantsmovefromaclosedtothepositivedynamicofanopen community.Itiseffectiveindiffusingacomplexcommunityconflictwherethereistension. Onthefrontofthecensuspageweaskedforname,roleandleisureactivity.Thequestionsonthe reversewererecordedanonymouslyandpertainedtowhatwashappening;inourcase,theywere relatedtocrowdexperiences.Participantsrecordedtheinformationwithintheirowngroupsandthis wassharedsothatattheendtherewasarecordofpeoplesexperiencesandwhatchallengesneeded tobeaddressed. Thefirstdaythendealtwithdeeprootedconflict,mimetictheoryandvaluesthroughacombinationof shortpresentationsandinteractiveprocesses.Theseconddayfocusedonconflictintensifiers,typesof crowds,principlesofneutrality;participantstotrytheirhandataconflictresolutionroleplay.Onthe thirdday,participantsworkedinsmallgroupsonseveralprotestcrowdscenarios.Theywere encouragedtodevelopcreativeinterventions.Thefinalafternoonwasdevotedtoplanningfollowup actions. Thefeedbackfromparticipantsoftheworkshopwaspositiveandtherewasoverwhelmingsupportfor ourprocess.Thankfully,thesecurityrepresentativesthoughtthatthereshouldbegreater representationfromtheotherstakeholdergroups,particularlyfromprotestandactivistgroups.They alsobelievedthatfurtherdevelopmentoftheprocesswasrequiredforapplicabilitytotheoperational environment.Participantssuggestedthatthewaytogetsupportforthenumberofworkshopsthat wouldberequiredforallpoliceofficerswhowantedthemwastointeresttheseniorleadersoflocal policeforcesfirst. TheSecondWorkshop:GettingtheLeadersInvolved AstheAdvisoryCouncildeliberatedonthenextstep,itbecameclearthatiftheapproachandprocess weretocatchonamongthepolice,seniorofficersmustgetdirectlyinvolved.Becauseofthe approachingSummitoftheAmericas,allpoliceconcernedwithpublicorderwerepreoccupiedsowe decidedtohavethenextworkshopshortlyaftertheSummit.Atonemeeting,representativesofthe AdvisoryCouncilfromtheRCMPandOttawaPolicegotouttheircellphonesandcalledtheirsuperiors; onthespotwewereassuredofsignificantrepresentation,includingtheDeputyChiefoftheOttawa PoliceandaSuperintendentfromtheRCMP.Oneofthemostimportantsuccessesingatheringisthat peopleagreetoparticipatewhentheyknowsomeonewhoisinvolvedintheproject.Oncethese notablesagreedtoattenditbecameeasiertoattractothercommunityleaders. ThesecondworkshopfromMay6to8,2001,wasentitledStrategicLeadersSeminar.Thesponsorship oftheSolicitorGeneralofCanadaandtheCanadianPoliceResearchCentremadethisworkshop possible.ThistimetheAdvisoryCouncilagreedthatwewouldgatherleadersfromallcontributing communities.Participantsincludedpoliceleaders,communityleadersassociatedwiththeissueand otherstakeholderrepresentatives.Gatheringfromtheactivistcommunitywasmoredifficultthanwe anticipated.Oneeveningduringthegatheringprocess,wemetwithaboutfifteenactivist

representativeswhowerequiteagitatedaboutourprojectandwereactivelyobjectingtoprotesters becominginvolved.Wewantedtoexplainourobjectives.Thishelpedtoeasetheanxietyandseveral agreedtoparticipate. TheSeniorLeadersSeminarparticipantsincludedanAnglicanBishop;localactivistswhohadtakena leadroleinorganizingprotestactivities;police,includinganRCMPAssistantCommissioner,a Superintendent,thelocalDeputyChief,andrepresentativesfromSuretduQubec,theOntario ProvincialPoliceandtheTorontopolice;militaryrepresentativesincludingaPadre;mediarepswerea reporterfortheOttawaCitizenandaprofessorfromtheCarletonUniversitySchoolofJournalism;two peopleinleadershipfromArmourholdingscamefromtheUnitedStatesandapoliticiancamefrom Saskatchewan. Werepeatedthegeneralformatofthepilotworkshopincorporatinglessonslearnedandincludedan optionaldebriefingoftheQuebecSummitoftheAmericasjustrecentlyheld.Anumberofthe participantshadbeeninQuebecCitysomeonthesideofthepoliceandsomeonthesideofthe protesters.Aswewentaroundthecircle,eachtoldstoriesofwhattheyencountered.Herearesome examples.

Oneprotestertoldofteargasgoingintothemedicalcompoundforprotesters. Apoliceofficerresponsibleforteargastalkedabouttheinaccuracyoftheteargaslaunchers. Aprotestertoldabouthowthefencewasturnedintoanobjectofcreativityassomewomen threadedcolouredpiecesofcloththroughthewires. Apoliceofficertalkedofspendingtwelvehoursstraightinprotectivegearwithoutbeingableto eat,drinkorgotothewashroom.Healsotalkedofwavesofdifferenttypesofprotest.Allwould bepeacefulforhoursandtheninafewminutesanewgroupcametothespaceinfrontofhim andstartedthrowingrocksandMolotovcocktails. Aprotestertalkedofhowavanshewasridinginwasattackedbyagroupoffellowprotesters. Thestorywastoldofatensesituationwhereparentsofyoungprotestersemergedfromabar wheretheyhadbeenwaitingonlytobeconfrontedbypoliceinriotgear.Apoliceofficer, sensitivetowhatwashappening,removedhishelmettoexposehisfaceandimmediatelythe tensiondissipated.

Neartheendoftheeveningitwasobservedthatusuallygroupsdebriefasituationseparatelybutthis wasmuchmoremeaningful. Aswiththefirstworkshop,thefeedbackwasoverwhelminglypositive.Again,thepolicerepresentatives endorsedandvalidatedtheparticipationoftheotherstakeholdergroups,notingthatevenmore participationfromtheprotestcommunitywasvaluableandnecessary.Theyalsoencouragedfurther developmentfortheoperationalenvironment.

AftertheQuebecSummitandthesuccessofthefirsttwoworkshops,theUniversitydecidedtopursue theobjectiveofprovidingsupporttotheupcomingG8SummitinKananaskisinJune2002.Asthis initiativewasproceedingoverthesummerandfallof2001,SaintPaulUniversitylookedforan opportunitytotestthedevelopingcrowddynamicsprocessthatwouldprovidefurthercredibilityforthe process.Atthesametime,anotherapplicationwouldfurtherourresearchandprogresstheevolving paradigm. TheG20MiniSeminar:PhaseThree TheFall,2001G20gatheringofFinanceMinistersinOttawaprovidedanopportunitytoapplyand furthertestthenewcrowddynamicsparadigm.Insofarastimewastoolimitedtodoitright,itwasnot acompletetestofwhatmighthappenifthenewparadigmwasmadeoperable.However,asitdidlead tosignificantinterpersonalexchangesandthedevelopmentofnewinsights,itconfirmedforusthe needandpotentialforwhatwenowcalltheMutualRespectParadigmofcrowddynamicsasamodelto guidetheplanning,actionsandfollowuptomajorinternationaleventsthatattracthugedemonstrating crowds. TheG20SummitoftheInternationalMonetaryFundandtheWorldBankoriginallyplannedtobeheldin theIndiancapitalofNewDelhifellvictimtotheeventsofSeptember11,2001.CanadaandthenFinance MinisterPaulMartinagreedtohostthemidNovember(16thto18th)meetingjustonemonthbeforeit wastotakeplace,andchoseOttawaasthelocation.OntheeveningofNovember4,weagreedtohold aminiseminaronNovember8,thelatestpossibledatebeforetheG20.Wescrambledtogathera balancedgroupfortheevent.Intheend,therewere28participants.Ofthese,13werepolice,7were fromtheactivistcommunity,5werefromgovernmentandtherewere3bystanders. Wedecidedtostartwithdinnerandworkthroughtheevening.Theprocessstartedwithsmallmixed groupsoffourdiningtogetheroverasetofquestionsdesignedtogetthemtalkingabouttheissuesof peacefulprotestaminicensus.Duringtheseminar,wepresentedkeyaspectsoftheCollaborative CrowdDynamicsParadigm(aswecalleditthen)andprovidedopportunityfordialogue.Atthe conclusionoftheNovember8miniseminar,theparticipantsrequestedadebriefwiththesamepeople. ThedatewassetforNovember27,however,thisbecameapublicgatheringsothedebriefwith participantswasheldontheeveningofDecember4th. TheG20Summit Thefirsteveningofthesummit,FridayNovember16,startedoutpeacefulenough.Theterroristattacks ofSeptember11,2001ontheWorldTradeCentreinNewYorkresultednotonlyinachangeofvenue fortheSummitbutalso,nodoubt,contributedtoastrongpolicepresenceamongthecrowdsinOttawa duringtheevent.Therewasnofence,onlymoveablebicyclestandswereusedasabarrieraroundthe governmentconferencecentre.Activistswerepleasantlysurprisedtoseethattheyweregivenaccessto thespacesurroundingtheWarMemorial,lettingthemcomeclosertothesiteoftheSummitthanthey anticipated.Laterintheevening,ahandfulofdemonstratorsturnedviolent,smashingthewindowofa McDonaldsoutlet.

ThatactiontriggeredachangeinoperationalplansonthepartofthepoliceforSaturday.Itmeantthat someofthetacticaltroopsweremobilizedintheprotectivegearthatprotestersfindintimidating.A numberoffactorsincreasedtensions,leadingtocircumstancesinwhichsomedemonstratorsgothurt. Policearrestedfiftythreepeople.Theexperiencesofthosedirectlyinvolvedandthosewhowitnessed eventsresultedindeepemotionsofhurt,angerandindignation.Thesenegativeemotionswere apparentlygeneratedbyanumberofevents.

Policerespondedtoasingleincidentofviolencebymobilizingthetacticaltroops. Theprearrangedpathofaprotestmarchhadbeenblocked. Apolicedoggotlooseandattackedprotesters. AprotestingQuakergrandmotherwashitinthefacebyapoliceofficer. Thereweresomeviolentarrests.

Thetrustthathadbeenbuiltintheactivistcommunityfromourworkshopshadbeendamaged. Inresponsetothesefeelings,theOttawaPoliceServicesBoardagreedtohearfiveminutetestimonials onNovember26.Nearlytwentypeoplespokemanywerewellestablishedmembersofthe community.Attheendofthatmeeting,itwasannouncedthatthefollowingeveningtherewouldbea meetingofpoliceandprotestersatSaintPaulUniversity.Thiserrorincommunicationresultedinthe planneddebriefmeetingforparticipantsoftheNovember8thminiseminarbeingadvertisedonlocal radio.Ratherthanturnpeopleaway,theUniversitychosetoopenitsdoors.Some80mostlylocal citizensandfourteenpoliceattendedtheeveningpublicmeetingofNovember27th.Wewillfirst provideanoverviewofthePublicMeeting,followwithasummaryoftheG20miniseminardebriefthen articulatesomelessonslearned. ThePublicMeeting Theeveningstartedat7:00pmwithapresentationofaframeworkfordiscussion.Therewasvirtuallyno trustsotherewasnopossibilityforanysmallersubprocesses.Manydemonstratorsandafew bystanderstoldtheirstoriesandofferedtheirinterpretationofevents.Periodicallywecreatedspacefor policeperspectives.Thestoriesweremostlyfromangryactivistsanditwasachallengetomaintainthe neutralityoftheprocess;eventually,participantswerechallengedtonotonlytelltheirstoriesbutto comeupwithconstructivesuggestionsthatcouldberecordedonflipcharts.Alltold,thereweresome 93suggestionsforstepstowardscreatingpeacefulcrowddynamicsinOttawainthefuture.These suggestionsprovidedrealvalueforthemeeting. Theeveningwasemotional,catharticforsomeandfrustratingforotherswhowereclearlyinneedof meaningfulresolution.Oneprofessionalpsychologistintheaudiencethoughtthattherewasevidence ofPostTraumaticStressDisorderamongbothactivistsandpolicewhospoke.Protesterswerereinedin fromviolencebyotherprotestersintheaudiencesothatwhilethereweremanyangryandsomevicious comments,therewasnodestructiveviolence.Oneyoungpoliceofficerrespondedtoangryprotesters

withacatchinhisvoicesayingthathehaddedicatedhislifetohiscommunityandhewassurprisedand saddenedtolearnthathiscontributiontoapeacefuldemocracywasviewedwithsomuchhateand criticism.Wewishtoemphasizethatpeoplewhospokedidsoforthemselvesandfromtheirown perspective.Thecommentsmayormaynothavebeenrepresentativeofthestakeholdercommunities towhichtheybelonged. Weworktoresolvedeeprootedconflictwithincommunities.Itisnotourpurposetoairordealwith particulargrievances.Nonetheless,thecommentsandsuggestionsmadeonNovember27raiseda numberofissuesandquestionsthatareimportantforthefurtherdevelopmentofanewparadigmfor protestcrowdspolicedynamics.Wehavegroupedthepublicmeetingsuggestionsaccordingtothe followingtopics: 1. Purposeofdemonstrations; 2. Preeventdialoguebetweenpoliceandactivistcommunities; 3. Communitybasedpolicingconceptextendedtodemonstrationsandprotests; 4. Arrestprocess; 5. Humanizingandstereotyping; 6. Reconciliation;and 7. Rebuildingtrust. Thepurposeofdemonstrations Activistsseethemselves,amongothermoreobviousandwellstatedobjectives,assupportingprotests inThirdWorldcountrieswhererespectforfreedomisnotashigh.Sincesomedemonstratorshave significantexperienceandinsightaboutissuesaffectingbothCanadiansaswellasothersaroundthe world,thequestioniswhatstructures,mechanismsandattitudeswouldallowgovernmenttohearwhat theyhavetosay.Furthertothat,whatistheroleofthepoliceinexpeditingthecommunication process? Preeventconsultationsbetweenpoliceandactivistcommunities PreeventconsultationshavebeenusedforseveralyearswithexcellentresultsintheOttawa community.Therearemorethan600demonstrationseachyearinthecapitalandmostarewithout incident.Mostoftheseareonasmallscale.Whenitcomestomajorinternationalsummitsanumberof issuesemergefromtheG20experience: 1. Ongoinggoodrelationshipsneedtobefostered. 2. Ifeithersidehashadexperiencesthatreducetrust,theremustbeasafeforumtoworkthrough theissues.

3. Thelargerandmorecomplextheevent,thelongerthedesiredleadtimeandthemore preparatoryconsultationsarenecessary. 4. Foranewcollaborativeparadigmtoemerge,dialogueaboutmotivation,roles,broadissues, goalsandpotentialscenariosneedstotakeplace.Thisgoesbeyondconsultationsaboutlogistics andbeyondsimplycommunicatingwiththeother. 5. Theprocessesofpreeventdialogueandintelligencegatheringmustbeclearlydifferentiated. 6. Somepreeventissuesthatwarrantfurtherdiscussionandworkinclude:

o

Theneedforclearandtransparentgroundrulesfordemonstrationsthatarepublicly negotiatedamongallstakeholdercommunities.Thisshouldincludeafrankdiscussionof tacticsusedbybothpoliceandactivistsandtheirconsequences. Policehavearesponsibilitytocommunicatewhichactionsandtacticswillresultina policeresponseandpossibledetainmentorarrest. Afocusforfurtherdiscussionistheimpactofsoundsandmusictocreateamood.For example,somedrummingsoundsaresoothingandothersenergizing.Oneprotestor suggestedthatpolicebeatingonshieldsenergizeddemonstratorsand,initself, escalatedviolence. Activistscarryingpotentialweaponssuchasmirrorswhichcouldbeusedasprojectiles ortoreflectthesunandimpairsightshouldbeawarethattheycouldbeconsideredto beimpedingpoliceresponsibilitiesand,consequently,theycouldbedetained.Evenif theirintentionsarehonourable,theymaybeeasilymisinterpreted,makingtheriskto thesecurityoftheeventunacceptabletopolice.

Communitybasedpolicingconceptextendedtodemonstrationsandprotests Theconceptofsettingupandusingacollaborative,communityapproachtopolicinghasbeenextremely successfulinOttawa.Severalexamplesareindicativethatthissuccesscanbeextendedtocrowd dynamics.

Ottawasbranchoftheorganization,NonViolentPeaceForce,reportedincidentsattheG20of surroundingangryorvulnerableprotesterstoinhibittheviolenceeruptingortostopwhatthey sawasunwarrantedaggressiononthepartofpolice. Incasethereareincidentsinwhichactivistsfeelunjustlytreatedbypolice,avarietyof conciliatoryprocessescouldbeputintoplacetosupplementthepubliccomplaintssystemthat tendstobecumbersome,timeconsumingandadversarialinnature. Processescouldalsobeputinplacetomobilizethepublicasbystanderstoreduceviolenceall around.

Aneutralbodycouldbegivenamandatetoobservecrowddynamics,receivereportsfrom activistsandmakeareportaftertheevent. Guidelinescouldbeagreedupontokeepdemonstrationsawayfromvulnerableareassuchas OttawasBywardMarket. Planscouldbeagreeduponwherebynonviolentprotesterscandissociatethemselvesfrom violence.Thisincludesadiscussionofthemeaningofredzones. Selfpolicingandmarshallingwithingroupsofdemonstratorsistobeencouragedandsupported bypolice.

ArrestProcess Treatingthosearrestedwithdignityandrespectisimportant.Thereisaneedtopublishclearand transparentguidelinesforthearrestprocesstoclarifyfortheprotestorswhattheyshouldexpect.Police needtomakedistinctionsbetweenprotestorsprocesseslikegoinglimpwhichisatacticinnonviolent civildisobedienceandhostilebelligerentbehaviour.Attheveryleast,thefollowingareimportantissues worthfurtherdiscussion:

Howtodevelopacommonunderstandingofbehaviourthatcouldresultinarrest; Howtomaketheprocessofarrestmoretransparent; Whowouldbeacceptableprofessional,neutralwitnessestothearrestprocess;and Howtoensurethatthosearrestedareprovidedtheopportunitytophonetheirlegalcounsel.

HumanizingandStereotyping Thepropensityofpeopleinconflicttostereotypetheopponenthasseveralnegativeconsequences. Earlierpartsofthisbookexploretheconceptofstereotypingand,atthepublicmeeting,itwasapparent thatstereotypingcontributedtoaggressiononbothsides.Bringingapersonal,humandimensionto eachsideofthecrowddynamichaspotentialtoaddclarityandanenhancedperceptionoffairnessto theprocess.Someofthesuggestionsinclude:

identifyallpoliceofficerswithclearlyvisiblenumbers,(thisisstillanissueitwasaproblemat theUKG20summitinApril2009) identifyprotesterswearingbalaclavas, humanizepoliceofficers, recognizehumanityofall,and askpolicetoimagineifoneoftheprotestersgoingthroughthelinewasoneoftheirown.

Severalcommentsatthepublicmeetingreflectedsupportfortheprocess:

theefforttoputtogetherthepublicmeetingonshortnoticespokewellofthelegitimacyofthe process; themeetingwasagoodgesture;and itisimportantthatinterventionactivitieslikethisnotbesupportedfinanciallybythepolice.In fact,itwasavoluntaryactivitybytheauthorsandtheuniversity.

TheG20MiniSeminarDebrief OnDecember4,wehadadebriefmeetingwiththegroupfromourG20miniseminar.Several participantsfromtheminiseminarwereabsent,notablythegovernmentrepresentatives.Weasked participantstoposequestionstheywouldliketoaskinthewakeoftheG20demonstrationsinOttawa. Theyaskedmanyquestions,eachpersonhonestlywantingtounderstandthedynamicsofwhatthey foundtobebaffling.Whatwentwrong?Thequestionsthemselvesrevealedtheneedforongoing dialogue. QuestionsRaisedattheDebriefofDecember4 Fortheactivistspresent,therewasaclearfocusonplanningfortheeventandconfusiononhowmuch latitudepoliceonthespothaveregardingtheiruseofforce.Therewerequestionsconcerning:

theauthoritytodowhatwasdoneintermsofuseofforceoptions, thechainofcommandfordecisionsseeminglymadeonthespot, whodecidesonsecurityzones,and willsecurityzonesbeamilitarydecisionfortheG8inKananaskis?.

Thepolicepresentlookedformoreorganizationamongthoseintheactivistcommunity.Therewere questionsabout:

howtogetprotestersinvolvedintheplanning? doprotestersagendaschangewiththeforumoftheevent? isitpossibletohaveamechanismtodevelopguidelinesforpeacefulprotest? howpolicecanprotectinternationalprotesters? howbesttogivethebenefitofpoliceexpertisetothecrowds? whateducationdopoliceneedfromthepointofviewofprotesters?and ismoregeneralknowledgeneededonbothsides?

Additionally,therewasmuchinterestandseeminglysomeconfusionabouttheuseofviolence:

whatareanarchistsandhardlineprotesterstryingtoachievethroughviolence? whyaretheyviolent(itdestroystheeffectivenessofpeacefuldemonstrators)? whyarepeacefulprotestersnotmoreforcefulincondemningviolenceofothers?and whydoactivistsscalebarricades(underminespolicetrustofprotesters)?

Fromagovernmentrepresentative:

whydoprotestersthinktheydeserveaseatatthetablewhentheyarenotelected? whomdotheyrepresent?and whatistheirconstituency?

Peoplefromeachsideweregivenachancetorespond.Onepoliceofficewhowasresponsibleforthe pathofthemarchtoldabouthowtheymadetheirpreparationsatnight.Hementionedthatheshould havewalkedthewholeroutehimselfattheendtobesureitwasdonerightitwasntandsomebody hadmistakenlyputbarriersupatthewrongplacetoblocktheroute.Policealsomentionedthat becauseitwassuchabigeventorganizedatthelastminuteitwasdifficulttofullycoordinatepolice comingfromanumberofdifferentpoliceservices. DuringtheG20intervention,weshowedonceagainthattheconflictresolutionprocessisindeed applicabletotheissueofprotestcrowdpolicedynamics.Theimportanceofaneutralinterventionis crucialtotheprocessofrecreatinganonviolent,peacefuldemonstrationthatisbothhonourableand respectfulofourdemocracy. WhatdidweLearnaboutProtestCrowdPoliceDynamicsResearch? First,ourinvolvementintheprocessrevealedadeeprootedconflictthathasdevelopedinvolving activists,police,andgovernment.Itischaracterizedbydistrust,mimeticstructuresofentrenchment, deepfeelings,andverydifferentperceptionsandinterpretationsofthesameevents.Ifanything,ithas deepenedourconvictionthatconflictresolvingdialogueprocesseswillbeinstructiveinfurtheringthe understandingofprotestcrowdpolicedynamicsthatcouldleadtoanewparadigmwithindemocracies. Apositivelycenteredprocessledbyaneutralthirdpartycantransformdeeprootedconflict. Second,wehavelearnedthatathreedayprocessisaminimumneededtotransformrelationships, developunderstandingsaboutanewparadigmandgeneratehelpfulscenarios.Oneofthemembersof theadvisorycouncilopenlymusedaboutwhethermoreharmthangoodcameofhavingaminiseminar ofonlyoneevening.Bothsideswerewillingtogivetheotherachancebutneitherhadtheconfidence toallowsmallinfractionstogounnoticed.Onesmallinfractionledtomanymorelargeronesuntilchaos reigned.Itiscleartousthatwehavetopersevere;ittakessolittletoraisedoubtandquestions. Third,notwithstandingtheneedformoretime,protestcrowdsandpolicecanmakesignificantchanges throughanyfacetofaceencounterinapositivelycenteredprocess.Aftertheminiseminar,police

communicatorsinformedusthattheywerereframingtheirpressreleasesbecauseofnew understandings.AftertheG20protestsandresultingaftermathwereover,policeplannerssaidthatthey hadchangedtheiroperationalplansbecauseofwhattheyhadlearned. Fourth,werecognizedthatstereotypesaremisleading.Oneoftheyouthdressedinblackwhowould havebeenmarkedasaviolenttroublemakerdisclosedthatheworkedforahightechfirmandhada highsecurityclearance;healsofeltstronglyaboutglobalissuesandthedemonstration.Inhistorical understandingsofprotestcrowds,hewouldhavebeenstereotypedriffraff. Fifth,welearnedthatpeopleactinwaysthatmakesensewithintheirownframeofreference.For example,ontheSaturdaymorningofthedemonstration,theBlackBlochadpromisedthepregnant mothersthattheywoulddonothingtoinciteviolence.Demonstratorsworkedonthepresumptionthat everythingwouldbepeaceful.TheviolentincidentatMcDonaldsthenightbeforetriggeredamongthe policeacontingencyplanBthatcalledforthedeploymentoftacticaltroopsmakingitunsafefor families.Violenceisreturnedbyviolencewithinterest. Sixth,welearnedtoflowwiththeprocess.Whentheplanneddebriefforformerparticipantsturned intoapublicevent,ourtemptationwastocanceleverything.Wedecidedcancelingwoulddomore harmthangoodandthatthebestdecisionwastowelcomeallwhocame.Themanypositive suggestionsgeneratedandthelargenumberofpeoplewhocameforwardwiththeirnamesand coordinatesattheendshowedthatwehadindeedmadeadifferenceinattitudesatleasttowardsour process. Seventh,welearnedthatviolenceinthecourseofademonstrationcanbetraumatizingandcausea deeprootedconflicttosurface.Reconciliationisnoteasyparticularlysincetherearestructural constraintsonapologies.Nevertheless,inasafeconfidentialenvironment,thekindofcommunication andgesturesofunderstandingneededforreconciliationarepossible. TheAftermathtotheG20Demonstrations SincetheincidentsbetweenthepoliceandcitizensattheG20demonstrations,citizenshavechosento dealwiththeirperceptionsofwrongdoingbythepoliceintwoways.First,becauseofsomeincidents,a groupofOttawacitizensorganizedaCitizensPanelonPolicingandtheCommunity.Theyheldpublic meetingsinlateFebruary.TheCitizensPanellistenedtothestoriesofmanypeopleaffectedbythe eventsofthatday.TheyhopedtohelpusallunderstandwhathappenedonthestreetsofOttawa,and tomakerecommendationsonwaystoimproverelationshipsbetweenpoliceandthecommunityinthe future.Afterconsideringthesubmissions,thePanelpublishedareport.Secondly,someindividualshave decidedtopursuetheformalprocesstolodgeacomplaintagainstpolice.Eachoftheseinitiativesis importanttoclarifyjustwhathappenedatthedemonstrationandtoholdaccountableanyone responsibleforwrongdoing. Additionally,itwillbeimportanttorebuildthetrustandtoreconciletheangerandentrenchment betweenprotestorsandpolice.Untilthosewhofeelbetrayedregaintheircapacityfortrust,theywill finditdifficulttomoveforward.Theformalcomplaintsprocessmayprovidesomerelief;however,itis

timeconsumingandadversarialinnature.Asonepersonatthepublicmeetingsaid,feelingsarefacts weneedtorecognizethatthesefeelingsareseriousevenifthelegalfactsdonotsupporttheminthe formalprocess.Thoseinvolvedneedtodealwithnegativeemotionsadequatelyortheywillcontinueto affectfutureevents. Oftenthepeoplewiththegreatesttendencytowardviolence,thosecategorizedastheviolenttwoper cent,aremarginalizedyoungpeoplewhohavethemselvesbeenseverelyvictimized.Theyoftenfeel thattheyhavenovoice;thatnoonehasbeenlisteningtotheirconcerns.Ifwayscouldbefoundtogive themaneffectivevoiceaspartofthehumanizingprocess,theirownperceivedneedforviolencewould possiblybediminished. TheAdvisoryCouncilwasconvincedthattheCrowdManagementandConflictResolutionInitiative offeredsignificantpotentialasanapproachtopublicorderthatcouldconceivablyreducetheincreasing levelofviolenceobservedatrecentantiglobalizationdemonstrations.Oneoftheprincipalobjectivesof thisinitiativewasthedevelopmentofenhancedawarenessamongstpolice,protesters,themedia, politicians,governmentofficialsandcitizensatlargeofwaystodeescalateconflictwhencrowdsgather. Reconciliation Theprocessofreconciliationhasbeentouchedononlybrieflyinthisbook.Toprovidesomebackground forunderstandingtheG20discussion,itishelpfultonotethatreconciliationinvolvesemotionsanda recognitionofthehumanityandvalidityoftheperceptionsoftheother.Theprocessofreconciliation hasseveralsteps;itissometimessequential,sometimesiterative,itcanbecircuitousorsometimes quitesimpleandquick.Itrequirescommitmentfrombothsidesintheconflict.Theremustbean acknowledgementoftheconflict(namethedemon),anopennesstoseethehumanfaceoftheother, andsometeachingsobothsideslearnthatreconciliationisagoodthingandcanimaginehowitcould happen.TheGraduatedReciprocalInitiativesofTensionReduction(GRIT),aninteractivedanceof communication,thenfollows.Eachsideneedstoseesignalsofremorseandforgiveness;theyneed opportunitytorethinktheirperceptions,integratingnewtruths,understandingandvalues.Itishelpful toreframetheexperienceanddiscoverahigherperception.Thenthereneedstoberoomforritualand aprocesstoreestablishtherelationships,roomforhealingtoestablishnewemotionalpathwaysand roomforrecreatinganewwayofbeingtogetherincludingstructure,norms,laws,storyandteaching. TheactivistsattheG20publicmeetingputgreatemphasisontheimportanceofapologyandadmission ofwrongdoingonthepartofpoliceasafirststepinthereconciliationprocess.Thereareconstraints imposedbythelegalandadversarialnatureofthepubliccomplaintsprocessthatmakeitdifficultor impossibleforpolicetoapologizeoutsideofthatformalprocess.Reconciliationoutsideoftheformal processholdsearlierandmoreeffectivepromise.Someofthoseatthepublicmeetingshowedgood understandingoftheprocess.Forexample,thefollowingpointscouldallcontributetorestorationof previouslygoodrelationships:

listentoeachother, bewillingtobreakthetension,

allsidesagreetoonethingaboutwhichtoletguarddownalittle, removearmsonbothsides, agreeontacticaldeescalatorstobeusedduringdemonstrations, allsidestellthetruth.

RebuildingTrust Rebuildingtrusthasalsobeenonlytoucheduponbrieflyinthebook.Anintegralpartofreconciliationis torebuildtrustwhereithasbeenbroken.Mostofusknowveryeasilywhenwetrustandwhenwedo not.Wesometimeslackthevocabularytotalkaboutwhatconstitutestrustandjusthowitisbuiltand howitisbroken.Consequently,whatsurfaceswhentrustisbrokenisoftenangerandfrustration. Similarly,weknowwhenwehavebeenbetrayedyetmanyofusfinditdifficulttodealwithbetrayalina productiveway.Thosewhohaveexperiencedbetrayalandrecoveredarebetterequippedtodealwithit asecondtime.Otherswhohaveneverfullyrecoveredcanbepsychologicallydamagedbyasecond betrayaloreventheperceptionofone.Experiencingamajorbetrayalislikeexperiencingadeathwe havefeelingsoflossoftrustinothersandmaybefeelingsoflossoftrustinourselves. ThepublicmeetingallowedforanairingofmanygrievancesagainstpoliceoriginatingattheG20 demonstrationsand,assuch,startedtherecoveryprocess.Itmaynothavebeentheprocessofchoice atthetime,nonethelessitwasabeginningandagoodone.Hearingtheviewsoftheotherside providedtheinformationthatcaneventuallyallowthosewhofeelbetrayedtoreframetheexperience, forgiveandmoveon.Theprotagonistsdeservesupportfromthecommunitytodothis.Theactivistsand othersatthepublicmeetingaskedforrelationshipswithintegrity.Thisdemandsopencommunication aboutchangesinplansandexpectationsalongtheway.Ifapredemonstrationconsultationhas resultedinagivensetofsharedexpectationsandifunexpectedeventsnecessitateachangeinstrategy, operationsandtacticsalongtheway,themorethisiscommunicatedwithanexplanation,thebetter. FocusGroups AftertheG20event,weorganizedtwofocusgroupstoinvolveparticipantsfromourvariousseminars tohaveavoiceintheshapingofadocumentthatwastogiveexpressiontotheemergingnewparadigm. Theirimportantcontributionshelpedshapetheoriginalmanuscript.MuchofChapterthirteencomes fromtheoriginaltextandformedthemanuscriptthatunderwentsignificantscrutinybythefocus groups. Conclusion Inthischapter,wehavepresentedanaccountofsomeoftheexperiencesthatledustotheconclusion thatanewparadigmisbothneededandavailablewhenitcomestorelationshipsbetweenprotesters andpoliceataprimarylevelandbetweenthesegroupsandmedia,bystandersandtargetsata secondarylevel.Thisrealizationfunctionedheuristicallyaswedidtheresearchonthehistoriesof protest,crowdsandpolicinginPartOne.Itbecameevidentaswewitnessedtruedialogueoccurring

betweenthosefromthepolicingandprotestcommunities,thatitwaspossibletogeneratemimetic structuresofblessingwithinthisrelationalsystem.Aswelistenedtothecreativewayspoliceand protestersdevelopedscenarios,itbecamecleartousthatgiventhechancepeoplecanworktogetherto developpossibilitiesthattranscendindividualimaginations.Inthenextchapter,anumberwho participatedintheseprocesseswillgivetheirreflections. HearingfromthePlayers Introduction Ofthemanypeoplewhohaveparticipatedinourseminars,severalhavekindlyagreedtosharetheir experiencesandideas.Thesearepresentedbelowintheinterestofextendingtheinterpersonal dialogue.Theyhaveeachbeenaskedtotakeusintotheirworlds,toletusknowhowcrowddynamics touchthempersonally.Therehasbeennoattemptmadetotrytoharmonizewhattheysaywiththe overallperspectivepresentedinthisbook.Indeed,theoverallmessageofthecollaborativeapproachis thatwemustspeakcandidlyandlistenwithanopenspirit.Structuresneedtobeputinplacewhereby stakeholdersindemonstratingcrowddynamicsencounteroneanotherindialogue.Untilthathappens, writtenaccountslikethosepresentedbelowprovideaglimpseintohowcrowdsareexperiencedon differentsidesofthefence. Thecontextis2002,closelyfollowingtheseminarsandeventsdescribedabove.Theycomebeforethe historicalandsocialscientificresearchandsubsequentreflectionsthatgeneratedadistinctMutual RespectParadigmdevelopedinPartOne.Assuch,theyprovidehistoricalindicatorsofwhysucha paradigmisneeded;theysupplyhintsofwhatmightbeentailedandwhatpitfallstoavoid.Thedifferent voicesfromtheperspectiveofverydiversestakeholdersalsohighlighthowthesamephenomenona protestingcrowdbeingconfrontedbypoliceisunderstoodinsuchdifferentways.Somealludetothe QubecCitySummitoftheAmericas,thedescriptionsandreactionsareimportantforhistoricalcontext. Theyprovideabenchmark,ifyoulike,bywhichtomeasurewhathappensinthefuture. JuliaFlemingspeaksaboutherfearduringthedemonstrationsinQuebecCity,herexperienceswiththe CrowdSeminaratSaintPaulandherhopeforthefutureofthedialogue.CarlStierencomesfroma lifetimeofdemonstrationsandputscurrentdemonstrationsinOttawaandhisparticipationinthe seminarinthecontextofhistoryandhisoverallcrowdexperience. GaryNelsonisaveteranpoliceofficer.Healsohasextensiveexperiencewithconflictresolutionand alternativedisputeresolution.Hespeakspersonallyabouthispolicingcareerandreflectsontheimpact ofrecentcrowdsonhislife. LeonardSternnotonlytellsusaboutthemediasrolesbutalsoprovidesfoodforthoughtandpossiblya warningaboutthepotentialforbureaucratizationandchoreographedpseudoeventsbothofwhich detractfromeffectiveprotest.

PeterCoffinwasanAnglicanBishopwithexperienceworkingforsocialjusticeinplaceslikethe PhilippineswherehewitnessedcrowdsinacontextverydifferentfromCanada.Hisconclusion highlightstheimportanceofmeetingfordialogue. RaymondLaprewasaprofessorintheAnimationSocialeprogramatSaintPaulUniversity.Hestresses theimportanceoftheoreticalunderstandingstomoveusaheadinourconstructionofsocialconcepts andrelations. Theircontributionsarelargelyuneditedandcomefromtheirhearts.Whattheywriteistheirpersonal perspectivesandmustnotbeconstruedtorepresentteachingsor,even,commonlearningscoming outoftheseminars.Theseminarsthemselvesseektorevealindividualandpersonalexperiencesbehind thepositionscommonlytakenbydifferentcommunitieswhohaveastakeinthisissue.Fromthese personalexperiencestheparticipantsthemselvesworkcreativelytogethertodeveloppossibilitiesfora betterfuture.Theseessaysarerepresentativeofjustsomeofthesecommunitiesandsomeofthe communitieswithincommunities. HealingDialoguetoRebuildActiveDemocracy JuliaFleming In2001IhadtheopportunitytobeavoiceduringtheSummitoftheAmericasinQuebecCity.Iwasan individualandalsopartofacredibleorganizationthatcollaboratedindevelopingaweeklong conference(duringtheweekpriortotheFTAAmeetings)thatbroughttogetherindividuals,politicians, specialistsaswellasmanydiversenongovernmentalorganizations,faithgroupsandlabour representativesfromallacrossCanadaandaroundtheworld.Ourcommongroundwasourgreat concernswiththefundamentalmotivationofinternationaltradeagreements.Thedealsanddecisions thatleadtotopdownprofitstofurthercorporateagendasbythedevelopmentofdisturbingpolicies thatthreatenthehealth,environmentalsustainability,localeconomies,democracyandbasic communityandhumanrightssuchascleanwater. IcouldnotbelievehowmuchpreparationtookplaceinthefullspectrumofsocietytohavetheFTAA meetingoccur.Millionsofdollarswerepouredintothecreationofthemostextensivesecurityplan Canadahadeverinitiatedwithinitsownborders.Thesheervolumeofequipmentmobilizedfromboth insideandoutsideofCanadaseemedlikethepreparationsforawar.TheoldersectionofQuebecCity wasclosedoff.ThesummitwasdesignedtohaveministersfromallacrossNorthandSouthAmerica exceptCubatocometogetheranddiscussavarietyofissuesconcerningtheFTAAagreement.Yet,this operationalsoinspiredmorethan60,000peoplefromCanadaandacrosstheworldtogatherand communicatetheiroppositiontotheoppressiveinternationaltradeagreementpolicies. Iwasabletoseethesecurityoperationinfullforceduringthesummit,yetthepolicepresencein QuebecCityhadstartedmonthsearlier.Throughthemedia,articlesexposedoneofthepolicetactics buildingQuebecCityssecondfortresswall,thistimetoprotectthegovernmentfromitsownpublic. Thisdivisivewallinevitablystirredareactioninthepublic,leavingmanyfeelingmarginalized,createda climateofdistrustandnoroomforopposingopinionsordemocraticdiscussion.Ifeltthistactic

contributedtothedevelopmentofaconflictfarbeforetheactualevent.Thisfencecontroversyinspired thousandsofpeopletomobilizeandgathertobeaphysicalremindertothepoliticiansthattheywere notactingwithourapprovalorinthebestinterestofCanadiansandglobalcitizens. Thissummitwasalifechangingexperience.PersonallythiswastheclosestIhaveeverbeenandwantto betoawarsituation.Ifeltthechoiceofsecuritytacticsplayedalargeroleinescalatingviolenceand fearonallsides,withlittleattempttousenonviolentdeescalationtechniques.Thousandsofchemical teargascanisters,alongwithwatercannons,pepperspray,rubberbullets,attackdogs,unconstitutional searchesandexcessiveabusewerealltacticsthatwereusedandIfeelpromotedconflict.ForaweekI wasonthestreetsandinpublicinitiatedconferences.Iwitnessedtensofthousandsofpeaceful protestersandonlyafewhundredindividualswithmoreofanaggressivestyleofdissent,forexample throwingtheteargascanistersbackatthepolicelinesanddismantlingthefence.Yetofcourse,these actionsdominatedthemediamorethanthemessagesofthe60,000otherpeopleliningthestreets kilometersthick.Alsothepolicesomehowfelttheseaggressivefew,warrantedtheuseofthousandsof teargascanisters(8000wasafigureIrememberhearingattheseminar),whichchokedtheentirecity.I personallyexperiencedthescareofanunmarkedpolicecarnearlyrunningmeover,stoppingandthena maleofficerpattedmedownwithnoreasonhefeltnecessarytocommunicatetome.AtthispointIwas justwalkingwithagirlfrienddownthestreetquitefarawayfromthecenteroftheprotest.Throughout thecourseofthefewdaysIsawalltheforcefultacticsImentionedaboveatuseandstillcanremember thesensationofburningeyesfromthegas.Imetpeoplewhosharedtheirexperienceofhavingthe citizensindependentmediacentersmotheredinteargastointerferewithreporting.Inanother building,mainstreamreporterswereinalockdownwithnoexternalaccessforseveralhours.Isaw seniorsbeingevacuatedfromseniorhomes,overcomewiththetoxicgases.Awearyvolunteermedic sharedhershockingexperienceofthecitizensmedicalcenterbeingovertakenbypoliceatgunpoint. Sherecallstheheartpoundingexperienceofhavingtheclinicfillwithteargas,shescrambledtotake whatevermedicalsuppliesshecouldgetaholdofassheremovedapatientouttothebackally.Shewas treatingthepatientforanemergencytracheotomy,asaresultofarubberbullet.Amemberof parliamentwasshotwitharubberbullet.Inaddition,supportcenterstoprovidefood,shelterand medicalsupportforthe60,000newarrivalswereshutdown.Thesemanyexamplesofthemissuseof powerandpoliceviolenceIwillneverforget.Isthisthewayacrowdismanagedinaprogressive democraticcountry?Isthisthereactionfromthegovernmentandsecurityforcestoopposingpolitical viewsfromvotingcitizensdemonstratingdissent?IsthistheCanadianway?DuringthisweekItruly witnessedtheingredientsoffear,angerandabsolutelackoftrustandaccountabilityofbehalfofmy governmentandmypublicpoliceforce.Thiswaspartofthemotivationbehindchoosingtoattendand speakaboutmyexperienceattheseminarinMay2001presentedbySt.PaulsUniversityonCrowd ManagementandConflictresolution. Trustisthenumberoneingredienttoeffectivedialogue.Theunfortunaterealityistherearemillionsof peoplearoundtheworldwhohavewitnessedorbeenvictimsofpoliceandmilitaryviolenceand politicalabuse.Unfortunatelywecannotchangehistorybutwecanlearnandmoveforwardtocreate effectivechangeanddialoguewhichiscriticallyneeded.Ifeelthatthelargestchallengeforthisinitiative isrebuildingthetrusttoeffectivelybringpeopletotogetherandopenuptoaprogressiveandhonest

dialogue.PersonallybeinganactivistorIpreferanaverageoutspokenCanadiancitizen,Iwasvery skepticaloftheseminar,especiallybecauseitwassosoonaftermyexperienceofQuebecCity.Thefact isIhadverylittletrust.Iwouldnotgiveovermycontactinformation;IwaswatchingmybackandwhatI said,asifitwasgoingtobeaddedtomylocalpolicefileofphotosandvideoofnonviolentactionsand trainingsIhavebeeninvolvedwith.Thefactthatsomeofthepoliceofficersgreetedmebyknowingmy nameandthecolourofmyclothingduringthelastOttawaactiondidnotcomfortme. Yetallsaidanddone,IamverygladIattendedtheseminar.AsIwentthroughthedays,personal barrierscamedownandImetrealpeoplebehindthemasks,peopleIneverthoughtIwouldbesittingin thesameroomwith.AtthebeginningIwasalittledefensive,thenIbecamemoreofanactivelistener, continuingtospeakmytruthofmyexperience.Theresult,Ifeltaverypositiveexchangeoccurredand commongroundandunderstandingwasmetonbothsidesofthefence.Ifeltthepossibilitiesandneed incontinuingthedebatesanddialogue.Ifeelthereasonwhyitwassoeffectivewasbecauseofthe diversecrosssectionofsociety,whichwasthekey.Itisonlyeffectivebyofferinganeutralspace (includingfunding)whichincludesnotonlysecurityforceandactivistsbutalsoaccountablepoliticians localandfederal,humanrightsobservers,corporations,medics,bothprovincialandcommunitybased volunteers,bystanders,membersoflaborandfaithorganizationsandofcoursethemedia(both independentandmainstream)whoplayahugeroleindevelopingwidespreadpublicperceptions.This debateofcrowdmanagementstyleandactionsneedspublicexposureandinclusion.Withallthis wealthofexperiencesandperspectivescomingtogether,facilitatedthoughfocuseddialogue,great resultscanmanifest. Ifeelthisisaverygoodstartingpointinbuildingeffectivepoliticalandpublicinterrelations,policing andactivismthatwillstrengthendemocracyandaccountability.Theveilsofmistrustcanbeslowly dissolved.Wecanchoosetochangethedestructivepatternsandmoveforwardfromoldlessons. Ifeeltheseseminarshavethepotentialtoofferaninternationaltemplateandarethefoundationto furtherunderstandingofthecomplicateddynamicsandrebuildingoftrustbetweencitizens,police, mediaandpoliticians,whichinevitablywillbringissuestothesurfaceinareflectiveprocess.Iwishyou allthebestduringthisadventure,wereallyneedtohealmanywoundsandthisisaprocesswemust engagein. BridgingtheGap:ConversationsamongDemonstratorsandPoliceontheRighttoDissent CarlStieren TheinvitationtoameetingatSt.PaulUniversityhadtwostrangewordsinitstitle:Crowd Management.Hearingthosewords,mymindflashedtothewritingsofGustaveLeBon,that conservative19thCenturyFrenchpoliticaltheoristwhoreckonedthatcrowdshadatendencytodoevil things.Theuseofthewordcrowd,asLeBondid,windsuptarringdemocracybythesamebrushasthe worstcrowdsusingonetermwhichcouldtodaylumptogetheraracistlynchmobintheU.S.South withGandhisSaltMarchtotheSea.Thosetwogroupsarefarfromthesametype.Andsurelythereis alsoadifferencebetweentheonemillionnonviolentpeacedemonstratorswhogatheredinNewYork

Cityin1982tosupporttheUnitedNationsSecondSpecialSessiononDisarmament,andtheFrench crowdswhocalledforguillotiningofopponentsduringtheFrenchRevolution. IdidntgotothefirstseminaroftheseriesatSt.Pauls,butIdidgotosubsequentones,startinginthe summerof2002.Whatwasnewwastomeetpolicerepresentativeswhowerenotinuniformandwere notoncamera.Instead,theywereinaplacewheretheycouldtelluswhattheythoughtorperhaps evenwhattheyfelt.Bythetimethelaterseminarsgotunderway,thewordsinthetitleoftheseries hadchangedtoCollaborativeManagementofCrowdDynamics,somethingthatwasbetter,butreally morelikeacompromisehammeredoutbyCanadiandiplomatsawkwardandunpronounceable,but offendingnoone. Therearerealdifferences,eveninwhatwordsmeanandwhentheyareused,thatseparatepoliceand demonstrators.Intheworstcase,wecanwindupwithdifferencessuchasthefollowing: Descriptionbydemonstrators Descriptionbypolice demonstration holdingtheline solidarity crowd,mob refusingtomove conspiracy

expressingrighteousindignationhavingariot Forme,thechancetobuildbridgesandopenchannelsofcommunicationcouldnotonlyhelpreduce violencebutmightevensavelivesinfuturecrises.For,asmylinguisticsprofessorattheIllinoisInstitute ofTechnologyusedtosay,therearethreelevelsofcommunication:formal,informal,andscientific. Ifcommunicationisblockedorbecomesimpossibleonanyonelevel,itwillmovetoanotherlevel.Thus, whenparentsintheUnitedStatesfromthe1930stothe1950sweretooembarrassedtotalkaboutsex onaformalorinformallevel,theygavetheirchildrentheVandeVeldemarriagemanual,ascientific explanationofthereproductiveact,somethingthatevenasexuallyexplicitnovelcouldhavedone better. Communicationmaybecomeblockedorevenimpossibleontheformallevelduringademonstration. WhenapolicemansDontmoveanyfurther!doesntgetacrossandneitherdoesthedemonstrators Wearegoingtocrossthelineandtherebycommitnonviolentcivildisobedience,communicationhas brokendown.Atthatpoint,theoldalternativeusedtobetomovetoscientificorlegallevelandread theRiotAct.Today,itsYouvegot60secondstoleavethisarea.Followingthat,communication ceases,andforceorviolencemayoccuraspolicesprayteargasorbeatprotesters.Ironically,thearrest ofacooperativesuspectcanbealmostnonviolent.Insteadofsuchbehaviour,therewasescalationand provocationbythepoliceduringtheNovember17,2001G20demonstrationsinOttawawhenpolice wentintothecrowdstoapprehendspecificindividuals.Duringtheseattemptedarrests,someofwhich

wereunsuccessful,atleastonepolicedoggotloosefromitsleash(accidentally,onepoliceofficertold us)andwentafterasuspect. Howcanwebridgethegapbetweendemonstratorsandpolice,agapthathasbecomeso confrontationalsincetheWorldTradeOrganizationmeetingsinSeattleandtheonsetofglobalization? Specifically,howcanCanadiansocietyinthepostSeptember11era,withBillsC35,C36,andC42now onthebooks,allowforpeacefuldissentduringinternationalconferencesinCanada?Ifthepolice,the politicians,andthecourtsdecidetointerpretthesebillsasInternationallyProtectedPersonsber Alles,theremaybenohopefordemocracy. Weretheredisappointmentsinthemeetings?Ofcourse.Thefailureofthepolicetoliveuptotheir agreementtokeeptheiractionspeacefulduringtheG20protestswasthebiggestone.Yes,thepolice blamethesingledemonstratorbreakingwindowsinaMcDonaldsRestaurantonRideaufortheir donningtheirDarthVadergearandreleasingteargas,andtheyblamethesnakemarchofasmallgroup ofdemonstrators.Isomehowfindthatlikesayingthatoneman,GavriloPrincip,causedWorldWarI,or thathisBlackHandgroupinBelgradewasthecause.Theresalotmoretoitthanthat,andtheAustrian andGermanEmpiresandthepoliceinOttawaonNovember17,2001had/havealottoanswerfor. Weretherepositiveoutcomesfromthecontactgroupmeetings?Absolutely.Icanthinkonlyofone memberofapoliceforcewhoshallnotbenamedspeculatingtomeinthehallway,Carl,whatifwehad atKananaskiswhattheyhaveonJuly1onParliamentHill?Twohugetelevisionsscreens,witha representativeoftheG8ononescreendebatingamemberofthedemonstratorsontheother?Icould onlysay,Ifonly! ShouldweencourageVernRedekopandShirleyPartocontinuethisexperiment?Certainly.Shouldthe governingboardofthisprojectbemorerepresentativeofbothdemonstratorsandordinarymembersof civilsociety?Ithinkthatsessentialtokeeptheprocessfromeitherbecomingorbeingseenastilted towardthesideofthepolice. CollaborativeManagementofCrowdDynamics GaryNelson Reflections: HavingcompletedoverthirtysevenyearsofpoliceworkIfeltthatIhadgrownaccustomedtoconflictas normallyeverycallthepolicerespondtoinvolvessomeformofconflict.Violencebecomespartofevery policeofficersday,butIhadnevergivenuphopethatadifferencecouldbemade.Intheaftermathof theconferenceinQuebecCityin2001,Inearlygaveuphope.Ineverexpectedordaredtodreamthat suchaneventcouldoccurinourpeaceful/peacemakingcountry.Manypeoplewereinjured,many peoplefeltvictorious,however,Isuspectthatmanymoreweredisappointedthatthisoccurredin Canada.IknowthatIwasnotalonewhenIexpressedmysorrowanddisbeliefinseeingawallerectedin suchabeautifulcityinCanada.Thosethatwerebentondestructionandviolencemadetheirpoint. ManyofthemwillbeheldaccountablethroughthemostdemocraticjusticesystemintheWorld,but

surelyeveryonethatparticipatedinthiseventwasnotbentondestructionandviolence?Ilistenedto storiesofpeoplewhoweredemonstratingwiththeirchildrenandwereafraidforthemselvesandtheir children.Ialsolistenedtostoriesofpoliceofficerswhowereafraidthattheymightnotgethomesafely totheirfamilies.Howisitthosetwogroupswereafraidofeachotherandforcedtofaceoneanotherin suchamanner? PolicingEnvironment: Generallyspeaking,conflictimpingesonpoliceworkateveryturn:betweencommunitymembers, betweenpoliceandcommunity,andwithinthePoliceService.Mostofthecallsforpoliceassistancein thecommunityfeaturesomeformofconflict.Mostcrimesinvolveconflict.Often,policeintervention generatesaconflictbetweenpoliceandcommunity.Someconflictshaveashortdurationandsomeare longanddrawnout.Someareintense,violentandvisible,whileotherssimmerbeneaththesurface. ThevastmajorityofPoliceOfficershavebecomeofficersinordertohelpothersanddo,whatthe majorityviewas,whatisrightforsociety.Consideringthis,theyareotherwisenormalcommunity memberswhohavetheirshareofhopes,beliefsanddreams.Becauseoftheirconstantexposureto conflict,policeofficersaregenerallyabletodealwithconflict,albeit,thereareinstanceswhenthe standardreactionbypolicecanbesomewhatproblematic.Conflictscantaketheformofdisputesover rightsorevents,underlyingconflictsoverinterestsanddeeprootedconflictsoveridentity.Whatever theformofconflict,itcancreateproblemsfortheentirecommunityandifnotproperlydealtwith,this conflictcanbecostlyinbothtimeandmoney.Furthermore,someofthehiddencoststoconflictcome intheformofharmedrelationshipsbecauseofphysicaloremotionalwounds. LarryHill,DeputyChiefoftheOttawaPoliceService,hasshownleadershipinhispathtounderstandand allowcommunitymemberstobeheard.Thishasprovidedtheopportunityforpolicetodirectlyhearthe concernsfromcommunitymembersandlikewisecommunicatetocommunitymembersthe perspectivesfrompoliceoncommunityconflict.Doesthisnotreflectfavourablyinourinitiativeson establishingpartnershipswiththecommunityinproblemsolvingpolicing?Oneofthebasicprinciplesof communicatingeffectivelyistolistentounderstand.Toavoidcommunitybasedconflictswhichmay fromtimetotimegetoutofhand,wemustalllistentounderstand. Sincethemid1980s,therehasbeentremendousgrowthinemphasisandunderstandingofboth communitybasedpolicingandcrimeprevention.Ithasbeenrecognizedthatlongtermeffectivenessis basedongettingattherootcausesoffundamentalcommunityproblems. Ifwearetorelyonadjudicationtodeterminethatwhatwedidwasright,thenweareutilizingthe wrongendoftheconflictresolvingspectrumbecausethedecisionmakingbodyofadjudicationdoesnot allowforrelationshipbuilding,itismerelyaprocessforidentifyingwhowasrightandwhowaswrong.A relationshipbuildingexercisewouldutilizethenegotiationendoftheconflictresolutionspectrumin whichtheconflictantpartieshavemorecontrolovertheprocessandtheoutcome.Itisalsolessformal andisbasedonpreservingrelations.Wherelongtermrelationsareseenasdesirable,thisendofthe spectrumwouldappeartobetheidealcontextforresolvingconflict.Attheoppositeendofthe spectrumwherethecourtsrenderdecisions,thepartieshavenoownershipintheoutcome.This

requirestheoutcometobeenforcedbysomeotherpartyandtheconflictisnotresolved.However, rightsmustbepreservedandtheadjudicationendofthespectrumisnecessaryinrelationto perseveringrights. InviewoftherecentandpendingGconferences,wemustbemindfulthatconflictmanagementis aboutcontinuousimprovement,learning,growthandalsoabouthavingthecouragetodowhatisright. Policeofficersoftenfindthemselvesweighteddownwiththeconcernsofthequietmajority.Itismy beliefthatwemustshowcourageinordertobuildastronglinktothecommunityinthesehardand changingtimes.Themainfocusofcrowdmanagementtrainingisdevelopinganunderstandingthat enablesustodosomethingordecidethings.Conflictresolutiontraininginvolvesthetransferofskills andknowledgeinsuchawaythatpeopleacceptandusethoseacquiredskills.Crowdmanagement offersachangeinthewaypolicegoabouttheirbusiness.Weallknowthatchangeisanongoingprocess ineveryoneslife,thatitissometimesuncomfortableanditisawellknownfactthatpeopletendto resistchange.Alesswellknownfactisthatpeopledonttendtoresistchangeasmuchastheyresist beingchanged. Dr.VernRedekopandDrCherylPicard,bothacademics,havehadalargeinfluenceonhowItrytodeal withconflictandleadmylife.Itisnowmyintentiontopasstheseteachingontoothersthroughvarious venues. AsaguidinglightthequestionIcontinuallyaskmyselfiswouldIleadmylifedifferentlyifIcould? CoveringConflict:AMediaPerspective LeonardSternTheOttawaCitizen Animportantethicalprincipleinjournalismisthatreportersreportthenewsratherthanmanufactureit. Onoccasionthiscodehasbeenviolated.Mostfamously,intheheydayofyellowjournalism,William RandolphHearstdispatchedastaffertoHavanatocovertheSpanishAmericanwar.Whentheman notedthattherewasnowaryet,Hearstreplied,YousupplythepicturesandIllsupplythewar.Amore recentcase:AphotographerforaCanadiannewspaperwaslurkingoutsidetheapartmentbuildingofa notedpedophilewhohadjustbeenreleasedfromprison.Anothertenantaskedwhatwasgoingonand thephotographertoldhim.Whenthepedophileemerged,unawarehewasbeingstalked,thetenant punchedhiminthehead.Aphotographofthevigilanteassaultappearedonnextdaysfrontpage,along withastorytotheeffectthattenantswereenragedasexoffenderhadmovedin.Thearticleneglected tomentionthattherewouldneverhavebeenanystoryhadthephotographernotrevealedthe pedophilesidentityinthefirstplace. Theseexceptionsaside,respectablemediaorganizationstrynottoshape,distort,orotherwiseinterfere withtheeventstheyaresupposedtocover.Newsgathering,onceconsideredatrade,isnowa profession.Thedayofthehighschooldropoutwhoworkshiswayupfromcopyboytoreporterisover. Atlargemetropolitandailynewspapers,newrecruitsmoreoftenthannothavegraduatedegrees.Along withhighersalariesandincreasedsocialstatusisagrowingsenseofprofessionalprideand responsibility.

Manufacturingorsensationalizingeventsissimplyunacceptable. Thenoisy,oftenviolentstreetdemonstrationsthatmarktheantiglobalizationmovementperhapsthe mostsignificantprotestmovementsincetheVietnamWarposeaseriouschallengeforthinking journalists.Coveringpublicdemonstrationsofanykindisatrickybusiness.Thebasicproblemisthis: Eventhemostuprightjournalistwhowouldneverspinthefactstomakeabetterstorycannothelpbut noticethathisorherpresenceinfluencesthewayactorsinacrowdbehave.Antiglobalization protesterswhoamomentbeforeweremillingaboutlookingboredwill,upontheapproachofa televisioncamera,springtolifeasthoughoncue,wavingsignsandshoutingNoJustice,NoPeace! Whenthecameraleavesitsasthoughastagemanagershoutscut!,andtheprotestersreturnto whatevertheyweretalkingaboutbeforetheinterruption. Nodoubtthepolicealsoperformforthemedia.Whenpracticingcrowdcontrol,securityservices employmethodsthatvaryintheirdegreeofphysicalcoercion.Thepresenceofmediaprobablymakes policeadoptsoftermethodsthantheyotherwisemight.ThenotoriousimageofanRCMPofficer dousinguniversitystudentswithpeppersprayatthe1996APECdemonstrationsinVancouverservedas alessoninbadpublicity.Itisconspicuous,nowadays,thatthereareoftennoreportersaroundduring momentswhenpolicebrutalityisalleged.AttheNovember,2001,G20meetingoffinanceministersin Ottawa,anumberofantiglobalizationactivistsclaimedthat,afterbeingarrested,policeroughedthem uporengagedingratuitousintimidation.True,theactivistsmaywellhaveinventedsomeofthese claimsinanefforttodemonizepoliceastoolsofstateoppression.Butitisalsoconceivablethatthese abusesoccurbeyondtherangeoftelevisioncameraspreciselybecausepolicenowunderstandwhat doesanddoesntplaywellontheeveningnews.Evaluatingthecompetingclaimsofprotestersand policeisdifficult.Intheendthemediasatisfynoone.Protestersseeusasagentsoftherightwing corporateestablishmentwhilepoliceseeusasliberal,leftwingmuckrakers. Intruth,reportersinmyexperiencearefairlyadeptatrestrainingpersonal,politicalbiases.Theseare consciousbiases,andassuchareeasytosetasidewhileonassignment.Moreproblematic,atleastin thecontextofstreetdemonstrations,isthejournalistsinstinctiveattractiontohumanconflict.The mostcompellingstories,asplaywrightsandnovelistsknow,involvesomeformofconflict.Because physicalviolenceisthemostdramaticexpressionofconflict,thesestoriesaretheonesthatmakethe frontpage.Butdoesthepredilectionforconflictconstituteabias,onethatcouldleadthemediato behaveirresponsibly?Itwouldbeinstructive,Isuspect,toanalyzenewscoverageinthedaysleadingup toademonstrationatasummitoftheWorldBankorInternationalMonetaryFund.Dothemediatreat theupcomingprotestasalegitimatepoliticaleventordotheyframeitasaviolentspectacleperformed bytheprotesters?Themediasunderstandablepreoccupationwithconflictmightcreatetheimpression thatviolentconfrontationisinevitable.Bydrainingprotestsoftheirpoliticalcontent,byseeingthem onlyastheatre,themediacouldbeunwittinglyactinglikeacastingdirector.Thecrowd,frustrated becauseitsconcernsarenottakenseriously,acceptstherolethathasbeenassignedtoit. ThroughmyparticipationintheCrowdManagementinitiativeatSaintPaulUniversityIhavecometo believethatcrowdbehaviourisverymuchinfluencedbylegitimacyneedsandthatcrowdsoften resentthemediaforourpowertoconferorwithholdlegitimacy.Withthisinmind,whentheG20

meetingcametoOttawa,Ispentanentiredaywithvariousactivistgroups,interviewingmembersat length,inanefforttogivethemanhonesthearing.Itwasdisappointing.Althoughunionleadersand othersemiofficialspokespeopletalkedaseriouspoliticalagenda,raisingissuesofpoverty,the environmentandchildlabour,themajorityoffrontlinedemonstratorstheoneswhohadbeenbused infromoutoftownhadeithercomeforthepartyortovoicetrulymarginalideas.Manyinthecrowd, forexample,toldmethattheSeptember11terroristattackshadbeenorchestratedbytheCIA(to provokearacistcrusadeagainstMuslims)orbytheAmericanmilitaryindustrialcomplex(which wouldsupposedlyprofitfromaconvenientwarinAfghanistan).Thecrowdwasseekinglegitimacy,butI wasunabletoprovideit. Thosewhotheorizeaboutcrowddynamicsandwhopracticecrowdmanagementdonotgenerally concernthemselveswithwhetheragivencrowdisprotestingarealorperceivedinjustice.Thefactthat itisrealtothecrowdissufficient.IfdemonstratorsconvergedtoriotagainstaBeatlesreunion,itwould matterlittletopoliceastheytriedtokeepthepeacewhethertheBeatleswerereallygettingback together.Buttomembersofthewidercommunity,whoarealarmedandinconveniencedbystreet closuresandsecurityfences,thesearenotirrelevantquestions.Themediahasapublicobligationto investigateandanalyzethemotivationsofthecrowd. Insomeinstances,unfortunately,thismayhindereffortstomanagecrowdspeacefully.Ifthecrowdis judgedtobewithoutlegitimategrievancetobeanuisancethecommunityspatiencewillwearthin andthesecurityapparatuswillbepressuredtoexertaheavierhand.Thosewhoenvisionthemediaas partnersincollaborativemanagementofcrowdsmight,intheinterestofharmony,preferthepressto extendacertaingenerosity.Afterpublishinganarticledetailingthebizarreconspiracytheoriesamong demonstratorsattheG20,Iwasaccusedofrecklessjournalism.OrganizersofthedemonstrationsaidI oughttohaverestrictedmyreportingtowhattheythemselveshadsaidintheirpolishedspeeches.To methatisaskingabitmuch.Activistleaderswantedtoclaimthecrowdastheirown(asevidenceofa massmovement,orpeoplepower)andyetexpectedthenewsmediatoignorewhatthecrowdwas saying. Still,theconceptofcollaborativecrowdmanagement,asbeingdevelopedatSaintPaulUniversity,holds greatpromise.Eventhesimple,preliminarystepofgatheringactivistsandpoliceinthesameseminar room,onneutralground,toseeeachotherforthefirsttimewithouttheirrespectiveuniforms,softens adversarialreflexes.Butisuncleartowhatextentcollaborativecrowdmanagementwhereby demonstrators,targets(politicians,say)andpolicejointlyplaneventswillbureaucratizepublic protests.Onechallengewillbepersuadingcrowdsthattheexerciseismorethananattempttocoopt them.Asforthemedia,journalistsarewaryofwhathistorianDanielBoorstinhascalledpseudo eventseventsthatarenotspontaneousbutmanipulatedandplanned.Theideaofcollaborative crowdmanagementwasborneoutofacommitmenttoinclusion,safetyandcivility.Buttheinterestand attitudeofmediaworkerswilldependonwhetherdemonstrationschoreographedalongthe collaborativemodelareperceived,ornotperceived,aspseudoevents. ReflectionsofaBystander

PeterCoffin IthasbeenalongtimesinceIhavebeeninvolvedinastreetdemonstrationoptinginsteadforother waysofengaginginissuesforwhichIfeelsomepassion.Imight,therefore,betermedasabystander inrelationtodemonstrationsthoughitisbecomingmoredifficultnottobeinvolvedwithavarietyof issuesthattheyevoke.Thishasbecomeincreasinglymoreapparentwiththosearoundglobalization throughouttheworldandparticularlyinCanada. Theissuesthathavetakenpeopletothestreethavebecomeeclipsedbywhathappenswhentheyget there.Mediacoverageandthebehaviorofsomedemonstratorsandsomechargedwithcrowdcontrol aswellassomebystandersdrawninhaveturnedthesideshowsintothemainshowandthisis unfortunateintheextreme.Oneoftheresultshasbeenterminalidentification.Simplystateditisthe feelingthatifsomeoneisnotforustheymustbeagainstus.Toseeandmaybeevenappreciatethe positionsofvariouspartiesistobesoftandthereforebiasedtowardsaparticularone.Polarizationis inevitableandnottoalignisseen,bysome,nottobeanoption.Orisit?Itisadangerousplacetobe andonerunstheriskofbeingvilifiedifonesaysthattheyunderstandorappreciate,evenifnot unreservedly,thepositionsof,say,thepoliceorthedemonstratorsorsomeotherstakeholder. Iwouldcontendthattheuncriticaltypingofpartiesandablanketlayingofblameissimplisticand probablyunfairandunhelpful.Tosomethatmayseemlikeacopoutorbeingsoftandmaybeevena heresybuttherearedeepissuesatstakeherethatrequireconsiderationifwearetorespecttherights, freedomsandresponsibilitiesthatweholddear.Ihavesomequestions. Whatreallyaretheissues?Arewetalkingaboutcrowdcontrolandtacticalquestionsorarethere deeperthingsatstakeinthisconversation?Whoarethestakeholdersandcantheycometoagreements andinwaysthatdonotviolateeachother?Isthereapossibilityofcollaborationthatallowsforvalid andpeacefuldissentanddealsfairlyandappropriatelywiththosewhosebehaviorcompromisesthe commongoodandhijacksthegoodmotivationsofothersandreducesthemtothestatusofthose needingtobecontrolled?Isdissentinterpretedasalossoforderandthereforesomethingtobe controlled?Havetheobjectivesofcrowdcontrolchangedgivenaperceivedandpossiblyinappropriate estimateofthreatand,ifso,whomakesthatdetermination?Couldacollaborativeapproachbyallof thestakeholdersprovideabetterandmoreaccurateassessmentandamorepositiveoutcome?Canwe dealwitheachotherinawaythatensuresourrights,freedomsandresponsibilitytodissent,ornot, withoutparticularlydestructivelevelsofalienationwhichonlyservetoexacerbateangeranddistrustto almostunresolvablelevels?Istheresomethingintheglobal,regionalandnationalpoliticalclimatethat haschangedandhasformedorinformeddissentandwaysofdealingwithit?Isthepresentingissueof demonstrationsandcontrolnotsimplyaharbingerofsomethingmoreandworthy,ifnotessential,to thisconversation? AsacitizenandasareluctantlyinvolvedbystanderIcannotletthemediaaloneinfluencemyconcern fortheissuesarounddissentingeneralanddemonstrationsinparticular.Imakenoapologyformy respectforourpolice.Thisisnotsomethingconditionedbymyexperienceofpoliceinotherpartsofthe worldforthatwouldbedamningwithfaintpraise.Mypersonalexperienceisthattheydoserveand

protectourcitizenryandthoughnotexemptfromtheneedofaccountabilityourpoliceforcesare,for themostpart,madeupofpeoplecalledtoanobleandservingvocation.Ialsohavedeeprespectfor peacefuldemonstratorsandthosewhotakethejustcauseofothersinotherwaysaswell.Whilethey maynotbegivenmuchcredit,duetothewidelypublicizedanticsofafew,theydo,infactrendera publicservicebyexercisingdemocracywhichofteninvolvestakingthecauseofthosewhoare marginalizedandotherwisehavenovoice.Thatseemstobearesponsiblethingtodoinaworldwhere manyaredisenfranchised.Iamconcernedforthose,likeshopkeepersforexample,who,inthecourse ofdissenthavetheirlivelihoodsdisruptedandcompromised.Theyareunderstandablyangryandare verymuchstakeholderswhoneedavoice.AndIamconcernedwhendamageappearstohavebeen doneandpeopleretreatintofixedanddefensivepositionsandablamegamethatpitscitizenagainst citizenandmakesconversationandrapprochementevenmoredifficult.Iamconcernedaboutthose whomightbecalledloosecannonswhocompromisethebestofendeavoursandhogthespotlightand definethepublicperception.Surelyitisnaiveandevendangerous,onallkindsoflevels,toallowthem toundulyinfluencetheconversationsandagreementsthatneedtohappenandcanhappen,maybe withsomebrokeringandwaysofaccountability,betweenresponsiblecitizens. Iworkwithareligiousorganizationwithalonghistoryandafairshareofnotgettingitrightand sometimesdoingwrongdespitewhatwewouldregardasagoodcause.Wehavecometoarealization ofwhatweneedtodoinordertogetbackontrackwithintegrity.Wemeet!Thisdoesnotalwaysmean thatweachievearesolutionbutwehavecometoknowthatittakesusawholelotfurtherthanifwedo otherwise.Wehavealsotakensomelessons,longoverdue,frombrothersandsistersoftheFirst Nations,andthatispatientandrespectfullistening. AReflectionfromtheAcademy RaymondLapre TranslatedfromtheFrenchoriginalbySusanJ.Roche RenGirardsapproachregardingviolence,itsrapidescalationandsubsequentcontrolbyasymbolicact ofpurificationofunhealthyspiritsisaninterestingseminalhypothesis.Nevertheless,itremainsa literaryperspectiveonthehumantragedyinvolved.Anthropologicalreflectionsbasedlargelyona particularinterpretationofthemythicalstoriesalsocomeintoplay.VernRedekopenrichesand brilliantlyarticulatestheideasofthegreatphilosopherGirard,combiningthisapproachwiththetheory ofhumanneedssatisfiersaswellasthemostrecentmanagementconcepts,inaprocessapplicableto concretesituationsofconflict.Variouspeoplefromlawenforcementagenciesinvolvedinpublicsecurity inCanadaandevenabroadrecognizethereisfoundationfortheimplementationoftheseideas.Theyas wellasmembersofpressuregroups,whochallengepolicebarricadesduringlargescaledemonstrations, havemadeequalcontributionsintheconsolidationofthefundamentalGirardRedekopideas.Thanksto thisconcurrenteffort,wecannowcountonanoriginal,universalexplanationwithregardtocrowd behaviour.ThisisdefinitelythemostsignificantbreakthroughsinceGustaveLeBonstimehonoured theoryonthepsychologyofcrowds.

SaintPaulUniversitywillbenefitgreatlyfromthisintellectualcontributiondevelopedatitscoreand which,fromnowon,willenrichteachingintheMastersProgrammeinConflictStudies(Facultyof HumanSciences).Inthisuniversitycontext,conflicttheoryandinparticularconflictresolutionandeven thehealingofwoundswillcontinuetodevelopalongcollaborativelineswhiletakingonotherschoolsof thought. Forexample,itwouldseemtomethatGeorgesDumzilssociologicalstudieshavesomethingtosay aboutthepreventionofthecausesofconflictortheirinterpretation.Thisresearcher,lookingintothe foundationsofIndoEuropeanculture,hasshownthatthesocietiesstudiedflourishedforaslongasthe functionaltripartitionwasinharmony.ThedeclineandfalloftheRomanEmpire,forexample,couldbe explainedbythesubordinationofthepriestlyandproductionfunctionstothewarriorfunction.Inlight ofthistheory,itwouldbeinterestingtostudytheroleofthepopularmassesinthefalloftheSoviet Empireattheendofthelastcentury,aswellascurrentworldwideterrorismandthesubsequentspin offsintowar. AsfortheparallelthatRedekopdrawsbetweenGirardsideasandthehumanneedstheory,itseemsto meapttoaddtothisperspectiveGilbertDurandsideasontheanthropologicalstructuresofthe imaginary.WhilethefunctionaltripartitionofDumzilwouldbenefitfromit,oppositionamong humansappearsnaturalasdoestheirharmonization.Thewholenotionofstruggleforsocialjustice couldbegraftedthere.Wewouldrealize,forexample,thatdemonstratorswhoshoutangrilyinthe streetarenecessarytowakeoursleepingconscience,when,duetotheunequaldistributionofgoodsin theworld,threetimesmorevictimsdieofhungereverydaythandiedintheattackontheWorldTrade Centre.IsnotONEpersoninonelocationworthasmuchasONEpersonintheotherlocation?Yet, insteadofmobilization,thearsenalofwarisbroughtout!Thesameveiledviolencebecameevidentat homeduringthe2001Christmasseason.Thesheltersforthehomelessannouncedtheynolongerknew wheretohousetheeverincreasingnumberofusers,whileafewdaysbeforehand,thegreaterpartof FederalbudgetadjustmentshadbeenallottedtotheDepartmentofNationalDefence. AgainletusstressthattheconceptofcollaborativemanagementusedbyRedekopcanbeeffectively convertedintoavaluableapprenticeshiponlybyincludingscholarlyreflectiononthepsychosociology underlyinggroupdynamics. Inconclusion,letusmentionthefollowingratheruniquephenomenon:Indevelopingtheirrespective ideas,theauthorsGirard,DumzilandDurandhavedrawntheirinspirationlargelyfromthegreatmyths ofhumanity.Theprofoundsymbolsofthesegrandiosestoriesbearpropernames,thoseofthegodsof athousandfaces(JosephCampbell)foundinallculturesorcivilizations.Itisnotentirelybychancethat auniversitywhosemissionstatementisfirmlycommittedtoresearchofindividualandsocial significancethroughthepluralityofthereligiousphenomenonshouldbecometheplaceofarenewed discourseonConflictStudies. Certainplayerswhomakeuptheactiveforcesinoursocietyhavealreadybeguntobenefitfromthis throughworkshopsoncrowddispersalmanagementgivenbyoneofthecommunityservicesatSaint

PaulUniversity.Itistobegreatlyhopedthatthisparticipatorymovementinthepermanent reconstructionofpeacefulconditionsinourcommunitiesandinsocietywillgrow. PracticalSuggestionsforCommunityBasedInitiatives ThewordpracticalanditscognatepracticearederivedfromtheGreekwordprassein,meaningtodo ortoact(Barnhart1971).Thosethathavereflectedonthemeaningofactionhaveshownthatanaction iscomplex(Melchin1998;Ricoeur1992).Ittakesonmeaningwithinacertainculturalcontext.In includes,embeddedwithinit,intendedconsequences.Actions,lookedatinhindsight,arerevealedto havemanyconsequencesthatwerenotintended.Actionsmaybesimpleortheymaybepartofaction chainsortheymaybecomeongoingpractices(MacIntyre1981).Thosewhodeliberatelytakecertain actionstoaffectchange,usuallydosooutofasignificantanalysisandreflectionaboutwhatisgoingon (Freire1970).Thereevolvesapatternofactionandreflectionsuchthatsubsequentactionsreapthe benefitofaccruedwisdom. Processesleadingtothisbookcanbeseenfromthisperspective.FirstcamethechallengefromRichard LAbbtodosomething.Theinitialactiondidnotcomeoutofavacuum.Ratheritmeanttakingawell developedmethodology,CommunityBasedConflictResolution,andapplyingittoanewsituation. Advisorycouncilmeetingsprovidedoccasionforreflectiononwhathadhappenedandplanning subsequentactions.ThechainofactionsdescribedinPartTwobecamethebasisforamuchmore profoundreflection,includingyearsofresearch,resultinginPartOne. Readersofthisbookwillbefrommanycontextsaroundtheglobe.Theywillbeplayinganyofthe variousrolesdescribedabove.Hence,thepracticalsuggestions,suggestionsmeanttoenablepeopleto starttotakeaction,startwithquestionsthatpromptinitialreflectionsaboutwhoshouldandcoulddo what.Eventuallywewillgettomoreprecisedescriptionsofpossibleactionsbasedonourexperience. Thesearenotmeanttoberecipecardsortechniquesthatguaranteecertainresults.Rathertheyshould bethoughtofasimaginationstimulatorsasideasthatcangenerateevernewwaysofapproachingthe challengeofbringingtolifetheMutualRespectParadigmofProtesterPoliceDynamics. Wearenotaloneinsuggestingaprocessapproachtorelationshipsbetweenpoliceandothersinthe community.InNovember,2008,theLokahiFoundationintheUnitedKingdomsponsoredatwoday residentialeventmarkedbylargeandsmallgroupprocesses.Itincludedpoliceandcommunity members.Thefocuswasnotonprotestcrowdsbutratheronrelationshipsbetweenpoliceandthe Muslimcommunity.Evaluationsoftheeventwereoverwhelminglypositive.LokahiFoundation Wewillbeginthischapterwithanoverviewoftherolesofthepartiesinvolvedinthecrowdrelational system;crowdorganizers,targets,security,media,andbystanders.Wefollowwithasetofprinciples developedduringourseminarswhichcouldrepresentafirstdraftofprinciplesthatwouldbeadaptedto servethereaderscommunity.WethenprovidesomesuggestionsfortheMutualRespectProtest CrowdPoliceProcessthatisabouthowtousethisbookandhowtoproceeddesigningyourown projectorintervention.Weprovidetwosampleprocessestogetyoustarted.Thischapterconcludes withourheartfeltwishesforyourdemocratic,nonviolentandpassionateexpressionofyourunique self,youruniqueopinion,youruniquedifference.

WhataretheRolesoftheDifferentParties? Thereisfirstofallasharedroleforallthepartiestocometogetherinaneutralspotandingoodfaith interactwithoneanothertofirstunderstandeachothersperspectiveandthentoworktogetherat definingwhatmutuallyrespectfulcreativedynamicsmightmeanpractically.Withinanyrelational system,peopleareuniquelyempoweredbytheirrolesandpositionstosayanddothingsappropriately thatotherscouldnotsayordo.Whatfollowarereflectionsonpotentialrolesofdifferentgroupsof people. RoleofCrowdOrganizers aregenerallyleaderswithinactivistorganizations.Theyareusuallyhighlymotivated,withastrong concernfortheircause.Becauseofpastinteractionwithsecurityforces,manyofthemhavebeen subjectedtophysicalviolencebybeingbeaten,teargassed,sprayedorarrested.Byagreeingtoenter intocooperativerelationshipsthatinvolvepolice,theyrisklosingcredibilityamongtheirownpeople.On theotherhand,iftheyseethevalidityofsomenewapproaches,theyareprobablytheonlypeoplewith acapacitytoconvinceotheractiviststoenterintoanewapproach.Iftheygooutonalimbtotryanew approachandtheirgoodwillisusedagainstthem,itcouldbeextremelydifficulttotrysomethingnew again. Activistsgenerallyliketoproceedonthebasisofconsensus;theytrytocommunicatewithoneanother aboutwhatisgoingonandavoid(wherepossible)whatothersmightbeopposedto.Processesof arrivingatconsensusprovideausefulbackdropforrelationallycreativedynamics.Thechallengeisto engageenoughactivistsindialoguewithotherstakeholderstoreallyeffectanewwayofdoingbusiness. Sincethestylewithinmanyprotestgroupsisnotatopdowncommandstructurebutanengagement withgrassroots,itisnotsufficientforleaderstosimplydecidethatanewapproachcanbe implemented.Enoughopinionleadersfromthediversegroupscommittedtodemonstratingatagiven eventneedtohaveapositiveexperienceinteractingwithpoliceandpoliticiansinordertocreate widespreadacceptanceofanewwayofdoingthings. Sincebuyinisnotbasedonacommandstructure,communicationisveryimportantanewapproach mustbecommunicatedclearlyandaccurately.Communicationisabackandforthmotionsuchthat leadersquicklygetfeedbackfromothersintheirgroupsandleadersofothergroups.Consensus orientedprocessescanbetimeconsuming.Anyconsensuspositionneverreflectsalltheindividual opinionsonagivensubjectactivistsarenotunifiedintheiropinionsbuttheiropinionusuallydoes reflectwhatpeoplecanlivewith.Agivenconsensuspositionamongactivistsincludestherightto dissentandtoexpressoneselfpublicly.Thereisalsogeneralagreementonthetypesofinjusticesthat needtobeexposed.Diversityofopinionisfoundwhentalkingaboutstrategiesandtactics. Demonstratorshaveaninterestingettingtheirmessageacrosseffectivelytopoliticalandbusiness leadersandtothepublicatlarge.Theyalsohaveaninterestinnotgettinghurtintheprocessof communicatingtheirmessage.Inmanyrespectstheonusisonthetargetgroupsandthesecurity groupstoconvincethemthattheirinterestswillbetrulyservedthroughacooperativeapproach.

RoleofTarget Targetsaregenerallypeopleorgroupsofpeoplewhobelievethattheyhavealegitimaterighttomake decisionsonthesubjectsthatarebeingconsideredeitherbyvirtueofbeingdemocraticallyelected,duly appointedorotherwiseinapositiontotakeaction(e.g.corporateexecutives).Theystudy,consultand discusswithasmanypeopleandorganizationsastheyfeelnecessaryandareableto,byvirtueoftime, beforeenteringintodecisionmakingdiscussions. Fromthegovernmentperspective,thereisatimeandplacetolistentopublicopinionand,atthetime ofaSummit,negotiationordecisionmakingmeeting,thedulyresponsibleindividualsfeeltheyconsider fairlyallopinionstheyhavegatheredpriortothemeeting.Eachactivistdoesnotneedtobelistenedto atthetimeofthemeetingforhisorheropiniontobeconsidered.Furthermore,arrivingataconclusion contrarytooneormoregroupsopiniondoesnotmeanthattheiropinionshavenotbeenconsidered fairly.Theissueformanyactivistsisthattheydonottrustthattheyhavebeenheardsufficientlyfor theiropiniontoreceivefairconsideration. Targetsofcrowdprotestmayfeeldefensiveandoutofthedefensivenesstrytoprotectthemselves.In DealingwithanAngryPublic,theauthorspointoutthatoften,angryprotestershaveverygoodreasons tobeupset.Theyofferasetofprinciplesforbusinessandgovernmentleaders,whichifimplemented, wouldhelpsignificantlyinreducingthelevelofemotionwithincrowds.Theseare:

Acknowledgetheconcernsoftheotherside. Encouragejointfactfinding. Offercontingentcommitmentstominimizeimpactsastheyoccur;promisetocompensate knowablebutunintendedimpacts. Acceptresponsibility,admitmistakes,andsharepower. Actinatrustworthyfashionatalltimes. Focusonbuildinglongtermrelationships.(SusskindandField,3738)

(Withappropriateadaptationsthesecouldbeappliedtoactivists,mediaandpoliceaswell.) Certainindividualsinthetargetcommunitybelievethatcrowdviolenceisstrictlyapoliceissue.Thishas contributedtotheperceptionthattargetcommunities(e.g.politiciansandgovernmentofficials)are avoidingresponsibilityandputsthemindangerofbeingscapegoatedanddismissedbythewider community.Iftheunderlyingperceptionofsomeactivistsisthattheydonotfeelrepresentedbythe democraticprocessofthecountrythentheparticipationofelectedandothergovernmentofficials becomescriticaltotheresolutionprocess. Itisalwaysatemptationfortargetgroupstohiremediaconsultantswhocanframeissuesinsuchaway togetpublicsupport.Theycanbequiteadeptatgettingappropriateexpertslinedupformedia interviewswhocanslantinformationintheirfavourinanattempttodiscreditthemessageof

protesters.Iftheethicalvisionguidingbusinessandgovernmentisshapedbyadesiretocreatelong termmimeticstructuresofblessingsuchthatthewellbeingofallwillbeenhanced,itbecomesintheir interestsaspeopleontheplanettolistencarefullytothosemessagesfromprotestersthatarebasedon goodresearchandathoughtfulassessmentofcurrenttrends,eventhoughthemessagemaybecritical oftheirinstitutions. Beyondactingontheseprinciples,politicalandbusinessleaderscanplayaconstructiverolein developingcommunicationprocessesthatenableeffectivedialoguewithcrowdprotesters.This dialoguecouldinvolvemeetingwithgroupsofrepresentatives,usingclosedcircuittelevisiontohavea twowayexchangeorhavingaseriesofconsultationsinadvanceofamajorevent.Theycanalsowork creativelyonnewsystems,institutionsandstructuresthatcanattendtotheneedsandinterestsofall parties. Someactivistsobservethatgovernmentsareextremelyresponsivetotheinfluenceofpeopleinthe businesscommunity.Tothem,policyregardingtheenvironmentseemstobedevelopedtoprotectthe economicinterestsoflargecorporationswhichhappentobemajorcontributorstopoliticalparties.The MutualRespectParadigmopensuptheissueofwhatreallyinfluencespublicpolicyandwhatis perceivedtohaveaninfluence.Trustisextremelyimportantandtrustbeginswithdignityandrespect. RoleofSecurity Aspublicemployees,securitypersonnelhavetheresponsibilitytoprotecteveryoneinthecrowd scenariofromharmandviolence.Additionally,theymustprotectthedemocraticprocessofdecision makingwhileatthesametimefacilitatingthelegitimateexpressionofdissent.Aslongascrowdsare peacefultheroleofsecuritycanbepeaceful.Securitypersonnelhaveexperiencesandmemoriesof violentactivistsandarewaryofthepossibilityofsomeonewhoappearspeacefulbecomingviolent. Theyalsohaveinformationaboutthoseintentuponusingviolenceandapublicresponsibilitytoact uponthatinformationintheinterestofthepublicpeace.However,thereisalwaysthepossibilitythat theirinformationisinaccurateorthattheirinterpretationofthatinformationmaybefaulty. Itisriskyforsecurityforcestoletdowntheirguard.Itisriskyforthemtoabandonthetacticsthathave proveneffectiveingettingthejobsdoneinearliertimes.Itisriskyforthosewhowanttogivea cooperativeapproachanhonesttrytostanduptothestatusquoandleadtheway.Whentheold approachhasbeenseentobeefficientandeffectiveinquellingdisturbancesitisdifficulttoreplaceit withanuntriedandunprovenapproach.Sometimesashowofstrengthhasintimidatedmembersofa crowdandquelledthemimeticviolencethatmayhavebeeninstigatedbythetwopercent.Many securitypersonnelareseeingthespiralofescalatingviolencewiththeuseofcrowdcontroltacticsand arewillingtotakewhateverriskisnecessarytoturnaroundthedependenceondefensivetactics.One policeparticipantatQuebecreportedthatthefencereducedtheincidenceoftoetotoeconfrontation withangryprotestersandthatthiswasagoodoutcomeonethatallowedthemtoremainmore neutral.Fewontheothersidewhowereangryatthefenceanddemonstratedinahazeofteargas wouldagreethatthefencewasagoodthing.

Securityserviceshavebeenthrustintotheforefrontofdealingwithcrowdsthatfeelpassionatelyabout localandglobalinjustices.Theyhavebeenaskedbyleaderstocontrolcrowds,shieldingleadersandthe buildingstheyareusingfromthosewhomightwishtomaketheirvoicesheard,andperhapsoccupy buildingsand/ordisruptsessions.Theyhaveusedavarietyoftechniquesfromintelligencegathering, topassivesecuritystructures,tonegotiationsandtheuseoflessthanlethalinstrumentsofcontrol,to moreaggressivewaysofholdingcrowdsincheck.Thecombinationoftheviolenceofprotestersandthe matchingviolenceofpolice,ortosometheinitialviolenceofpoliceandtheangryresponseofcrowds havesucceededinintroducingagrowingmimeticstructureofviolenceintotherelationalsystem involvingprotestingcrowdsandpolice.Withinthisclimate,evenwellintentionedinitiativesbypoliceto communicatewithprotestersinadvanceofaneventareheldsuspect.Somepolicearecaughtinan internalconflictbetweendoingtheirjob,whichinvolvesfollowingorders,andsympathywiththeissues whichprotestersareflagging.Forexample,apoliceofficer,whoisastrongsupporterofhisownunion, mighthavetoactagainstviolenceonapicketline. TheMutualRespectParadigmposesanumberofchallengesforpolice.First,ifagivenscenariohasbeen agreeduponbyallparties,theremaybeunexpectedfactorsthatwarrantanabruptchangeoftactics callingintoquestionthegoodfaithinvolvedintheagreement.Thesefactorscouldincludeintelligence reportsconcerninganticipatedviolence,legalrequirementsinvokedbynewrealitiesorcommands issuedbythosenotunderstandingtheMutualRespectParadigm.Second,inthepostSeptember11 realitythereisaneverpresentfearofterrorism.Someoftheactionsonthepartofsecuritymightbe moretopreventterrorismthattodealwithdemonstrators.Third,policeoftencannottalkaboutwhat theyknowbecauseinformationisclassified.TheMutualRespectParadigmsuggeststhatwayscanbe foundtoaddressthesechallengesthroughnewcommunicationstructures. TherearenowinplacepolicenegotiatorswhoembodytheMutualRespectParadigmastheyworkto facilitatetheeffectivecommunicationofprotestersissues.Theirmandateshouldbestrengthened. Policeleadersshouldlearnfromtheirexperience.Allthoseinvolvedinpublicorderpolicingandcritical incidentsshouldbetrainedinawaythatgivesprecedencetothisparadigmandreinforcestheroleof policenegotiators.Thistrainingshouldincludeworkshopsrunbythirdpartiesandthatinclude representationfromtheprotestcommunity.Akeyissuetobeontheagendaforthetrainingsessionsis howtoberespectfulwithoutinstitutionalizingprotesttothepointthatitbecomesbanaland ineffective. Media Themediaaretheeyesandearsandsometimesthebrainsforpeopleinthegeneralpopulationwhoare notcloseenoughtophysicallywatchtheaction.Theydeterminewhatistobeseenontelevision,heard ontheradio,ordescribedinprint.Howtheyframethecoveragedetermineswhatgetsemphasizedas beingsignificantandwhatgetspassedoverormentionedinawaythattrivializesit.Oftenpoliticians baseperceptionsonwhatthepublicfeelsaboutagivensituationonwhatiscoveredinthepressand broadcastmediaandhowitisframed.Thismeansthatbesidescoveringthenews,themediaalso indirectlymakethenews.Giventhispower,differentsidesmanipulatethemediaaseventsarestaged

forthecamera.Therealityisthatmedianeedsstories;journalistshavetightdeadlines;theeasiestway togetagoodstoryontimeistofocusonviolenceoronaclearpolarizationofpositions. However,giventheirverycrucialrole,itisimportantthatmediapersonnelbeincludedinexplorations oftheMutualRespectParadigmandunderstandswhatitisallaboutsothatifthereisanewrealityit canbeseen,heard,andpresented.Mediacanplayanimportantroleincontributingtomutual understandingofthedifferentpartiesinvolvedthroughcoveragethatbringstolightthedeeper motivationsbehindvariousactions.Infact,theGeneralConferenceofUNESCOpassedadeclarationof fundamentalprinciplesurgingmediatoworkactivelytopromotepeaceandinternational understanding.Oneofitsprinciplesisthefollowing: Withaviewtothestrengtheningofpeaceandinternationalunderstanding,topromotinghumanrights andtocounteringracism,apartheidandincitementtowar,themassmediathroughouttheworld,by reasonoftheirrole,contributeeffectivelytopromotinghumanrights,inparticularbygivingexpression tooppressedpeopleswhostruggleagainstcolonialism,neocolonialism,foreignoccupationandall formsofracialdiscriminationandoppressionandwhoareunabletomaketheirvoicesheardwithin theirownterritories.1 Thespiritofthisprinciplewouldservetoreinforcetheroleofmediainpromotingacultureinwhich relationallycreativecrowddynamicswouldwork.Aswell,itemphasizestheimportanceofgiving expressiontomanyofthevoicesofoppressedpeoplethataretakenupbymanyoftheactivists. Journaliststrytobebalancedintheirreportingbytalkingtothoseonthedifferentsidesofanissue. Theyhavediscretionaboutthequestionstheyaskandtheparticularanswerstheyreport.Usedinthe interestsofmutualunderstandingandcreativity,thisdiscretioncouldleadtoanexaminationof underlyinginterestsandperhapsoverlappingintereststhatcouldbemetcreativelyinsuchawaythat neithersidewouldlose.If,intheirquestioning,theywouldaskaboutsolutionstotheproblem,they mightgetsomeinterestinganswers.Thegoodstorythenwouldbeaboutwhysomeobviousmutually beneficialsolutionsarenotbeingimplemented. RoleofBystanders Bystandersarethosenotdirectlyinvolvedincrowdactionbutwhoareaffectedbythedynamics.As, ErvinStaubErvinStaubpointsout,bystanderscanhaveahugeimpactonthebehaviourofother stakeholdergroupsbyvoicingencouragementordiscouragementofcertainactions.Afterthe November2001G20gatheringoffinanceministers,forexample,thepolicereportreceivedfarmore commendationsthancriticismsfortheireffortsfromthepublicina10tooneratio,eventhougha numberofdemonstratorsgothurtintheprocess.Thisreflectsapublicpreoccupationwithsecurity.The responsestothepolicehaveanimpactonwhattheydointhefuture. Bystandersarenotacoherentgroup.Theyareimplicatedindifferentwayssowewilldescribepotential rolesfordifferentbystandergroups. ImmediateBystanders

Immediatebystandersarethoselivingincloseproximitytothecrowdtargetpolicedynamics.Inthe caseofmajoreventsliketheQuebecSummitoftheAmericasortheG8meetinginGenoa,theirliving andworkingareasmaybecordonedoffandtheymayneedsecuritypassestogettohomeorwork. Thereisalsothepossibilitythatteargascomesintotheirwindowsorthatprotesterssmashwindows andengageinlooting.Theymaybesympathetictotheconcernsofactivists,theymaysupportthe positionsofpoliticalleadersonaparticularissueortheymaybeneutral.Sincetheyareaffected,itisfair thattheirconcernsbetakenintoaccountinmanagingcrowdtargetpolicedynamics. Society Sometimeslargecommunitiesofpeopleareaffectedbytheviolenceassociatedwithcrowddynamics sincethesedynamicsareareflectionofsocietyasawhole.Peopleareledtoask,Isthisthekindof societyIwishtolivein?Suchquestionsmaybepromptedbytheactionsofanyoftheparties. TheMutualRespectParadigmcanbeseenasenhancingthedevelopmentofcivilsociety. MoralAuthorities Moralauthoritiesandreligiousleadershavearoletoplayininterpretingwhatishappeningandoffering teachings,paradigmsandargumentsinsupportofnewconstructiveandcooperativeapproaches.The AnglicanBishopattheStrategicLeadersSeminarplayedavaluableandconstructiverole. RoleofNeutralLeadershipInstitutions Ininstanceswherefeelingsarestronganddistrusthigh,thereisaneedfortrustedthirdparty institutionstobeinvolvedincreatingasafespacefordialogue,creativescenariodevelopmentand debriefing.Ourexperiencehasbeenthatauniversityoffersasafespaceforinteraction.Peopleworking ondevelopingcooperativeapproachestocrowddynamicsmustbeabletomaintainthetrustand esteemofallaffectedparties.Nooneiseverneutral,butitispossibleforpeopletoconductthemselves withsufficientneutralitythatbothsidescontinuetofeelcomfortable.ThosetrainedasThirdParty Neutralsmakeapointofdoingrealitycheckstobesurethatneithersidesperceivesthemasfavouring theotherside. Peopleacceptnewparadigmsiftheyhelpunderstandthetruthofasituation.Actionsbasedonnew paradigmswillcontinueiftheyareeffectiveandwilldieoutiftheyarenot.Agoodunderstandingofa newapproachandsuitableprocessesofdisseminationareimportantforthemtotakehold.Inthecase oftheMutualRespectParadigm,itisimportantthatpeopleofthedifferentstakeholdergroupsbe gatheredtogetherinaneutralplaceandbeallowedtoexploreeachothersexperiencesand understandingsinaclimateofsafetyandthroughprocessesguidedbyaneutraltrainer.Forthisto happen,initiativesneedtobelaunchedbyneutralinstitutionssuchasuniversitiesinordertocreatethe newclimateneededforanewapproach. Inadditiontobroadbasedinitiativestoenhancecooperation,somepeopleareneededontheground toattendtoparticularconflictsthatmightarise.InhisbookGettingtoPeace,WilliamUrywritesabout thosewhowitnessasameansofcreatingathirdsideinaconflictsituation.Hewrites, destructive

conflictdoesnotjustbreakoutbutescalatesthroughdifferentstages,fromtensiontoovertconflictto violence.Bywatchingcarefully,wecandetectwarningsignals,which,ifactedon,cansavelives. Witnessesmaybetheresimplytotrytopacifythesituationortoenhancecommunicationandreduce violence.GroupsliketheNonViolentPeaceForceworksystematicallytocreateasafeneutralspacefor thoseinconflict.InsomepartsoftheworldthereareCivilianBasedPeaceForcesthatdonotuse violence.ChristianPeacemakerTeamsplayanimportantroleaswitnesses.Anyofthesegroupsmight havearoletoplayinprotestcrowdpolicedynamics.Theremaybeotherformsofthirdparty interventioninvolvingprocessessuchasmediationorconciliationtodealwithconflictswithinparticular relationalsystems.Peopleinthissituationgetuniqueglimpsesintothelifesituationsofvariousparties andhencecanpresentaperspectivesensitivetotheexperiencesandfeelingsofbothsidesofanissue. Itisimportantthatleaderswithabroadervisionbeengagedintheprocesssincethereareboundtobe setbacksandpitfalls.AnexampleofsomeoneofvisionworkingonanewapproachisSheriffDouglas CallofGeneseeCounty,NewYork.Inthe1980s,hehadavisionforvictimoffenderreconciliationinthe caseofseriouscrime.Thefirstcasetheyattemptedfailed.Insteadofgivingup,hechosetoworkon victimsupport.Theresultwasthatwhenvictimsneedswereattendedto,ninetimesoutoftenthey wantedtomeetwiththeperpetrator.Theresultwascreativeandconstructivesentencesthatenabled offenderstotakestepstomakethingsrightwithvictimsandthecommunity. WhataretheRules? InorderforMutualRespecttowork,thevariouspartieshavetocometotermswiththebasisonwhich theycanworktogether.Onewaytoaccomplishthisisforthemtoagreeonprinciplesofengagement. Thesefollowingprinciplesareafirststeponlyandshouldbedevelopedthroughfacilitatedprocesses involvingallstakeholders. Principles 1. Treateveryonewithdignityandrespect. 2. Engageaneutralprocessleadertoleadjointplanninganddebriefingsessions. 3. Developcreativescenarios,witheachstakeholdergroupparticipating,onhowtohandle contingencies;communicatethesewidelytogroups. 4. Holdjointdebriefingsessionsaftermajoreventstodeveloplessonslearned. 5. Putinplacejointproblemsolvingstructurestohandleunforeseencircumstances 6. Shareasmuchinformationaspossible. 7. Clarifythemeaningoftermsandactionssuchasviolenceandnonviolence. 8. Respectrolespecificcodesofconduct.

Inhisbook,LivingwithOtherPeople,Melchin1998makesanumberofobservationsthatarehelpfulin thinkingthroughhowweshouldactwithinaMutualRespectParadigm.First,asthetitlesuggests,we mustacknowledgethatweallneedtolivetogetheronthisplanet.Wearenotsimplygoingtogetridof anyofthegroupsdescribedabove.Seconditisimportanttonotewhichdirectionwearegoinginterms ofprogressordecline.Third,whenwethinkofwhatisrightandgoodwethinkintermsofdifferent levelswhatisimportanttome,whatisimportantintherelationshipandwhatisimportantintermsof socialstructures. Aspeoplethinkthroughtheirapproachestocrowddynamicsfromtheirownperspectives,itis importantthattheythinkaboutwhatkindofsocietyorcommunitytheywouldliketoseeevolveand whatkindofrelationshiptheymightlikewitheachoftheplayersimplicatedincrowddynamics. MutualRespectProtestCrowdPoliceProcessSuggestions UltimatelyMutualRespectinvolvespeoplefromdifferentstakeholdergroupsworkingtogether.This bookcouldbeusedasacatalysttobringpeopletogetherforaprocessinwhichtheyaccomplishseveral thingstogether:

TheydevelopacommonunderstandingoftheconceptofMutualRespectinCrowdDynamics Theygettoknowandunderstandoneanotherbetter Theygeneratenewideasaroundwhatitwouldmeanforthemtocollaborate.

Thereareseveralpotentialusesforthisbookoverandabovethepurelearningoftheconcepts contained.First,thebookcouldbedistributedstrategicallytopeopleandinformallypeoplecouldstart talkingaboutwhattheythoughtaboutit.Second,thebookcouldbeusedforaprocesstoestablisha basisforworkingtogether.Ifitistobeusedforaprocess,thefollowingquestionsneedtobe addressed:Whoseprocessisit?Whoshouldbethere?Whowillleadtheprocess?Howlongisthe process?Whathappensintheprocess?Wewilloffersomeideasaboutwhattoconsiderinrelationto eachofthesequestions.Theanswersaremeanttogiveyouideasabouthowtoproceed. Whoseprocessisit? Useofthisbookstartswithyoubeingconcernedaboutcrowddynamicsinsomeparticularcontext.You couldbeanactivist,apoliceofficer,abystanderoragovernmentleader.Whoeveryouare,youwould dowelltofindlikemindedpeopleineachofthestakeholdergroupswhomightworkwithyouonanad hocsteeringcommittee.Talktopeopleaboutthebook;giveittothemtoread;findoutiftheyare interestedinexploringtheconceptwithyou.Ideallyyouwouldfindsomeinstitutionthateveryonefeels comfortablewithtosponsortheprocess.Withaninitialsmallgroupof48individualsyoumaywishto tryoutyourownprocess(seebelowforoptions). Whoshouldbethere?

Initiallyitisimportanttoinvolvepeoplewithconsiderableleadershipskillswhoarerespectedwithin theirownorganizationsorcommunities.Itisdesirabletohaveagoodsenseofbalanceamongthe stakeholdergroups.Outofagroupof20,thefollowingwouldbeadesirablegroup:6activists,6police, 2politicians,2civilsocietymoralauthorities(respectedelders,religiousleaders,academics,leadersof serviceclubs,judges,etc.),2journalists,2businesspeople,residentsorcommunityassociationleaders fromthevicinityofapotentialcrowd.Thereshouldbeagenderbalance. Whowillleadtheprocess? Theprocessshouldbeledbyaneutralfacilitatorwithwhomalloftheparticipantswillfeelcomfortable. Thereshouldbeaneutralcofacilitatorwhoactsasobserver,attendingtohowpeopleinthegroupare doingandtakingnotestobeincludedinareportontheprocess.Thisfreestheheadfacilitatoraswellas theparticipants. Howlongistheprocess? Theprocesscouldbeonesegmentofaboutthreehours,threedaysoraseriesofsegmentsspreadout overaperiodoftime. Whathappensduringtheprocess? Thepurposeoftheprocessistofacilitatedialogueamongmembersofeachofthestakeholder communities.Wewillgiveasampleprocessofthreehours,TheCrowdDynamicsDialogue,thatwill allowcommunitymemberstoassessthepotentialvalueoftheMutualRespectParadigmaspresented inthisbook.Wewillalsoprovideasampleprocessforthreedays,TheCrowdDynamicsSeminar,with 12segments.TheMutualRespectprocessisevolvingandwitheachsuccessiveseminarnewapproaches areincorporatedintothetraining.Wearecommittedtoensuringthatyouhavethenewestandlatest information. CrowdDynamicsDialogue TheCrowdDynamicsDialogueisathreehourprocess.Itisassumedthateveryonehasreadthebookin advance.Thecrowddynamicsdialogueprocessisconfidentialunlessindividualsagreetotalkaboutit outsideoftheprocess.Wewilloutlinesuppliesandequipmentneeded,makesuggestionsforground rules,provideprocessdetailsincludingwelcome,checkin,opportunityfordiscussionofthebook,four tasks,andcircleclosing. Needed: flipchartandmarkers,Tape,30Colouredstickondotsor10piecesofpaper. Groundrules: 1. Treatoneanotherwithdignityandrespect. 2. Speakthetruthwithanattitudethatyoumaynothavethetotalpictureyourself.

3. Listencarefully. 4. Respecttheprocessandtheguidanceoftheprocessleader. 5. Ifyouneedtoleavebeforetheprocessisover,letthefacilitatorknowinadvance.Explaintothe groupifitseemsappropriate. 6. Giveoneanotherequalairtime. Process: Welcomeandintroduction5minutes CircleCheckin(Eachpersonexplainsbrieflywhytheyarethere)20minutes Ask:Whatareyouroverallimpressionsofthebook?Discuss10minutes Ask:Areanyconceptsunclear?Discussandclarify.15minutes (Ifsomeonedoesnotunderstandawordorconceptaskwhointhegroupthinkstheyunderstand.Let themexplain.Askthegroupifthisiscleartoeveryone.Goontothenextquestion.) FirstTask:Pairpeopleupbychance:Dividethenumberofparticipantsintwo,numberthemofftothat numberandthennumberthemoffagain.Thosewiththesamenumberaretoworktogether. TurntothechartcomparingtheCrowdControl,CrowdManagementandMutualRespectparadigms. Discusswithyourpartnereachoftheitemsofcomparisonandworktogetheratselectingthethreeyou thinkaremostsignificant.Writethethreenumbersonaslipofpaper.Whenthetimeisup,givethe papertothefacilitator.20minutes Break:15minutes(Duringthebreak,thefacilitatorputstheresultsofthevoteonaflipchart. Alternatelythechartcanbeenlargedto11x17inches.Eachpaircanbegiventhreecoloureddotswhich theythenstickbesidetheirthreechoices.) Reviewtheresultsofthevote.Letpeoplecomment.10minutes SecondTask:Numberpeopleoffintogroupsoffour.Eachgroupappointsareporter.Askeachgroupto workonthefollowingquestions*30minutes(give5minuteswarningbeforeendtime) WhatdifferencewouldtheMutualRespectParadigmmakeinyourcommunity? Whatarethepossibilitiesforworkingtogetherasyouprepareforthenextevent? Whatarethechallengestoworkingtogetherandhowcouldthesebeaddressed? Gatherthegrouptogetherandaskeachgrouptoreportonwhattheycameupwithin3minutesorless. Totaldiscussiontime15minutes.

ThirdTask:Askthegroupifthereareanyactionsthatneedtobetakenasafollowuptothissession. Recordontheflipchart.Askwhoshouldfollowup.10minutes FourthTask:Askthegroup,iftherewereanothersimilarsession,whoshouldelseshouldbeinvited. Recordonflipchart.5minutes Circledebrief.Goaroundthecirclelettingeachpersontalkaboutinsights,dreams,questions,thoughts abouttheprocessorfeelingsthattheymighthave.20minutes *Note:Rememberthatdialogueamongparticipantsisaprimarygoalandifagooddialoguebegins,that maybemoreimportantthancoveringallofthequestions. TheCrowdDynamicsSeminar TheCrowdDynamicsSeminarisathreedayprocess.AswiththeCrowdDynamicsDialogue,itis assumedthateveryonehasreadthebookinadvance.Thecrowddynamicsseminarprocessis confidentialunlessindividualsagreetotalkaboutitoutsideoftheprocess. Thefollowingtablegivesanoverviewoftopicsthatcouldbecovered.Werecommendaselectionof topicscustomizedfortheparticularparticipantsandcontextsoftheseminar.Thepersonleadingthe processshouldhavetrainingasaThirdPartyNeutralandasatrainer.Suchtrainingcanbeobtainedat institutionsliketheCanadianInstituteforConflictResolution(informationisavailableatwww.cicr icrc.ca). Day1 Segment IntroductionCensus 1 Segment HumanNeeds 2 Segment Paradigms 3 Segment Questionsyoualways 4 wantedtoask

Day2 Rolesofcrowds,securityand governmentwithinsociety Whyisthereviolence Dreamsandchallenges:Crowdsand targets Dreamsandchallenges:Crowdsand security

Day3 Creativescenario development Lessonslearned

Actionplan Answerstoquestionsand closure

Census:Onthefrontpagecensusincludesnames,rolesandfavoritesomething(suggest somethingneutralsuchasabook/favoriteholiday/favoritepieceoffurniture).Ontheback pagethequestionscouldbetolistprotestsituationsyouhaveknown;whatisthemost important/difficultaspectofthecrowdrelationalsystem?Asthesequestionsarenot attributabletoindividualstheyprovidetheopportunitytobringuptopicsthatcouldcontribute adialogueontheissuelaterduringtheseminarprocess.Itcreatessafetybynotrequiringdepth ofconversationinthebeginning.

HumanNeeds:AnoverviewofRedekopsHumanIdentityNeedsTheoryprovidescommon languageandafoundationuponwhichtodiscussemotions. Paradigms:Differentiatingamongthecontrol,managementandmutualrespectparadigms providesbriefhistoricalbackground,opportunityforquestionsandclarificationabout experiences,rolesandgoals. Questions:Manytimessecuritypersonnelandactivistshaveneverhadanopportunityto exchangeideasinasafespace.Thesequestionsprovideforthatopportunityearlyoninthe trainingsoadditionalopportunitieswillbemorelikelytobetakenlateron.

DayTwo

Roles:LinksbacktoParadigmsandprovidesacommonmodeluponwhichtobasequestionsand clarification.Definestheusandthemoftheconflictanddifferentiatesbetweentheissues beingprotestedandtheconflictonthestreetsbetweensecurityandactivistsframingtheroles andplayers. Whyviolence?:Anopportunityfordeeperintrospectionaboutroles.Facilitatorcautionsabout blaming.Theoryaboutstructuresofviolenceprovidesclarityabouttheconsequencesofviolent incidents. Dreamscrowdsandtargets;crowdsandsecurity:Beginstodevelopaconcretepositive objectiveandfocusforfuturerelationshipswithinthemutualrespectparadigmforactivists, targetsandsecurity.Italsoprovidesaframeworkformediastories. Creativescenariodevelopment:bringsthedreamsintomoretangiblepotentialasreal possibilitiesareexplored. Lessonslearned:canbepersonalortheoretical. Closure:canincludeexchangeofcontactinformation

EventPreparation Withadequatepreparationtimebothdialogueandseminarscanbeusedtoprepareacommunityforan internationaleventsuchasaG8orG20inwhichmajordemonstrationsareexpected.Thefollowing guidelinesrepresentpossibilities.Theyrequireacommittedcadreofpeopleincludingseasonedtrainers (twoofwhichareexperiencedwithtrainingcontent),adequatefunding,facilitiesinwhichtotrain/ conductdialogue(s),andcommunitysupport.Somesuggestionsinclude: 1. Establishasteeringcommitteeoradvisorycouncilthatreflectsthediversityoftherelational systemasmuchaspossible. 2. Planthefunding,marketing,mediacoverage,ongoingresearchandevaluationofproject. 3. Establishtimelines.

4. Managemediaandmarketing. 5. Establishgatheringprocesswithonecoordinator. 6. Starttheprojectwithoneormoredialogues.Thisestablishesacadreofpeoplewhoareaware oftheparadigmandfromwhichtodrawforsubsequentseminars. 7. Conductoneormorestrategicseminarstoestablishcommunitysupportandfromwhichto drawpotentialtrainers. 8. Conducttrainthetrainertraining,ifnecessary. 9. Gatherforoperationalseminarsandconductasmanyaspossible.Theobjectiveistoinclude everyonewhowantstobeincluded. 10. Conductongoingresearchandevaluationduringtheproject. 11. Aftertheevent,conductdebriefings,focusgroupsandposteventevaluations. 12. Conductfollowupinterviewswithparticipants. Trainthetrainersessionscouldalsobeconductedsothatorganizationscanconducttheirowninternal dialoguesandseminars.Preeventpreparationisaimedatexposingthemaximumnumberofpeopleto theMutualRespectParadigmsothatasingleuntowardincidentwillnotresultinexcessivereactionby anyoneintherelationalsystem.Conflictisinevitablehowwedealwithitcanberespectfulandfair. Conclusion Theworldover,citizenshaveopinionsthatdifferfromthoseoftheirgoverningbodiesbethey democraciesornot.Theywanttoexpressthesedifferencesnotonlyduringelectiontimebutalsoat timeswhentheybelievetheycaninfluencedecisionsthatwillbringirreversiblechangetotheir communities.Theywanttobesafewhentheyspeakout.Thefreedomtoexpressdifferencevariesfrom onecommunitytothenext,fromonedemocracytothenextandevenamongdictatorships,andthe abilitytodosoisameasureoftherespectanddignityaffordedacommunity.Thecontinuumof dynamicsbetweenprotestcrowdsandpolicethatwehavepresentedasthreeparadigmsprovidesfor perspectivesothatcommunitiescanmeasurehowtheyfitintotheworldofprotestactivities.Wehope thatinlearningabouthowtoworkouteffectiveprotestcrowdpolicedynamics,communityleaderscan choosetomakelessviolentchoices. Protestersusearangeofstrategiesandtacticsfrompeacefulmarchestoviolent,chaoticactivitiesto bringattentiontotheirmessage.Policehaverespondedinwaysthatensuretheykeepthepeace, sometimeswithaveryheavyhand.Targetshavebothignoredprotestersandlearnedfromthem. Bystandershavesometimestakenonleadershiprolesthatfurtherthedialogue.Themediahavelearned toframepoliceprotestercrowdconflictinwaysthatbuildtrust.AtSaintPaulUniversity,wehave workedoutaprocessthatsupportssafepeacefulinteractionamongallcommunitystakeholders;a processthatrespectsdifferencesanddifferentopinionsandprovidesforcommunitymemberstowork

togethertoeffectivelyplacetheirdissentingopinionsinthepublicdomain.Wewerepleasantly surprisedathowlittleeffortittooktobridgethegapsinourowncommunity,notthatourown communityistotallytherebutthatsignificantdialoguecreatedthewillforourcommunitymembersto worktogetherforsafepeacefulexpressionofopinion.WewereconfidentthattheCBCRprocessdealing withcommunitiesinco'nflictwastransferabletomanyvenuesandnowwehavedemonstratedthatit readilyappliestocommunitiesinconflictoverprotest.Theprocessisrecommendedforallcommunities withthewilltosupportpeacefulprotest. Asweresearchedtheliterature,welearnedthatwhatwedidintuitivelyistotallysupportedandwe foundanswersforsomeofthereactionsweobserved.Astheglobalcommunitycomestogether, activitiesinonepartoftheglobeinfluencealloftherest.Wehavedescribedthemimeticcontagionand conceptsofcomplexityandlevelsofconsciousnessthatmakesthisso.Inacomplexworldthatcanno longerrelyoncauseandeffecttheonlyrecourseforpeacefulcoexistenceisdialogueandcreatively buildingrelationships.Exactlyhowthisisdonewilldifferfromcommunitytocommunityanditwillbe uptocommunitymembersbecreativeintheirefforts. Ithasbeenanhonourtoworkinthisarea.Ourbeliefisthatpeopletheworldoverhavetheabilityand creativitytoprotectcommunitiesfromrepressiveviolenceassociatedwiththeirexpressionofdifference and,withthewilltodoso,everycommunitycanprovideforpeacefulpassionateprotest. BeyondControlNotesandBibliography: 1.ArticleII3,DECLARATIONONFUNDAMENTALPRINCIPLESCONCERNINGTHECONTRIBUTIONOFTHE MASSMEDIATOSTRENGTHENINGPEACEANDINTERNATIONALUNDERSTANDING,THEPROMOTIONOF HUMANRIGHTSANDTOCOUNTERINGRACIALISM,APRTHEIDANDINCITEMENTTOWAR(1978) AdoptedbytheGeneralConferenceoftheUnitedNationsEducational,ScientiricandCultural Organizationon22November1978.TakenfromBlaustein,Albert,Clark,RogerSandSigler,JayA, "HumanRightsSourceBook."NewYork:Paragon,1987p.338. Bibliography Bibliography BarSimanTov,Y,"DialecticsbetweenStablePeaceandReconciliation."BarSimanTov,Y,ed."From ConflictResolutiontoReconciliation."Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress2004 BarTal,DandBennink,GH,"TheNatureofReconciliationasanOutcomeandasaProcess."BarSiman Tov,Y,ed."FromConflictResolutiontoReconciliation."Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress2004 Barlow,MCandTony,C,"GlobalShowdown:HowtheNewActivistsareFightingGlobalCorporate Rule."Toronto:Stoddart,2001 Barnhart,C,ed."TheWorldBookDictionary."Toronto:FieldEnterprisesEducationalCorporation,1971

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Mansbridge,JandMorris,AE,"OppositionalConsciousness:TheSubjectiveRootsofSocialProtest." Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2001 ManwaringWhite,S,"ThePolicingRevolution:PoliceTechnology,DemocracyandLibertyinBritain." London:TheHarvesterPress,1983 McAllister,P,"YouCantKilltheSpirit."Zunes,SKandLester,R,Asher,BethSarah,ed."Nonviolent SocialMovements."Blackwell,1999 McGuigan,R,"HowDoEvolvingDeepStructuresofConsciousnessImpacttheDisputantsCreationof MeaninginaConflict?."Cincinnati,Ohio:UnionInstituteandUniversity,2006 McPhail,C,"TheMythoftheMaddingCrowd."NewYork:AldinedeGruyter,1991 McPhail,C,Schweingruber,DandMcCarthy,J,"PolicingProtestintheUnitedStates:19601995."della Porta,DR,ed."PolicingProtest."Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress1998 Melchin,K,"LivingwithOtherPeople:AnIntroductiontoChristianEthicsBasedonBernardLonergan." Ottawa:Novalis,1998 MetropolitanPoliceAuthority,"PolicingofthetheG20Summit2009."Report:6a,30April2009July25, 2009www.statewatch.org/news/2009/apr/ukmetpoliceauthorityreportong20protests.pdf2009 Niehoff,D,"TheBiologyofViolence."NewYork:TheFreePress,1999 Noakes,JandGillham,PF,"AspectsoftheNewPenologyinthePoliceResponsetoMajorPolitical ProtestsintheUnitedStates,19992000.""ThePolicingofTransnationalProtest."97116pp.Aldershot :Ashgate2006 Osgood,C,"PerspectiveinForeignPolicy."PalAlto:PacificBooks,1966 Par,S,"AidoftheCivilPower:MilitaryForceintheResolutionofConflictswithinCanada."p.272002 Par,S,"CrowdDynamics:AClashofCultures."p.44Ottawa,2003 Pert,C,"MoleculesofEmotion:TheScienceBehindMindBodyMedicine.":Touchstone,NewYork, 1997 Peterson,A,"ContemporaryPoliticalProtest:Essaysonpoliticalmilitancy."Aldershot:Ashgate,2001 Polanyi,M,"PersonalKnowledge."Harper,Torchbook,NewYork:HarperandRow1964 Randall,ACAndrew,"Themoraleconomy.""MoralEconomyandPopularProtest."NewYork:St. MartinsPress2000 Redekop,VN,"FromViolencetoBlessing:HowanUnderstandingofDeepRootedConflictCanOpen PathstoReconciliation."Ottawa:Novalis,2002

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