SYNT.

A}i
OF

THE MOODS AND TENSES

OF

THE GREEK VERB

BY

WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN, LL.D., D.C.L.

ELIOT PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY

REWRITTEN .AND ENLARGED

GINN AND COMPANY

BOSTON
ATLANTA

NEW YOHK
DALLAS

CHICAGO

LONVO:>'

COLUMBCS

SAN J:<RANCISCO

PREFACE.
THE present work is the result of an attempt to revise the ,much smaller book which was first published under the 'same title in 1860, and again, somewhat enlarged, in 1865. :When it falls to the lot of a writer to revise, under the greater sense of responsibility which doubled years and more than doubled experience have brought him, a book written in the enthusiasm of youth as an ephemeral production, fue is sure to be his own severest critic; and what he begins as a revision inevitably becomes, as he proceeds, more and more a new and independent work. I cannot forget that this book is adressed in great part to a different ,generation of scholars from that to which the former one ~as offered; and a treatment of the subject which was ~ermissible in 1860 would be far from satisfactory now. I then attempted chiefly to give "a plain and practical statement of the principles which govern the relations of the Greek Moods and Tenses," avoiding theoretical discussions as far as possible. At that time prevailing theories, based chiefly on abstract speculations, had obscured some of the most important facts in the syntax of the moods, and perhaps no better service could be rendered by a new writer than the clearing away of some of the clouds. Few younger scholars are aware how modern are many of the grammatical doctrines which are now taught in all classical schools. It is hard to believe that so elementary a principle as that by which the aorist infinitive is past in <P'l'Jtrtv e"ABe'iv and future in /3ov"Aerat ~"ABE'iv was never distinctly stated until 184 7, when it appeared simultaneously in the Greek

vi.

PREFACE

Syntax of Professor Madvig at Copenhagen and in the Greek Grammar of Professor Sophocles at Harvard University. Something more than mere statement of facts has been attell!-pted in the present work, although nothing has been further from my thoughts than a complete theoretical discussion of all the principles which govern the use of the moods. He who ventures far upon that sea is in great danger of being lost in the fog or stranded ; for, while Comparative Philology has thmwn much and most welcome light on the early history of the Greek language, it has also made us more painfully aware of our ignorance, although it is a more enlightened ignorance than that of our predecessors. Since the publication of the :first edition, many most important additions have been made to our resources. Of these I can undertake to notice only a few. Delbriick's elaborate treatise on the Greek Subjunctive and Optative (in his 8yntaktisehe li'orsehungen, vol. i.), with a comparison of Greek and Sanskrit usages, is familiar to all scholars. Whatever may be thought of Delbriick's main thesis, the distinction of the subjunctive as the mood of will from the optative as the mood of wish, none can fail to be impressed and instructed by his attractive and original treatment of the subject, which has made an epoch in grammatical science. Lange's unfinished work on the Particle El in Homer is a model of careful and thorough investigation. When I think of my deep and continued indebtedness to Lange's learned discussions, which include a treatment of all the 200 examples of l with the optative in Homer, I am grieved to dissent so frequently from his most important conclusions. His chief argument is discussed in Appendix I. Schanz, in his Beitrage zur Grieehischen Syntax, has undertaken a work of immense extent, involving an amount of labour which it is hard to over-estimate. His plan is to give full and accurate statistics of the use of every construction bearing on the history of Greek syntax, and thus to make a true historic syntax of the language a possibility. The work of collecting, classifying, and discussing the examples of different constructions has been assigned by him

PREFACE

vii

to a large number of colleagues, and every year testifies to substantial progress. The following treatises bearing on the construction of the moods and tenses have already been published by Schanz : Weber, Entwir:kelungsgesr:hichte der Absichtssiitze; Sturm, Geschichtlir:he Entwir:kelung der Constructionen mit Ilp{v ; Schmitt, Ueber den Ursprung des Substantivsatzes mit Relativpartikeln im Griechischen; Griinewald, IJer freie formelhafte Infinitiv der Limitation im Griechischen; Birklein, Entwickelungsgeschichte des subst'antivirten Infinitivs. The amount of patient labour devoted to these compilations, in which the exact number of examples of each eonstruction in each Greek author beforeAristotle is given, while the most important passages are quoted and nearly all are cited, will be most gratefully appreciated by those who would be least willing to undertake the work themselves. The results of such dry enumerations are often interesting and surprising. No one knows whether statistics will be dry and barren or not, until they are collected and classified; and though it may seem a useless task to count the examples of each of the final particles in all Greek literature before Aristotle, it is interesting to know that in all the Attic prose, except Xenophon, wr; final occurs only five or six times, while va occurs 999 times. Some of the results derived from Weber's statistics of the use of the final particles are given in Appendix III., and an account of Xenophon's peculiar use of wr;, wr; Clv, and 57rW'> &v in Appendix IV., for the benefit of those who have not Weber's book at hand, or want the patience to follow his elaborate historical statements. Monro's Homeric Grammar is one of the best results of recent English scholarship, and for the study of Homeric usages in the moods it is invaluable. I regret that the new edition of this book, soon to be published, has not come in time to benefit the present work. It seems a mere form to acknowledge my obligations to the standard Grammars; but I must repeat my former expression of thanks to Madvig, Kriiger, and Kiihner, not to mention a host of others. To Madvig I am indebted for the first conviction that the syntax of the Greek moods belonged

Vlll

PREFACE

to the realm of common sense. To Kriiger I have been indebted in the study of every construction; and I have still retained most of the remarks on the tenses of the indicative which were originally borrowed from him. The revised edition of Kiihner's Griechische Grammatik has supplied a large store of examples, to which I have frequently had recourse. I am under especial obligation to him for many of the examples which illustrate the uses of the Supplementary Participle, and the corresponding uses of the infinitive with many of the same verbs. Frequent references are made in the notes to the authorities which I have mentioned, and to many others. It is with pride and pleasure that I acknowledge my deepest indebtedness to an American scholar, whose writings have thrown light upon most of the dark places in Greek syntax. I need not say that I refer to my friend, Professor Gildersleeve of Baltimore. As editor of the American Journal of Philology he has discussed almost every construction of the Greek moods, and he has always left his mark. His two reviews of Weber's work on the Final Sentence in vols. iv. and vi. of his Journal may well save many scholars the trouble of reading the book itself, while they contain much new matter' which is valuable to every one. The acute observation, that the use of liv and ~ee in final constructions depends on the force of cJs-, o1rws-, and 5cf>pa as conditional relative or temporal adverbs, explains much which before seemed inexplicable. His article on 1rptv in vol. ii. stated important principles of classic usage which were confirmed by Sturm's statistics; and this, with the later review of Sturm's volume, has done much to correct current errors and to establish sounder views about 1rptv. His articles on the Articular Infinitive in the Transactions of the American Philological Association for 1878 and in the third volume of his Journal practically anticipated the results of Birklein's statistics. I can mention further only his article in vol. vii. of the Journal on the Consecutive
Sentence, which gives (it seems to me) the clearest state-

ment ever made of the relations of wuTE with the infimtive to wuTE with the finite moods. I have expressed my

PREFACE

lX

indebtedness to these and other writings of Gildersleeve as occasion has required; but I have also often referred to his articles in his Journal by the simple mention of that periodicaL I have sometimes omitted a reference where one might seem proper, lest I should appear to make him responsible for what he might deem some dangerous heresy. I am also under the greatest obligation to my friends and colleagues in Harvard University, Professors Allen, Greenough, Lane, Lanman, White, and Wright, and Dr. Morgan, for valuable suggestions, and to most of them for important help in revising and proof-reading. I regret that I have not had the advantage of their aid in reading the proofs of the last two-thirds of the work. To my friendship of twenty-one years with Dr. Henry Jackson, of Trinity College, Cambridge, I am indebted for some of the most important suggestions which I have received since the publication of the former editions. The Index to the Examples includes all of the more than 4800 examples quoted or cited in the main body of the work, but not those in the Appendix nor those which a,re given in the classified lists in the footnotes on pp. 92, 115, 152, 172, and 290. It may seem useless to index many examples which merely illustrate a common principle, like those of a simple aorist infinitive or present indicative; but it would be difficult to discriminate here, and one seldom knows what may make an example useful to another. The same consideration has induced me to give as great a variety of examples as possible, from authors of different classes, illustrating many constructions which apparently need no such aid. Every teacher will see that many parts of this work, in its present enlarged form, are not adapted to the ordinary uses of a grammatical text-book for the recitation room. On the other hand, it is hoped that the increased fulness and the greater space given to discussions will make the work more useful for private study and for reference. The Dramatists are cited by Dindorf's lines; except the tragic fragments, which follow Nauck's edition, and the

PREFACE

comic fragments, which follow Kock. The lyric fragments follow Bergk's Poetae Lyriei. Plato is cited by the pages and letters of Stephanus, and the Orators by the numbers of the orations and the sections now in universal use. The other citations will be easily understood. In conclusion, I must express my grateful thanks to the University Libraries of Heidelberg and Leyden, and to the Royal Library at The Hague, for the hospitality which was kindly shown me while I was correcting the proofs.
W. W. GOODWIN.
p ALLANZA,
LAGO MAGGIORE,

24th September 1889.

In the impression of 1897 many errors have been corrected, some forms of expression have been changed, and some new examples have been added. The most imp?rtant change is that in 572 and 573; this is further explained in the new Appendix VI., page 411. A list of the new examples is given on page 440, omitting those which have been inserted in the regular Index.
RoME, November 1896.

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS.
SECTION l>A.GE

1. The four Moods, the Infinitive, the Participle, and the Verbal in -n!os 2-5. I. Uses of the Indicative 6-11. II. Uses of the Subjunctive 12-17. Ill. Uses of the Optative 18. IV. Uses of the Imperative

1 1, 2

3, 4
4-6 6

CHAPTER II.
THE TENSES. 19, 20. The seven Tenses 21. Primary and Secondary Tenses . 22. Relative and absolute time of the Tenses I. TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE.
PRESENT.

7 7
7, 8

23. Meaning of the Present 24-32. Various uses of the Present Indicative 33. Historic Present
IMPERFECT.

8 9-11 11

34. Meaning of the Imperfect 35. Relations of the Imperfect to other Tenses 86-41. Various uses of the Imperfect ,
PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT.

11 11, 1.2

12, 13

42. Meaning of the Perfect 43. Meaning of the Pluperfect.

13

IS

xii
SECTION

CONTENTS
PAGB

44-52. Uses of Perfect and Pluperfect, and compound forms with El}kl and fxw
AoRIST.

13-16

63-55. Meaning of the Aorist 56, 57. Relation of Aorist to Imperfect 58-62. Various uses of the Aorist
FUTURE.

16 16, 17
18

63. 64-72. 73-75. 76.

Meaning of the Future Various uses of the Future Periphrastic Future with pJ'J,),.w Past Future with tu'Xhw
FUTURE PERFECT.

18, 19 19, 20 20 20, 21

77. Meaning of the Future Perfect 78-84. Various uses and forms of tl1e Future Perfect,

21 21, 22

II. TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS.

85. Distinction of Tenses in the Dependent Moods

A. NOT IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE,

22

86. General Principles

PRESENT AND AoRIST.

22

87, 88. Distinction of Present and Aorist here 89-93. Present and Aorist Subjunctive and Imperative 94, 95. Present and Aorist Optative , 96-101. Present and Aorist Infinitive .
PERFECT,

22, 23 23-27 27, 28 28-31

102. 103, 104. 105-108. 109, 110.

Use of Perfect in the Dependent Moods . Perfect Subjunctive and Optative Perfect Imperative Perfect Infinitive
FUTURE.

31, 32 32, 33 33, 34

34, 35

ll1, 112. Future seldom used except in Indirect Discourse

113. Exceptional uses of Future Infinitive elsewhere ll4. Future Perfect Infinitive used only in Indirect Discourse
B.

35, 36 36 37

OPTATIVE AND INFINITIVE OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

J.l5. GeneraJI>rinciples of this Construction

37

CONTENTS
SECTION

xiii
PAGE

116. (1-4.) Four uses of Present Optative 117, 118. Present Infinitive as Prese11t. 119, 120. Present Infinitive as Imperfect 121. (1, 2.) Two uses of Perfect Optative 122. Perfect Infinitive as Perfect 123. Perfect Infinitive as Pluperfect 124 (1-3), 125. Three uses of Aorist Optative 126, 127. Aorist Infinitive 128-134. Fu tme Optative 135, 136. Future Infinitive . 137. Future Perfect Infinitive

37, 38 38 38-40 40 40, 41 41 41, 42 42, 43 43-45 45, 46 47

IlL TENSES OF THE PARTICIPLE.

138. 139-141. 142. 143. 144-147.

Geueral Priuciple . Present Participle as Present and Imperfect Perfect .Participle . Ordinary use of Aorist Participle Aorist Participle (generally not past in time) with "Aa.vlhivw, rvyxavw, and cp!Javw 148-152. Other peculiar uses of Aorist Participle . 153. Future Participle . GNOMIC AND ITERATIVE TENSES.
GNOMIC AORIST AND PERFECT.

47 47, 48 48 48, 49 49-51 51-53 53

154-158. 159, 160. 161. 162. 163, 164.

In the Indicative . Gnomic tenses in Optative, Infinitive, and Participle Imperfect not a Gnomic Tense Iterative Imperfect and Aorist with "Av Ionic Iterative Forms in -<rKov and -<rK6p:YJv DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES.

53-55 55, 56 56 56 56

165-169. 170-173. 174, 175. 176-186. 187-191.

General Principles of Dependence . Tenses of the Indicative as Primary or Secondary . Tenses of the Subjunctive and Imperative Tenses of the Optative in various Constructions Tenses of the Infinitive and Participle

57 57, 58 58 59-62 62, 63

CHAPTER Ill.
THE PARTICLE "AN.
192, 193. Two uses and meaning of liv 194. Distinctions of liv and Ke
INDICATIVE WITH

av. 65

64 65

195. Av not used with the Present and Perfect Indicative

XIV
SECTION

CONTENTS
PAGB

196. "Av with Future Indicative in early Poets 197. "Av with Future Indicative in Attic Greek (rare) 198, 199. "Av with Secondary Tenses of the Indicative .
SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE WITH

65, 66 66 66

av.
66 66, 67 67

200. "Av with the Subjunctive in Conditional and Final

Clauses
201. "Av with the Subjunctive in Potential sense and in

other uses (Epic) 202, 203. "Av with the Optative

INFINITIVE WITH

av.
67 67, 68
68. 68 68, 69 69, 70

204. General Principle of t1v with the Infinitive 205. Present Infinitive' with t1v 206. Perfect Infinitive with t1v 207. Aorist Infinitive with t1v 208. Future Infinitive with t1v 209-212. Various uses of the Infinitive with t1v
pARTICIPLE WITH

flv, 70
70, 71
71

213. General Principle of /lv with the Participle 214. Present Participle with t1v 215. Aorist Participle with t1v 216. Future Participle with t1v 217. Participle with IJ,v never forms a Protasis 218-222. Position of IJ,v 223-226. Repetition of IJ,v 227-229. Elliptical uses of IJ,v

71
71

71-73 73, 74

75

CHAPTER IV.

usg

OF THE MOODS.
76

230, 231. Classification of Constructions (I.-X.)

SECTION I.

The Potential Optative and Indicative with &v and

232. Meaning of Potential Forms

KE.

77

I.
233-235. 236. 237. 238.

POTENTIAL OPTATIVE.

Origin and Relations of the Potential Optative Examples of pure Potential Optative with IJ,v
Potential Optative in Commands and Exhortations

77, 78
78, 79 79

Potential Optative expressing what may prove to be

~rue.

79

CONTENTS
SECTION

XV PAGE

239. Potential Optative with definite condition implied or expressed (as Apodosis) 240-242. Potential Optative without liv or Kt!

80
80, 81

II.

PoTENTIAL INDICATIVE.

243. Meaning and Relation of Potential Indicative 244. Pure Potential Indicative, with no unfulfilled condition implied 245. Potential Indicative with indefinite unfulfilled condition implied 246. Time of Potential Indicative . 247, 248. Potential Indicative with definite unfulfilled condition implied or expressed. 249. Iterative Indicative with liv

81, 82

82, 83
~3,

84

84, 85
85

86

SECTION II.

Imperative and Subjunctive in Commands, Exhortations, and Prohibitions.-Subjunctive and Indicative with p,~ and p,~ ov in Cautious Assertions.--''01rws and o1rws p,~ with the Independent Future Indicative or Subjunctive.
250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255-258. 259, 260, 261, 262. 263. 264. 265-268.
269.

Imperative in Commands etc.

"A-y<, <f>ip<, etc. with Imperative

orrre' oetc. with Imperative

IIiis with second person of Imperative

86 86, 87 87

87
87
87-89 89

270. 271-282. 283.

Imperative in Assumptions First person of Subjunctive as Imperative Present Imperative or Aorist Subjunctive with p.-1} in Prohibitions Independent Subjunctive with p.-1} (Homeric) expressing object of Fea.r to be averted MT] ou with the Subjunctive Independent p.-1} and p.T) ou after Homer . M-1} and p.T) oil with Subjunctive in cautious assertions and negations (chiefly in Plato) M-I} and p.T) oil with Indicative (as above) MT] ou in dependent clauses . "071'ws and li'll'ws p.-1} generally with Future Indicative (independent) . Subjunctive rarely used with o'JI'ws p.-1}

90, 91 91 91 92, 93
9~

93 94-96 96, 97

SECTION Ill.

Subjunctive, like Future Indicative, in Independent Sentences in Homer.-Interrogative Subjunctive.

284-286. Independent Subjunctive in Homer
287-290. Interrogative Subjunctive (with or without {3ov)\EL or Qt!Xm)

97, 98 98-100

xvi
eii:OTION

CONTENTS
PAGE

291. Negative p.~ of Interrogative Subjunctive 292. Future Indicative and Potential Optative with sense of Interrogative Subjunctive 293. M?) with Subjunctive in Affirmative Questions

100
p.~

in

lOO, 101 101

SECTION IV.

101, 102 295. Ov p,?) with Subjunctive or Future Indicative in Denials. 102, 103 296. Same construction in dependent sentences 103 297. Ov p,?) with Future Indicative (sometimes with Subjunctive) in Prohibitions , 103, 104 298. Ov p,1j followed by p,rJol, b/aAM or Ot!, or by Kal 104 299. Ou and p,f} in separate questions 104 300. Interrogative theory of Elmsley 105 301. Subjunctive in Prohibitions with ov p,f} 105 SECTION V.

Ov fL1 with Subjunctive and Future Indicative. 294. Double negative ov p,?j in Denials and Prohibitions.

Final and Object Clauses after i'va,

302. The Final Particles 303, 304. Classification . 305, 306. Negative p,f}, and p,i}

~s,

07rWS,

Ocppa, and /h~

10& 106, 107 107

ov
tva, 6!!1,
O'IT'W!O,

DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH

8<f>pa,

AND fL~

307-310. 311-314. 315. 316.

History of Final Constructions Use oftva, ws, li?rws, and o<f>pa Negative Final Clauses . Attic final use of Past Tenses of Indicative

107-109 109-112 112 112

A.
p,f}

PURE FINAL CLAUSES.

317. Subjunctive and Optative after tva, ws, o1rws, o<f>pa, and 318-321. 322, 323. 324. 325-328. 329, 3:JO. 331, 332. 333-337. 338. Subjuuctive after Secondary Tenses Optative after Primary Tenses Future Indicative in Final Clauses .A.v or d iu Final Clauses with Subjunctive .A.v or d in Final Clauses with Optative "Iva Tl ;-Omission of leading Verb Secondary Tenses of Indicative with va etc. Other expressions of Purpose 113, 114 114, 115 115 115, 116 116, 117 117-119 120 120-122 122
ETC.

B.

OBJECT

CLAUSES WITH 871"wS AFTER VERBS OF STRIVING

339, 340. Future Indicative etc. after o1rws and o1rws p,f}

122-124

CONTENTS
sECTlON

XVll
PAGE

341-347. Homeric construction after cjJpdtop.cu, and other early 124, 125 uses. 348. "01rws lLv with Subjunctive in Attic Greek 125 126 349 350. "O,.ws lLv and oKws lLv with Optative (rare) ' 351. 'Os, ws lLv, and il7rws lLv in Xenophon . 126, 127 352 353. Negative Object Clauses 127 ' 354. M'>I for lhrws p.?j in Object Clauses 127 355-360. "O,.ws after Verbs of Asking, Cornrnanding, etc. 128, 129 361. Object Infinitive for Clause with IJ1rws 129 362. Indirect Questions 129 363. "O,.ws with sigmatic Aorist Subjunctive 129 364. Dawes's Canon 129, 130
C. CLAUSES WITH }1.~ AFTER VERBS OF FEARING ETC.

365, 366. 367. 368. 369. 370. 371. 372-375. 376. 377.

Subjunctive and Optative after p.?j Future Indicative after p.~ M?j with Optative and lLv M?j with Present and Past Tenses of Indicative "01rws p.?j for p.?j with Verbs of Fearing Indirect Discourse with ws or 81rws Infinitive after Verbs of Fearing etc. Indirect Questions Causal on SECTION VI.

131, 132 132 133 133, 134 134 134, 135 135, 136 136 136, 137

Conditional Sentences.
378-380. 381, 382. 383-387. 388-397. 398. 399-401.

Protasis and Apodosis.-Conditional Particles

"Av or Kl in Protasis and Apodosis

Negative Particles. Classification of Conditional Sentences Origin of the Conditional Sentence Early combinations of <I with Ke or lLv

137 137, 138 138, 139 139-142 142, 143 143-14.5

I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL SENTENCES.

(a)
402-404. 405, 406. 407, 408. 409.

PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS.

1. Sirnple Suppositions (chiefly Particular).

Simple Present and Past Suppositions . General Suppositions sometimes with Indicative Future Indicative expressing Present Intention Potential Optative and Indicative in these conditions 145, 146 146 146, 147 147

2. With Supposition contrary to Fact.

HO, 411. 412. 413. 414.

Secondary Tenses of Indicative with lLv in Apodosis Apodosis not always denied here . Relations of Tenses in unreal Conditions Aorist Indicative of Present Time .

147-149 149, 150

151 161

xviii
SECTION

CONTENTS
PAGE

415-422. 423. 424-432. 433. 434-442. 443.

"Eoe<, xp'i]v, etc. with Infinitive (without l!v)

"Eo<L liv . "O<j>e'Aov, lfJovMJL'Y)V, l!jLe'A'Aov, etc. with Infinitive

Pl'Otasis for Infinitive in construction of 419 Homeric Peculiarities Homeric usages in Herodotus and Attic Greek

151-156 156, 157 157-160 160 16G163 168

(b)

FuTURE CONDITIONS.

1. Subjunctive or Future Indicative in Protasis with a Future Apodosis.

444446. Subjunctive with 1jv, Uv, or U.v in Protasis 447-449. Future Indicative in hotasis. 450-454. Homeric Peculiarities 163-165 165, 166 166, 167

2. Optative in Protasis and Apodosis.

455-459. Optative with El in Protasis, with liv in Apodosis 460, 461. Homeric Peculiarities 168, 169 169, 170

II. PRESENT AND PAST GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS.

462-466. Subjunctive and Optative in Protasis 467. Indicative for Subjunctive or Optative 468471. Homeric and other Poetic Peculiarities
PECULIAR FoRMS OF CoNDITIONAL SENTENCEs.

170, 171 171, 172 172, 173

Substitution and Ellipsis in Protasis-Protasis without a Verb.

472. 473. 4 74. 475. 476, 477.

Protasis contained in Participle, Adverb, or other word , 173, 174 Future Participle representing Future Indicative (407) 175 Homeric Ei o' li-ye 175 'Os Ei or WS er Tf in Comparisons 175, 176 El fLY, without a Ve1b.-IIMw El 176, 177 478. El o /LT,, otherwise . 177

Substitution and Ellipsis in Apodosis.

479-481. 482. 483, 484. 485.

Apodosis contained in Infinitive, Participle, Noun, etc. Apodosis omitted for effect Apodosis represented by liv 'Os el and tfJfnrep el in Si)lliles .

177-179 179 179 179, 180

Apodosis contained in Protasis.

486. General statement of Principle 487. Er K< or 1jv with Subjunctive in Homer, expressing Hope 180 180-182 182 182-184

or Desire .
488. El (or d Ke) with Optative in Homer, in same sense 489, 490. Similar constructions in Attic Greek and Herodotus

CONTENTS
SECTION

xix
PAGB

491. Subjunctive and Optative with r K, 1, etc. after o!oa,, 185, 186 elOov, etc .. 492. Comparison of the Protases of 491 with Clauses with 186 p.i} (366) 186 493. Relation of the Protases of 491 to Indirect Questions 186, 187 494A97. Ei after expressions of Wonder etc.
MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS.

498. Protasis and Apodosis differing in Form

188

I. Optatime in Protasis, with

Ftttu~e

or Present Indicative etc. in

Apodosts.
499. Optative in Protasis with Future Indicative etc. in

Apodosis (chiefly in Homer) 188 500, 501. Optative in Protasis with Present Indicative in Apodosis 188, 189 502. Optative in Protasis depending on Present like Ot or lv 189, 190

II. Indicative or Subjunctive in Protasis, with Potential Optative or

Indicative in Apodosis.
603, 504. Present or Past Indicative with Potential Optative or

Indicative
606. Subjunctive or Future Indicative with Potential Opta-

190, 191 191, 192

tive .

III. Potential Optative or Indicative (with av) in Protasis.

506, 607. Potential Optative or Indicative with ilv in present or past Conditions with el

192

IV. l1-regular Combinations.-Present or Past with Future Conditions

in one Protasis.
508. Cases of Anacoluthon 609. Protases of different times combined in one 192, 193 193

V. Several Protases in one Sentence.

510. Several Protases (not co-ordinate) with one Apodosis 511. Relation of leading and subordinate Conditions 193, 194

194, 195

fle, d,\,\6.,

AND

afmip

IN APODOSIS.

512. Apodosis introduced by word meaning but 513. 'AXM vOv or ciXM (elliptical)

195 195

SECTION VII.

Relative and Temporal Sentences.

ln4. Relative and Temporal Words
' 195, 196

CONTENTS
SECTION

PJo.GJ!:

515-517. Definite and Indefinite Antecedent 518. Negative Particles in Relative Sentences

196 196

A.

RELATIVE WITH DEFINITE ANTECEDENT,

519. Indicative and other constructions after Relative with Definite Antecedent. 196, 197

B.

RELATIVE WITH INDEFINITE .ANTECEDENT.

520. Conditional Relative explained 197, 198 521. Conditional Relative Clauses and forms of Protasis compared 198, 199 522. "Av or d with Conditional Relatives and Subjunctive 199 523. Classification (same as in Conditional Sentences) 199
I. FOUR FORl\IS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL RELATIVE CLAUSES.

524. Two forms of Present and Past, and two of Future, Conditions
(a) PRESENT AND PAST CoNDITIONS,

199

525, 526. With Simple Indicative (like Protasis of 402) 527. With Future Indicative to express PTesent Intention 528. 'With Secondary Tenses of Indicative (like 410)

199, 200 200 200-202

(b)

FUTURE CONDITIONS.

529, 530. With Subjunctive (like 444) 531. With Optative (like 455)
II. GENERAL CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES (PRESENT AND PAST).

102, 203 203, 204

532, 533. Subjunctive and Optative in general Conditions 534-537. Indicative in general Conditions

204-206 206, 207

Homeric and other Poetic Peculiarities.

538-541. 542. 543-549. 550, 551.

Subjunctive without KE pr llv Relative with KE or llv and the Optative . Homeric Similes with J,, etc.. "0 n p.1} and orrov p.1} without a Verb (Homeric)

207-209 209 209-211 211

Special Forms of Antecedent Clause.

552. Infinitive, Participle, Noun, etc. in Antecedent Clause 553. '01r6TE after past Verbs of Expecting (Homeric) 212 212

Mixed Conditional Constructions.

554. Optative depending on Present or Future 555. Optative depending on o<l, xp1}, etc. 212 212, 213

CONTENTS
SECTIOlf

xxi
P..lGE

556. Indicative or Subjunctive depending on Potential Op-

tative
557. Potential Optative or Indicative in Conditional Relative

213 213, 214

Clause

Assimilation in Conditional Relative Clauses.

558. 559. 560-562. 563.

Assimilation by Subjunctive or Optative Assimilation by Secondary Tenses of Indicative Princi pies of Assimilation Assimilation after General Conditions (variable)

214 214 214, 215 215

6. in the Antecedent Clause.

564. Antecedent Clause introduced by M
FINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING PURPOSE.

215, 216

565, 566. 567. 568-571. 572. 573. 57 4.

Future Indicative in Attic Greek . Past Purpose expressed by Imperfect of p.\\w S'ubjunctive and Optative in Homer Subjunctive not used in Attic Greek Optative rare in Attic Greek . Future Optative occasionally used .

216 216 216, 217 217 218 218

CONSECUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING RESULT.

575. 576, 577. 578. 579.

Iudicative (with negative ou) Future Indicative (with p.-1)) "01fw< as Relative thus used . Occasional use of the Optative
CAUSAL RELATIVE CLAUSES.

218 218, 219 219 219

580. Causal

Rel~tive with Indicative 581. Causal and Conditional Forces united (with JL7J)

220 220

CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH

tiJcrre

W<TT

OR

6Js AND

~</>'

{> OR e<f>' {>Te,

220, 221 221, 222

582, 583. General Distinction of Infinitive and Indicative with

584. Meaniug of Cxne and principles of its use 585. "Ocrre in Homer and the early Poets 586. 'Os for ws n

223
223

"flrrTE

WITH INFINITIVE.

587. 1. Expressing a Result to wl1ich an act tends

223, 224

2. Expressing a Condition or Limitation 3. Expressing a Purpose (like Final Clause) 588. After Verbs of Wishing, Gommaruling, 'etc. 589. Two examples only in Homer 690. Tenses of Infinitive after wcrre

224 224
224, 225 225, 226 226

xxii
SECTION

CONTENTS
PAGE

591. Future Infinitive rare (except in Indirect Discourse) 226, 227 592. Infinitive with llv 227 593. Oih-w (fxrT< in Herodotus 227 594-599. Infinitive in Indirect Discourse and other constructions (w(jT oo) 227-229 600. Omission of W(J"Te 229
"f2ure WITH FINITE MOODS.

601-603.

with Indicative and other constructions 604. Optative by Assimilation 605. Optative of Indirect Diseourse 606. "D(jTE p:f} with Finite Moods (rare)
"D(jT

229, 230 280, 231 231 231

"flO'T WITH PARTICIPLE.

607. Participle (by Assimilatioi1) after

W(J"TE

231, 232

<fls

USED LIKE WO'TE.

608. Chiefly in Aeschylus, Sophocles, Herodotus, Xenophon 609. Rarely in other Authors

232, 233 233

'Ecp'

~ AND

Jcp'

~TE.

610. With Iufiniti ve and Future Indicative .

233

Temporal Particles signifying Until and Before.

611, 612. Meaning of a clause with Until 613. 1-5. Five constructions with i!ws (as Relative) 614. Final use of Mws (especially in Odyssey) . 615. "Oq,pa in Epic poetry 616. Eh I! KE in Homer; is I! and is oii in Herodctus 617. "E(jTE (after Homer) 618. "Axp< and p.xp< (chiefly in Prose) . 619. "Axp< oiJ and p.fxp< o1i 620. Omission of llv with i!ws etc. and Subjunctive
B. ITp{v, BEFORE, UNTIL. 621, 622. Meaning and general use of 1rplv 623-625. Development of constructions with 1rplv.
240, 241 241243

234, 235 235-237 237, 238 238

238
238, 239

239 239 239, 240

I1pv

WITH INFINITIVE.

626. llplv used regularly with Infinitive in Homer. 627. Later than Homer: chiefly after Affirmatives 628-630. Infinitive with 1rplv after Negatives 631. H 1rpv with Infinitive

243

243, 244
244, 245 245

CONTENTS

xxiii

IJp[v
SECTION

WITH INDICATIVE.
PAGE

632. 633. 634. 635. 636. 637.

IIplv with Indicative in early Poets

In Attic Poets In Prose : chiefly after Negatives . In Prose : exceptional use after Aflirmatives IIpiv y' ore with Indicative in Homer Indicative with 1rplv in unreal Conditions

245 245, 246 246 246, 247 247 247

IJp[v
638. 639, 640. 641. 642. 643. 644. 645, 646. 647.

WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE.

IIplv with Subjunctive only after Negatives 248 Without liv or d in Homer and Hesiod . 248 IIplv 'Y' or' liv with Subjunctive in Odyssey 248 IIp~v av with Subjunctive after Homer and Hesiod 248, 249 IIplv with Optative only after Negatives 249 Optative with 1rplv in Indirect Discourse 249, 250 IIplv with Subjunctive in General Conditions. 250 Apparent Aflirmatives followed by 1rplv and Subjunc250, 251 tive. 251 648. IIplv without liv followed by Subjunctive 251 649. Doubtful cases of 1rplv IJ.v with Optative 251 650. IIplv with Subjunctive depending on Optative with liv
IIp~v ~' 1rp6upov ~' AND m5.pos.

651, 652. IIplv 11 in sense of IIplv 653, 654. IIp6repov 11 655. "Trnepov 11 with Infinitive, once in Thucydides 656. IIapos with Infinitive in Homer

251, 252 252, 253 253 253

IJpv, mxpos,

ETC. IN LEADING CLAUSE.

657. IIplv (as adverb) etc. in leading Clause in Homer 658, 659. IIpbrepov, 7rp6(]'1Jev, etc. after Homer 660, 661. <PIJavw as correlative to following 1rplv or 11

253 253, 254 254

SECTION VIII.

Indirect Discourse.
662. Direct and Indirect Quotations distinguished. 663. Manner of introducing Indirect Quotations 664. Relation of Indirect Discourse to other substantive Clauses 665. Indirect Questions. 666. Extent of term Indirect Discourse 667, 668. General Principles of Indirect Discourse 256, 254
255 255

256 256
257

XXIV

CO~ TENTS

SIMPLE SENTENCES.
SECTION
P..lGE

669. (1, 2.) Indicative and Optative with Sn and ws, and in Indirect Questions 670. Indicative and Optative in same Sentence 671. Indirect Questions and Quotations in Homer . 672. Imperfect and Pluperfect retained . 673. Present Optative as Imperfect 674. Imperfect and Pluperfect for Present and Imperfect 675. Independent Optative, generally with "'(rip 676. Optative with on or after Present Tense implying Past. 677-680. Subjunctive or Optative representing Interrogative Subjunctive 681. Indicative or Optative with 11 682. Secondary Tense of Indicative without liP (Potential) 683. Infinitive in Indirect Discourse 684. When Infinitive stands in Indirect Discourse . 685, 686. M?) with Infinitive in Indirect Discourse 687. Participle in Indirect Discourse 688. Negative p.?j with Participle

ws

258-260 261 261, 262 262 263 263, 264 264 264 265, 266 266 266, 267 267, 268 269 269, 270 270-272 272

INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES.

689. General Principles and Examples . 272-276 690. Mixture of 1\loods in Quotations 276, 277 691. Imperfect and Pluperfect representing dependent Present and Perfect Indicative 277 '692. A inegularly retaiJH;d with Optative from the direct form 277 693. Aorist Indicative in dependent Clause rarely changed to Optative 277, 278

SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

694. General Principles of these Clauses. 695-700. Six classes of these Clauses:1. After Infinitive following Verbs of TVishing, Com'manding, etc. . II. Protases with Apodosis implied in leading Verb III. Protases after past Verbs of E-motion IV. Temporal Sentences expressing Past Intention, Purpose, etc. V. Past Causal Sentences with assigned cause VI. Relative Clauses containing another's thought 701. Imperfect and Pluperfect for Present and Imperfect 702. "Av irregularly retained with Optative 703, 704. Same principle applied to Final Clauses etc. 705, OUi' liTt without a Verb

278

278, 279 279, 280 280, 281

281 281 281, 282 282 282 282, 283 283

CONTENTS

XXV

o'lrws, 8, oliveKa,
SECTION

AND

68ovveKa.
PAGE

706. "01rws like ws in Indirect Quotations 707' 708. Ovx O'lrWS, OVx on, etc. . 709. "0 or a7' (for a7) in Homer for lin 710. Ovv<Ka, oOoUP<Ka, and o,dJn 711. "On before Direct Quotations .

283 283, 284 284, 285 285 285, 286

SECTION IX.

Causal Sentences.
28u 712. Causal Sentences aiHl Causal Particles . 286, 287 713. Indicative in Causal Sentences 714716. Optative, to express cause assigned by another, after 287 Past Tenses 717. Cause expressed by Potential Optative or Indicative 287 718. Interrogative Causal Sentences etc. 288 719. 1. Cause implied (not expressed) in leading Sentence 288 2. 'E,.<l, although, referring to something implied 288

SECTION X.

Expression of a Wish.
720. Two classes of Wishes 288

FUTURE WISHES.
721. 722. 723. 724. 725. 726. 727. 728. 729. 730.

Two forms in Future Wishes. I. Pure Optative II. Optative with ,re., Ei 'Yap, or Ei Present Optative in Homer in Present Wishes Optative in Commands aml Exhortations 'Os with Optative in Wisbes OV7ws with Optative in Protestations Wish expressed by Potential Optative Infinitive in Wishes (see 785 and 786) Wish in Homer followed by Apodosis PRESENT OR PAST WISHES (NOT ATTAINED).

289 289 289, 290 290, 291 291 291 291 291 291 291, 292

731. 732, 733. 734. 735. 736. 737.

738.

739.

292, 293 Two forms in Present or Past Wishes 293 I. Past Tenses of Indicative with <lll< or Ei 'Yap II. "Dtpi'Aov and (Hom.) (i;rpi'A'Aov with Infinitive 293, 294 Form with CJrp<'Aov or the Optative in Present Wishes in 294 Homer (739) 294 Etll<, El 'Yap, and wfJ before (/;tpe'Aov 294, 295 'Os before t:Jrpe'Aov (poetic) 2!!5 Simple El not used witl1 w<{>e'Aov or Indicative in Wisl1es 295 Present Optative in Preiient Wishes in Homer

xxvi
e!!lCTION

CONTENTS
.PAOB

740. Greek and Latin expressions of Wish compared.-Optative and Indicative in Wishes distinguished by Time 295, 296

CHAPTER V.
THE INFINITIVE.

741. Infinitive as a Verbal Noun .

742-744. Origin of Infinitive and development of its use

297 297-299

A. INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 745. Infinitive as Subject, Predicate or Appositive

299, 300

Infinitive as Object.
746. Two classes of Object Infinitive
300

Object I nfirnitive not in Indirect Discourse.

. 748. Peculiar Object Infinitives in Homer 749. Infinitive after Nouns with Verbs (as Object) 750. Infinitive in Laws, Treaties, etc.
747. Ordinary Object Infinitive after Verbs

300, 301 301

301, 302

302

Infinitive in lndi1ect Discourse.

751. Infinitive after Verbs of Saying, Thinking, etc. 302, 303 752. Infinitive after Verbs of Hoping, Promising, etc. (See
136).
753. Constructions after </17J~t1, Ei'll"ov, and A.-yw

303 303

754. Personal and Impersonal Constructions with A.l-yerat etc .. 303 755, 756. Infinitive with Relatives etc. (by Assimilation) 303, 304 7o7. Infinitive in Narration (like Indicative). 304, 305

Infinitive after Adjectives, Adverbs, and Noum. 758. Infinitive with Adjectives denoting Ability, Fitness, etc. . 305 '/59, 760. Infinitive with rowvros olos etc., and (in Homer) with roZos etc . . 305, 306 761. Infinitive with v6vra, 7rpou~Kovra, etc. used personally 306 762. Infinitive with lilK<uos etc. used personally 306 306, 307 763. Adjectives with limiting Infiuitive 764. Infinitive with Comparative and ij. 307 765-768. Similar use with Adverbs, Verbs, and Nouns. 307, 308 769. Infinitive with op.oZos in Homer 308

CONTENTS

xxv.1

Infonitive of Purpose
.SECTION PAGE

770. 771. 772. 773, 77 4.

Chiefly used with Verbs of Choosing, Giving, or Taking. 308, 309 Infinitive Active or Middle (rather than Passive) . 309 In poetry with Verbs of J,fotion, and with Elp.! etc. 309 Eivcu denoting Purpose (chiefly Ionic) 309, 310 775. Infinitive expressing Result (in Homer). 310

Absolute Infinitive.
776. 777. 778. 779. .780, 781. 782. 783. Infinitive expressing Limitation (parenthetical)
'Os g,.os d?r<w, ws El?r<'i:v, or <i?r<'i:v, etc. tOs OoKe'iv, Ws ElKd.<rat, Ws l0'iv, &.KoVa-at, etc. '01\!-yov O<tv, jJ-LKpoO O<tv, or o/\i-yov, JLLKpoO Absolute <ivcu (as in hwv iva.<)

310 310, 311

311 311, 312

Absolnte Infinitive in Herodotus . Absolute Irrfinitive as Accusative of Limitation

312 312, 313 313

Infinitive in Oornmands, Pmhibitions, Wishes, and Exclamations.

784. 785. 786. 787. Infinitive in sense of Imperative Infinitive like Optative in Wishes . Infinitive with a.t -yap in Wishes (twice in Odyssey) Infinitive Subject Accusative in Exclamations 313 313, 314
314

314

B. INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 788. General use of Articular Infinitive 314, 315

Articular Infinitive as Subject or Object.

789. 790. 791, 792. 793. 794. Article makes the Infinitive more distinctly a Noun Infinitive with r6 as Subject Infinitive with r6 as Object Infinitive with roG as Object . Infinitive with ro in Indirect Discourse (rare) 316
316

316, 317 317 317

Infinitive with

T6 after Adjectives and Nouns.

318

'795-797. Infinitive as Accusative after Adjectives and Nouns.

Infinitive with
798. 799. .S00-803. 804. 805. 806.

Tov, Tljl, and T6 in various Oonstructiow.

319

Constructions of Infinitive as Genitive with roO Constructions of Infinitive as Dative with r</i. Infinitive with roO, rei>, and TO with Prepositions Artiaula.r l!lfi11itivs IJ.g Appositive . Infinitive with ro in Exclamations. Infinitive with dependent Clauses with ro as Noun

319, 320
320, 321

221
321 821, 322

xxviit

CONTENTS
TOV

Simple Infinitive and Infinitive with

SECTION

after Verbs of Hindrance etc.

P.AGE

807-810. Four expressions after Verbs implying Hindrance: (a) ?rotdv, (b) rou 1rOt<tv, (c) 11-iJ 1roteiv, (d) rou JLr) 1rot<Zv.-Mij ov when leading Verb has Negative 322, 323

Infinitive with T6 fl~ or T6

fJ-0 oll.
324, 325 325, 326

811-813. After expressions implying Hindrance or Denial 814. Infinitive with ro 11-iJ ov (or ro p:q) iu negative sense
M1)

oll

WITH INFINITIVE, PARTICIPLES, AND NouNs.

815-817. M?j and 1-'iJ ov with Infinitive. 818, 819. Mij ov with Participles and 'Nouns . 820. M1] otl forming one Syllable

326, 327 327, 328 328

CHAPTER VI.
THE PARTICIPLE. 821. Participle as Verbal Adjective 822, 823. Three uses of Participle distinguished A. ATTRIBUTIVE PAP..TICIPLE. '824. 825. 826. 827. 828. 829. 329 329

830. 831.

Participle as Adjective . 329, 330 Participle with Article used snbstantively 330 Future Participle in these nses 330 Participles (generally plural) used substantively without Article 330, 331 Participles (as Substantives) with adnominal Genitive 331 (a) N enter singular of Participle with A1ticle in sense of Articular Infinitive 331 (b) Similar constructions without Article 332 Participle as Predicate Adjective . 332 Participle with elJLl or txw as periphrastic Perfect, Pluperfect, or Future Perfect 332
B. CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE.

832. Participle defining circumstances of acticn, expressing various relations 333 833, 834. I. Time 333 835. II. Means . 333 836, 837. Ill. Manner, including manner of Employment 334 838, 839. IV. Cause or ground of Action 384, 335 840. V. Purpose, Object, or Intention 335

CONTENTS
SECTION

xxix
PAGE

841 VI. Condition (Participle in Protasis) 335, 336 842. VII. Opposition, Limitation, or Concession 336 843, 844. VIII. Any attendant circumstance 336, 337 845. IX. That in which an action consists . 337 846. No exact distinction of all circumstantial Participles possible . 337

Genitive Absolute.
847. 848. 849. 850. Genitive Absolute independent of main construction Participle alone used absolutely Passive Participle in Genitive Absolute with Clause Genitive Absolute rare with suLject already belonging to the sentence

337 338 338

338

Accusative Absolute.
851. Impersonal Participles in Accusative Absolute 338, 339 852. Rarely with Infinitive and r6 339 853, 854. Personal Participles sometimes in Accusative Absolute (generally with ws or &o-7rEp) 339, 340

Adverbs with Circumstantial Participle.

T6re, 1fon, ivraDIJa, tra, l7reLra, oi!Tws, etc. "A11-a, Jl-ETa.~u, euiJus, aUr[Ka1 etc. Kal7rp (Kal trep), ovoe, JJ.?]De, op.ws, etc. "Are, ota or otov "Oo-re in Herodotus, like liT< . 'Os, when thought of leading suLject is expressed 867, 868. "0J'7r<p and &J'7r<p <l 869-874. Remarks on &J'7r<p and ws with Participle
855-857. 858. 859-861. 862. 863. 864-866. 340
340, 341

341, 342 34.2 342 342, 343 343, 344 344-346

Omission of <:lv.
875. Cases of omission of &v : 1. After liu, ola, ws, or Kal1rep
2. Rarely without these Particles (poetic) 3. With hwv and 11Kwv

4. When another Participle precedes

346 346 346 346, 347

ComMnations of Circumstantial Participles.

876. Participles belonging to main construction combined with those in Genitive or Accusative Absolute in one sentence .
C. SUPPLEMENTARY PAR'l.'ICIPLE.

347

877. Nature of Supplementary Participle 847, 848 878. Two uses, corresponding to those of the Object Infinitive ( 746) 348

XXX:

CONTENTS
I, NOT IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

SECTION

PAGB

879, 880. 881, 882. 883. 884-886. gs7-894. 895. 896. 897. 898. 899. 900. 901.

I. With Verbs signifying to begin, endure, cease, stop, permit, etc. 348, 349 II. With Verbs denoting states of feeling (to repent etc.). 349 Ill. With Verbs denoting to find, detect, represent 350 IV. With Verbs of Perceptidn (hearing, seeing, etc.) 350-352 V. With Xav&rlvw, ru-yxrlvw, tp8rlvw, etc. 352-354 VI. With otxop.at, 1jKw, ipxop.at, etc. 354 VII. With 1wpwp.at, 1roXMs dp.t, etc. in Herodotus 354 With 1wpwp.at etc. in Attic Greek 354, 355 VIII. With chrooElKvup.t, Ka8l5w, and 7rapao-Kvrl5op.at 355 IX. With apKew, iKav6s elp.t, etc.. 355 X. Dative of f3ouMwvos, rjlioJ.'EVOS, etc. with Dative after dp.l etc. 355, 356 XI. Dative of Participle with Impersonal Expressions (it is fitting, pleasant, etc.) 356

Omission of t5v.
902.
"Qv

occasionally omitted in constructions of 879-901

356

Infinitive with Vmbs of 879-901.

903. Infinitive sometimes used with Verbs which take Supplementary Participle:1. With alo-x~vop.at and alooOp.at 357 2. With avexoJ.'aL) V'TrOJ.'EVW, rMw, TOAJ.'W 357 3. With a'TrOKap.vw 357 4. With llpxop.at 357, 358 5. With 1ravw 358 6. With 7rEpwpw, overlook, pern~it, etc. 358 7. With the Impersonal Expressions of 901. 358 8. Probably never with Xav8rlvw, rv-yxrlvw, and <jJ8rlvw 358, 359

II.

pARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

904. Participle with Verbs of seeing, hearing, knowing, showing, etc., and with 6.-y-ye>.Xw, like Iufinitive of Indirect Discourse. 359, 360 905. Participle agreeing with Accusative of Reflexive 360 906. Participle of Impersonals in Accusative . 360 907. Participle with ofi;\os and <f>avp6s elp.t 360 908. With o-vvotoa and o-u-y-yt-yvwo-Kw and Dative of Reflexive 361 909. With Infinitive depending on Verb with Dative 361 910. Occasionally with Verbs like vop.l5"w 361 911. "Ov sometimes omitted in Indirect Discourse 361

CONTENTS
SECTJON

XXXI
PAGE

912. Clause with on or ws for Participle 913. Mlp,vw-<a< oTE for Participial Construction

361 362

Infinitive with the Vmbs

of~

904.

914. Infinitive of In,'<irect Discourse with some of the Verbs of 904:1. With aKovw, 7rvv1Javof1a<, and alrr1Javof1a< 36'2 2. With opw 362 3. With U'YJ'fAAW 362 4. With OflOAo-ylw 362 5. With <f>alvof1a< 362, 363 915. Infinitive in various uses and senses with other Verbs of 904:1. With f1av1Javw, fllflV'fJflU<, and E7r<Aav1Javof1a< 363 2. With oToa and E7rirrraf1a< (two uses with Infinitive) 363 3. With -y<-yvwrrKw (three uses with Infinitive) 364 4. With OeiKVVflL 364 5. With O'fJAw 364 6. With d;pirrKw (three uses with Infinitive)

'Q,- with PaTticiple in IndiTect Discoune,

916. 'Os showing that Participle expresses thought of leading subject 3G.! 917, 918. 'Os with Circumstantial Participle, equivalent to Indirect Discourse . 365, 366 919. Participle with ws (peculiarly used) after certain Verbs 366, 36i of saying and thinking

CHAPTER VII.
VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -Toc;o

920. Two Constructions of the Verbal in -ros 368 921. Personal Construction . 368 922. Agent expressed by Dative in Personal Construction. -Omission of elfll 368 923. Impersonal Construction with lrrrl. 368, 369 924. Comparison with Latin Participle in -dus 369 925. Verbal in -rlov and Infinitive (se. M') in same Construc369 tion . !l26. Agent expressed by Dative or Accusative in ~m personal Construction 369

APPENDIX.
I. The Relation of the Optative to the Subjunctive and other Moods

371

xxxii

CONTENTS
l'AGE

11. The Origin of the Construction of ov 1"-IJ with the Subjunctive and the Future Indicative III. Statistics of the use of the Final Particles IV. Xenophon's peculiar use of ws, ws liv, and B.,.ws liv in Final and Object Clauses . V. On some disputed points in the Construction of i!oeL etc. with the Infinitive (Supplement to 415-423)
INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES,
GREEK INDEX

389 398 400 403 413 441 452

ENGLISH INDEX

CHAPTER I.
GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS.
1. THE Mood of a verb sh~ws the rnanne1 in which the assertion of the verb is made. The Greek verb has four moods, properly so called,-the indicative, the subjunctive, the optative, and the imperative. The infinitive, which is a verbal noun, and the participle and the verbal in -T~o<;, which are verbal adjectives, are so closely connected with the moods in many constructions, that they .are discussed with them in Syntax.
The four proper moods, as opposed to the infinitive, are sometimes called the finite moods. The subjunctive, optative, imperative, and infinitive, as opposed to the indicative, are sometimes called the de/pendent moods.

l.

INDICATIVE.

2. The indicative, in its most primitive use, makes a simple, absolute assertion, or asks a question which includes or concerns such an assertion. E.g.

r pacpH, he is writing j ypacpev, he Was writing j ypatfev, he WrOte; ypatj;H, he will Write. r paq)H; is he W1'iting? Jypatj;aT; did you write? ypatfen; will you WTite? T 'Eypatfev; what did he write?
3. The indicative may also express (a) A dependent statement (or quotation) of such an absolute assertion or question. E.g.
AeyH on ypacpH, he says that he is writing (he says ypacpw); A.eyet on yprl.tj;Et, he says that he will write (he says ypatfw); ~pwri- ..-{ Eypatfap.ev, he asks what we wrote; f.pwT(j. El eypafa, he asks whether I
wrote.
B

GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS

[4

(b) A distinct statement of an object aimed at or feared. E.g.

'E1Tt,UEAEtrat ur.ws 1 OUTO YEII'IJO'ETat, he takes cure tha~ this shall be done (339); <j>o(3o-6,ue8a .U'l d,u<j>orpwv ~,uapr~Ka,uev, we fear that we have
missed both (369, 2).

(c) A distinct supposition of an absolute statement, that is, a supposition that such a statement is, was, or will be true. E.g.
El ypa<j>et, if he is 1vriting; el f.ypafev, if he wrote; el yypa<j>e, if he has wTitten , el ypafet, if he shall write or if he is to wTite. What is supposed in each case could be expressed by ypaq>et, f.ypu-fev, yypa<j>e, or ypafet.

if I

4. The past tenses of the indicative may, further, express a supposition that some statement either had been or wen now true, while it is implied that really it was not or is not true. E.g. El f.ypafa, if I had wTitten; el f.ypa<f>ov, if I were now w1'iting or

hnd been wTiting; the context indicating that really I did not vnite or am not wn'ting (410). These expressions originally always referred io the past, as they do in Homer.

5. Out of the form of unreal supposition (4) were developed aih~r Homer the use of the past tenses of the indicative with dBE or El ryap in wishes (732); and also the Attic construction of the past tenses of the indicative to express an unaccon!plished purpose (333), where there is an assimilation of the final clause to a preceding indicative.

E.g.
El yd.p rovro J1rolrwa, 0 if I had only done this! EWe rovro el'xes, 0 if you only had this ! EWe ror' d7T'eeavov, (va .U'J TOVTO E7T'<L8ov, would that I had then perished, that I might not have sujj'wed this. For the indicative with dv or KE, the potential indicative, see 243.

II.

SUBJUJ\CTIVE.

6. (a) The subjunctive, in its simplest and appai:ently most primitive use, seen in Homer (284), expresses futurity, like the future indicative, and has for its negative. E.g. Ov ydp 1rw ro[ovc; i:oov avf.pas ovo i:ow,uo.t, for never did I see such

ov

rnen nor shall I ever see them, Il. i. 262; Ka[ 1ror ns el1r'{/O'tv, and sorne one 1cill some time say, Il. vi. 459.

(b) Though this primitive use disappears in the later language,

11]

SUBJUNCTIVE

the subjunctive still remains closely related in sense to the future indicative, and in most of its constructions can be interchanged with it. 7. The subjunctive in questions of appeal as to the future (28 7) has, even in Homer, developed the idea of propriety or expediency. E.g.
NMi p.vw ~e ()f.w; shtill I remain here 01' run? Il. x. 62. So 'TI'll But the future indicative can be used in the same sense; as -r IS~-ra /Spwp.ev; Jl-YJTEP 1) <j>ovdJ<rop.ev; what aTe we to do? shall we slay our mother? EuR. El. 967. (See 68.)

Zw; whithm shall I go ? Od. xv. 509.

8. (a) In exhortations and in prohibitions with f-L?J (250259) the subjunctive has an imperative force, and is always future; as in rwuEV, let us go; f-L~ Oavf-LaCT'TJTE, do not wonder.
The future indicative occasionally occurs in prohibitions with p.~ (70).

(b) The subjunctive with f-LtJ, especially in Homer, may express a future object of fear with a desire to avert it; as in f-L~ vijar; f!t..,wcr~, may they not seize the ships (as I fear they will). (See 2 61.) From such expressions combined with verbs of fearing arose the dependent use of f-Ltl with the subjunctive expressing a future object of fear; as cpo(3ouf-La~ f-L~ a:JTot..,nmt, I fear that he may perish.
9. In the constructions with ov f-Ltl (294) the subjunctive and the future indicative are used, without apparent distinction, in a future sense; as ov f-L?J ryevnm~ and ov f-L~ ryEv+ crETa~, it will not happen. 10. The subjunctive may express a future purpose or a future object of care or exertion. E.g.
"Epxe-rai 07TWS TOVTO he comes that he may see this (317); l'TI'ijl-EAel!rui 07TWS -rovro "jEvYJTa i (or yev~O'e-rai), he takes care that this shall be done (339). In clauses of purpose the future indicative is sometimes used (324), and in the construction of 339 it became the regular Attic form.

rsv,

11. In conditional clauses the subjuncti Ye expresses either a future supposition (444), or a general supposition which is indefinite (never strictly present) in its time (462).
(a) In the former it supposes 8Uch a future case as the Homeric subjunctive (6) states ; as Uv -rt> Ef7T)), if one shall say (the thing supposed being d7TYI ns, one will say) ; here the future indicative may be used

GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS

[12

in essentially the same sense (44 7). In the general condition it supposes an event to occur at any time, as we say if any one ever goes or whoever goes, with an apodosis expressing repetition or a general truth ; as M.v n<; KA~tfTJ (or il<; aJ' KA.efv), KoM.(ETat, if any one steals (or whoever steals), he is always punished.

(b) The subjunctive in general suppositions is the only sulJjunctive which does not 1efer to future time, and here the future indicative can never be used. In most other languages (as in English and generally in Latin), and sometimes in Greek, such a condition is expressed by the present indicative, like an ordinary present supposition; but the Grr.ek, in its desire to avoid a form denoting present time, generally fell into one which it uses elsewhere only for future time. The construction, however, appears in Homer imperfectly established, except in relative clauses (468): this indicates that it does not belong to the primitive uses of the subjunctive. (See 17.) For the Homeric subjunctive with KE or d1' in independent sentenees, which does not differ perceptibly in meaning from the future with KE or dv, see 201, 1.

Ill.

OPTATIVE.

12, The optative is commonly a less distinct and direct form of expression than the subjunctive, imperative, or indicative, in constructions of the same general character as those in which these moods are used. 13. This is seen. especially in independent sentences, where the optative either expresses a wish or exhortation, or is used (regularly with or lcf) in a potential sense.

av

Thus l'o,fl-EV, may we go, corresponds as a weaker form to l'w;ull, let 1iS go. Corresponding to ~A.8wl' n'> lof.Tw, let some one yo out and see, we have E~EABcfw n<; l'oo t, may some one go out and see, Od. xxiv. 491. EA.o,To dv, he would lake or he might take, corresponds to the Homeric EAYJTO.t or EAY)Ta. KE, he will take or he may take (201, 1). We find in Homer a few Ol)tatives expressing concession or permission, which have a neutral sense and can hardly be classed as either potential or wishing. See Il. iv. l 7, El o' 1rWS TOOE 7rUCH cpA.ov Kat ~ov 1rEAOtTo, -i} TOt fl-~V 0 l KED tTO 7rOAiS ITpi~Jp.ow avaKTos, a.Vns o' 'ApyE[1)V 'EA.evryv llfEJIEAO.OS dyo tTO, where we may translate the apodosis either let the city still be a habitation and let M. cany away Helen, or the city rnay still be a habitation and JJI[. may carry away Helen. In iii. 72 we have yvva.ZKa TE Otl<a.O' ayf.c:rew, and in.iii. 255 T0 KE VtK~fTO.VTi yvvry Ka.i KT~fl-a()' E'lrOiTO, where J.yc:r8w and E71'0tT6 KE refer to essentially the same thing with dyo,To in iv. 19. Following I1. iii. 255 (above) we have of o' aAAot va.fol.fl-EV Tpo[Y)v, Toi o~ vovTa.t, i.e. the 1est of us may Ternain dwelleTs in Troy, while

av

oe

16]

OPTATIVE

they will return to Greece. From such neutral future expressions were probably developed the two distinct uses of the optative. In its hortatory sense as a form of wishing, the optative was distinguished by the use of JkYJ as a negative ; while in its potential sense it had ov as its negative (as in ov P'l'' yap TL KaKrhupov aAAO 7ra80LJkL, for really I can s1~ffer nothing wnne, Il. xix. 321), and it was soon further marked by the addition of KE or &.v. (See .Appendix I.)

14. In dependent clauses expressing purpose or the object of exertion or of fear, the optative is never an original form; but it always represents a dependent subjunctive or future indicative (8, b; 1 0) in the changed relation m which either of them is placed when its leading verb is changed from present or future to past time.
We represent this change in English by a change from may to might, or from shall or will to shmdrl or would; as epxErat Zva Uiv, he comes tlutt he may see, i)>.8Ev Zva Zoo t, he came that he might see; E7rLfLEAEtrat o1rws rovro yEvljfJETat, he takes caTe that this shall be done, E7rEfLEAeiro o1rws rovro Y'VYJfJO tro, he took mre that thiH should be done; <f>of3EZrat fk'l rovro 1rafJv, he feaTs that he may S?<jfer this; <f>of31JfJYJ fL0 TOVTO 7r a() 0 L, he feared that he might sujfe? this. Here the original subjunctive or future indicative (especially the latter) is very often used in place of the optative.

15. In all forms (14) holds, that the a changed relation) direct form, which present and future tenses (667, 1).

of indirect discourse the same principle optative after past tenses represents (in an indicative or a subjunctive of the original mood is always used after tenses, and may be retained after past

Here again we see what the change is, for we represent it by onr change from is to was, hr<ve to had, shall and will to should and 'lmnld, etc. ; as AEYEL on dA1)8s E(J"TL v, he says that it is tnw; EAE~EJI OTL aAYJBf.s [,7 (or EfJr[v), he said that it was true; A.!:ya on ypafEL, he oays that he will write; EAE~EV on ypafot (or ypafH), he said that he would write. So ovK oioa r[ d1rw, I lcnow not whrd I shall say; oi~< ifoEtv r[ ,;:7rOLfLL (or d1rw), I lcnew not what I should say.

16. In future conditions the optative expresses the supposition in a weakened future form, as compared with the stronger future of the subjunctive and the future indicative.
Compare a.v f!A.fJw, if I (shalT:) go (444), with El A.8otfLt, if I should go (455). Often the form of the leading sentence (the apodosis) decides
whether a given supposition shall be expressed by a subjunctive or by

an optative; thus in

DEM.

iv. 11 we have av oi5r6s

TL

7ra8v, 1j any-

GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS

[17

thing happens (shall happen) to liim (Philip), depending on TrOL~aue; and in the next sentence, referring to precisely the same contingency, we have eZ n 1raOot, depending on two optatives with d.v.

17. The only remaining form of dependent optative is that found in past general suppositions, as t Tl'> tc"A."/rtev (or o\ tcA-e'ft'ELEv), tcoA.cil;ero, if ever any one stole (or whoever stole), he was (always) punished (462; 531).
Here the optative after a past tense represents an original subjunctive after a present tense (11), differing in this from the optative in future conditions (16), which is in an original construction. The late development of this optative appears from its almost total absence in protasis with e1 in Homer ( 468), where the corresponding subjunctive in protasis is also infrequent. It may therefore be disregarded in considering the primitive uses of the optative. (See 11, b.) For a more full discussion of the relations of the optative to the other moods, see Appendix I.

IV.

IMPERATIVE.

18. The imperative expresses et command, exhortation, entreaty, or prohibition (250 and 259). E.g.
<I>evye, begone!
thi.~. M~ 7r0LEL aOLKa,

'E>..O.irw, let him come. b.os p.ot rovro, give me do not do what is unjust.

CHAPTER II.
'I:HE TENSES.
19. THERE are seven Tenses,-the present, imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, aorist, future, and future perfect. The imperfect and pluperfect occur only in the indicative; the futures are wanting in the subjunctive and imperative. 20. These tenses may express two relations. They may designate the time of an action as present, past, or jut~tre _- and also its character as going on, finished, or simply taking place. The latter relation is expressed by the tenses in all the moods and in the infinitive and the participle; the former is always expressed in the indicative, and to a certain extent (to be explained below) in the dependent moods and the participle. 21. The tenses are divided into p1irnary tenses, which denote present or future time, and seconda1y or histmical tenses, which denote past time. This distinction applies properly only to the tenses of the indicative; but it may be extended to any forms of the dependent moods which have the same distinction of time as the tenses of the indicative. The primary tenses of the indicative are the present (in its ordinary uses), perfect, future, and future perfect. The secondary tenses are the imperfect, pluperfect, and aorist (in its ordinary uses).
This distinction will be more fully explained at the end of this chapter (165-191). It must be noted that the historic present (33) is a secondary tense, and the gnomic aorist (154) is a primary tense. 22. In speaking of the time denoted by any verb, we must

distinguish between time which is present, past, or future with

THE TENSES

reference to the time of speaking or writing (that is, time

absolutely present, etc.), and time which is present, past, or

future with reference to the time of some verb with which the verbal form in question is connected (that is, time relatively present, etc.) Thus, when we say -rain-a &i\.7]8&c; i.crnv, this is true, i.cr-r!v is present with reference to the time of speaking; but when _we say ~</>7J -rov-ro 0.A:ry8~c; elv<u or el1rev on -roln-o &A.r]fJ, i.cr-rw (or el7J), he said that this was true, (i.e. he said "this is true"), the present tense which we use denotes time present to the time of the leading verb, i.e. time absolutely past and only felatively present. The same distinction is seen between the future in -rov-ro yv~cre-rat, this will happen, and that in ~<f>YJ -rov-ro yev~crecr8at or el-;rev on yev~crerat (yev~crot-ro), he said that this would happen/ where the future in the first case is absolutely future, but in the other cases is only relatively future and ma.y be even absolutely past. Again, in -rov-ro i.y&ve-ro, this happened, the aorist is absolutely past j but in ~cf>YJ -rov-ro yeva-8at, or <l?rev on -rovro i.y&v-ro (or yvot-ro), he said t/w,t this had happened, it denotes time past to the time of the past leading verb, and so is doubly past. But in connection with a future expression an aorist, though relatively past, may be absolutely future j as in PLAT. Rep. 478 D, r6 <f>avv as subject of rrerr8o.t means that which will hereafter have appeaTed. So &a?rpataJLevoc; in 406 E. (See 143.) It is a special distinction between the Greek and the English idioms, that the Greek uses its verbal forms much more freely to denote merely relative time. Thus, we translate the Greek presents el'vat and f.crr after <f)YJ or e'l-;rev (ahove) by our was/ the futures '}'EV~crErrBat and ywqcrETat by 1vould happen/ and the aorists yEvcr8at and i.yv<ro by had happened. This distinction appears especially in the indicative, optative, and infinitive of indirect discourse ; in future forms after past tenses in final and object clauses with i:va> o-;rwc;, etc. ; and usually in the participle; but not in protasis.
I. TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE.
PRESENT.

23. The present indicative represents an action as going

on at the time of speaking or writing ; as or I am writing.

rypacpw, I w1ite,

An important exception occurs when the present indicative in indirect discourse denotes time wbich is present relatively to the leading verb. See above, 22; 669, 2 ; G7 4, l.

27]

PRESENT INDICATIVE

24. As the limits of such an action on either side of the present moment are n?t defined, the present may express a c-ustornary or 1epeated actwn or a geneTal truth. E.g. I ~ , I " , J(')IlOV 'Ae'JVO.LO 7rfh7rOV(TV, the I 'H 7rpVfhVa. TOV ,1/'llOtoV 0 ELS, I..A~,
ste?"n of the shtp whtch the Athemans seud to l.Jelos (eve?"y yea1). PLAT. Phaed. 58 A. T KT TO KOpos iif3pw, OTav KaK<{) oA.f3os f7r")Tat, satiety begets insolence, wheneve1 p1'ospe1ity follows the wicked. THEOG. 153. 'Ev xpovrp a7rOq)evE TO Tapf:Jor; &v8pw7rotrrw, in time timidity dies out in men. AESCH. Ag. 857.

25. The present denotes merel! the continuance or progress of an action, without reference to 1ts completion. It may, however, be implied by the context that the action is not to be completed, so that the present denotes an attempted or intended action. Especially 38wfht, in the sense of offeT, and 71'E8w, try to persuade, are thus used. E.g. l'\vv 8' fifha ! a-8TKa 7roAAa 3 too~ he oife1's many things. Il. ix.
519. ITd8ovrrt VfhUS f.vavT[a Kat Tol:r; VOfhOtr; Kat T<j) OtKa[rp f"lcprrarr8at, they aTe t1'ying to peTSuade you to vote contrary both to the laws and to justice. I sA E. i. 26. This conative signification is much more common in the imperfect. See 3 6 and the examples.

26. The present is often used with expressions denoting past time, especially 7raAat, in the sense of a pel'fect and a present combined. E.g.
KEI:'Jiov lxJIEVW 1l'aAat, I have been tracking him a long time (and . . \ I " , I sttll conttnue t 't). sOPH. A' 20 . 0, 7rallat rrot AE')'W on TaVTOV J. v I\ cpr}fht Etvat; i.e. have I not lm1~1 "'!In told you (and do I not still repeat) tlwt I call it the same thing? l'LAT. Gorg. 489 C. 8wvs alTw . q)povp&.s f7'Elas fh'JKoS. AE~CH. A g. l. So 1/'0AVV xpovov TOVTO 71'0 tW. So in Latin, iaru dudum loquor.
27. The presents i]Kw, I am come, and oi:xofhat, I am gone, are used in the sense of the perfect, An approaeh to the perfect sense is sometimes founu in such presents as 1)<1!yw, in the sense I am banished, 6..\[U'Kafhat, I arn captwed, vu<w and KpaTw, I am victorious, ?)TTWfha, I am COJM[1W1'ed, aOtKW, I ha-ve been unjust (I am liotKos). So the Epic ZKw and iKavw, with oAAvfhat and sometimes TiKTW in tragedy. E.g. 0 LX cra t Eis aAa oi:av, he is gone to the divine sea, Il. XV, 223.

8EfhtrrToKA0s ~Kw napa rr, I, Themistocles, am conM to you. THUC. i. 137. Tovs aOLKWS cpEvyovTaS OtKa{ws KaT~yayov, they justly re8tored those who were nnjustly banished. PLAT. l\lenex. 242 B. 'IAtov aAtrrKOfhEVOV, after the captnn of Ilium. Tm:c. vi. 2, So aA(TKOfhEJIOV Tov TExws. HDT. i. 85. "07rtu8E T?/s dvotyofhEV")S (){.p")>, beh,:nd the open door. HDT. i. g, Et n<fVTa TQVTa EA11fha{vETO Tol:s oAots, ws aTIETPElfE, T IJ."]f1.0rr8v")s aO!KELj how is Demosthenes to

10

THE TENSES

[28

blame? DEM. xviii. 303. ITvpywv oA.A.vp.hwv Jv vaV<Ttv lf3av, 1 embarked after the towers had been destroyed. EuR. I. T. 1108. ''Hoe -rlKTEL <TE, this woman is thy mother. Id. Ion. 1560.

Present participles are given in some examples here where they illustrate the meaning of the tense.

28. The Greek, like other languages, often uses such presents as I hear, I lemn, I suy, even when their action is finished before the time to which they strictly refer. E.g.
El <J"Ta<J"ut&ovr:nv, IJJ<J"'TrP 7rvv8av6p.e8a, if they (the Sicilians) are in discord, as we leam. THUC. vi. 16. 'E7ri 7!"0AHS, WS eyw aKoii al<J"fJavop.at, p.aA.op.iiV levaL JLii'}'aAas. Id. vi. 20.

Nub. 125. El o' OVTOL a7r[a(]"LJJ, ~;ui;s fJ-OVOL f.LEVOVfJ-IiV, but if they (shall) rlepa1t, we alone shall remain. XE!<. Cyr. iv. 5, 24. In Homer /{p.t is usd also as a present ; as oio> o' a<rT~P ei<J"t fJ-ET a<J"Tpa<rL, I!. xxii. 317. So ii. 87, xi. 415; OJ. iv. 401; and often in similes. This is doubtful in Attic; as in 7rpo<rELJLL owl'-a Ko.i (3phas TU <J"ov, AEsCH. Eum. 242, where 7rpo<rHf.U may be 1rp6s + iilp.. See Kriiger and Cla~sen on e7!"[a<J"LV, THUC. iv. 61.

(E ip. t as Future.) . 29. The present Elp.t, I am going, and its compounds, have a future sense. Eip.t thus became a future of epxop.at, the future EAEV<J"OJLO.L not being in good use in Attic prose. E.g. 2:ev V<rTEpos dtf v1r6 yaZav, I shall go. Il. xviii. 333. E lp.t 1raALV e1r' KeZva, I shall recur to that. PLAT. Phaed. 100 B. "',Q cp[A.', yw p.'Ev ll7rELJLL, <J"vas Kat Ketva cpvA.r.f~wv. Od. xvii. 593. 'AA.A.' d<J"etp.t, <J"ov 8' ov <f>povnw, but I'll go in and not mi'(l.d you. AR.

30. 'The future sense of Elp.t and its compounds extends to the optative, infinitive, and participle in indirect discourse, and often to the participle in other uses (especially when it expresses pur])Ose with ~s). E.g. IIpoEC71"0JJ on, el !'-~ 7rapE<J"OjLE8a <J"V<J"TpaTEVlfOfJ-EVOL, EKiivoL 1} ~/ha> !o LE v, i.e. that they would er-me against us. XEN. Hell. v. 2, 13. See also V. 1, 34, where Elfh'l a7r{OLEV corresponds to Ell'-~ EK7rEfhlfOLV. As tOLfJ-L in this use is equivalent to a future optative, it is naturally rare (128). 'A7rtEvat eVOfJ-L(w OTav (3ovA'JTat, he believed he could depart (a7rELfJ-t) whenever he pleased. THUC. v. 7. So oi>K <f>a<J"av (E<f>YJ) lE vat, XEN. An. i. 3, 1 and 8 ; i. 4, 12: cf. ii. 1, 3, ii. 6, 10. Kai TU 1rvp

ye aD 7rp0<J"LOVTO') TOV fvxpov

a~Tcfl ~ V71"~LEVO.L ~ a7rOAE;;<r8at.

PLAT. Phaed. 103 D. (Ilpo<J"tovTo> is an ordinary present participle : see 31.) Ov yd.p ifonv ~twv, for he did not know that he was to go. AR. Pac. 1182. '0 ll' els Ilep<J"as l w 1rapYjv <rvve<J"KEVa<J"p.evos. XEN. v Cyr. iv. 5, 26. TavT el7rwv avL<rTaJL']V ~. U7rLWV. PLAT. Prot. 335 c (this might come under 31). So avE<J"T<JKYJ ws e~twv, ib. 335 D. ITapE<J"KEva(e.,-o WS ar.LOV<J"a. XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 13. So THUC. vi. 63. 31. In the optative and infinitive not in indirect discourse, and

35]

IMPERFECT

11

often in the participle, the same forms of dfLt are used as ordinary presents. E.g. 00ov &v otdcpopov 71'0 w ~ dAA' ~7/'t TUVTOV Eo LV. PLAT. Rep. 360 C. El 71'0A~f1W'i t'o t. Ib. 415 E. See lot in Rep. 490 B, in a peculiar indirect quotation. "On Eot. Id. Tim. 78 C. In XEN. An. i. 3, I, after lEvat as future (30), we have ~(3td~To lE vat and 1Jp~aTo 11'podvat. 'E~uv a-&T<iJ cl(rt6 vn El> Tt1s olK[as o-vyyyver8at DT'{' (3ovAotTO. PLAT. Rep. 360 C. 'A71'oTp11'Df1Vos d~p Ka.i Ota Tov a-wfLaTos li~w lwv. Id. Tim. 79 C. So ANT. v. 78, vi. 45. Jn the subjunctive and imperative there can of course be no special future sense in these verbs.

32. In animated language the present often refers to the future, to express likelihood, intention, or danger. E.g. El aVT7J 1] 71'6Ats- A'I]</:>B!Jo-erat, <!X ETa t 1) 1rao-a LtKcA[a, if this city
shall be captund, all Sicily is (at once) in thei1 JJOssession. THuc. vi. 91. .M vo fLEV i!ws &v i!KatTTOt KaTa 71'6AHs AYjcp8wfLEV; shall we wait until we are each captu?ed, city by city? Id. vi. 77. El o </:>'I]CTLV ovTos, OH~aTw Kat 11'apatTXECT8w, Kdyw KaTa(3avw, and I will talce 'fi1I!J seat. DE11. xix. 32. So d71'6AAvf1at, I am to JJcrish, LYS. xii. 14. For a similar use of the perfect, see 51. (See also 61.)

33. (Historic b'esent.) The present is often used in narration for the aorist, sometimes for the imperfect, to give a more animated statement of past events. This is called the historic present. E.g.
BovA1)v J71'tTexvaTat o1rwc; fL?J d.AttT8eiev 'A8?)vafot, he contrives a plan to prevent the Athenians from assembling. HD1'. i. 63. KeA.evet 7/'EfLfat dvopas d1rOO"TEAAovO"tl! ovv, KO.t 7rpt aDTWV 0 efLtO"TOKMjs Kp!!<f:>a 7TEfL7r<t. TRue. i. 91. !J.apdov Kat ITapVO"d.noos y[yvovTat 1rai:8es o1!o. XEN. AN. i. 1, 1. TowvTa Tov 11'apovTos ~vK' 1)A'P odKVVO"t Tovvap iKAvov ~~YJ'}'OVfLEJ!OV. SoPH. El. 424. The historic present is not found in Homer.

IMPERFECT.

34. The imperfect represents an action as going on m past time ; as i!'Ypa~ov, I was WTiting. 35. The imperfect is thus a present transferred to the past, retaining all the peculiarities of the present which are consistent with the change. Thus it may denote a customary or repeated action, or a series of actions ; or, if it refers to a single action (as it very frequently does), it represents it in its progress rather than as a simple past occurrence (like the

12

THE TENSES

[36

aorist), In narration it dwells on the course of an event instead of merely stating its occurrence. E.g. 'E1n Kp07rOS 'fj TTLK'fj KO.Ta 7TOA!S <fKE!TO, KO.! OV c;;VV'(Ia"UV 'K' ''A ' ' '' ' ,. , ' ' c '
(3ovAn>u6JLVO!, d..\A.' av-rot EKO.a"TO! E1TOA!T1JOVTO Kai f3ovAE-60VTO. 'E1r!8~ 8~ 8ryrnvs (3au..\<va-EV, s -r~v vvv 1r6..\w oiia-av ~vv0K!a"E 1TavTas. Tnoo. ii. 15. (Here the imperfects refer to the state of the country or to customs; the aorists state events, i(3ao-[A.wo-E, became king, ~vv<{!K !a-, collected into one state.) Kat 1rapao-Td8 6 JLEV eJ!thv o 8' eJI8<JI, (36wJI, ~eKpov6v JL<, -r<Aw-rwJITES Jx..\da(ov {>JL<'is o' lycAaT, Kat OVT' dKOVf!V ;)8EA7< OW 1T!a"TEVHJI (3ov..\w8c, they kept on shouting, etc., and you laughed, etc. DEAL xix. 23, '1;' / ,, R ,, ' / \ "'1TE<pWfL'fjJI T! ACf!V TOVTWV WV E!S n)V 1-'0VA'fjV a1T'fJ'Y'YHAa. Ib'd , 1 IT6-rEpov Tavra 7T<fv-ra 1Totwv lj8KH Kat 7rap<a-1T6vfht Kat f!..\vE T1JV tlp;)v'fJV 'IJ ov; in doing all these things was he acting unjustly and breaking the peace, etc.? Id. xviii. 71 ; see also ib. 69. (Compare r1}v dp-IJV'fjV n VU Ta 1TAo'ia A.a(Jc!Jv, of the event, ib. 73.) ITapEABwv J1ri 8ptf.K'fJS Bv(avrovs 'l~[ov UVJL7TOAEJLELJ'. lb. 87. 'YJLE'is yap rav/ E7rpUTTT, Kat TU.VTU. 7TUO"!JI DJL'iv .Y)p<UKEV (of a course of action), Id. xix. 189. 'E1r<tO~ yap <lAEv ''OA.vv8ov <l>[A!1T1Tos, '0..\vJLma E7TOH, ds 8 T~V eva-av 7TUVTUS TOVS T<xvras a-vv~yayEv. lb. 192. Eim r6r' OVK EAEYES 1Tapaxp1)JLa TUVTa ov8' 8t8no-KES ?JJLUSj did you then not tell this at once on the spot, o1. instruct us? lb. 25. The same action (as in the last two examples) couH easily have been mentioned, without reference to its continuance, as a mere event. For the relations of the imperfect to the aorist, see 56.
I "' ' '

. 36. The imperfect, like the present (25), sometimes denotes rtitempted action, being here strictly an im:pe1ji;ct tense. So especially 88ovv and E1TH(}ov. E.g.
(<l>..\t7T7ros) 'A..\6vvryo-ov 88ov, Philip offered Halonne:n/.8 (lit. tried to give it). AESORIN. iii. 83. "EKaaros E1TH8Ev avrov D1roaT~Vat T~v dpx~v, each one tried to pe1suade him to undertake the command. XEN, An. vi. 1, 19. KvJLa ru-rar' d!p6JLVOV, KOTU 8' 1JPEE IT'fjAE[wva, and was about to overpower the son of Pele?ls. IJ. xxi. 327. 'EJLw8ovro 1rap ovK EK8t86vro<; T~V avA~v, he tried to hire the yard of one who 14used to let it. HDT. i. 68. ITJLfavns ES 'Lapot<; xpvo-ov C:,vovro, they sent to Sardis and wanted to buy gold. HDT. i. 69. 'E7TE(j1JJL1)a"E T~S xA.av8os, Kat avr~v 7rpoo-EA8wv ~VETO, he took a fancy (aor.) to the cloak, and tried to buy it. HDT. iii. 139. "A i1Tpaa-a-Ero ovK yevEro, what was attempted did not happen. THUC. vi. 7 4. So 7rpoo-Er(:)H, she wanted to add, AR. Nub. 63.

37. When the present has the force of the perfect (27), the imperfect has regularly .the force of a pluperfect. E.g.
31.

'0 oxAo<; KaTa Bf:av i]KEV, the crowd had come to loolc on. THUG. vi. 'E1rEt <tJxEo V'fJL ITvA.ovo<, ajte1 thou wast gone by ship to Pylas.

Od. xvi. 24.

44]

PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT INDICATIVE

13

38. The imperfect sometimes denotes likelilwod, intention, or danger in past time (see 32). E.g. 'E7TEtch) -rti} ifm)8,<T8at d1rwAAv-ro, when he was on the point of ntin through his deceit. ANT. v. 37. Kai -rajl Eevr;<TKE -rEKV', d?TwAAVJ-LYJV
8' f:yw, and my children were about tn die, and I was about to perish. EuR. H. F. 538. 'EKatVOJ-LYJV gtcpEt, I was to be slain. Id. I. T. 27. 39. The imperfect ~v (generally with llpa) may express a fact
which is just recognised as such by the s1Jeaker or writer, having previously been denied, over-looked, or not understood. E.g. "'Q 7T<57Tot, oiJK apa. 7!'UVTa VO~fLOVf<; OVb~ O[KaWt ~<Ta V <i>atqKW1' ~Y+ -rop> 'JO~ J-LE8ovns, i.e. they an not, as I once irnagined. Od. xiii. 209. OvK apa fLOVVOV EYJV lp[owv yvo<;, &AA' hi -yai:av Ei<TL ovw, there is not after all merely one 1ace of discards, but there are two on ea1th. HEs. Op. 11. ''Oo' 1J V apa 0 tvAA.af36Jv J-L, this is then the one who seized ?ne. SoPH. Ph. 978. Ov <TV J-LOVO<; ap' 1J<T8' E7rotf j a?e you not then the only epops (as I thought)? AR. Av. 280. "'Ap ov -roo i) v -r6 8vopov, </) o7rEp '1-ys ~/La>; is not this then the tree to which you wme bringing us? PLAT. Phaedr. 230 A. Other imperfects are rare ; as 1J7rt<T-rw, XEN. Hell. iii. 4, 9.

40. In like manner the imperfect may express something which is the result of a previous discussion, with reference to which the past form is used. This is sometirnes called the philosophic imperfect. E.g. "'I{ V 1J fLDV<TtKlJ av-rt<T-rpo<f>o<; rijs 'YVfLVa<YTLK'/j<;, EL fLEfLVYJ<Tat, music then (as we p1oved) cmTesponds, if you rernembm, to gymnastics. Pr,AT. Hep. 522 A. Kai OLKCUOV 01J </>~<TOJ-LEV avopa Elvat -rrp av-rrp -rp07r<{', 07Tp Kai 1roAts ~ v OtKa[a, and now we shall say that a man is just in the sarne way in which also a state was (shown to be) just. Ib. 441 D. !1vacpBEpovJ-Lv EKEtvo, & T~ fL~V OtKa['{' f3EA-rwv -yt-yv-ro, Tti) 8 dotK'{' &1rwAA.vTo, we shall destToy that 1vhich (as we proved) becomes better by justice and is ru~:ned by injustice. PLA T. Crit. 4 7 D. 41. The Greek sometimes uses an idiom like the English he was the one who did it for he is th" one who did it; as .ryv T~v -yvWfL'Y)V -ra<JTYJV l1ri1v ITEI<Tavopo>, THuc. viii. 68; -r[s ~v a f3ol)e~m.Js Tots Bv(av-rfots Kat <Tw<YaS av-rovs; DEM. xviii. 88.

PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT.

42. The perfect represents an action as already finished at the present time; as ryrypa~a, I have w1itten (that is, my writing is now finished). 43. The pluperfect represents an action as already finished at a given past time; as E"frypa~Hv, I had written (that is, my writing was fin.ished at some specified past time).
44. The perfect, although it implies the performance of the action

14

THE TENSES

[45

in past time, yet states only that jt stands completed at the present time. This explains why the perfect is classed with the present as a primary tense, that is, as a tense of present time.

45. The perfect and the pluperfect may be expressed by the perfect participle with the present and imperfect of ipl. Here, however, each part of the compound generally retains its own signification, so that this form expresses more fully the continuance of the result of the action of the perfect to the present time, and of that of the plupel'fect to the past time referred to.

E.g.
IIE7ro~1JKW> ECTnv (or 1jv), he il (or was) in the condition of having done,-he has done (or. had done). 'Ep.ov oi v6p.o~ oD p.6vov d?TyvwKOTS dCTt /1-~ &o~Kll', &_,\,\a Kat f(KA1!KOTES TaVTYJV T~V o[KYJV Aap.f3avw, it is the laws which not only have acqnitted me of injustice, but have commanded me to inflict this punishment. LYs. i. 34. 'Er6A.,ua AeyHv w<; yw ru 7rpayfl d,u2 rovro oopaKws, he daTed to say that I was the one who had done this deed. DEAf. xxi. 104. In DEM. xviii. 23, OVT yap 1J V 7rpCTf3da 7rpOr; ovova Q7THTTaAJ1-EVYJ TO'Tf TWV 'EA.A~vwv means for there was no entbassy then out on a mission to any of the GTeelcs; whereas a7rECTTaAro would have given the meaning no embassy had eveT been sent out (see 8 31 ). This of course does not apply to cases where the compound form is the only one in use, as in the third per:;on plnral of the perfect and pluperfect passive and midtlle of ruute.amlliq uitl verbs. 46. On the other hand, although tl1e simple form very often implies . the continuance of the result of the action down to the present time or to a specified past time, it does so less distinctly than the compound form, and not necessarily (see the last two examples below). E.g. 'Emp.Aws o[ 8wc iSv o1 av8pw1ro~ oovra~ l<aTCTI<E1> aKacnv, the Gods have caTefully pTovided what men need. XEN. Mem. iv. :3, 3. Twv 7rOH)TWV nv> il1ro8~Kas ws XP1J Nv Kara AE Ao I. ?TaCT~ v, some of tlte puets have left ns suggestions how to li'Ve. Isoc. ii. 3. 'AK~Koa p.ev rovvop.a, Jl-VYJ,UOVElJW o' ov, I have heaTd the name, but I clo not ?'emembeT it. PLAT. Theaet. 144 B. "A (TO~ TVXYJ KEXPYJI<, ra.vr' a<f>EATO, Fortune has taken back what ohe has lent you. MEN. Fr. 598.

47. ''Exw with the aorist and sometimes the perfect participle may form a ])eriphrastic j)Crfect (831). In tragedy and in Herodotus this is often fully equivalent to our perfect with have; elsewhere, especially in Attic prose, the participle aml :Jxw are more or less distinct in their force. Still, this is the beginning of the modern perfect. E.g. Ilo[cp (Tl!J' EflY(P rovr' d7rHA1)o-a<; EXH>; have yo1~ made this threat? SoPH. 0. c. 817. Tuv ,u~v 7rporCTa<;, TUV o' d.nJl-aCTa<; EX~; Id. Ant. 22; see ib. 32. 'Hp.as 7rpayos aCTKo7rov <!xo 7r<pavas. Id. Aj. 21. H15Saro ya.p ravr', ovo 1rw ,\~~avr' ffx, i.e. the story has not yet ceased to be told. Id. 0. T. 731; see Tr. 37, Tapf3~o-ac:l i!xw. "Os o-<f> vvv d.T<.,uaCTa> EXH Eun. Med. 33; see ib. 90. "Apws T

52]

PERFECT AND I>LUPERFECT INDICATIVE

15

fW'ipav JLera.\af3wv iixE nvd. Id. Bacch. 302. 2:ov 8avJLd.rras 768E. SoPH. Ph. 1362; so PLAT. Phaedr. 257 C (in poetic language). Oiri JLOL {3Ej:3ovAEvKws iixo. SorH. 0. T. 701 (after rrTfJrras i!xas " I o ~I in 699). "0 rrnr; y> XE JLOV 'C .,ap7rarrar; TO 1rawwv, whoever 7 w,~

exw

snatched away (though here EX! may mean lceeps). AR. Th. 706. 'E y K.\1) rrarr' lixa .,a, rrtT[a. Id. Eccl. 355. 'Y1r'Ep TWV 'E,\.\1)vwv Tov> rrv oovAu)rras i!xn>, Le. whom you hold in slavery or whom you 'A -1 > \ l d have ensa.v~. H DT. : "'' , fLp~rEpo;v fLE rovrwv a,7r~KA"J~O'~<;
nM I I I

i!xa>. Id. 1. 37; so J. 41. AAaCovt E7rtrpEfavn> 17fLWS avrov<; exofLEV, we have entrusted ourselves, etc. Id. vi. 12. IloAAa XP~0ara exofLEV dv"Jp7raK6rl!<;. XE~. An. i. 3, 14 (here f.xofLEV expresses possession). See THUC. i. GS; DEM. ix. 12, xxvii. 17. The beginning of this usage appears in l:!Es. Op. 42 : 1 Kpv'faVTE<; yap EXOVO' Wi {3 tov av pw1rotrrt. I ' '' ' "

e'

48. Eixov or EO'xov with the participle may form a periphrastic

pluperfect in tl~e same way (4 7). E.g. "Ov y' ElXOJI 1}8,/ xpovwv JK{3E{3A'I)I<OTES See HDT. i. 28, 73, and 75; XEN. An. iv. 7, 1. SorH. Ph. 600.

49. (a) The perfect of many verbs has the signification of a present, w hi eh may usually he explain eel by the peculiar meaning of the verbs. Thus Bvr/O'Kav, to die, TE8V?JKf.va, to be dead; KaA Etv, to call, t<EKA-Ij0'8at, to be called or named; yyvE0'8at, to become, yEyovf.va, to be; fLLfLVllO'Kav, to 1ernind, JLEfLV~0'8at, to remember/ EloJiat, to know; tO'n1Fa.t, to place, eO'ravat, to stand. So {3Ef3"JKf.vat, to stand; JyvwKf.vat, to bww , ?JfL<Pt0'8at, to wear/ KEKr~rr8a,, to possess,- 7rE7rot8vaL, to trust, 7rE<j;vKf.Fat, to be (by nature) ; etc. (b) The pluperfect of such verbs has the signification of the imperfect; as oioa, I know, 1JOELv, I knew.
50. In epistles, the perfect and aorist are sometimes used where we might expect the present, the writer transferrillg himself to the time of the reader. E.g. 'A7rEO'TaAKri (J'Oi rovOE TOV ,\6yov, I send yon this speech. Isoc. i. 2. MEr' 'Apraf30.Cov, oF <TOt E7rEfLfa, 1rpaO'O'E. THl;c. i. 129. (Here 6v E7rEfLfa refers to the man who was to carry the letter.) So scTipsi and rnisi in Latin.

51. The j)erfect sometimes refers to the future, to denote certainty or likelihood that an action will immediately take place, in a sense similar to that of the present (32), but with more emphasis, as the , change in time is greater. E.g. "!J.O'r' d fLE ,-6~wv JyKpar?JS a1rr8~rrErat, &AwAa, I shall JJIYrish at once. SOPH. Ph. 7 5. K&JI rovro ViKWJLEV, 7rd.v8' 'JJL'i:V 71'71'0 ["JTCH. XEN. An. i. S, 12. So peTii in Latin.

52. In a somewhat similar sense (51), the pluperfect may express the immediate or sudden occurrence of a past action. This occurs especially in Homer and Herodotus. E.g.

16

THE TENSES

[53

OilS' &:TrterJcm' fl-ue~) 'ABryvaf,r; ~ 3' 00Avf1-7rfw3< (3<{3-.]KHv, and she was gone to Ulympus. 11. i. 221. 'H p..~v 8ap..(31jawra 1nfA.w oiK6v3e {3ef3lJKHV. Od. i. 360. T2,v o' EAt71'E lfvxiJ, KaTa 3' 6,P8afi.p..wv KExvr' dxAvs. Il. v. 696. "AA.A.ot 3~ ~yep..6vas iixovres ~PJ-t~aTo E7rt TO 1p6v, i.e. they were on their way (at once). HDT. viii. 35 ; see ix. 61. For the gnomic perfect, see 154 and 155.

AoRIST.

53. The aorist indicative expresses the simple occurrence of an action in past time; as ~rypa"fra, I wrote. 54. This fundamental idea of simple occurrence remains the essential
characteristic of the aorist through all the dependent moods, however indefinite they may be in regard to time. The aorist takes its name (a6pt<TTos, unlimited\ unqualified) from its thus denoting merely the occurrence of an action, without any of the limitations (opot) as to completion, continuance, repetition, etc., which belong to other tenses. It corresponds to the ordinary preterite (e.g. did, went, said) in English, whereas the Greek imperfect corresponds generally to the forms I was doing, etc. Thus, 71' o [o TovTo is he was doing this or he did this habitually ; 71' e 1r o ["7 Ke rovro is he has alnady done this ; J1r E 1r o t-.] KEt rovro is he had already (at some past time) done this; but E71'o ['I] erE -rovro is simply he did th'is, without qualification of any kind.

55. The aorist of verbs which denote a stctte or condition generally expresses the entrance into that state or condition. E.g.
Ba<TtAEVw, I am lcing, J{3r:tcrA.evr.ra, I became lcing; flpxw, I hold office, took office; 1rAovrw, J71'fi.ol'!rrJfra, I became rich. Tz7 aA'f}BEfrc<Tvv{lKH Kat ovbE71'W Kat r1jp..Epov d7roAeAot7rev aAAa 1rapa (wvros 1\p..oKpdTovs lKEiv<p r.rvv<{>Krycr.:, she was his wife in good faith, and has not yet even to this day been div01ced ; but she went to live with him front Timocmtes while 1'. was stillliving. DllM. xxx. 33.
ijp~a, I

56. The aorist is distinguished from the imperfect by expressing only the occurrent:e of an action or the entrance into a state or condition, while the imperfect properly represents an action or state as going on or as repeated. t)ee the examples of the imperfect and aorist in 35, and compare crvv<~J<Et and crvv~K'f}rTE in DEM. xxx. 33 (in 55). The aorist is therefore more common in rapid narration, the imperfect in detailed description. It must be remembered that the same event may be looked upon from different points of view by the same person; thus in DEM. xviii. 71 and 73 (quoted in 35) EAVE T~V elp'iJV'IJI' and T1JV EipfJv'IJV eAvrrE refer to the same thing, once as an act in progress, and once as a fact accomplished. No amount of duration in an act, therefore,

57]

AORIST INDICATIVE

17

can make the aorist an improper form to express it, provided it is stated as a single past event viewed as a whole. Thus ~f3arr A.wcH oeKa lrry (see HDT. ii. 15 7) means he had a reign of ten years, (which is viewed as a single past event), while Jf3aaD..wE oeKa ~T'l} might refer to the same reign in the sense he was reigning during ten years. The aorist may refer even to a series of repetitions ; but it takes them collectively as a whole, while the imperfect would take them separately as individuals. See DEM. xviii 80, Jl-ETa rai!ra o~ roi!s d1roar6Aovs a1ravras d7TearELAa, and afterwa1ds I sent out all the naval armaments/ and xviii. 60, a Jl'~V 1rp'O roi! 7TOA,TEVEa8a, Kat Sryj1-'l}yopE'iv f-Jl'~ 7TpoVAa(3E Kat KaraxE ip[A,7T7Tos, the (succession of) advantages which Philip secured during the peTiod before I enteTed public life, emphatically opposed (as a whole) to Philip's many failures after that time, which are mentioned in a 0~ Kat 0UKWAV8ry. If the Orator had wished to dwell on the number of the advantages or failures, or on their duration, he could have used the imperfect. See the last example under 35. 57. Since the same event may thus be stated by the aorist or the imperfect according to the writer's point of view, it is natural that it should occasionally be a matter of indifference which form is used, especially when the action is of such a nature that it is not important to distinguish its duration from its occurrence. For example, this distinction can seldom be important in such expressions as he said, he commanded; and we find eAEyov and ~K!Awov in the historians where no idea of duration can have been in mind. See oi o' JK AEV61' TE E7T,eva,, KO-~ 7TOpEA86vTE<; OL 'A8ryva'i:ot eAEyov TOUtOE, THUC. i. 72, followed, at the end of the speech in 79, by rowi!ra OE oi 'A8ryva/;o~ d1rov and 'Apx8aJ1-0> lAE~E ro,aSE. In such cases as the following (eited with others by Kriiger) it was not important to the narrative whether the idea of duration was included in the expression or not: f3aAAEro and (3aAEro, Il. ii. 43 and 45; 80KEV and r8a, xxiii. 65:3 and 656; SwKE and 0/lov, vii. 303 and 305; >u7TEV and AEZ7TE, ii. 106 and 107 ; compare also Jl'[arvAAov with e1mpav, CJ"Trrryaav, and epvcravro, i. 46 5 and 4 6 G. In all these cases the fundamental distinction of the tenses, which was inherent in 1he form, remained; only it happeJ}(:'d that either of the two distinct forms , expressed the meaning which was here needed equally well. It must not be thought, from these occasional examples, that the Greeks of any period were not fully alive to the distinction of the two tenses and could not use it with skill and nicety. But the Greeks, like other workmen, did not care to use their finest tools on every occasion ; and it is often 11ecessary to remember this if we would avoid hair-splitting,

18

THE TENSES

[58

58. The aorist, expressing simply a past occurrence, is sometimes used where we slwuld expect a llerfect or pluperfect, the action being merely referred to the past without the more exact specification which these tenses would give. E.g. Twv olKETWV o-&8va KaTAt7rev, dAA' d7ral'Ta 7rE7rpaKev, he (has) left none of the servants, but has sold everything. AESOHIN. i. 99. 'ETpct1TOVTO J, TdV ITdvopfLOV, oBev7rEp dv?)'}'ct'}'OVTO, they turned towaTds PanoTmus, whence they (had) set sail. Tauc. ii. 92. Kvpov 8 fLETa1TEfliTI.ETat d1ro Try> dpxfis i)s aBTov a-a-rpct7r?)l' E7ro [1} ere v, j1om the dominion of which he (had once) made him satmp. XEN. An. i. 1, 2. 59. The aorist is generally used with J1rd or E1Tet8,], aftm that, the aorist with the particle being equivalent to our pluperfect. So after i!ws and 1rpv, until. . E.g. 'E1rnory JTeAn'IT?JtTE 6.ape'ios Kai KaTEtTTYJ 'Apra~p~?)'>, ajte1 DaTius (had) died and ATtaxeTxes had become established. XEN. An. i. 1, 3. Ov 1rpoa-Bev J~eve'}'Kei:v ETDAJL?Ja-av 1rpils ?)JLfi> 7ToAefLOl' 1rp!v Tovs a-TpaT?)yovs TJJLWV a-vv Aaf3 ov, they did not dare to bring warlt)?On us until they (had) seized our generals. Ib. iii. 2, 29. But the plnpedcct may still be used after E1re or J7Tet8,), to give additional emphasis to the doubl:r past action; as in DEM. xviii. 42, E7rHO?J E~>J7rUT?)uBe JLEV {JLE'i~, f.~')'lr<LT?)vTo 8~ a' <PwKEts Kat dvvp>JvTo a' 7rOAHs, T f.yveTo; So in Latin we have generally postquam venit, but occasioually postquam venemt. 60. The aorist is sometimes used colloquially by the poets (especially the dramatists), when a sudden action, which is just taking pla.ce, is spoken of as if it had already hap1Jened. E.g. 'E1r7l vea-' (p'}'OV Kaf 1rpovowv 1)1' Bov, I must apJ.nove you.r act, etc. SoPH. Aj. 536. ''Ha-B?)l' d1rHAaZs, E'}'EAarra lf;oAo~<DfL7r[ats, I am amused uy you1 thTeats, I cannot help laughing, etc. AR. Eq. 696.
61. The aorist sometimes refers vividly to the future, like the present (32) or perfect (51); as d7rwADJL1JV d' fL Adrfw;, I pmish if you, leave rne. Eua.Alc. 386: so Med. 78. See also wAeTo, Il.ix.413 ancl415. 62. In questions with ~r oB, expressing surprise that sometl1ing is uot already done, and implying an exhortation to do it, the aorist is sometimes used strangely like a future. E.g. T o~v oB 8 t?)y~crw 1JJLZv n)v ~vvova-av; why then don't ymt tell us about the meeting? PLAT. Prot. 310 A. T oiiv oB Kat IIp6otKOV Kat 'I?T?dav f.KaAa-aJLEV; why then don't we call Prodicus and Hippias too ? lb. 31 7 D. So T o~v oB . . . Ea-KElfW; Id. So ph. 251 E. See also SoPH. 0. T. 1003. For the gnomic aorist see 154.

FUTURE.

63. The future denotes that an action is to take place

70]

FUTURE INDICATIVE

19

in time to come; as rypatw, I shall write or I shall be writ1>ng, sometimes I will write; 7Tcucrat, he will suffer, sometimes he shall snffer.
64. In indirect discourse and in all final constructions the future expresses time future relatively to the leading verb. See 22.

65. The future may represent an action in its duration its mere occurrence, or its inception ; as ~w, I shall have, or I ;hall obtain/ Tol',.,-o Mo-w, I shall give this; lip~w, I shall rule, or I shall obtain power (cf. 55). E.g.
ITpay}haTdiovTaL o1rws lip~ova-Lv, they take trouble to gain power XEN. Rep. Lac. xiv. 5. "'Ap' ov (ow,LpETEov) oZnvEs lip~ova-{v 'TE Kai ({ p ~ o v 'Tat ; must we not distinguish between those who a1e to rule and those who a1e to be ruled? PLAT. Rep. 412 B. IIi) o-Taa-Lao-ov<nv ol 7r{Kovpot Kat ol flpxovns; how will they fall into faction? Ib 545 D (see below, o1rws o~ 1rpWTOI1 a-Taa-Ls Eft7rECTE).

66. The future may be used in a gqwmic sense, denoting that something will always happen when an occasion offers. E.g.
'Av~p o <j>Evywv Kat 1raALv JkUX~a-eTaL. l'.fEN. Mon. 45. fights and runs away may turn and fight anotl.er day."

"He that

67. The future is sometimes used to express what will hereafter be proved or be recognised as a truth. Compare the use of the imperfect in 40. E.g.
he will prove to

<PtA6a-o<f>os 1Jft01 a-T a L JkEAAwv KaA6s dya()6s Ea-Ea-()at rpvAa~, ~e a philosopher. PLAT. Rep. 376 0.

68. The future is sometimes used in questions of doubt, where the subjunctive is more common (287). E.g. T[ O~Ta opw0Ev; 0'YJ'TEp' ?j rp ovEVIJ00Eil; what shall we do? shall
we kill our motlted EuR. El. 967: so Ion. 758. IIoL' TPEtfo}hcJ.L. whithenhall I turn? Id. Hipp. 1066. Eh yw ~Jov <jodtJo}hat Art, T' 'i' / . A C . ;312. h L OVJl 'JT"OL'Y)IJOftEV j 'JT"O'TEpov ELS 'T'Y)V 'JT"OI\LV 7rUVTo.s 'TOV'TOVS 7rapaoe~6JkE()a; what then shall we do? Are we to receive all these into the state ? PLAT. Rep. 397 D.
I ). \ ,, / }

69. The second person of the future may express a concession or permission; and it often expresses a command, like the imperative. E.g.
IIp?.s Tavra 7rpU~HS oiov &v eavs, you may act as you pleast SoPH. 0. c. 956. IIavTWS 0~ 'TOV'TO opatJELS, but by all means do this: AR. Nub. 1352. So in the common imprecations, d7roAEtiJ0e, oi}hw~EIJ()E, may you pe1ish, etc. XELpt 8' ov tf;a vo-Hs 7ro-rf.. Ena. Med. 1320. Compare the Latin facies ut sciam, let rne know; abibis, depart. 70. In a few instances the future indicative with 0~ expresses a prohibition, like the imperative or subjunctive with 0~ (259). E.g. TaV'T'Y)V, liv JkOL xp~a-()E 1JVftf3ovAr.p, rpvAa~ETE 'T~V 'lr[IJ'TLv 7rpb>

20

THE TENSES

[71

Tovrov rov 8piKa, Kat p.~ f3ovA~tJ"HT8 d8vat, K.T.A., if you follow rny advice, hold fast to this secU1ity (69), and do not wish to know, etc. DgM. xxiii. 117. 'Ectv 8~ EfJ q>poFljn, Kat J!VVL TOVTO <PavEpoJI1TOt~IJ"T, Kat fJ/I]DEp.[aJ! avroZ> liDHaJ! OcbiJ"ET. Lrs. xxix. 13. AEJ!OV d.DtK~ tJ"Et> 1'-')0E'lTOT Katp(w A.a(JcbJ!. MEN. Mon. 397. So probably ov tJ"tya; /~1JO~V TWJ!O' epEL!> KaTa 1TT6Atv, silence I say nothing of all this in the city. AEsca. Sept. 250. (See 279.)

71. The future sometimes denotes a present intention, expectation, or necessity that something shall be done, in which sense the periphrastic form with p.f.A.A.w (73) is more common.
E.g.

T l:na<PpovtJ"t rwu f_~ dJ!ayw']> KaKo1Ta8ofwrwF, Er YE 1THl''JtJ"OVIJ"t Kat 8tf~IJ"OVIJ"t Kd /Hy~&ot>IJ"t Ka2 d.ypv1TJ'{JtJ"OVIJ"t; if they aTe to endun hunge1 and thint, etc. XEN. l\Iem. ii. 1, 17. (Here El p.f:A.A.ovtJ"t 1THJ'ljv Kat ou{ljF, etc., would be more common, as in the last example under 7 3.) Aip 1T AljKTpoJI, El p.a X Er, mise youT spur, if you are going to fight. AR. Av. 759, The distinction between this and the ordinary future (63) is important in conditional sentences (see 407).
72. A still more emphatic reference to a present intention is found in the question r Ae~Et>; what do you mean to say? often found in tragedy; as 6\p.ot, r{ A.f: ~Et>; ?j ycip yyvdrn 1rov; Eun. Hec. 1124. So Hec. 511, 712; Hipp. 353; Ion. 1113; SOPH. Ph. 1233. For the future in 11rota~is, see 44 7 and 407 ; in relative clauses expressing a purpose, 565; wit.h &1', 196; with ov 1'-'J, 294-301.

73. (M~:\A,w with tkc Infinitive.) A periphrastic future is formed by fLEA-'Aw aml the present or future (seldom the aorist) infinitive. This form sometimes denotes mere futurity, and sometimes intention, expectation, or necessity. E.g. J\HA.AH rovro 1T(HtTnw (or 1rpa~w'), he is abott to do this, or he intends
to do this. So in Latin, jacturus est for faciet. Mf:A.A.w 1',flJ1s ot8a~HJI Mhv J'-0' 'l owf3oA1J yyoJ!. PLAT. Ap. 21 B. OvKOVJ! OE'iJrTEt TOV TOtoiiTov TtvO~ de2 i11urrci:rov, el JL~AAEL ~ 7roAt.TEa cr0(Ecr8at; if the constitution is to be pTeserved. PLAT. Rep. 412 A. (See 71.)

74. Although tl1e present and tl1e future infinitive were preferred with p.f.A.A.w (7 3), the aorist was still used by some writers, as by Euripides. See AE~CH. Prom. 625 (fLEAAw 1Ta~O,r:v); Eun. Ion. 80 (p.f.A.A.w TVXEZv), 760 (8a.VEtJI p.EAAw), El. 17 (fLEAAOJ!Ta 8aJIEtJ1), Phoen. 300 (p.EAAH> OtyEZJ!) ;-where the metre allows no change.
75. The future infinitive with p.EAAw forms the only regular exception to the general principle which restricts the use of the future infinitive to indirect discourse (see 86 ; 112). 76. The imperfect (seldom the aorist) of p.f:AA.w with the infinitive expres:;es past intention, expectation, or necessity. E.g.

.82]
<T7r~'

FUTURE PERFECT

21

KvKAwtj;, oflK ap gp.AA') dvaAKtOO') dvopo> -ra[prn>> E0fLVUt Jv yAa<{>vpri}, so you wen not aftw all to eat, etc. (cf. 39). Od. ix. 475. See Il. ii. 36. "EtuAA6v a-' lipa ktv1)a-w iyw, I thought I .<hould start you off. AR. Nub. 1301. 'E1Tta--raTlJV Aaf3E'i:v, p.EAAV 'EfLeAAYJa-av 4 vTw KaAw TE Kdya.8r~ 7rat~a-v. PLAT. Ap. 20 A. ~p.f3aUm. THee. i. 134.

os

FUTURE PERFECT.

77. The future perfect denotes that an action will be already finished at Rome future time. It 1s thus a perfect transferred to the future. E.g.
Kat fLE aJ' ~EAy~vs, ovK dxBa-8~a-ofLat a-ot, &>.>.a fL-yunos dEpyETYJS 1Tap' EJLOL d V arE y p a if; u, you will have been emolled as my greatest benefactor. PLAT. Gorg. 506 0. ''Hv o fLry Y~V1)Tat, fLUT1)JI EfLOL KEKAava-ETat, U"V 8' iyxavwJ' TE()v,)~Et>, I shall then have had my whippings joT nothing, and you will have died g1inning. AR. Nub. 143 5.

78. The future perfect often denotes the continuance of an action, or the permanence of its results, in future time. E.g.

1f er a,, pou;m,
THUC. ii. 64.

!J.,)va.fLtV,

lJS

s d8wv Tofs E7rtytyvofLEl'OtS fLVfJfL') KaT a AE Ad-

the nwlnoTy of which will be left to ou1 posterity jo1 eve1. (Compare 105.)

79. The future perfect sometimes denotes certainty_or likelihood that an aetion will immediately take place, whid1 idea is still more vividly expressed by the perfect (51). E.g. El. 0~ 1TapAf)o)v [.,; OU'TtU'O;-;V OVJIO.tTO otOJ.~at, r.as 0 r.apwv <{>6f3o>
AEA.VU"ETat, all the present feaT will be at once dispelled. DE~!. xiv. 2. (Here the inferior Mss. have AEAvTat, which would be like oAwAa, quoted in 51.) 'Ppa(E, J<at 1Te1Tpa~eTa.t, speak, and it .shall be WJ ~ooner suid thun done. An. Plut. 1027. E1\8is- 'Apwias dcpEa-n)~, WU"TE <{>Aos ~p.'iv ovoets Ae'Aetj;eTa.t. XEN. An. ii. 4, 5.

80. The future perfect can he expressed hy the perfect participle and f.rro/;,at. In the active voice this is the only form in use, except in a few cases (chiefly EU"T1j~w and Te8v,)~w). E.g.
''Av TavT' el8wfLev, Kat Ta ooJITa Ja-6fLe8a yFwK6TE> 1w.l Aoywv fLO.Ta[wv ct7r1)AAay/Lvot, we shall have al1eady 1esolved to do our duty and shall /wve been j1eed j1om vain 1epoTts. DEM. iv. 50. (See 45 and 831.)

81. A similar circumlocution with the aorist participle ana EU'OfLat is sometimes found, especially in the poets. E.g. Ov U'tw1Tf]U"as f.U"tt.; SoP H. o. T. 1146. Avr.ve.t, U"tt. SorH. o. 0. 816. (See 47 and 831.)
82. \Vhen the perfect is used in the sense of a 1)resent (49), the

22

THE TENSES

[83

future perfect is its regular future; as KEKA~rrof"a, f"EfLV~fTOf"a, dcpEO"T~~w, I shall be named, I shall1emember, I shall withdraw, etc. 83. In many other verbs, the future perfect differs very slightly, if at all, from an ordinary future. Thus 7r7rpdrrop.at is the regular future passive of 7rt7rpdrrKw. Still, where there is another future, the future perfect is generally more emphatic. 84. It must be remembered that, in most caseR in which the Latin or the English would use a future perfect in a dependent clause, the Greek uses an aorist or even a perfect subjunctive. (See 90 and 103, with the examples.)

II. TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS.

85. Tl1e distinctions of time which mark the various tenses in the indicative are retained when the optative and infinitive represent the indicative in indirect discourse, and usually in the participle. But in other constructions these distinctions of time disappear in the dependent moods, and the tenses here differ only in their other character of denoting the continuance, the completion, or simply the occurrence of an action (20). The infinitive with av is not included in this statement (see, Chap. III.) The tenses in these two uses must, therefore, be discussed separately.
A. NOT IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

86. In the subj'unctive and imperative, and also in the optative and infinitive not in indirect discourse (666; 684), the tenses chiefly used are the present and the aorist. The perfect is used here only when the completion of the action is to be emphasized (see 102-110). For the occasional future, see 111-113; 130-132.
PRESENT AND .AORIST.

87. The present and aorist here differ only in this, that the present expresses an action in its du,ndion, that is, as going on or 1epeated, while the aorist expresses simply its occu?'?'ence, the time of both tenses being otherwjse precisely the same. E.g.
'Ectv 1r o 'ii 'TOvTo, if he shall be doing this, or if he shall do this (habitually); Jav 7rO t~rrv TOvTo, (simply) if he shall do this; El 1r o to { T) TOVTo, if he should be doing this, or if he should do this (habitu-

89]

PRESENT AND AORIST SUBJUNCTIVE AND IMPERATIVE

23

ally) . Et 71"0 t~<THE 'TOV'To, if he should do this j 71"0 [o 'TOV'To, do this > ' h' ' \ \ (habitually) j 71"0t'Y}<TOV 'TOV'TO, d0 tU. 0'1 V'TW VtK'Y}<TatjU 'T> E")'W Kat v 0 1 ( o [!" 'YJ v a-ocp6s, _on this condition 1nay I gain the vi;t01y (aor-) and u be considered (pres.) wue. AR. Nub. 520. BovAE'Tat 'TOV'TO 71"0tHv, he wishes to do this (habitually); f3ovAE'Tat 'TOV'To 71"0 tqtrat, (simply) he For other examples see below. 1cishes to do this. This is a distinction entirely uuknown to the Latin, which has (for example) only one form, si faciat, corresponding to El 1r0 w ['I) and El 7rO t?]a-oEv, and only facere to correspond to both 7rOtEi:v and. 1rotqa-at (as used above). 88. It is sometimes difficult here, as in the corresponding case of the imperfect and. the aorist indicative (56 ; 5 i), to see any decisive reason for preferring one tense to the other ; and it can har<lly be doubted that the Greeks occasionally failed to make use of this, as well as of other fine distinctions, when either form would express the required sense equally well, although they always had the distinction J'eady for use when it was needed. Compare the present and the aorist subjunctive and optative in the following examples : 'EUv yelp -r O"E !f;a vW KaKOv 7rE7rOiYJKW~, OJLoAoyW d8tKEv Ed.v
A

fLEvTot f1-'YJ8f.v ~a [ VWfLa

KaKOv

7r1T"Oi1]J<.Ws

p:qSE (3ovA~fJE~r;, oV

Kat

. trv Of"o.Aoy,)a-w; f"'YJOEV {nr' fpov dotKE"Ur&at j if I shall appear (aor.) to have done you any qcrong, and if I shall appear (p1es.) to have done you no wrong. XEN. Cyr. v. 5, 13. El JLEV yap 1rpoa-8~at'TO <PwKas<TVJLf"axovs .. Et o JL'l 7rpoa-8xot'TO, K.'T.A. DEM. xix. 318. Er 'TtvE> r.oAAWJ' &avaTwv 1)a-av ainot, (Zva) 7ral'TWV 'TOVTWV OEKa7rAaa-[asdA:y'Y}86vas 1'mep EKaO"TOV KOJL{<TatVTO, Ka! aV E[ TLVES' EiJEp'}'E<TLaS' Ei<p'}'E'T1)Kb'TE<; ElEJ', (Zva) KaTa 'TGI.BTCI. T1JV d~{av K o0Co tVTo, if any had ca1tsed many deaths, that they might 1eceive (aor.) suffming for all these, tenfold fm each; and again, if they had done kind se1vices to any, that they might in like manner receive (pres.) theiT due Tewa.rd. PLAT. Rep. 615 B. In the last example, it is olJVious that the change from KOJLfa-awTo to KOJ"(otvTo is connected with the change from El ~a- a v to El cV<fJ'}'ETYJKb'TE> ElEv; but it is questionable whether the latter thange is the cause or the effect, and it is also quite as hard to see the reason for this change in the protasis, wl1en both conditions are equally general, as for that in the final clause. Probably no two scholars would agree in the reasons which they might assign for the use of the tenses in these examples. It is certain, however, that either present or aorist would express the meaning equally well in all these cases.

Subjunctive and Imperative.

89. The present and aorist subjunctive and imperative are always future, except that in general conditions (462; 53 2) .:;he subjunctive is. general in its time. In all final constructions the subjunctive is future relatively to the

24

THE TENSES

[89

leading verb. The following examples will show the distinction of the two tenses : IIHeti>fLeea 1ravns <f>e-Dywt-HY uvv vryvu2 <J>Dvqv Js 1ra-rptoa yaZav, let us all be 1Jersuaded; let us fly, etc. Il. ii. 139. T q>w; -r 0p w; what shall I say ? what shall I do ? ITws ovv 7rpt TOVTWV 7r 0 LwfLEV; how then shall we act about this? PLAT. Phil. 6:3 A. 'A vu A.o y L<TW fLE ea 'TU Wfl-OAoywd:va ~fLtY, let us enumemte the points which have been conceded by us. PLAT. Prot. 332 D. .M?)OEv <J>of3YJ efjs, feanwt. But f'-ryov <f>o(3ov, be not timid. T 7roo]uw; what shall I do (in this case)? But ,.[ 7rOLW; what shall I do (generally)? Oil!'-~ TovTo Er7rYJS, you shall not say this. Ov !"'~ yevYJTat, it will not happen. So in the Homeric ovo fowfLaL, noT shall I ever see (6). . ''Av OE 'TLS d Ve L<T'T~Ta t., 7iELpwr6jLEea XELpovueaL, but if any one shall stand opposed to us, we will tTy to subdne him. XEN. An. vii. 3, 11. Kav 7r6AEfLOS i}, ws av E7r' O.A.Aov l X w fLEV <TTPUTElJE<TeaL, <TOV TE Kat 'TWV <TWV a<f>e~6fLeea, and if theTe shall be waT, 80 long as 'We shall be able, etc. XEN. Hell. iv. 1, 38. 'AAX if av ')'L')'VW<TI<W (3EA.ncr-ra. f.pw, but I will speak as I shall think best. THUC. vi. 9. Ol.ls av f3 0 V A. Yl 7rotfJcrau8a.t q,[A.ov>, dya86v n A.eye 1rept ailrwv 1rp0> rovs d7iayyEA.A.ovras, whomsoeve1 you. shall wish, etc. Iwc. i. 33. "A1ra> A.6yo>, av d1rfj -ril 7ipayfl-a-ra, jLcfrau)v n <f>averat Ka2 t<ev6JI, all speech, if (whmeve1) deeds a1e wanting, appeaTs vain and empty. DE)L ii. 12. }:;IJfLfhUXElY TOVTOL<; JeAoVITLl' a7iUJI'TE'>, oils aJI 6p/o(J'L 7iapE<TI<EVU(TfLE vov<;, all are willing to be allied to those whom they s~e 1nepared. DEM. j.v. 6. 'its &1' d'1r w 7iELewpAJ.a, let 1S obey as I shall direct. Il. ix. 7 04. "Hv yyvs EA. er; eaJ!aTos, OVOEL<; f3ovAenu el']l<TI<Hl', if death comes neaT (the rnmnent that denth comes near), no one wants to die. EuR. Ale. 671. "Hv T1JV elpfJvqJ! 7i0'1)CTWfl-<()a, p.e-ril 1roAA.ijs dcr<f>aA.etas -r0v ?TOAtv olt<fj<Tof.I.<JI, if we (shall) rnalce the peace, etc. Isoc. viii. 20. "Ov p..ev av roll dyJ!wTa. (se. 6 /(VWJI), xaA.oralVE'' QV o' av ')'Vti>ptp.ov (se. LOIJ), au7icf(erat, i.e. whomsoeve1 the dog sees (at any time). Pr.AT. Rep. 3 7 6 A. LlOt<EL p.o< KUTUKUV(T(LL rils ap.cf~a>, l'Jia fh'l TU (<vyrJ 'lflWV crrpa'T'IJYiJ, dA.A.a 7iOp<VWfLea 07i]) av T]J crrpan~ ITVfL<f>Ep)), it seems good to me to burn the wagons, that our /1easts of burden rnay not be anT generals, and that we may go on whithersoever it may be best fa?' the anny. XEN. An. iii. 2, 27. Kai yap f3acrtA.e:Us a1pE'i:rat, oilx Z;a avTov Ka'Aws E7iLfJ-EA~TaL, d'J...A.' Zva Kat o1 f.A.6p.1'0L oi avr6v Ell ?TPUTTW<TL. XEN. Mem. iii. 2, 3. ilf.ooum ft'l E7itAaB01'-eBa T0> otKaoe 6oov, I fea? lest we rnay forget the road home. XEN. An. iii. 2, 25. LltaJ!oe'i:ra< o.vn]_, A.vcrat, WS ""~ ow(3ijn d.\A.' a7iOA1J<J>Bij-re, i.e. he intends to dest?oy the bridge, that you may not pass ovm hut be caught. lb. ii. 4, 17. iP<vy<, beg one; )(at.p6vTWY, let them 1ejoice; j.L1J J!Oft{(ET~. do not believe. El1r p.ot, tell me; B6re f'-OL rovro, give me this. 'i.q,ev06v'l}v rfs fLOL B6rw, let some one give me a sling. AR. Av. 1187.

90]

PRESENT AND AOIUST SUBJUNCTIVE

2b

90. ,When the aorist subjunctive depends on E7T"<t0riv (or Jmiv, J1r0v), after that, it is refened by this meaning of the particle to time preceding the action of the leading verb, so that E1T"<tod.v Towo

!Ow,

ij~w

means after I (shall) have seen this, I will come/ and

E1T"<t0UV TOVTO tOw, a1T"~PXOfhat, after I have seen this, I (always) depaTl. In such cases it may be translated by our future perfect

when the leading verb is future, and by our perfect when the leading verb denotes a general truth and is translated by the present. As the subjunctive here can never depend upon a verb of simply pTesent time, it can never refer to time absolutely past/ nnd we use the perfect indicative in translating such an aorist after a verb expressing a general truth, merely because we use the present in translating the leading verb, although this is properly not present hut general in its time. In like manner, after lws, 7rp{v, and other particles signifying until, before that, and even after the relative pronoun or eav, the aorist subjunctive may be translated by our future perfect or perfect, when the context shows that it refers to time preceding that of the leading verb. E.g.
Xp'J o, 07"(1,]1 fi>EV T Jh)cr 8e TOll<; v6fi>OV<;, 01T"Oto{ TtVE<; elcrt U'K01T"Eiv, E1T"Et00.11 o 8~cr8e, cpvActTTELJI Kat XP~cr8at, while you aTe enacting laws, you must look to see of uhat lcind they a1e; but after you have enacted them, yon 1nust guard and use thern, DEllf. xxi. 34. (Here the present n8~cr8e with bTav, while, refers to an action continuing through the time of the leadiug verh ; but 8~cr8e with E1T"Hoav, after that, refeJs to time past relatively to the leading verb.) TavTa, E7T"HOO.l' 7rEp2 rov yvovc; E Z1rw, r6n, av f3ovAYJ<T8E riKOlJEtJI, Jpw, when I shall hcwe S]Jnken abo1tt my bi1th, then, if you desiTe to heaT, I will speak of these things. DEM.lvii. 16. (Here the aorist d7rw, though absolutely fnture, denotes OfOjhUi, time past with refereuce to Jpw.) 'E7TEt0a]l Ota7rpct~Wjhat "J~w, when I shall have accomplished whcit I desi1e, I will come. XEN. A11. ii. 3, 29. 'E1r<toav !S~ ~<pvtj;wcrt Y1J, J.v,)p 1IP'fJfh~vos v1ro T~> 1r6Aews A.y<t 7i aDTol:c; <i1rawov Tuv 7rpE7rovTa, when they have coveTed them with eaTth, etc. THC:C. ii. 34. ''Ewe; av cr{l('}Tai TO U'Kctcpos, T6n XP'J 7rpo81JfLOV<; dvat' E1T"EiQaV o 'J 8aAarra V7r~pcrxu, fhclTUW> 'J U'1T"OV00, as long as the vessel Temnins in safety (present) ; b1d the rnoment that the sea has ovmwhelmed it (aorist). DEM. ix. 69. ''Ewe; av El<jha8us, <!x' eA1roa, until you, lwve learnt fully, have hope. Soru. 0. T. 834. Ma o KAv'7 KEV?J cp~perat TWV dcpavwv, ol' av fh'J Ellpe8wcrtv E<; dFa{pecrtv, and one bier is always carried empty, in honouT of the 'rnissing, whose bodies a1e not (have not been) found. THUG. ii. 34. l:.wvoei:Tat, Cl av aAAoi T1J dpeT1J KaTa7rpa~(J)<Tt, TOVTOJ]I lcrojhOipELV; i.e. he thinks of ha1;ing an equal shaTe in those things which othen by theiT valour have acquind? XEN. Cyr. ii. 3, 5. llav8' oclllv EK 1T"oAp,ov YLYVOfh~V'}'> <ZpfJvYJ> 7rpo<8ii, ravra TOtS dfL<A'Ijcracrw d7r6AAvTai, all things which are (or have been) abandoned when pea.ce is made are always lost to those

26

THE TENSES

[91

who abandoned them. DEM. xix. 151. "H V o' tipa Kat TQV 7rdpq. a-<jlaA.wcnv, dvTEA7r{cravns aAAa J7l"A'I)pw<rav T~V XPE{av, if they have been disappointed in anything, they always supply the deficiency, etc. (154 and 171). THUC. i. 70. Ovxi 7raDCTOfLat, 7rpiv tiv (T TWV crwv dpwv rrn)crw T~Kvwv, I will not cease befme I have (shall have) made you master of your children. SoPH. 0. C. 1040. 11~) crTEva(< 7rpiv paBv>, do not groan until you have heaTd. SorH. Ph. 917. 91.. This use of the aorist subjunctive (90) sometimes seems to approac11 very near to that of the pe1.fect subjunctive (1 03); and we often translate both by the same tense. But in the perfect, the idea of an action completed at the time referred to is expressed by the tense of the verb, without aid from any particle or from the context; in the :wrist, the idea of relative past time can come only from the particle or the context. (See 103 with examples, and 1 04.) The Greek often uses the less precise aorist subjunctive and optative (see 95) where the perfect would be preferred but for its cumbrous forms ; and we sometimes give the aorist more precision than really belongs to it in itself hy translating it as a perfect or future perfect. (See the last six examples under 90.) The following example illustrates the distinction between the perfect and aorist subjunctive:''Ov p~v &v rov &yvwTa (o Kvwv), xaAE7ra[vw 3v o' &v yvc!Jptpov (tov), dcrmfC<Tat, Kav fL'YJOEV 7rtiJ7rOT V71' aBTOV dyaBov 7l"E7l"OV8TJ, 1chomsoever he sees whom he knows, he fawns upon, even if he has hitheTto ?'eceived no kindness/Tom him. PLAT. Rep. 376 A. Compare this with eav &yaBov Tt 7l"U Bv V7l"O Ttvos, &crm5.(Tat, if he eveT happens to ?'eceive any kindness fmm any one, he always fc~wns upon him; and e7r<toav &ya86v n 71'U 827, &cr7ra(<mt, ajteT he has nceived any kindness, he always fa;wns upon him. ' 92. The present subjunctive with p.~] or 07rlJJ> p~ after verbs of feaTing, though it generally refers to a future object of fear, may also denote what may hereafter prove to be an object of fear. E.g. 6.8otKa p,~} dA~78s if, I fea?' it nwy ]JTOVe t?u.e. DEM. ix. 1. 6.EtvW> d8vfLW, fL~) j3AE7rWV o p,avns i], lest the prophet may JJ?'OVe to have his sight (cf. the following od~ELS o fLfiAAov). SoP H. 0. T. 7 4 7 ; 80 Ant, 1114. "Opu p~ 7rpi Tol.'s <jltAniTots Kvf3dTJ>, beware lest it may JJ?ove thctt you are staking what is dew est. PLA'r. Prot. 314 A. '' 0 pa. 07!"W<; ,.~} 7rapa oo~av OJLOAoy{Js. Id. Crit. 49 c. In all these cases the present indicative would be required if the object of fear were really 1)resent (369, 1). Compare the examples of the perfect subjunctive in 103. 93. In a few passages of Homer the aorist subjunctive with p~ seems to express a similar fear that something may prove to have already hal)pened; as odootKa fL'l CT 7rUpd7rYJ, I fear it may prove that she peTsuaded you, IL i. 555. So Il. x. 98, p~} Kotp~crwvTat aTap A.aewvTat, and X. 538, S.tSotKa P-0 Tl -n-J.Bwcrt, I fear lest it may prove that they have met some hann. The reference to the past here cannot come from any past force of the aorist subjunctive itself,

94]

PRESENT AND AORIST OPTATIVE

27

but is probably an inference drawn from the context. As the later language would use a perfect subjunctive in such cases, these aorists seem to be instances of an earlier laxity of usage, like the use of &.1r6AmT6 K for both would have pmishe1l and would perish (44 0). In Il. x. 537 there is a similar case of the aorist optative in a wish: ar yop 0~ il>o' /l<f;ap iK Tpwwv U..a(Ja{aTO fi>Wvvxa<; t7T1TOV<;, i.e. may it prove that they have d1iven the horses away front the T1ojans (95).

Optative.
94. The present and aorist Ol)tative in independent sentences (in wishes and with llv), and ii1 all conditional sentences except past general conditions (462; 532), express future time, the relation of wl1ich to the future expressed by other moods is explained in 12, 13, and 16. (Some Homeric present or past unreal conditions and present wishes are exceptions: see 438-441.) In all final constructions the optative (which is used only after past tenses) represents the subjunctive after primary tenses, and is future relatively to the leading verb. E.g.
Elth TOVTO dry (utinam sit), 0 that this may be. El8 fi>?J mvm may they not s4fer these things (with a view to the progre~s of their suffering). But Et8E fi>?J TavTa 7Ttl8otv, may they not svjfer these things (viewed collectively). (JtJ TowvTo<; c:\1' <f;{Ao<; ?jfi>Zv yf.vo w, may you become a jTiend to us. XEx. Hell. iv. 1, 38. M?) yf.votTo, <Jnay it not happen. See examples of the 01)tative with /lv below. Ov yap av E1TO.LVO{'Y) fi>, El f.~d.aVJIOLfi>L TOtJ<; EVEpyf.m<;,fm he would not pmise me, if I should banish 1ny benefactors. XEN. An. vii. 7, 11. Et'Y)> <f;opYJTO<; OVK av, el 7rpa(J(J0LS KaAw<;, ynn would not be endumble, if you should be in )JTOsperity (at any time). AEo;CH. Prom. 979. ITw<; yap Ci.v n<;, d. YE fi''l E1TiffTO.LTO, TUVTa (J0cf)o<; EtYJ; for how CMdd any one be wise in that which he did not unclentand (i.e. d nva fL?J f.7r{<TTaLTo) 1 XEN. :Mem. iv. 6, 7. 'A'AX et n fi>?J <f;f.potp.ev, w'Tpwev 4>f.pHv, but if we neglected to bring anything, he always exhorted us to bring it. EuR. Ale. 755. OvK rl7TEAeL7TETO ETL avTov, el /1>~ TL dvayKatov dYJ, he never left him, unless there was some necessity fo1 it. XEN. Mem.
1r tl(J X o LE v,

Ere

iv. 2, 40.
El E'AIJot, 1T<ivT' av tooL, if he should go, he would see all. El A.8o t, 1rav8' ~wpa, 1j ever (whenevm) he went, he (always) saw all. Ollll' d 1ravTE> 'A8o,Ev ITf.p(JaL, 1rA?}IJEL -ye ovx v7rEpj3aAo[fi>EIJ' av TotJ<; 7TOAEfJ>ov<;, not even if all the Pe1'Bians should come, should we surpass the enemy in numbers. X1m. Cyr. ii. 1, 8. ''OTE ~w Tov oELvov yf.votvTo Kat f.Ee[?J 1rpos &A.A.ov<; llpxovra<; d7TLEJ'aL, 7roAAot av'Tov U7rEAH7rov, but 1vhen they we~e come o1tt of dangm and it was in their power (prese11t) to go to othe1 commanders, (in all such ca:aes) many left

28

THE TENSES

[95

him. Id. An. ii. 6, 12. "Avev yctp apx6JITWV ov8~v <'iv oilTE KaA6v oilTE dya80v yevo ~To, nothing could be done, etc. Ih iii. 1, 38. OvK ol8a 6 n liv n> XP>)cra~TO avTOt>, I do not know what use any one could rnalce of them. lb. iii. 1, 40. TovTov E7re.8v1J,e.~, Zva e.D 1rp<iTTo~, he desired this in 01der that he might be in p1ospeTity. 'E<f>of3e'iTo fJ-?J TOVTo 7rOt.o'iev, he feared lest they should do this (ha.bitually). t:.fjA.os >jv E7r~fJVjJ,WV apxew, b7rWS 7rAdw AajJ,f3 6. vo ~, E7r~eVjJ,WV 8 Ttfl,acrea~, rva 7rAdw Kepoa{vo~. <f>Ao<; TE

f3ovAETO elva~ TOt<; fJ-EY~CTTa SvvajJ,EVO~<;, rva do~KWV jJ,~ s~sov 8KT)Vo An. ii. 6, 21. (Here the aorist optative would have referred to single acts of receiving, getting gain, and suffering punishment, while the 1)resent refPrR to a succession of cases, and to a whole course of conduct.) "Hv 6 <I>tA~7r7rOS EV <f>6f34! f1,1J EK</>vyo~ Td 7rpdyjJ,a! avT6v, Philip was in fear lest the contTol of aifc~i?'S might escape him. DEM. xviii. 33.
XE~.

95. The aorist optative with E7rH8>) or E7re{, after that, is referred by the meaning of the particle to time preceding that of the leading verb, like the aorist subjunctive in 90 ; so that E7rH01} [oo ~ a7r1JH means ajteT he had seen he (always) went awny. This gives the aorist in translation the force of a pluperfect. So after words meaning until, and in the other cases mentio11ed in 90. E.g. OVs- fL'Ev i'Oot. cl,niKTWS l6vras, T[l'fS TE cl'Ev t]pWTa, Kat 1rEl 1rV8ot.TO
E7r1JVE~, he asked nny whom he snw m'!Tching in good ordeT, who they wen; a.nd after he had ascmtained, he J ndsed them. XE~. Cyr. v. 3, 55.

llep~EfJ-EVOfJ-EV avo~xee,),

El<dcrTOTE i!w<; d vo LX Cd 17 Tu 8ECTfJ-WT'fJp~ov E7rEdl?J St e?crdEt.fUV mLpd T~JI ':::WI<(lflTY), jOe waited eCICh ?nO?'ning

until the pTison u:a.s opened (or h cul ueen opened); nnd afteT it was opened, we went in to S0c1cttes. PLA'l'. Phaed. 59 D. In PLA'r. Hep. :331 C, Er Tu; A f3 0 ~ 7rapa <f>{A.ov dv8pl><; crw<f>poJ!OVJJTO<; /hA.u., el jJ,aJ!et> U7rfUTO i:,

is thus given by Cicero (Offic. iii. 95): Si gladium qnis apud te sanae mentis deposueTit, npetat insaniens; and there can be no donht that cl.A.ry<f>,;,., dry (the equivalent of de?JOS1WTit) would have been more exact than A.aj3ot in Greek (see 9 J ). For a peculiar aorist optative in Il. x. 53 7, see above (93, end).

Infinitive. 96. A present or aorist infinitive (without &v) not in indirect discourse is still a verbal noun so far that it expresses no time except such as is implied in the context. Thus, when it depends ciu a verb of wishing or commanding or any other verb whose natural object is a future action, or when it expresses purpose, it is future without regard to its tense; as, in f3ovA,of1-a~ vucav (or vucf]<Ta~), I wish to be victoTious (or to pain victory), the infinitive expresses time only so far as the noun vK1JV would in f3ovA,of1-a~ v/1C7JV. Likewise,

96]

PRESENT AND AORIST INFINITIVE

29

when the present or aorist infinitive (without &v) has the article, except in the rare cases in which it stands in indirect discourse (794), it has no reference to time in itself; as in r6 ryvwvat hrurr~.VirJV A-a{3E'iv l.o-rw, to learn is to obtain knowledge, where ryJJ&)IJa.t expresses time only as the noun ryvwo-t> would in its pla:;e. E.g.
"EEtO'TL !LivHv, it is possible to Temain. 'EEEO'Tat TOVTO 7/'0tftv, it will be possible to do this. !::..iofLat VfLWV fLEvH v, I beg you to remain. 'l'i TO KWAVOV ET aVTOJ! EO'Tat f3 a 0[ t Et V 07/'0t j3o{;ATat, 'What will there be to prevent him from going whither he pleases ? DEM. i. 12. 'EKL\.nxra aV-rov TOVTo '"o t t 'iv, I commanded him to do this. 'Ef3ovAtTo O'ocp0s E iva t, he wished to be wise. !::..Hv6s EO'rt A.iytt v, he is skilled in spealving. ''rlpa f3a8{(ttv, it is time to be going. IIav 1rotav<rtv WO'TE O[K'YJV !L~ St8ovat, they do evMything so as to avoid being pu.nished. PLAT. Gorg. 4 79 c. To fLEJI oilv E7r LTtfLUV tcrws cjYq<rat ns av Pcf.ilwv l'vat, -rO 0' 6 rt OEZ -;rpd.TTEtV &.7rocpavEcrf3at, -roVT' eivat crvp..{3ot'iAo1J, some one may say that finding fault is easy, but that showing what 01tght to be done is the duty of an adviser. DEM. i. 16. ('E7rtTLfLav, d7rocj>a[vt0'8at, and 7rpaTntv belong here ; but lvat in both cases is in indirect discourse, 117.) Ov 1rAWVE~as EJIEKEJI TavT' E7rpa~tv, dA.,\d. "P OtKat6npa TO VS' 8r;f3aovs ~ VfLUS dEw v v, he did this not from lore of gain, but becanse of the Thebans ?naking juster dema1llls than you. Id. vi. 13. 'Entx<r817 o 'ATaAriv.,-r; v1)(]'os, Tov !L~ AYJ<rTd.s KaKovpyEiv T1JV Ev{3otav, in ordm to prevent pimtes from ravaging Euboea. THVC. ii. 32. IloAEtb> ern BrivaTOS' dvricrTaTov yn0'8at, it is death fm a c1:ty to ue laid 1Vaste. LYCURG. 61. "Q0'7rEp TWV dvilpwv TOts KaAoZs Kuya.BoZs alpETwnp6v E(J'n 1<aA.ws d'"o8ctvfv i] (~v al(]'xpws, ovTw Ko,l Twv 7rOA<wv TCJ.ts V7rEPEXo{;(]'ats A. vO' tTE AE'iv (~yovvTo) f.g dvBpwll'Wv dcj>avt0'81)Vat fLUAAov i] ilo{;Aats 6cpB~vat ywop-f.vats, as it is prefemble for honoumble men to die (aor.) nobly 1ather than to contimte living (pr.;s,) in disgmce, so also they thought that it was bettm (pres.) fm the pre-eminent among states to be (at once) 11wde to disappeaT (aor.) from among men, than t<~ be (once) seen (aor.) to fall into slave?y. Isoc. iv. 95. IIfL'"OVO'tV f.s T1JJI KpKvpnv '"P(]'f3Hs, OEOfLEVot fL1l crq>as 7rtptopO.v cj>BHpofLivovs, d.\,\d. To{;s T c/>n!yovms ~vva.\A.ri~aL (]'q>[crt Kac TCJv Twv f3apf3dpwv 7r6AEfJ.OV KaTaXv(]'at, asking them not to allow them to be dest?oyed, bnt to bring their exices to tmms 'with them, and to put an end io the uwua?ians' wa,r. Tnuc. i. 24. T0 yap yvwvaL E7rl<rTf;fLT)V 7rOV A.nf3 dv E(]'TlV, to leam is to obtain knowledge. PLAT. Theaet. 209 E. IIavTe; To KaTaAL7rttv a&a 7rriv.,-wv fLaAurTa cj>EvyofL<V, we all try most of all to avoid leaving them behind. XE:'l. Mem. ii. 2, 3. 0-& yd.p TO fL~ A.o..f3<tV .,-dyaBd. OVTW "f xaA7r0v (tl(J'7rp TO A.~f3ovTa O''!'P'YJe~vat AV7rYJp6v. Id. Cyr. vii. 5, 82. 'l'ov 7rtttv J'"tBvfL[a, the desire of obtaining drinlc. THuc. vii. 84. K<A<-8Et a.D-ri.v i AB< Zv, he eowmands him to go. 'EKEAVO'EV ai>T6v JA.Bd:v, he commanded him to go. K~-

30

THE TENSES

[97

AEVcTet a~'TdV HBdv, he will cornrnand him to go. IIp6s -rcjj fLYJ8'f.v JK 'Tqs 7rpwf3<os Aa f3 ei v, -rovs alxfLaAcb-rovs iAvrya-ro, besides nceiving nothing from the ernhassy, he ransomed the captives. DEM. :x:ix. 229. El 1rp'O -rov -rovs .PwK~as choA~<YBat tfYJ~i<Yat<YB< fJoYJB<Zv, if before the destruction of the Phocians you should vote to go to their assistance. Id. xviii. 33. Ta> al-rla> 1rpovypalj;a, -rov fk~ nva {YJr~rya 1roT i~ o-rov -ro<Yovros 7r6A<fLD> Ka-:-~<YT?), that no one may ever ask the reason why, etc. Trruc. i. 23. T6v v1r~p -rov fl~ yEVf.<YBat -rav'T' dywva, the contest to prevent these from being done. DEM. xviii. 20 l. No account is here taken of the infinitive with lfv (204).

97. Tl1e distinction between the present and aorist infinitive is well illustrated by Aristotle, when he says of pleasure, Eth. x. 3, 4, ~<YB~vat fLEV yap e<Yn -rax~ws i!J<Y7r<p 6pyt<Y8~vat, 1)ow8at 8' oil, ov8'f. 1rpos ETpov (3a0{etv 8~ Kat avt<<Y8at KO.l mfvra Ta TOtaVTa. fl<Ta(3 cfAA 1 v fLEV. ovv ds n)v 1]8ov1)v -rax~ws Kat {3pa8~w<; e<Ynv, iv<py.Zv 8 Ka-r' a-&n)v ovK eryn -rax~ws, Aeyw 8' 1)8E<Y8at. TVernay fiECOME pleased (1]<Y8~vat) quickly, as we rnay get ang1y quickly; but 'We cannot BE pleased (1)8E<J8at) quickly, even as cornpand 'With another person, although we can thus 'IJJallc and grow and do such things. FVe rnay then change into a state of pleasure quickly m slowly, but we cannot actually enjoy the pleasure, I mean BE PLEASED (1JOE<J8<u), quickly. So in FLAT. Theaet. 155 c, Socrates says, avw 'TOV yyJ!<<J8at y<FE<Y8at dovva-rov (se. EfLE EA.cfr-rw), i.e. without going thro1tgh the pmcess of becomin:; (yiyvE<Y8at) srnalleT, it is impossible for me to get (y<ve0'8at) smalle1.
. 98. Xpcfw, dJ!atpf.w, B<cr7r[(w, and other verbs signifying to give an oraculaT response, gi;Jnerally take the present or the aorist infinitive, expressing the command or warning of the oracle, where we might expect the future in indirect discourse (135). These verbs here take the ordinary construction of verbs of commanding, advising, and warning. E.g.
Ayerat 8~ 'AAKfLa[wvt r6v 'A1r6A..\w -raVT1]V T~JI y1)v XP~O'aL olKdv, it is said that Apollo gave a Tesponse to Alcrnaeon that he should inhabit this land (warned him to inhabit it). Trruc. ii. 102. XpwfL~V'f! E -rep IG.\wvt dvEZAEV 0 8EoS ev -rif 'TOV Lltos -rfi fL<y[(J''T'(! Jop-rfi Ka-raA.a(Jdv T?JV 'A8YJ1'aiwl' dKp61roAtJ1 1 that he should seize. Id. i. 126. 'E K XPYJ TO yiip -ro'i:a-t L7rap-rt~T'{/<Yt, ~ AaKEOa[flova dFcfryraTOJI yHe<Y(Jat i] Tov (3acrtAea O'~~wv a1roA~0'8a~. HDT. vii, 220. 'E(Jf.<Y7rt<YE KafL{O'at Kat d<JtOei:v. EuR. I. T. 1014. '.Qs XPYJO'fLOV ovros n)v 1r6Atv 8w~8ap~va~, as if then 'IJJere an omcle doorning the city to perish. FLAT. Rep. 415 C. IloAAaKt ycfp o1 EH7rE voVO''f! il1r' &pyaA.~rt ~ {(}'()a l ~ {11rQ TpcbE<JO" t 8 a fL ~V a t, the diviner told him that he nwst either die by painful disease, or perish at the hands of the Trojans. IL xiii. 667, But we find aVEGAEV EO'E<Y(Jat, THUC. i. 118; XP~O'av TOS KpaT~O'ElV 1 LYCURG. 99; ~K~XP?/0'1'0 j3a.O'oA<V<r<ov, HDT. ii. 147; as indirect discourse.

102]

PERFECT OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS

31

99. Even verbs of saying and thinking, as A.f.yw when it signifies to c1 ymmwdui, and ooKet, it seems good, may take the present or aorist infinitive not in indirect discourse, like other verbs of the same meaning. El"IToV seldom takes the infinitive, except when it signifies to command (753). The context will always distinguish these cases from indirect quotations. E.g. Tovrots ~A.eyov "IT AE t'v, I told them to sail. DEM. xix. 150. (T DVTO VS V .. eyov "ll"Aet'v would mean I said that they were sailing.) El"IT~W p:rJf)f.va 1Tap tevat lis r~v dKp61ToALV, having given orders that no one should pass into the citadel. XEN. Hell. v. 2, 29. "'.Q <j>O..ot, ~O'Y] pev KEY Jywv d"ITotJH Ka2 llpptv fJ-VT)UT~pwv Js OptA.ov dKovr[uat, now I would cornrmand you to join nw in hurling, etc. Od. xxii. 262. IIapaoovvat A.f.yet, he tells us to give her up (he says, give her up). AR. A v. 16 7 9. t.oKEL ~p.r:v rovro "ITD H LV (or "ITOt~uat) it pleases us to do this. (But OOKEi: p.ot vp.as TOVTO "ITOtEi:v (or "ITOt~(Tat) generally means it seems to me that you are doing this, or did this.) "Eoo~e in the sense it was resolved, introducing a decree, is followed by the present or aorist (not future) infinitive.

100. Verbs of hoping, expecting, promising, and swearing form an intermediate class between those that take the infinitive in indirect discourse and other verbs (136). When they refer to a future object, they naturally take the future infinitive, but may also have the present or aorist infinitive (not in indirect discourse) like verbs of wishing, etc. Thus he promised to give may be V"ITEUXETO 8tli6vat (or oovvat) as well as V"ITEUXETO OWUELV.
To facilitate comparison, the examples of the present and aorist infinitive thus used are given with those of the future in 136.

101. The present al'rt6s ~lp.t, I am the cause, is often used with reference to the past, where logically a past tense would be needed ; as atn6s f.urt roVT<f! 8ave'iv, he is the cause of his death, instead of ahtos ~~~ TOVT<(l 8avet'v, he was the cause of his death. This may make an ordinary aorist infinitive appear like a verb of past time. E.g.
AZrwt oDv tlut Kat ip.tv "ITDAAwv :)8'1) lf;evuB~vat Kat 81} d8Kws
they a?e the cause why you were deceived and some even perished (i.e. they caused you to be deceived and sonw even to pe?ish). LYS. xix. 51. TEI9vautv ot 8 {wvres afnot 8avdv, they an dead; and the living are the causes of their death. SOPH. Ant. 117 3. "H p.o' p.T)rpl p.v 8avei:v p.6v'Y] p.eTanos. Id. Tr. 1233.

y nvas d1ToAeu8at,

PERFECT.

102. As the perfect indicative represents an act as finished at the present time, so the perfect of any of the dependent moods properly represents an act as finished at

32

THE TENSES

[103

the time (present, past, or future) at which the present of that mood would represent it as going on.
103. The perfect subjunctive and optative are very often expressed in the active, and almost always in the passive and middle, by the perfect participle with 6.> and t?JV; and this combination of a present and a perfect makes the time denoted especially clear. Where the present would denote future time, the perfect denotes juture-pe1ject time. E.g.

To xp6vov yeyev~a-Bat 'lrOAVV OEOOtKa ""'~ nva A?)BYJV BfLtV 7r7rO t~ KTJ, I fear lest the lapse of a long time that has occurred may (when you come to decide the case) prove to have caused in you some forgetfulness (see 91). DEM. xix. 3. (M1) 'lrotfl would mean lest it may cause, the time being the same as before.) Xp?J avrd. [a TfAEVT~a-avra EKctnpov 7rptfLEVH] d.Kova-at, Zva TEA.EWS EKanpos avrwv d.7rclA~1)7J Td ocpctA6fLl!U, we must hea1 what awaits each of the1n afte?' death, that (when we have .finished) each ?nay have fully nceived his deserts. PLAT. Rep. 614 A. Tov> fL"Ev a.\.\ov>, K&v 00WKOTS" ala- t V EVBVJta>, n)v d.etA.oy[av op(~ 7rponwofLEVOV<;;, I see that other men, even if they have already 1endered their accounts,-i.e. 1j they aTe (in the state of) persons who have nndmed thei1 accm<nts,-always offer a perpetual ?"eckoning. DE~L xix. 2. 'Av8peZ6v y< 1ravv VOfL[(ofL<V, oc; &v 1rnr )u) {7] 1rar!pa, we always consider one very manly who has (may have) beaten his father. AR. Av. 1350. NofLOV B,ja-ELv fL')O<vt rwv 'E.\.\~vwv -&pJis f3o,)BEZv 8,. &v fL?J 1rp6npo<; f3f3oYJKWS -&pXv fj, to ,enact a law tlwt you shall assist no one of the Greelcs who shall not previously have assisted you.. DEM. xix. 16. ('Os &v fL1J 1rp6npos f3o1JBiJ would mean who slwll not previously assist you.) "E8eta-av fL?J Ava-a-a ~pXv ifL7r<1T"Tt.iJKot, they fewed lest madness might prove to have fallen upon us. Xn:N. An. v. 7, 26. (M1} EfL7rf.7rrot would mean lest it might fall upon us.) 'Eoc,)Bryv rwv OtKao-rwv JLYJO~v rowvrov 1rpa~at, Zv' ~yw f1-YJSva 'ABYJva[wv U1T"EKrovw> dY)J', that I might not he in the position of having put an Athenian to der;,th. DEM. liii. 18. "Hv yap EvpcBfi A.!ywv o-ot ro.1ir', ywy' C!.v eJ<1r<cpEvyolYJv 1ra8os, I should (in that case) have escaped ha1m. SOPR. 0. T. 839. IIws OVK &v olKrporara 'lrUVTWV eyw 7T"1T"OJI8w, dYJV, cl EfL" fYJ</J[CTalJITO <tvat ~,,ov; how should I not have su.ffend the most pitiable of all things, if they should vote nw to be a.n alien? DE~L lvii. 44. (This could have been expressed, with a very slight difference in meaning, 7rw> oi 'lr1T"OJ18ivs ECTOjJ-D.t, Jrlv r'7</J{a-wvrat; how shall I not have suffered, etc.) El onovv 1T"c1T"ov8ws Kr1Hpos 1lfLWV d1), ov Kat dfL<fJ6npot &]! rovro 7r 1T" 0V8 0 t fh JI ) if each of US shou.ld have S?~fJe?ed anything whatsoever, would not both of us have su,ffered it? PLAT. Hipp. M. 301 A. OvK !Lv 8td. Tovr6 y' d<v ovK <v8vc; Sd:iwKor<'>, this, at least, cannot be the reason why they did not pay it at once: lit. the11 would not (on inquiry) prove t11 have not paid it at once on this account. DEM. x.xx. 10,
104. The perfect subjunctive in protasis corresponds exactly to the

'107]

PERFECT IMPERATIVE

33

Latin future perfect indicative; but the Greek seldom uses this cumbrous perfect, prefening the less precise aorist (91). The perfect optative, in both protasis and apodosis, corresponds to the Latin perfect subjunctive; lmt it is seldom used, for a similar reason (95). The perfect optative can hardly be accurately expressed in English. For when we use the English forms wonld have suffered and should have sujfe1ed to translate the perfect optative, these are merely vaguer expressions for will and shall have suffmed. (See the examples above.) I should have suffmed is commonly past in English, being equivalent to bm8ov &v; but here it is future, and is therefore liable to be misunderstood. There is no more reference to l)ast time, however, in the perfect optative with &v, than tl1ere is in the future perfect indicative (77) in such expressions as fkrfn)v Jfko2 KKAa.!Ja-Tat, I shall have had my whippings jo1' nothing (referring to those received in his boyhood), AR. Nub. 1436.

105. The perfect imperative is most common in the third person singular of the passive, where it expresses a command that something just done or about to be done shall be decisive and final. It is thus equivalent to the perfect participle with gaTw. E.g.
Ta.vTa. fkEV 81) Ta15TV dp~a-8w, let so much hwve been thus said, dpYJfkEVO. ~rTTW), i.e. let what has been thus said be sufficient. FLAT. Crat. 401 D. But OfkWS OE dp~a-&w on, K.T.A., still let as much as this (which follows) be said (once for all), that, etc. Id. Rep. 607 C. IIEpt TWv l8wv Ta.vni fkOL 7rpOLP1Jif8w, let this have been said (oncefo1 all) by way of intToduction. Isoc. iv. 14. 'Ta.vTa 7T'7T'a[a-8w T Vfk'i:v, Ka.~ l:a-ws iKavws EXH, let this be the ,end of the play, etc. PLAT. EuthycL 278 D. TET0:x8w ~fktV KaTa Ch)fkOKpaTtO.V 0 TOLOVTOS av~p, let S'Uch a man 7'emain (where we have placed him), corresponding to dernocmr:y. Id. Rep. 561 E. 'A7rttpyrfa-8w ory ~p.'iv afm) 1) 7ro)uTEa, let this now be a sufficient desc1iption of this fonn of rJovernment. lb. 563 A. M<xpt Tov& wp[a-8w VfkWV ~ f3paOVT~>, at this point let the lirnit of your sluggishness be fixed. THUC. i. 71. The third person plural in the same sense could be expressed by the perfect partici1)le with ila-Twv, as in PLAT. Rep. 502 A, oilTot Tovvv TovTo 7r7rLo- fkEvO t Ea-Twv, grant then that these have been persuaded of this. 106. On this principle the perfect imperative is used in mathematical language, to imply that something is to be considered as proved or a~sumed once jo1 all, or that lines drawn or points fixed are to remain as data for a following demonstration. E.g. ElA~<f>&w E'lT' Tijs AB TVXOV (]'YJfJ-LOV TO 6., Ka. a<f>vp1)a-8w U7r0 Ar T)J AD. ra-'Y) ~ AE, let any point 6. be assv,med as talcen in the l~ne AB, and AE equal to AD. as cut off j1om Ar. EucL. i. Pr. 9. 107. The perfect imperative of the second person is rare ; when it is used, it seems to be a little more emphatic than the present or aorist. E.g.
(=

rys

THE TENSES

[108

'H~ uv Tovo M8.~o. Il. v. 228. M~ 7rlf:>of37Jrr8, do not be afraid. 'fnuc. vi. 17. M6vov rrv ~p.l.v 7rUT'Ta 8ewv 7rf7rOL7JirO Kat s-~~av Ob>, only malce us (immediately or once for all) solemn )Jledges and give the right hand. XE:s'. Cyr. iv. 2, 7. II1ravuo, stop! not another word! DEM.

uiv. 64.

108. In verbs whose perfect has the force of a present (49) the perfect imperative is the ordinary form ; as p.f.p.v'r)rro, KEKA~(J"Ow, l(J"Tal1t, E(J"'Ttt'Tw, Tf.Bva8t, n8vd.Tw, rUTw. So KEX~JVU'T, AR. Ach. 133; p.~ KKpayaTE, Vesp. 415. The 1)erfect imperative active seems to have been used only in such verbs. Occasionally we find the periphrastic form with the participle and lp.{, as uTw ~vp.f3f3'YJKv'ia, PLAT. Leg. 736 B.

109. The perfect infinitive not in indirect discourse generally represents an act as finished when the present would represent it as going on (96). E.g.
01}8~ f3ovAdJE(J"8at en wpa, dA.A.d. (3e(3ovAV(J"8at Tijs yd.p i.7rLOV(J"'r)S VVK'TGS 1rUVTa TUVTU ()';: 7r7rpax ea~, it is no longm time even to be deliberating, but (it is tirne) to have done delibemting; for all this must be finished within the coming night. PLAT. Crit. 46 A. Kat p.~v 7rEpt Giv y 7rpo(J"fTd~a.TE 7rpo(J"0Kn Ot<pK'YJKEVa.~, and it is his duty to have attended to the business about which you gave him instr1wtions. DEM. xix. 6. (This refers to an ambassador presenting his accounts on his return.) Avv<Tvyxav 1roAA.axov Std. T0v (J"T<voxwp{av Td. p.f.v fi.U.o~s J p.(3 ( (3 AT) Keva. t 'Ta 8' a&ov> J p. (3 E (3 A.iju eat, ovo T 7rEpt p.{ay ~V V7J p 'T ij ()" 8 a,~, it often befell them to have made an attack 011 One side and (at the sam,e ti?l,w) to huve been attacked themselves on the othe?', etc. THuc. vii. 70. 'AvayKT) yd.p ra p.v p.eytuT' aVTwv i)87J KaTaKEXPiJ(J"Ba.~ p.tKpd Ttva. 7rapa.AEAetlf:>8a.t, for it must be that the most important suhjects have been used up, and that only unim;portant ones have been left. Isoc. iv. 7 4. OiiK ~8EAov Jp.(3avEw &d. T0 KaTCL7rE7r A.ij X l Tii ~(J"(J")], they were unwilling to embaTk on account of having been tmTijied by the defeat. TRue. vii. 72. To yd.p 7roAAd. <hoA.wA.eK v at Ka.TO. 'TGV 7r6Aep.ov 'T~S ~}J-ETEpa.s dp.cAe[a,c; av 'Tl<; Bd'YJ OtKa[w>, TO of. }J-~Tf 7rUAa~ TOVTO 7rE1rOJ18Eva.t 7rElf:>"f)VEVctt TE nva. ~)p.'i:v (J"VjJ-p.ctxtav TOVTWV avTppo7rov, T~S 7ra.p JKdvwv .~voa> dJcpyeTwl llv ~ywye BE[T)v, for our hat-ing lost many things du~ing the wa1 one might justly cha1ge upon our neglect; but our never having suffered this before, and the fact that an alliance has now appea1ed to us to make up f01 these losses, I should consider a benefaction, etc. DEM. i. 10. (Compare ycy<vij<rBat in the first example under 1 03.) "Ecp8a<rav 7ra.potKo'BoJLfr (J"aVTE>, w<rn p.YJKE'Tt p.~TE aDroi KWAV()"0at {nr' avTwv, JK<{vovs T Ka.t 1rO,V'Tcf7rct<TlV ci.7rE(J"TEp'YfKEVU~ . . (J"cpas d1roTnX{<rat, i.e. they canied their own wall .fint beyond that of the Athenians, so as no longer to be themselves interfmed uith by the?n, and so as to have effectually prevented them from walling them in. THUC. vii. 6. 'E1rep.EA1)fh] Kat TWV >..ot7rwv, Wu'Tf Twv 1ra.p6vTwv Tars &v8p<!J1ro~> &ya8wv p.YJ8f.v p).v livev T'~S 1r6A.ew>

oe

ea,

112]

FUTURE INFINITIVE

35

El vat, Td o~ 7TALO"'Ta otd. TaVT'Y}V YYV~o-Oat. Isoc. iv. 38. TotavTa Kat 'TOtTavTa KU'TlO"KlVao-av ~plv, wa-n fL'YJOlVt 'TWV J7TtytyvofLvwv trrrlpf3oA.~v AEAE'i<j>Oat, they rrutde such and so great acquisitions as to have no possibility of surpassing them left to any one who should come after them. DEM. iii. 25. t:.loofLEV avTots 7rpoKa a-vyKK6q,Oat, we allow them to have cut us up for nothing (i.e. we make no account of their having done so). AR. Nub. 1426. See [ARIS!I.'OT.] Eth. Nic. vi. 2, 6 : OVK ;<T'TL 0~ 7Tpoatpl'TOV ovo~v yyovo>, oiov ovoll> 7rpoatplt'Tat "IA.wv 7T7Top8'YJKEvat, but nothing past can be purposed j for example, nobody purposes to have sacked Ilium, i.e. the expression 7rpoatpovfLat ''IA.wv 7TE7Top0'Y)KEVat would be nonsense. This illustrates well the restricted use of the perfect infinitive.

110. The perfect infinitive sometimes signifies that the action is to l>e decisive and perrrutnent (like the perfect imperative, 105); and sometitUes it seems to be merely more emphatic than the present or aorist infinitive. E.g. Ei1rov n)v Ovpav KK A'i:a-8at, they ordered that the door should be shut (and remain so). XEN. Hell. v. 4, 7. BovA6fLEVO> &ywV Kat OtKaUT'YJp[cp fLOL 0 twpa-8at 11Up' VfLtV on T&vavr[a JfLOL Kat 'T01J7'0!> 1l"E7rpaKTat, i.e. wishing to have it once for all settled in your minds. DEM. xix. 223. 8Aova-as 7rpOs 7TVAats 7Tl7TTWKevat, eager to fall before the gates. AESCH. Sept. 462. "HA.avvv e1rt roils Mevwvos, wa-T' eKdvovs EK7Tl7TA~x0at Kat TPEXHV e1rt Td o1rAa, he manhed against the soldiers of Menon, so that they were (once for all) thmouqhly f1ightened and mn to arms. XEN. An. i. 5, 13, (Here EK1l"E7TA.~x0at is merely more emphatic than the present or aorist would be.)
FUTURE.

111. The future is used in the dependent moods only in the optative and the infinitive, and in these it is never regular except in indirect discourse and kindred constructions and in the periphrastic form with fLEUw (73). For the future optative in indirect rliscourse see 128-134 ; for the future infinitive in indirect discourse see 135 and 136. 112. In constructions out of indirect discourse the present and aorist infinitive can always refer to future time if the context requires it (96), so that the future infinitive is here rarely needed. Therefore, after verbs which naturally have a future action as their object but yet do not introduce indirect discourse,-as those of commanding, wishing, etc. (684 ),-the prt>sent or aorist infinitive (not the future) is regularly used. Thus the Greek expresses they wish to do this not by {3ovA.ovTa.t TovTo '(:Ot~a-Hv, bnt by {3m',A.ov-ra< -rov-ro .,-oterv (or .,-ot-Yja-at). So the infinitive in other future expressions, as after wa-Te and in its final sense, is

36

THE TENSES

[113

generally present or aorist. fEAAw, see 7 3.)

(For the single exception after

113. On the other hand, when it was desired to make the reference to the future especially prominent, the future infinitive could be used exceptionally in all these cases. Thus we sometimes find the future after verbs signifying to be aUle, to wish, to be unwilling, and the like ; sometimes also in a final sense or with wrrT and Jcf} ~n; and sometimes when the infinitive with the article refers to future time. This use of the future is a partial adoption of. thr~ forni of indirect discourse in other constructions. It was a particularly favourite usage with Thucydides. E.g.
'ESEo)B'1rrm1 8~ Kai'TWJI 'Meyapewv vavO't O'q>a> ~Vf7rpo7rffHv, they asked the Jjfeyareans also to escort them with sh1:ps. 'l'auc. i. 27. 'E(:!of..\ovro 7rpOHfwpo)O'E0'8at. Id. vi. 57. So E1f'tXHP?JO'Etv JBEA?JO'Et<;; AESCHIN. iii. 152. To O'T6fa a'llrov OtEVOOVJITO KAJJO'HV. THUC. vii. 56. 'EqnefWOt fEV 'T'ry> 7r6.0'o)S tip~Etv, (:im]OEI:v /l ap.a E'll7rpE7rW'> (:!ovA6fEVot 'ToZs ~avrwv ~V'JYEVErn Kat ~Vfl-fl-6.xot<;. ILl. vi. 6. (Here f3o'18EI:JI is regular.) ToiJ 7'aZs vavO't fl-ry dOvfl-Ei:v h 'X Etpr/ O'Et v, to prevent them, from being without spi1it to attack .them in shirs. Id. vii. 21. Ollr' d7rOKWAVO'EtV ovva'T'Ot OV'TES. Id. iii. 28. El O'E -.; EV .\6yots 1rdO'HV OVV1']rr6fl-Err0a. SorH. Ph. 1394. EE ns Ei> rovTo dvaf36.AAE'Tat 1r o to) 0' Et v 'Ta llf.ovTa, if any one JJOstpones doing hi8 duty as fa? as this. Dl,M. iii. 9. (The orclinary construction woulrl be dvaf36.AAETat 7fOtEtJI or 1f'Oto)O'at.) 01lTE 7'WJI 1rpoy6vwv f'-Ef'-l'{jO'(}a, " , , , ,, I I , , [OH OVTE 'TWV AE')'OVTWV aVEXEO' 0at, JIOfl-OV 7'E 01']1J'EtJI Kat, ypa1fELV, K.'T.A. DEM. xix. 16. '(Here we have OE;; e~O'HV.) IloAAov ll~w EfLaVTbV YE diltK~O'EtV Kat Kal Efl-aV'TOV epdv a0r6s. PLAT. Ap. 37 B. Tovs 6!'-o)povs 1rap~!loO'av 'T!p 'ApyEwv oqfrp ll1il 'TaV'Ta ll w, XP'10'E0'8at, that they might put them to death. THUC. vi. 61. So 7f'E1JO'E0'8at, Id. iii. 26. 'Ecp' 0TE f3oo7e~O'HV. AESCHIN. iii. 114 (see 610). 'A1roOE~w a07'0v 'To)v 1rpoZ1<a o.J OEO<uK67'a ovrw fl-E')"lAot> TEKfl-1']pots WO''TE Dfl-OS a1f'aV'Tar;; dO'EIJ eat. DEM. xxx. 5 : su xxix. 5. 'EA1r[Ot 'TO dcpav<; 'Tov Ka'TopewO'EtV J1f'trpf.tj;a11 TE>, having committed to hope what was ~"nce?tain in the JJrospect of success. TRue. ii. 42. (Here Ka'Top8WO'HV is more explicit than the present KaTopOovv would be : 7'0 dcpav'Es 'T'Ov Ka'TopOovv would mean simply what was uncertain in regard to success.) Tov ,, XE2pas eABEtV 1f'tiJT6TEpov 7'0 hcpof:i'lO'HV ~f'-OS dKtvbvvw> ~yovv'Tat, they feel ?JW?'e confidence in the }J?'ospect of jrighteniny us without risk than in meeting us in battle. Id. iv. 126. To fh~JI ovv ~EAey~Etv a{,r0v Oappw Kat 1r6.vv 1f't0'7'E1Jw, Ihavecourage and g?'eat con.iidence as to my convicting him. DEM. xix. 3. (Here most of the ordinary Mss. read J~EAyxnv.) See also THUC. iv. 115 and 121, v. 35, vii. 11, viii. 55 and 74; and Kriiger's note on i. 27, where these passages are cited. In several of these there is some Ms. authority for the aorist infinitive.
~J ~

116]

PRESENT OPTATIVE IN INDIHECT DISCOURSE

37

114. The future perfect infinitive occurs only in indirect discourse (13 7), except in verbs whose perfect has the sense of a present (82).
B. OPTATIVE AND IXFINITIVE OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

115. \Vhen the optative and infinitive are in indirect discourse, each tense represents the co?Tesponding tense of the direct discourse; the present including also the imperfect, and the perfect also the pluperfect. See the geneml1windples of indirect discourse (667). The optative
is included here only as it is used alter past tenses to represent an indicative or snlJjnnctive of tl1e direct discourse. No cases of the optative or infiniti Ye with IJ.v are considered here : for these see Chapter Ill. For the meaning of the term "indirect discourse" as applied to tl1e infinitive, see 684.
PRESENT OPTATIVE.

116. The present optative in indirect discourse may represent the following forms of direct discourse : 1. The present indicative of a leading verb. E.g. ITEptKA~> 7rpoytyopv, on 'Apx 8afL6> ol ~EVO<; L1), PeTicles announced that Anhirlamus was his fn:end (i.e. he said gvo> fJ>O[ Jcrnv). TBUC. ii. 13. "Eyvw<Tav on /(Vu> 0 q)tSf3o> di], they leamed that their fear was groundless (i.e. they learned KV6<; Jcrnv o q)6f3o>). XEN. An. ii. 2, 21. 'E1fvv8dvero L olKOLTO 1) xt!Jpa, he asked whetheT the country was inhabited (i.e. he asked the question OLKLTat 1) xt!Jpa ;). XEN. Cyr. iv. 4, 4.

2. The present indicative or subjunctive of a dependent verb. E.,q. Et1fV on av8pa ayo 3v /[p~a OEO t, he said that he was b?inging
a 1nan whom it was necessaTy to confine (he saicl livopa li yw 8v Eipgat 0t:). XEN. Hell. V. 4, 8. 'H YELTO a1faV 1fOOJCTHV aVTUJI 1: T<; dpyvptov 8t8o['Y), he believed thcbt the 1nan would do anything if one weTe to give hirn money (he believed a1faV 1f0~CTH Mv T<; dpyvpwv ouStji). LYS. xii. 14.

3. The present subjunctive in a question of appeal (287).

E.g.

\I 'f3 \ I I I ,, I ,, K 1\.Eapxoc,; 01JAEVE'l'O, L, 1ffL7r'OtEV TWUS 1) 7r'UVTS 0V 1 Clearchuo wao deliberating whether they should send a Jew 01' should all go. XEN. An. i. 10, 5. (The question was, 1fEfJ>1fWfJ>EV TLJias ?) mivrS

38

THE TENSES

[117

lwfLH; shall we send a few, or shall we all go 1 See 677.) The context will always make it clear whether the optative represents a subjunctive (as here) or an indicative (1).

4. The imperfect indicative of a leading verb.

E.g.

'A7rKpvavTo on o-&o.is fLdpTvs 1rapd'r), they replied that no witness

had been present (when a certain payment was made). DEM. xxx, 20. (They said ovo2s 7rapijv.) This is the rare imperfect optative (673). The imperfect indicative is regularly retained in such cases, and is always retained in a dependent clause of a quotation (689, 2).
. PRESENT INFINITIVE.

117. (As Present.) The present infinitive in indirect discourse generally represents a present indicative of the direct form. E.g.
P~O't yp<i</>v, he says that he is writi'flg; ~</>') yp<icpHv, he said that he was writi'flg; </>1JO'fl r p d </>Et v, he will say that he is (then) writi'flg. (In all three cases he says yp&<f>w.) 'AppwO'u'iv 7rpo</>a.O"[(Tat, he pretends that he is sick; J~wp.o0'V dppWO'Tdv TovTov[, he took his oath that this man was siclc. DEM. xix. 124. OvK E</>YJ a.vTils d>.X iK'ivov O'TPO.TYJYE'iv, he said that not he himself, but Nicias, was general; i.e. he said o1JK yw a.1hils dA.X EK'ivos O'Tpa.TI)yel:. THua. iv. 28. See other examples under 683.

118. Verbs of hoping and swearing may thus take the present infinitive in indirect discourse. This must be distinguished from the more common use of the present and aorist infinitive (not in indirect discourse) after these verbs, referring to the future ( 100; 136). E.g.
'EA.7T[(wv ivo.L avepw7rwv oA.tj3WTO.TOS, TUVTa E7TLpWTa, he asked
this, t1usti'flg that he was the most happy of men. HDT. i. 30.

So i. 22,

A.7rt(wv <nToOE[YJv u dvat lO'xvp~v Ka2 Tilv AEwv T7pvO'ea~. IB:vva 8' f.A.7T[(w A.eyLv, and 1 hope I speak for the common good. AEscH. Sept. 76. 'Op.vvvus f3 A.e7rt v Tov ovKe,.' ovro. (wvT' 'Ax~A. A.a 7T<iAtv, i.e. sweari'flg that they saw Achilles alive again. SoPH. Ph.
357. Compare the first two examples with EA7T[{L ovvo.Tos eiva.t, he hopes to be able, PLAT. Rep. 57 3 C ; and the last with OJLOO'a.L l vat p.f.v TYJV apx~v KOI.V~V, 7rdVTO.S 0' l>fLtV a7rOOOVJ'a~ T~V xwpav, to swear that the dominion shall be comnwn, and that all shall surTender the land, DEM. xxiii. 170. (See 136 and the examples.)

119. (As Irnpe1ject.) The present infinitive may also represent an imperfect indicative of the direct discourse, thus supplying the want of an imperfect infinitiv~. E.g.

120]

PRESENT INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

39

Tlvas ovv nlxa> v7roAaf'-f36.vef vxw8at Tots Owl:> TOv CI.>A.t'11'7TOV oi' W'11'VOV ; what prayers then do you suppose Pkilip made to t!M Gods when he was pouring his libations-? DEM. xix. 130. (Here the temporal clause 6i' ECT7TVOv shows that EVXCT8at is past.) II6np' or(]"() 7TAEOV ii>wKEa> 81)(3awv ~ CI.>A.t7T7TOV Vf'-fiJV Kpanl:v T~ 7roAEf'-'f; do yo1t think that the superiority of the Phocians over t!M Thebans oT that of Philip oveT you was the greater in the war (the war being then past) 1 DEM. xix. 148. (Here the direct discourse would be JKp6.Tovv and JKp6.TEt.) Ilw> yfip otECT()E ovCTxpws iK o H v 'OA.vv8ovs, Er T[s n A.eyot KfLTa CI.>tAt7T7TOV KaT' EKvovs TOVS xp6vovs iJT' 'Av8Ef'-OVVTa aVTOt> a</J[H; . apa 7rpoCTOOKUV avTOV> TotaVTa ' ,, .. " ,, \ ' '1''(3 \ \ 7rLCTU" () at (se. ouCT () ) ; ap' OLEO" () E, OT TOV!> Tvp.avvov> " aAA, (ToV> 8ETTaAoVs) 7rpOCTOOKav, K.T.A.; for how unwillingly do you think the Olynthians used to hear it, if any one said anything against Philip in those tirnes when he was ceding Anthernus to thern, etc. 1 Do you think they were expecting to sujfeT such things ? Do you think that the Thessalians, when he was expelling the despots, were expecting, etc. 1 DEM. vi. 20 and 22. (The direct questions were 7rwS ~Kovov d Aeyot; and 7rpoCTECOKwv ;) Kai yap ToVs E7Tt Twv 1rpoy6vwv ~f'-WV A.eyovTa> UKOVW TOVT'f T'i e8H XP0CT8at, I heaT that they used to follow this custorn. DEM. iii. 21. Ta f'-EV 7rp0 "EAA1JVOS ovof. ElVat ~ E'lr[KA1)U"t<; aVT1J (se. OOKt), in the ti1nes before Hellen this na1ne does not appeaT to have even existed. Tauc. i. 3. Again, in the same sentence of Thucydides, 7rapEXECT8at, to have fumished. M1Jof.v oZov &A.A.o f'-1) Xa vaCT ()at ~ d7TW> o_e~OLVTO, Zva y[yvotTO. PLAT. Rep. 430 A. METU TaVTa e</>1) CT</Jas f'-EV 0Et'lrVi:v, TOV of. LWKpaT1) OVK dCTtEVat' TOV ovv 'Ay6.8wva 7TOAA6.Kt> KEAEVHV f'-ETa7TEf'-lfaCT8at TOV LwKp6.T1J, 2 of. oiJK iav. PLAT. Symp. li 5 c. (He said, J8El7TV0Vf'-EV, 0 (if. 2,, 'oiJK dCTfJH' 0 oi'!v 'A. iKEAVV' eyw OE oiJK Efwv.) LVVTVXEi:V yap (E</>1)) 'ATpECTT[bif Trapa ii.>tA[TrTrov TropEVOf'-EV'f, Kat f'-ET' avTov yvvaw Kat 7rat06.pta (3ao(ov,for he said that he had rnet (aor.) Atrestidas earning frorn Philip, and that there weTe walking with hirn (impf.), etc. DEM. xix. 305. Tovi' Jyw <I>1Jf'-L odv ~f'-E f'-1J Aa8E'iv, I say that this ought not to have escaped rny notice. DEM. xviii. 190. (The direct form was Tovi' EOH Ef'-E !'-~ ,\a8EZv, 415.) The imperfect infinitive is found even in Homer; as Kat CTe, yepov, TO 7rptv f'-EV aKOVOf'-V tJA.(:Jwv dvat, we heaT that you were once prorperous. IL xxiv. 543. SoIl. v. 639; Od. viii. 181, 516. For the imperfect participle, see 140.

120. This use of the present infinitive as an imperfect mu&t be carefully distinguished from its ordinary use after past tenses, where we translate it by the imperfect, as in f.</J1) TO CTTp6.TEVf'-a I'-6.XECT8at, he said that the army 1cas fighting. This has sometimes been called an imperfect infinitive; but here p.&. XECT8at refers to time present relatively to t</>1); whereas, if it had been used as an imperfect, it would have referred to time past relatively to ii<fl1J, as in i!<fl'YJ TO CTTpaTEVf'-a Tij 7rponpa['f 1'-6. XECT8at, he said that the arrny had been fighting on the day

40

THE TENSES

ll21

before. In the former case the direct discourse was 1-ufxerat, in the latter it was Jftrixero. Such an imperfect infinitive differs from the aorist in the same constructipn only by expressing the duration or repetition of an action (as in the indicative) ; it gives, in fact, the only means of representing in the infinitive what is usually expressed by .Ayn on J'l/"o[n, he says that he was doing, as opposed to AEYH /)n E'li"O{Y)rr<v, he says that he did. (For the similar use of the present optative to represent the im1Jerfect, see 116, 4.) This construction is never used unless the context makes it certain that the infinitive represents an imperfect and not a present, so that no ambiguity can arise. See the examples. So sometimes in Latin : Q. Scaevolam memoria teneo bello Marsico, cum esset summa seuectute, cotidie facen omnibus con veniencli potestatem sui. Ore. Phil. viii. 31. So Q. Maximum accepimus facile celan, tacme, dissimulare, insidiari, praeripere hosti um consilia. Ore. de Off. i. 108.
PERFECT OPTATIVE.

121. The perfect optative in indirect discourse may

represent1. The perfect indicative of a leading verb.

E.g.

"EAEYE orra &ya86. Kvpos ITprras 1/"1/"0t?)Kot, he told how many services Uyrus had done the Penians. Hm. iii. 75. (ITmot~Kot here repre,ents 71"7/"0[Y)KE.) Oi'!rot EAE"jOV ws 1/"EVTaK6(]'tat avToi\; dYJ (]'a V h Tov IIetpauils- oeoeKa(]'ftEVOt, LYs. xxix. 12. (Here the direct disc<,mrse was 'li"EVTaK6rrw[ Etrrtv oeoeKaaptvot.)

2. The perfect indicative or subjunctive of a dependent verb. E.g.

El'li"EV l}{ft'l/"1/"0V oiJK E'l/"atvo{r; el TavTa 7r1/"0t'Y)KW> etY) (he said ovK i'll"atvw el TavTa 'li"E'li"O{YJK<, I do not appTove-him if he has done this). X1m. An. vi. 6, 25. 'E.AyoftEV EJia EKatTTOV v OEOt J'll"tTY)OEVELV, Els 8 aVTOV ?J cpVtrL> Jr.tTY)OEWTdTYJ 'll"ecpvKvta e t'Y) (we said EJ(a(]'Tov v OE2 E'li"LTYJO<V<w, els 8 &v 'li"EcpvKW> if, each one is to pmctise one thing, fm which his nature is best fitted; though this might l'e -rrcpvK, like 71"E'li"OYJK< in the first example). PLAT. Rep. 433 A.

on

on

PERFECT INFINITIVE.

122. The perfect infinitive in indirect discourse generally represents a perfect indicative of the direct form. E.g.
<Prwi ToVTo r.orpaxvat he says that he has done this; cf>r; rovro 7r11"paxvat, he said that he had done this; cf>~(]'H Toiho 71"1/"paxhat, he will say that he has done this (the direct form in each case being

124]

AORIST OPTATIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

41

'fr{rrpaxa). ''ErpYJ XP~f1-a.8' ~a:vrcjl rov~ 8YJf3a[ovs t7rLKEKYJPVXEJ'at,

he said that the Thebans had offered a rewaTd for his seizuTe. DEM. xix. 21. In An. Nub. 1277, 7rpoa-KEKAfja-8a{ fl-OL ooKe'is (according to Mss. Rav. and V en.), you seem to nw to be suTe to be summoned to couTt (to be as good as alTeady summoned), the infinitive represents a perfect indicative referring to the future (51). There is probably a regard to the perfect of the preceding verse, a-ea-e'i:a-8cd fl-OL ooKe'is. So TRue. ii. 8 : iv ro-6r'f re KEKwAva-8at iMKn ~Kaa-r'f rd. 1rpayfl-ara < fl-~ rts ai>r6s 1rap~rrrat, and each man thought that things were the same as stopped in that matteT in which he was not himself to tcdce paTt. After a verb of swea1ing: IJtJ-vve fl-YJO~v elpYJKEvat 1repl ai>Tov <f>avA.ov, DEM. xxi 119. After JA.1rCw: f.A.rrCwv rov A.e0v rerpva-8a,, HDT. i. 22 (see liS, above).

123. The perfect infinitive rarely represents a pluperfect of the direct fcrm. E.g. A~yerat llvopa EK7rE7rA1)x8at 7roA-6v TLVa xpovov r.l r</i dA.A.et
rov Kvpov, it is said that et num had been st1uclc 'with a?JW>!ement for some tinw at the beauty of CyTus (i.e. J~e7r~rrA>JKTo). XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 27. 'AvrEA.eyov, A.yovres fl-1) E7r'Y) yy EA &a L 7rW TO-S' fT7rOJ!Od.s EfT~7rf1-tfUV 'ToVs o7rA[..,.as, saying that the t?uce had not yet been proclaimed (err~yyeA.ro). THUG. v. 49.
AORIST OPTATIVE.

or'

124. The aorist optative in indirect discourse may represent1. The aorist indicative of a leading verb. E.g.
''EA.e~av on 7rEtJ-lfELE a-rpas (3aa-tA.e-6s, they said that the king had sent them (i.e. they said Z7r<f1-tf11 1}tJ-&s o (3amA.evs). XEN. Cyr. ii. 4,

7.

ToT Jyvwa-e'Y) on OL /3ap(3apot TOJ! avepwrrov V7r01fEfJ-tfULEV,

then it became known that the baTbwians had sent the man. XE:\1, An, ii. 4, 22. 'Er6Af1-a >..yew <ts rroA.A.d. TWI' Efl-WV A.a(3otev, he daTed to tay that they had taken (EA.af3ov) much of my pTopeTty. DE~L xxvii. 49. 'Hp<vrwv avr6v el avarrAeva-Eev exwv apy1~pwv, I asked him whetheT he had set sail with money (i.e. I asked him the question, avrrA.eva-as ;). DEM, L. 55. (This form is rare; see 125.) 'Errnpwra rtva Zoo,, he asked whom he had seen (i.e. r{va flOf>, whom did you see?). HDr. i. 31. So i. 116; dpero Ko8ev A.a(3ot.

2. The aorist subjunctive of a dependent verb.

Ev~avro a-wr~pw 81~a-ELv

E.g.

f.v()a 1rpwrov els rptAtav y~v drp{Kotvro,

they vowed that they wottld make than!; o.ffeTings fm theiT deliverance wheTeveT they should fint enter a friendly land (i.e. ev()a &v arptKWfJ-E()a, 8-6crofev). XEx. An. v. 1, 1 (see iii. 2, 9).
An aorist indicative in
3.

dependent clause of a quotation is regularly

retained (689, 3).

42

THE TENSES

[125

3. The aorist subjunctive in a question of appeal (287).

E.g.
Oi 'Emoa_~Lvwt Tov 8Eov ~7r~povTo El 7rapaoo tV Kopw8tots T~v '11'6.\.w, they asked whether they should deliver up their city to the Oorinthians (i.e. they asked the question, 7rapaOWfLEV TIJV 7!"6.\.tv; shall we deliver up our city?). THUC. i. 25. 'Ea-K67rovv 87!"w!i Kd.AA.ta-7 f.veyKatJL' a-&r6v, I loolced to see how I could best endure him (i.e. I asked, 7r<;:;> v y Kw avr6v; how can I end1tre hirn?). EuR. Hipp. 39:3. Ateo-L<fJ7n)'TE O"K07TWV 0 'Tt a7TOKpli!Ul'TO, he continued silent, thinking what he shmdd answer (i.e. thinking T[ &7roKp[vwfLat;). XEN. Mem. iv. 2, 10. (See 677.) 125. The context must decide whether an aoriRt optative in an indirect question represents the aorist subjunctive (as in 3) or the aorist indicative (as in the last examples untler 1). Thus the first example ui1tler 3 might mean they asked whether they lwd given up their city, 7rapeOOfLEV r~v '11'6.\.w; But in most cases the aorist subjunctive is the direct form implied, and an aorist indicative used in a direct question is generally retained; El dva7rAnJo-tEV in 1 is, therefore, exceptional.
AoRIST INFINITIVE.

126. The aorist infinitive in indirect discourse represents an aorist indicative of the direct form. E.g.
P'l)<Ttv Tovro '11'0 t?j<Tat, he says that he did this (i.e. he S(lys Tovro ; ~</>'l) Tovro '11'0 t1ja-a t, he said that he had done this (i.e. he sa.id rovro E'1r'ofJo-a); <f>~a-Et rovTo '/f'Ot~a-at, he will say that he did tfois (i.e. he will say rovro E'1r'o'l)a-a). '0 Kvpos Af.yErat yH~a-8at KaJLf3Va-w, Oy1us is said have been the son of Cambyses. XEN. Cyr. i. 2, l. ITaA.at6ra'Tot Aeyovrat EV fLEPEL Ttl't Tij> x!hpa> KvKAW'/f'E!i o 1K1j a-at, the Cyclops are said to have settled most (tnciently in a part of the country. THUC. vi. 2. "'H(J'av V1r01I"TO< a-&roi:s JL~ 7rpofhiJLw> <T</>[<Tt 7reJLtfat a E1rEJLtfav, they we?'e suspected by thern of not having sent to thern with alacrity 'What they did send. Tau c. vi. 75. 127. Although the usage of the language is very strict, by which the aorist 'iufiniti ve afte1 verbs of saying, thinking, etc. is past, as representing an aorist indicative, still several passages are found, even in the best authors, in which an aorist infinitive after such verbs as VoJL[(w, o1ofLat, and even <f>'lJfL[ refers to future time. Many critic.s, especially Madvig, 1 deny the existence of this anomaJy, and emend the offending aorists to the future or insert av. If they are allowed (and most of the passages still ~tand uncorrected in many editions), they must he treated as strictly exceptional ; and no principle, and no consistent exception to the general principle, can l)e based on them. E.g. <l>dTo yap T[a-ao-8at J.A.dras, for he said that he should punish the
~7!"o[rla-a)

to

1 See Madvig's Bemerkungen uber einige Puncte der griechischen Wortfugwngslehre, pp. 34-44 : Griech, Synta;x, 172 a, Anm.

128]

FUTURE OPTATIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

43

offenders. Ocl. xx. 121. (In Il. iii. 28, we have in most :M:ss. and editions 4orf:ro yd.p T[uw8at &.A.dr'Y}v, in precisely the same sense; but Bekker has rtrrarrOat.) So f.4ocfJ1-1JV T[rrarrOat in Il. iii. 366. Kal a1rrcp oB fL~fLtpau8at 'A7rptTJV (se. d7rKpvaro) 7raptuu0at yd.p Kat avros Kat lLU.ov.- at<tv, and (he answered) that Apries should not have reason to blarrw hirn ; joT he not only would be present himself, but would bring others. HDT. ii. 162. (Notice the strange transition from the aorist ('?) to the two futures.) <l>1JUtV ovo~ T~V ~LOS ''Eptv 7rEO<tJ UK~t{arrav EfL1rOOWV ux<8'iv. AESCH. Sept. 429. OifLO.L yap VtV tKTVUa l raO, I think of imploTing. Eun. I. A. 462. (Hermann reads iKrdrrLv by conjecture.) 'Ev6fLL<TaJI E7rt8EfLVOL pq.Ofwr; Kpar~ uat, they thought they should gain the victory. THUC. ii. 3. No!'-l(w, ~v i1r1rEils yevwfLat, &J18pw1ros 1rT'fJJIOS yEVtu8at. XEN. Cyr. iv. 3, 15 OvK i!4oauav E1r LT p Etf a ravra y<JI~u8at, they said they would not permit this to happen. LYs. xiii. 15; same in xiii. 47. Tovro o~ oi'ra oi fLaAuna y<ve0"8at, l O"Ot rrvyyevotro, and he thinlcs that this would be rnost likely to happen to him if he should join hirnself with you. PLAT. ~rot. 31,6 C. (Here we should expect yve0"8at aJI, to corresponu to H UV)')'JIOlTO.) An. Nub. 1141 is commonly quoted in this list, as having OtKauau8a [ <f>arr fLOL in all Mss.; but in the year 1872 I found OtKa0"<0"8at in Cod. Par. 2712 (Brunck's A) and by correction in 2820, so that this emendation (as it is commonly thought to be) is confirmed. It may be thought that the aorist is less suspicious in the Homeric passages than in Attic Greek, where the uses of indirect discourse are more precisely fixed.
FUTURE OPTATIVE.

128. The future optative is used chiefly in indirect discourse after past tenses, to represent a future indicative of the direct form. Even here the future indicative is generally retained (670, b). E.g.
'Y1rH1f"WJI TaAI..a oTL aDroc; rdKEZ 1rpato t, 0xro, having suggested as to what remained, that he would hirnselj attend to things there, he departed. THUC. i. 90. (Here 7rpafot represents 1rpcftw of the direct discourse, for which we might have 7rpafH in the indirect form. See, in the same cha1)ter, d7roKplJiaf'-VOt oTL 7r~f'-fovrnv, having replied that they would send, where 7rEfLtfOV might have been used.) Et rwa <f>-6yovra A1JtfOLro, 7rpOYJ)'DpEV<V OTL ws 7rOAfL[cp XP~Uotro. XEN. Cyr. iii. 1, 3. (Here the announcement was Et rtva A~IfOfL<u, w> 1rOAfLL<f' xp~rrop.at.) "EA)'JI OTl ETOlfLO> t'f} ~yw8at ailro'is ls r6 ~Et..ra, v8a 1roA.A.d. A.~if;otJITo. XEN. An. vii. 1, 33. (He said rotfLO> dfLt . ~v8a A.~tffT{).) Here belongs the rare use after
~)..7T{S

in THUO~ vi. 30, /.LE~ JA7rSo~

K'T~UOLVTO,

roiJc;

o' c:r

TE

d.fta Kai JAocj,vpfL::Jv, T<i p~v ~~

7rD'T

/JtpotVTO, i.e. (they Saileil) with hope and

44

THE TENSES

[129

lamentations at once,-hope that they might acquire Sicily, lamentations at the thought whether they should ever see their friends again (6fofl'e8a.;). 129. The future optative occurs first in Pindar, in an indirect question, EKEAWIJEV owKp'i:va.t <lv-rtvo. IJX''JIJOL ns ~pwwv, to decide which maiden each of the heroes should take (T[va. IJX~IJEL)), Py. ix. 126. It is used chiefly by the Attic prose writers, as the correlative of the future indicative, that te11se having had no corresponding optative form in the older language, as the present, perfect, and aorist indicative and subjunctive ha<l. It is never used with av.

130. Apart from its use after verbs of sa.ying and thinking, the future optati1re is found in object clauses with o71"w> after verbs of striving, etc. (339). Here its use is closely akin to that in indirect discourse, as it always represents thought which was originally expressed by the fdture indicative. E.g. 'E7rEJ1-EAEtTo o1rws fl'~TE aiJLTOL fl"'JTE d71"oTot cro tv-ro, he took care
that they should be neitheT withrmt food nor without d1inlc (his thought was o71"ws fl''JTE i!crovTa.t). XEx. Cyr. viii. 1, 43. 'E7rEJ1-e.A,)8o7 07rWS oi CTTpo.nwTU.L TOD> 7J'C:lJ!ovs ovv-,)crotvTo V7ro<jopetv. XE:-<. Ag. ii. 8. M?)o~v oEov aA.Ao fl'')XUVaiJ8at, i) 01rW> 1Jf1-tV OTL KaAAL<TT(J, TOD<; vofl'ovs 8~otv-ro wcr1rEp f3a<j>-,]J!. PLAT. Rep. 430 A. See Tim. 18 C, J1-1)XaVWf1-EVOVS 07/'WS Jl-?)8ds yvi!JIJOLT0 1 VOJl-lOVIJl DE 7rrf.JITES (where yvwcrotTo represents yv<!JcreTa.t, while the next word JIOfl-WVCTt is retained in the in<licative). ,EIJK07rEL MeJ'EKA?)s 01rws fl'YJ EIJ"o tTo a1ra<s, d.AA' tcrotTo a.imfi ocrns (wvnf TE {?)poTpo<jo-,)IJot Kat TEAEvTojiJavTa ea fo t aBT6JI, Kat eis 'TCJV E71'ELTU XPOJIOJI TU VOfuC6J1-EVa avT~ 1r0 L~(J"O t, Menecles toolc thought tha.t he 'Jm:ght not be childless, bu.t rnight have some 01~e to support his old age U(hile he lived and to buTy hin1 when he died, etc. IsAE. ii. l 0 (see 134). Other examples are XEN. Cyr. viii. 1, 10; Hell. vii. 5, 3; Oec. vii. 5; PLAT. Ap. 36 C; Isoc. xxi. 13; !SAE. vi. 35; DEM. xxvii. 40 (o1rws fl''crBwcrotTo, in the J\.fss.) In XmN. Hell. ii. 1~ 22 we ,hav~ with th~ f;tt~re optative: 1rpoei7rev Jl-?)OELS KLJI?)CTOLTO EK T'f}S Ta~EWS Jl-1)0 aJI(J,~OL'TO. In all sueh cases the future indicative is generally retained (340).

ws,

ws

131. The future optative is found in four passages after verbs of fearing, three times with fl'~, and once with 01rws fl'~ : KaTf3a.Ae ,-6 'HpaKAew-rwv -reixos, ov TOVTo <joof3ovfl'EJIO>, /'-~ nves 7rope.,;CTOLJITO J1ri TYJV JK<,,ov 8vvaf1-tV1 notfeMing this, lest any should rnarch into his dominions. XmN. HelL vi. 4, 27. So XEN. Mem. i. 2, 7. 'A.A.\ii /Cat 'TOV<; 8eovs &v EOELCTa.<; 7CapaKWOVJIEVELV, fl'YJ OVK op8w<; avTo 1ro "J(J"O t<;. Pr,AT. Eutbyphr. 15 D. Ov f1'6vov 1r<pt T~> f3a1Javov /Cat T~S o[K?)> EOEOO[KEL, dA.Aa Kat 7rpt TOV ypafLJl-aTEtov, 07CWS fl'YJ v1ro Tov .MeJ'E~EI'OV IJvAA?)<f;{I,]IJOLTO. Isoc. xvii. 22. (Here the fear was expressed originally by I'J7rWS fl'''J crvAA?)</>8~cre-rat, 370.) .As fl''l with the future in<licat.ive is rare after verbs of fearing (367), it is still rarer with the future optative after auch verbs. 132. No case is quoted of the future optative in a pure final

136]

FUTURE INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

clause, except a peculiar one with 1'-~ in PLAT. Rep. 393 E: 'Ayai'-~ P-vwv 'Jyp!atv<v, f.vr<AADfk<Vo~ vvv T< a1nevat Kat a:Oe,, 1'-~ f.A8iiv, 1'-'J aim:{! r6 r< a-K'fj7rrpov Kat ra rov Bwv a-TEfkfkaTa ovK e1rapKf.a-ot. (Another reading, e7rapKea-H<v, of inferior authority, is adopted by Bekker.) If e1rapKeirot is l'etained (as it is by most editors), it can be explained only by assuming that Plato had in his mind 1'-'J ovK e7rapKEa-H as the direct form. M0 final with the future indicative occurs in Aristophanes, Homer, and Theognis (see 324) ; there is therefore no objection to 1'-'l e1rapKea-oL as representing 1'-'J e1rapKea-H. We must remember that Plato is here paraphrasing Homer (Il. i. 25-28), but by no means litemll;-. The Homeric line is Mt} vv rot oll XP a. {a- 1'-II a-Kry7rTpov Kat a-TEfkfka 8wZo (see 263). 133. As !vo. never takes the future indicative, it can never have the futme optuti ve. 134. A future optative rarely occurs in a relative clause of purpose after a past tense; as alp<Bf.vr<s f.q>' cjS-rE a-vyypatj;at VOfkOV~, Ka8' ovO'nvas 1ro ALr<va-o 'vro, having been chosen for the p11-rpose of rnalcing a code of laws, by which they were to g01;ern. XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 11. (Here we have an indirect expression of the thought of those who chose the Thirty, of which the direct form is found in ii. 3, 2, g13o~< rpL15.Kovra avopas Af.a-8ru, oi' TOVS 7rarp[ovs VOfkOVS ~vyypatf;ova-L, KaB' oils 1r0ALT<:V(J"0Va-L.) See lsAE. ii. 10 (quoted in 130).
FUTUHE INFINITIVE.

135. The future infinitive is regularly used only in indirect discourse (111, 112), where it always represents a future indicative of the direct form. E.g.

r pcttj;EtJI </>YJa-v, he Sa.ys that he will write; ypatfELJI f</>YJ, he Said that he would write; -ypa>fEw </>~a-EL, he will say that he will write: all representing ypafw, I will write. lioAAous YE ga-Ea-Ba, ~AEyov rovs f.BEA?]a-oJiras, they said that the1e would be many who would be willing. XEN. Cyr. iii. 2, 26.
136. Verbs of hoping, expecting, ]J1'ornising, swea1'ing, and a few others of like meaning, form an intermediate class between those which take the infinitive in indirect discourse (with the time of its tense preserved) and those which do not. When these refer to a future object, they regularly take the future infinitive in indirect discourse ; but they also allow the aorist and even the present infinitive (uot in indirect discourse), like verbs of wishing, etc. Examples are given of different verbs of this class with both constructions : Tpwa-iv 13' EA7rETO ev,.,_'u, vqas fvt7rp?)a-LV KTEJIEEtJI 8' ~pwas 'Axawvs. Il. XV. 701. 'EeA7rETO KVOOS apea-8at, he was hoping to obtain glory. Il. xii. 407. ''HA7rt(ov yap fkUX?JV a-w8a,, for they

46

THE TENSES

[136

expected that there would be a battle. THUC. iv. 71. 'Ev V .:rr[St wv Tct -rdxTJ alpr}<rEtV. Tauc. vii. 46. 'EA.7Tt(Et Mva-ro~ ELvat apxEtv, he hopes to be able to rule. PLAT. Rep. 573 C. (Compare Elvat in HDT. i. 22 and 30, quoted in ll8.) IIaA.w ~p.o>..: a 7Tapos OV7TOTE ~A7Tt<TV 7Ta8e'iv. EuR. H. F. 746. El yap Kpan}<rHav -rep vavnKcp, To 'Pr}ywv ~A7Tt(ov pq.Uws X<tp<!J<ra<rBat, they hoped to subdue Rhegium. THuc. iv. 24. Ovo' &v EA7TtS ~V av-ra (3eA.Tw yevf.<rBat, there would not be even a hope of their becoming better. DEM. iv. 2. Besides these constructions, EA7T(w (or EA7T[s) has the infinitive with liv in TRue. vii. 61 ; ~s with the future indicative in EuR. EL 919, with the future optative in TRue. vi. 30 (see 128), with the aorist optative and liv in Tauc. v. 9 ; 07Tws with the future indicative in SoPH. EL 963, EuR. Her. 1051. Tov <rTpa-rrry0v 7Tpo<TOoKw -rav-ra 7Tpa~ov. XEN. An. iii. 1, 14. MeveA.ewv 7Tpo<r00Ka p.oAeiv, expect M. to come. AEsCH. Ag. 675. IIpo<TOOKWV pq.Siws vp.as ~ 0.7T a-r{j (TO. t. lSAE. xi. 22. 'Y7T6 -r' e<rxe-ro Kai Ka-revev<rev Sw<rep.<vat. Il. xiii. 368. 'EK -rov-rov v7Te<Txe-ro P-TJxav~v 7Tap~etv. XEN. Cyr. vi. 1, 21. };l, yap we<Txov (YJT~<Tetv. PLAT. Rep. 427 E. 'Y7To<Tx6p.evos p.~ 7Tp6<r8ev 7TO.V<Ta<T8at 7Tptv aVTOlJS Ka-raycfyot orKaOe, having promised not to stop until he had restored them to their homes. XEN. An. i. 2, 2. 'Y7TE<TXETO p.ot (3ovA.d<Tw8at. Ib. ii. 3, 20. 'flp.oA6n<Tu. els -rr}p.epov 7Ta.pe<re<T8at. PLAT. Symp. 174 A. 'Op.oA.oyr}<ra.vn 7Totr}<rov TO KEAev6p.evov. Id. Phaedr. 254 B. So ANT. vi. 23 ; AND. i. 62. Compare <f>ap.~v Tov-rov .1!p.oA.oy1)KEVat -rav-ra 7TOtrJ<THv with <f>a<rKovTes <TE .1Jp.oA.oy1)KEVat 7ToAtTEVe<rBat, PLAT. Crit. 51 E and 52 D. See Crit. 52 C; and compare ~vvWov 7ToAtTEved8a.t, ib. 52 D. 'E7Te[<TB'l}V T~V <Tvvo.Sov Tii oyoou op.oA.oy{j<Tat 7TO tr}<Ta.<TBa.t. DEM. xlii. 12. ' 'Hyyva-ro fL1Jb~v a.vTovs KaKoV 7Td<rw8at, he pledged himself that they should suffer no harm. XEN. An. vii. 4, 13. Ilpo<Taya.ywv eyyv'l}Tas ~ p.~v TropevwBat, having given secu1ities as a pledge that he would go. Id. Cyr. vi. 2, 39. Kai or} p.ot yepas ailTos d<f>a.tpr}<rwBat d7TEAE'is. Il. i. 161. So xv. 179; Od. xi. 313; HDT. vi. 37; EuR. Med. 287. 'H7TetA1]<TEV v{ja.s aA.ao' {AKEfJ-EV. Il. ix. 682. 'H7Te[A'I)<Ta.v a7TOKTE'iva.t fi7Ta.vTa.s Tous ev -riJ olK[q.. XEN. Hell. v. 4, 7. Taxa. ovof.va. ELKOS <TVV avT</) (3ovArJ<rE<rBat Eiva.t, it is likely that soon nobody will want to be with him. XEN. Cyr. v. 3, 30. 'EK p.(v Tov Ka.Kws 7TpaTTetv Tas 7TOAES p.eTa.(3oA.{js -rvx E'iv e7Tt TO (3A.nov E1Kos
EcrTtv,

EK

0~ ToV 7ravT&:rraa-t yvEa-8at &.vJo-TaTov Ka2 -rWv Kot.vWv

EA7r{Owv <rTEp') B{jva t. LYCURG. 60. "Op.o<r<TOV ~ p.~v p.ot apr}~EV. Il.i. 76 j sox. 321. 'Op.o<Ta.S <ha~fV orKa.o', E) Tpoav p: fiyE, SOPH. Ph. 941; cf. Ph. 594, 623. 'Op.6<ra.vTE> TavTa.ts Jp.p.everv. XEN. Hell. v. 3, 26. 'Ava.yKaCE Tov Kep<To/3MrrTYJV ofL6<rat dvat fL~V T~v dpx~v Kow~v, 7TavTas 8' Vfl-LV <hooovvat T~V xwpav. DEM. xxiii. 170.

140]

PRESENT PARTICIPLE

47

FUTURE PERFECT.

137. The future perfect of the dependent moods is rare, except in verbs whose perfect has the meaning of a present (49), where it is an ordinary future (82). "\Vhen it occurs in other verbs, it is only in the infinitive of indirect discourse. E.g. Tavra (e</J'YJ) 1re1rpa~w8at ovoi:J' 1) Tptwv ~f-Lpwv, he said that we
should see these things alnady accomplished within two or tlwee days. DEM. (Here the direct discourse was 1rE1rpa$erat Tavra, these things will have been already accomplished.)

xix. 7 4.

Ill. TENSES OF THE PARTIOIPLE.

138. The tenses of the participle generally express time present, past, or future relatively to the time of the verb with which they are connected.
The uses of the participle with liv are not included here. these see Chapter III.
PRESENT PARTICIPLE.

For

139. The present participle generally represents an action as going on at the time of its leading verb. E.g.
just.

Tovro 1rOWV(TtV vopJ{ovTS 8Kawv elvat, they do this thinking it is 'E1roiovv vopJ{ovT<S, they were doing it in the thought, etc. 'E7ro['l}(Tav VOf-L[{ovTs, they did it in the thought, etc. llot~(TOV(TLV vopi{ovTs, they will do it in the thought, etc. Tavi 1rpax81 K6vwvos
ix. 56.
(TTpaTYJyovvros, these things we?'e done when Canon was geneml. Isoc. ('2TpaT'l}yovvros is present relatively to ~7rpax8YJ.) KaTot -ra.vra 1rparrwv r 1roet; now in doing this what was he doing? DEM. ix. 15. Tavra 1repu8ev ytyv6f-Leva, to see this go on. DEM. xviii. 63.

140. The present participle is also used as an imperfect, like the present infinitive (119). With the participle this use is not confined (as it is with the infinitive) to indirect discourse. E.g.
0( U"Uf-L1rpe(T{3EVOVTE'> Kat 7rap6VT'> KaT<Lf-L<LpTvp~(]'OllfrtJI, those
who wen his colleagues on the e1nbassy and who we?e present will testify.
DEM.

xix. 129. (Here the eml,assy is referred to as a well-known event in the past.) .Pav<-rat yap 1) vvv 'EA.A.as KaAovf-LEVYJ o-6 1raA.at

{3e(3a{w<; olK01JjLEV'f], JA,\a f-LETaVa(TTa(]'HS T ofJ(J'Ut 1rp0Tpa, Kat pr:;.8w; EKa(TTOt T~v avTWI' &7roAEL7rOVTE>, i.e. the following things are evident, 'E,\A.as ov 1ra/...at (3e(3a[w<;; <jJKEtro, 6./.../...a f-LTava(]'Ta(THS

'Ta

48

THE TENSES

[141

~<rav, Ka~ lKacrrot T~v iavrwv d7r~AH7TOV. THuc. i. 2. OZOa r6v "' ' ~ ' " t ~ ' ' '' ' .iJWKpO.T1)V OHKVVVTO. TOtS t,;VVOV<TtV eaVTUV KO.II.OV KO."'(O. ()' OVTO.' VV " oU3a. o~ KJ.Kdvw ITWcppovovvTE EU"T l:wKpdrf.t <TVV~U"TrJV. XEN. Mem. i. 2, 18. (The direct discourse was EOdKVV and ea-wcppovdT1)V.) In THUC. iv. 3, ~ Il-6..\os ~U"TtV ev rii Mea-U"1)V[~ 11"0T~ OVU"TJ yiJ, Pylas is in the country which was once Messenia, oVU"TJ is imperfect, and denotes time absolutely past, as is shown by 7TOTe, without which it would be the country which is (now) Messenia. 141. An attributive present participle (824) occasionally refers to time absolutely present, even when the leading verb is not present. This is always denoted by vvv or some other word in the context. E.g. T~v vvv BotwTav KaAovfl'eV1JV ~K1J<rav, they settled in the country now called Boeotia. TRue. i 12. '0 Tovvv tl>[A.tmros i dpx_~s, oiJ7rw Aw7rdeov<> ITTpO.T1J"(OVVTOS, oi>Be rw~ OVTWV Ell Xeppov~<TCfl vvv d7rEITTO.Afl'evwv, l:eppewv Kat D..op[a-Kov l..\J.f-Lf3ave, Philip then in the beginning, when Diopeithes was not yet general, and when the soldiers who ARE NOW in the Ohenonese had not yet been sent out, seized upon Serrium and Doriscus. DEM. ix. 15. (Here <rrpar1)yovvros is present to the time of A.d.JLf3a.vE, while &vrwv is present to the time of speaking.) For a corresponding use of the aorist participle, see 152.

PERFECT PARTICIPLE.

142. The perfect participle in all its uses represents an action as already finished at the time of its leading verb.

. E.g.
'E7Tawova-t Tovs dp'r)KoTas, they praise those who have spoken. 'E1ryv.:<Tav ToVs dp1]Koras, they praised those who had spoken. 'E'lTatvea-ov<Tt TOV'ii dp1] KOTas, they will praise tlwse who will (then) have spolcen. 'E7rEOEL~a ovo~v J.A.1J()~s &7T1J'Y'Y" AKO TO. (Ala-xGJ11]V), I showed that Aeschines had announced nothing that was true (i.e. I sho1ved, ovov dAl)8s d'lT~yyeA.Kev). DEM. xix. 177. Tovs 8ea-fl'<~Tas f-LETEf-LEAovro a7rooe8wKores, they repented of having restored the captives. THuc. v. 35. T~s AloAtoos xaAE7rW'ii ~cppV a7rEU"TEP1JJLEVOS, he took it ha_rd that he had been deprived of Aeolis. XEN. Hell. iii. 2, 13.
AORIST PARTICIPLE.

143. The aorist participle generally represents an action as past with reference to the time of its leading verb. E.g.
Tavra 1r0 t~<Ta VT'> a7rEA8otV (3o.UAovrat, ha-ring done this, they (now) wish to go away. ' TavTa el7ro VTES a7rqAeov, hating said this, they went away. Ov ?ToAA.ot <f>a.[vovrat [11V ..\86 VTE'>, not many appear to have joined in the expedition. THuc. i. J 0. BotwTot g 'ApV1J'> a VO.U"T<f!lres T~V BotwT{av iJKYJU"av, Boeotians who had been driven

144]

AORIST :cA1?'!IctPJ.R

from A rne settled Boeotia. TRue. i. 12. "E<fJafLEV o&e ETrtU'T'!JfL'YJV oi5Te liyvotav i_.ff al!Tif EU'EU'8at, aAAa TO fLETagv av </Javev dyvo[a<; Kat f.TrtU'T~fl-1)>, i.e. we said that it would be the p1ovinee of neither knowler1Je nor ig1wmnce, but of that which should hctve appeared (</JavEv) in diw course between these. PLAT. Hep. 4 7 8 D. (Here <f>avEV is past to Eunr8at, though absolutely future; see 22.) , A<f>[KETO oeDpo TO TrAowv, yv6vTW V TWV Ke<f>aA.A.~vwv, aJirt7TpdTTOYTO<; TOVTov, EVTav8a KaTa11' AELY avT6, the vessel arrived here, the Oephallenians having determined that it should return to this port, although this man opposed it. DEM. xxxii. 14. (Here yvovTwJI denotes time past relatively to a<f>[KeTo, and avrt7rpttTTOVTOS time present relatively to yvovTwv, which is its leading verb.)

144. When the aorist participle is used with any form of

A.av8ttJiw, to escape the notice of, Tvyxavw, to happen, and <fJ8avw, to a-nticipate, except the present and imperfect, it does not denote

time past with reference to the verb, but coincides with it in time. Thus EA.a8ov a1reA.86vTes means they went au;ay secretly ( = a1r~i\.8ov
i\.a8pa) ; OVK (cp8'Y]crav a7rei\.86vres, no sooner were they gone ( = ov 1rponpov a1r~A.Bov); i!rvxov elueA.86vns, they came in by chance, or they happened to come in ( = elcr~A.Bov Tvxv) E.g. Toils 8' Ei\.a8' elueA.8&!v ITp[afLos, and Priam entered 1tnnoticed by them. Il. xxiv. 4 77; so xvii. 2 and 89. ''EA.a8~v (avT0v) a</> 8vTa 1rttvTa Kat KaTacpi\.ex8hTa, everything took fire and was cunsumed before she knew it. TRue. iv. 133. Aav8avet (historic !)resent) U'T~A'YJv 1ra [uas. SoPH. El. 7 44. "E<f>8'YJ ope~ttfLEYOS, he aimed a blow fint Il. xvi. 322. AvTot <f>{}~(JOJITO.t aUTO opaua YTES, they will do it first themselves. PLAT. Rep. 375 c. Ov yap cp8Yj fLOL uvp.{3affa ~ dTvxta, Kat ev8vs iTrEXe[p'Y]uav, K.T.A., joT no sooner did this misfortune come upon me, than they undmtuok, etc. DEM. lvii. 65. LTpaTLa ov 1roAi\.1) enxe fLEXpt 'lu8fLov 7rapEA8oDcra, an anny' of no g1eat size had by chance marched as jar as the Isthmus. T11uc. vi. 61. "EnxE o Ka.Ta TOVTo Tov KaLpov A8 v, and he happened to come just at that moment. Id. vii. 2. 'Oi\.iya 7rpus TU fLEAi\.ovTa TVXE2v 7rpcl~aJITS (se. ~yovvTa.t), they think that it was their fortune to accomplish ouly et little in compurison with their expectations. Id. i. 70. So TovT' ETvxov i\.a(3wJI, I happened to take this, A it. Eccl. 3 7 5. '07r1rOTEpOS KE </J8iJcrLV opegttjLEYOS xpoa KaAov, v;hi,-Jwver shall first hit, etc. Il. xxiii. 805. Bovi\.o[J.L'YJY ch i\.a{)e/:y avT~V a7rei\.8wv, I should like to get away without his lcnowin'J it. XEN. An. i. 3, 17. Tot>> dv8pw1rov<; i\.~(]'OfLEV e7rt7reuoYTe<;. lb. vii. 3, 43. Evi\.a(3eZcr8a.t 7rapKEAvecr8 ill~AoLs-, 81rws p.~ 1rtpa Tov 8iovTos uocpt!JTEpot yv6/l-EVOL A~U'ETE fna<f>8aplvT>, you exhorted one another to take care not to become wise ovennuch and so get corrupted unawares. PLAT. Gorg. 487 D. (Here yev6p.evot is an ordinary aorist, past with reference to the future phrase A~crT 8wc/l8apevTE<:.) The last four examples show that this use of the aorist participle is allowed even when both participle and verb refer to the future.

[145

145. The aorist participle has the same use with uvp:ll't-rr'Tw, to happen, in Herodotus (890). E.g. Ka2 'TOOE l'TEpov uvv~7rEUE yEvo JLEVov, and this other event occurred (as it chanced). HDT. ix. 101. So uvyKvpew in HDT. viii. 87 (see 889). 146. An aorist participle with the present or imperfect of any of the above verbs (144) cannot coincide with the verb in time, and retains its own reference to past time. This combination seldom occurs.1 E.g. ''07rEp A.a{Jovua 'Tvyx<fvH fi-~'T'f)p xpow, which, as it happens, the mothm has taken in her hands (happens to have taken). EuR. Bacch. 1140. ''Apuna 'Tvyx<fvovcn -rrpa~avns, it happens that they fared the best. ' I '' \ > \ > 1 > \ '(3 ,1 I soc. IV. l 0 3. LA>.tKatw<; av 'T'f)V av'T'f)V EvEpyEutav a7roAa OtfLEV, T)V7rEp .. av'TOt 'Tvyx<fvOJLEV Els VJLaS v-rrap~a vns, we should justly 1'eceive back the same kindness ?JJhich it is owr own fortune to have .forst shown to you (we happen to have begun). Id. xiv. 57. Ilpos 'TL 'Tovi' d1rti>v KvpE'is; wherefore did you chance to speak thus (does it chance that you spoke)? SoPH. EL 1176. lloii Kvpii: h'To7rtos uv8Es; Id. 0. C. 119. "Opa Ka8' v1rvov JL~ Ka-ravA.tu8ds Kvpfl, see lest it may chance that he has retired to sleep within. Id. Ph. 30.. Compare uvvEK{;p'f)UE -rrapa7rEcrovcr;L, happened to collide. HDT. viii.. 87 (889). M~,, JL{a A.~s n Ka2 ~oov~s ~VJL7r{7rTEt YEVOJLEVT), i.e. happens to have occurred (Badham proposes ytyvoJLEVT)). PLAT. Phil 4 7 D. Ovo' llpa KpKT)V J~'A8Ew A8ov'TES ..\~Bofi-EV,norwasitunknown to Girce that we had 1eturned from Hades. Od. xii. 16. "Ocrot -r{;yxavov oi!-rws a&poot ~vvE~E..\Bov'TE>, all who happened to have thus come out together. THuc. iii. 111.. EZ -r 1rov alywv -rrEpt..\Hcp8ev -r{;yxavE yevos, if any race of goats happened to have been left. PLAT. Leg. 677 E. , Aptcr-ray6pYJ 0~ CTVVETrtTrTE 'TOV avTOV xpovov TrttV'Ta CTV VE ,.\ 86 V'T a, and it was the fortune of A. that all these came to him at the same time. HDT. v. 36. (Here it is difficult to distinguish the doubly past time; but the analogy of the other examples, and the difficulty of conceiving an imperfect and aorist as coincident in time, seem decisive.) 'Op8ws crept ~ cp~fh'f) uvve(JawE Bovua, rightly, as it happened, had the report come to them. Id. ix. 101. Just below: T~S av'T~S ~fhEPYJ> crvv(3awE yvEu8at, i.e. they (the battles of Plataea and Mycale) happened to fall on the same day. In LYB. xii. 27 we have the aorist and perfect participles together with i'T{;yxav, each expressing its own time: ocrns civTHTrWV YE E'T{;yxavE Kat yvWfh'f)V cl'll'oOEOtty}Lhos, who chanced to have spoken in opposition and to. have shoum his opinion. It appears from these examples that the aorist participle can coincide in its time only with forms which have a similar aoristic or complexive meaning, while in other cases the verb and participle are distinct in time . 1 For the examples of Tll/'xavw here given I am indebted to an unpublished

u...

paper on this construction by Dr. James R. Wheeler, in which notice of this peculiarity is taken for the first time (so far as I am aware).

148]

AORIST PARTICIPLE

51

147. l. The perfect participle can always be used with the verbs of 144 to denote an action which is completed at the time of the leading verb. This is the most common way of expressing past time in the participle here. E.g. 'ETvyxavov apn 1T'apetAT)<j>6Te<; T~V dpx~v, they happened to have just received thei1 authmity. TRue. vi. 96. 'Edv ns ~OtKTJKW<; n Tvyx<fvv T~v 1r6A.w, if it ever happens that one has wronged the city. DEM. xviii. 123. So TBuc. i. 103 (see 887). 2. The present participle with these verbs is regular, representing an action as going on at the time of the verb. See PLAT. Crit. 49 B and the four following examples (with others), in 887.

148. ln many constructions in which the aorist participle follows a verb in the sense of the ordinary object infinitive (not in indirect discourse), it does not refer to past time, but differs from the present participle only as the aorist infinitive in such a construction would differ from the present (96). This applies especially to the participle with 1repwpw and J<j>opw (1repte!8ov, ~7T'etoov), in the sense of allow, not interfere with, and 6pw (eioov) permit and see (cf. 884 and 885). E.g. IIpo<Toex6t-tevos ToVs 'A8'Y)valovs KaToKv~<Tetv hpttoeZv aDT~v [n~v y~v] T fLT) t<Ta v, dveZxev, expecting that they would be unwilling to see their land ravaged, etc. Tauc. ii. 18. But in ii. 20 we find the aorist infinitive, ijA.'ll't(ev T1JV yi)v oiYK ilv 'll'epttoeZv TtJ-1)8~vat, would not let their land be ravaged, referring to precisely the same event from another point of view (see 903, 6). M~ 1T'EptiOTJTE 1ltJ-Ea<; ow<j>8aplvTa<;, do not look on and see us destroyi!d. HDT. iv. 118. Oii fL1J <T, ey<il 71'pt6tjotJ-U' d'll'EAeovTa, I will by no rneans let you go. AR. Ran. 509. "ETAT)<Tav E71',0tV p~tJ-'Y)V /)-~V T1)V 1T'6Atv '}'EVOJl.EVT)V T~V OE xwpav 7!'op8ovfLEVT)V, a'll'UVTU 0~ TOV 1T'6AEtJ-OV 1T'pt T~V 'll'UTp[oa n/v ai>Twv 'Y''Yv6fLE v o v. Isoc. iv. 96. (Here the aorist participle denotes the laying waste of the city (as a single act), while the presents denote the continuous ravaging of the country and tl1e gradual coming on of a state of war. This is precisely the difference between the present and aoriBt infinitive in similar constructions.) 'E'll'doov T1JV avTwv 'll'arp[oa dva<TTaTov yevotJ-EVTJV. A::-;T. v. 79. Ei KE~l'OV '}' LOOt/)-' KaTEA86vT' ''Atoos eiirw, if I shoul,l see him go down and enter Hades. Il. vi. 284. l\1-t] Jll8ELV eav6v(J' v'll'' d<Trwv, not to see me killed by the citizens. EuR. Or. 7 46. .6.,a Til <Tw</>povEtv Trf 71'W7roT' eloes i}o'YJ dyaeov n yev6tJ-EVov; AR. Nub. 1061. ''OTav aVTOv rov E~aic/Jvqs 7r'TO. [a- a VTU 7rp0s Tfj 7r6AH Kai f. K X Ea V'Ta Td TE aVToV KaL Eav-rUv, . . . ?} d1ro8av6v-ra i] K7re:a-6vTa ij dTtftW(JV'ra Kat T~V oD<Tiav a'JT'a<TaV d'JT'of3a/...6vTa.. PLAT. Rep. 553 A. So Rep. 498 D, Prot. 324 B; AEBCH. Supp. 423; SoPH. Ant. 476. So after dKoVw; as arK' Jeav<T' d'JT'6VTOS dKOVCfLEV, in case he will hear me speak, ll. vi. 281. To<TavTa <j>wv1)<TavTos El<TTJKOV<Tapw, so much we herd him say. SoPH. O.C. 1645. So also 7rpaBEvTa TAfjva,, endured to be sold, AESCH. Ag. 1041 ; <T1rdpas ETAa, Sept. 754;

52

THE TENSES

[149

for TActw with the regular infinitive, see Isoc. iv. 96, quoted above. So fJ-El!tl! J!O<TT~<TUJ!Ta avaKTa, to await the king's return, Il. xiii. 38.

149. The aorist participle loses its reference to past time also in the peculiar construction in which the participle with its noun has the force of the infinitive with its subject; as p.<Td. 'L-vpaKo-6uar;; olK~u8d uar;;, after the founding of Byracuse ( = p.<Tct TO 'L-vpaKovuar;; olK tu8fjvat), THUC. vi 3. See examples in 829 (b). 150. An aorist participle denoting ~hat in which the action of a verb (generally aorist) consists may express time coincident with that of the verb, when the actions of the verb and the participle are practically one. 1 E.g. N<vu' E7rt or KUAE<Ta<;;, he called him to him by a nod. Od. xvii. 330. Bfj dl~aua. Il. ii. 167.. Ei:; y' E7rOL?)<Ta<;; dvap.vf]uar;; p.e, you did well in reminding me. PLAT. Phaed. 60 0. Mf] TL f.~ap.ctpT'Y)T ep.ov KaTatf'Y)~ t<TafJ-evo t, lest you make any mistake in condemning me. Id.Ap. 30 D. ITaZoa KaTaKavwv ~vf]A.v 7raTct~ar;;, having killed a child by the st?"olce of a daggeT. XEN. Au. iv. 8, 25. ''Ho'Y) 7rW7roTe ovv ij oaKovua KaKov T <Tot i!owKev ~ AaKTl<Ta<Ta; did your mother eve?' do you any ha?m by biting oT kicking you? Id. Mem. ii. 2, 7. IlefJ-7rt ws TOJI 'Aa-Tuox1)]1 Kpv~a E7rWTELAas OTL 'AAKt{3uio'Y)> avTC)]I Tll 7rpcty{J-aTa q>BelpEL, i.e. he sends a p1'ivate message, etc. THuc. viii. 50. After a perfect: oa-' ~!'-as dya8d. of.opaKas elp~F'Y)JI 7rotf]o-as, what blessings you hwve done us 1:n making a peace! AR. Pac. 1199. The following examples among many in the New Testament illustrate the usage : 'A7roKpt8ds EC1rev EJI7rapaf3oA.atr; a1jToZs, A.eywv, he answe1ed and spake to them in J?ambles,, and said. MATTH. xxii. 1. (Aeywv is the ordinary present, less closely connected with et1rov than d7roKpt8e[r;;.) ITpoo-ev~af'-eJioL et1rav, they pmyed and said. Act. Apost. i. 24. KaA.ws E7rO['Y)o-as 7rapayev6fJ-El'OS, thou hast well done that thou a-rt conw. lb. x. 33. 151. In such passages as WfJ-oA.oy'Y)o-aJI TOtS 'ABYJvaCots TE[X'fJ TE 7r<pteA.6vTEs Kat Fav<; 1rapa86J1T<S ~6poF TE Ta~afJ-evot, THuc. i. 108, the aorist participle is past with reference to the time of the beginning of the peace to which WJLoAoy'Y)o-av refers, and the meaning is, they obtained terms of peace, on condition that they should fint (before the peace began) tem down theiT walls, etc. Such passages are Tauc. i. 101, 108, 115, 117. See K1;iiger's note on i. 108, and Madvig's BemeTkungen, p. 46. Madvig quotes, to confirm this view, LYS. xii. 68: V7rE(]"XETO elp~F'Y)V 7rotf]o-ew {J-f]TE OfJ-YJpa oovs f'-~TE Tct TELX'YJ Ka8eAWJI {J-f]T< Td<; vavs 7rapa.8ovr;;, i.e. lw p1'omised to make a peace without giving pledges, etc.

152. An attributive aorist participle occasionally refers to

1

See the discussion of this, with especial reference to the New Testament,

where examples of this kind are frequent, by Professor W. G. Ballantine, in the Bibliotheca ,Sacra for October 1884, p. 787.

155]

GN'OMIC AORIST AND PERFECT

53

time absolutely past, without regard to the time o its verb.

E.g.
'H yp.6va 7rapx6p.Evot MEya7ravov TOY Ba(Jv>..wvos VO"TEpov ToVTwv J7rtTpo7rE00"aYTa, i.e. they had as their leade?' Megapanus, who after this was made govemor of Babylon. HDT. vii. 62. (Here the aorist participle is past at the time of writing only; it is even future compared with the time of 7rapEx6p.EYOt.) So in vii. 106: KaTEAt7I"E 8~ avopa Tot6v8E MaO"KUfkYJV ')'EYOp.Evov, and he left M. (in authority), who (afterwa?ds) proved h'imself such a man (the evidence of his later merits follows in a relative sentence). For the corres1)onding use of the present participle see 141. For the use of the aorist infinitive and participle with av, see 207 and 215. For the aorist participle with exw and Eixov as a circumlocution for the perfect and pluperfect, as 8avp.aO"as i!xw and Eixov, see 4 7 and 48. For the rare use of the aorist participle with EO"op.at for the future perfect, see 8L For the aorist participle in protasis, see 472 and 841.
FUTURE pARTICIPLE.

153. The future participle represents an action as future with reference to the time of its leading verb. E.g.
TovTo 7I"Ot?)O"wv f.pXETa.t, he is coming to do this; TovTo 7rot~O"WY ljA8Ev, he came to do this. ITEf.L<f>(j~O"ETa.t Ta.vTa pw v, he will be sent to say this. Oi8a a~Tov TOVTo 7rOdO"ovTa., I.know that he ?oill do this; o2'8a. TOVTO 7rot~O"WJI, I know that I shall do this; fj8EtY a~TOY TOVTO 7r o 1. 1) 0" o vT a, I knew that he would do this. For the various uses of the future participle, and examples, see Chapter VI.

GNOMIC AND ITERATIVE TENSES.

GNOMIC

Aomsr

AND PERFECT.

154. The aorist and sometimes the perfect indicative are used in animated language to express geneml t1uths. These are called the gnornie aO?ist and the gnom.ie perfect, and are usually to be translated by our present. 155. These tenses give a more vivid statement of general truths, by employing a distinct case or several distinct cases in the past to represent (as it were) all possible cases, and implying that what has occurred is lik~ly to occur again under similar circumstances. E.g. KaT&av' 6p.w~ or dEpyos d1'~P o TE 7roAH opylhs, the idle man
and he who has labou1ed ?nuch alike 'must die. Il. ix. 320. "OuTE Kat aAKLfkOJI av8pa <f>o (3 El: KO.L d<f>dA7'0 v[KYJY, who terrifies even a valiant

54

THE TENSES

[156

man and snatches his victory away. Il. xvii. 177 (see 157, below). B[a Kal p.ey6)..a.vxov EO"</>a A.ev EV xp6vp. PIND. Py. viii. 15. ~ocpol D~ p.EA.A.ovra rp~ral:ov liVEJI-OV EfkaBov, ovD' 1nr6 KEpDH f3A.ci(3v. Id. Neni. vii. 17. Kat oi] cp[Aov Tl') EKTav' dyvo[a') V7rO, and now one ?nay kill a friend through 1:gnomnce. AEscH. Supp. 499. 'AA.A.O. ra ro~avra d, f'-EJ! a?rat Kat f3paxvv xp6vov dvrex<~, KaC (jcp6opa I'' ~VBYJ<TEV E1rt

rat> EA?r[a-~v, av TVXTJ, v-1{) xpovtp DE cf>wpara~ Kat 7rpC al'>ra Karappl, DEM. ii. 10 (see 157 and 171). "Hv apa a-cpaAwa-tJ!, avnA7r[a-avns tlA.A.a 1rA1)pwO'av r0v XP'tav, they s1~pply the deficiency (as often as one occun). THlcC. i. 70. "Hv De ne; ro1!ruw n 1rapaf3avv, (YJJ~-[av avrol:<; hre8(T(J,JI, i.e. they impose a penalty upon every one who tmnsgresses. XE:-<. Cyr. i. 2, 2. .6.WWJI tlYJI'-a 7i'VVfkciTWV i.Ko1'-~(T O'Tevovra 1rovrov. SoPH. Aj. 674. l\1[' 1Jf1-Epa r~v fkEV KaB<'iA.Ev vlj;68cv, TOV D' 1jp llvw . . Euu. Fr. 424. "Orav 6 ''Epw<; yKparea-npos YEVYJTa~, owcpBdpH T 7rOAAa Kat 1JO[KYJO"V. PLAT. Symp. 188 A. ~orav ne; wa-1rp oi'iroc; LO')(lYlfJ), 1) -rr-p0nl r.p6<paa-~<; Kat fkU<pov ?r'Ta'iap.a a1ravra ,iJ!,xanO'E Kat o~Ava-Ev. DEM. ii. 9. 'E1rHOUV ns r.ap' Jp.ov fkafJ17, Jav p.'Ev f3m!AYJTat, a7TOOfOWKl' o cyw 1TpcirTOJI-Ul apyvpwv 0.v OE f'-1J, J.AfJwv EL<; ,,p6v dJ~-6a-a<;, OIJ011 av <Pt7 fltta <tva~ ra 1'-afJ~JI-ara, Toa-ovrov J<.areBYJKEv. PLAT. Prot. 328

B. (Here the perfect and aorist, according to the Mss., are used in nearly the same sense, .he pays. But SaUl)P reads a7rEOWKV for

a1TOOEOWKV.) IloAA.oi Ota oo~aJI Kat 1TOA~TlK1JJI 01JJ!ap.w p.<yd.Aa KaKa 1rE7rov8aO'~JI, i.e. many always have suffered, and many do suffer. XEN. llfem. iv. 2, 35. DE Jl-1l p.1roDwv dJ!aJ!Taywva-Ttp Eiworc- TETp.1)Ta~.

To

Tm:c. ii .. 45. The gnomic perfect is not found in Homer.

156. The sense as well as the origin of the gnomic aorist is often made clearer by the addition of such words as 1roAM.Kt<;, 1)8;), or ov1rw. Such examples as these form a simple transition frum the common to the gnomic use of the aorist : IIoA.Aa <nparo?r<oa ~017 ~7rfa-<JI v-rr' Vwa-a-6vwv, i.e. many cases have nlready arisen, implying it often happens. Tm:c. ii. 89. .MEA.AwJI y' iarpo<;, Ti] JIOIJ'f O~OOV<; xpovov, ld.O'a'T' i)01) JI-UAAov ~ Tfi-WJ! xpoa, the slow physician, by giving the disease time, may work nwre cu1es than he who cuts too deep. EuR. Fr. 1057. lloAAaKt<; i!xwv ne; ovo ni.vayl<ata J!VV avpwv f1T AOVT'Y}IJ'' WIJT xhf:pov<; TpE<{><tv, i.e. cases have often occu1'Ted in which such a man has become ?ich the next day, etc. PHih Fr. 120. 'AfJvl'-ovvns llvopE> ov1rw Tpo1rawv EfTT1)a-a v. PLA'r. Criti. 108 c. Ozlot<; f1rAOVT1)0'V Taxf:ws oKaws wv, no man ever became rich suddenly who was just. MEN. Fr. 294. Compare DEM. iv. 51. (See Kriiger, 53, 10, A. 2.)

157. General truths are more cohunonly eXJlressed in Greek, as in Engli811, by the present. The present and aorist appear together above, in nearly the same sense ; the gnomic ltorist is, however, commonly distinguished from the })resent by referring to a single or a sudden occurrence, while the present (as usual) implies duration.

160]

GNOMIC AORIST AND PERFECT

55

Thus in DEM. ii. 10, above, the aorist ~vO'YJO"<V implies a sudden blossoming out with hopes, as opposed to the continuance or repetition expressed by dvTEXH, hold out, cpwpaTat, a?'e detected, and KaTapp<~ fall in ruin.

158. An aorist somewhat resembling the gnomic is very common in Homeric similes, where it is usually to be translated by the present. E.g. ''Hpt11" 8' <1Js OT TtS opvs 1Jpt1HV, and he fell, as when an oak .falls,
(literally, as when an oak once felT). I!. xiii. 389. This can better be seen in the longer and more complicated examples which are quoted under 54 7 and 548.

159. The gnomic aorist is found in indirect discourse in the infinitive and participle, and even in the optative. E.g.
(a) ''Orrov 8' Df3p(etv opav (}' il f3ovAETat rrapfi, TUVT'Y)V J16fLt(E T~V 11"6AtV xp6v<p ?TOTE e~ ovp[wv OpafLOVO"UV ES f3v8uv ?TEO"Ei:v, but where ?nan is permitted to insult and to work his own will, lJeliet'e that that state, though it may ?'un before fair breezes, must in time ~ink to the depths. SoPH. Aj. 1082. (Here ?TEO"EW represents e?TEO"EIJ of the direct fonn, which can be only gnomic.) Er O"ot oos rrapE(]"T'/KEv ~yovfLtil'<p xaAE?TOV elvat cptA[av (]"VfLfLEVHV, Kat Otacpopas '}'EVOfLEV'fJS KOtV~V d.fLcpoTf.pot> KaTaO"T'ljvat T1)v O"VfLcpop&v, if you .fea?, thinking that it is hnrd for friendship to abide, and that when a quarrel occu?'S the cala.mity that arises is common to both (the direct form would be xa-\m6v e(]"TLV, Kat KOtv1) KaTEO"T'YJ ~ O"VfL<f>op&). PLAT. Phaedr. 232 B. 'HyovfLEV'Y]> 01) d.AYJ8Eas OVK av ?TOT <f>a'ifLEV avTfj xop'Ov KUKWV aKoAov8'ljO"nt, now when truth leads, we neve?' could say that a chorus of evils accompany he1 (~KoAov81JO"ev). PLAT. Rep. 490 C. (b) '.2fLtKp(j) xaAtJI(j) o' oloa TOllS 8vfLOVfLEVOVS t11"?TOVS KaTapTV8EJITUS, and I know that high-spi1'ited horses an tamed by a small bit. SoPH. Ant. 478. 01'0a TOVS TOt01JTOV> ev fLEV T(j) KaT' avTovs /3['-1! AV?T'YJPOVS OJ!Tas, TWV o E?THTa d.v8pwrrwv rrpoO"?TO[YJO"LV ~vyyeve[as TtO"t Kat fL~ oD(]"aV KaTaAt1r6vTas, I know that such men, although in their own l?jetimes they are o.ffensive, yet often leave to some who come afte? them n desi1e to clnim connexion with them, even whe1e then is no g1ound for it. TRue. vi. 16. (c) A clear case of the gnomic aorist in the optrttive is seen in PLAT. Rep. 490 B, in the peculiar omtio obliqua introduced by d.rroAoyYJ(]"6fLe8a oTt (in A), which implies a philosophic imperfect (40) and thus takes the optative. We have 11"<</>vKws et'Y), EfLfLEJiot, l'ot, etc., representing 7rE<f>vKe, EfLfLEVEL, el(]"t, etc.; and afterwards yJ!o[rJ TE Kat dkYJ8ws C0YJ Kal TP~<f>otTo (representing eyvw TE Kat d.AYJ8ws Cii Kal Tp~cpeTat), i.e. he attains knowledge (aor.), and then truly lives and is nourished (pres.), where the gnomic force of the aorist is plain, (See 676.)

160. The gnomic perfect is found in the infinitive of indirect discourse iu DE~!. ii. 18: el Of TtS O"W</>pwv i) o[Katos, 7rapewa-8at Ka~

56

THE TENSES

[161

Ev ovDEv6s EtvaL fLEpH T6v Towv-rov (1>rp[v), such a 1nan (he says) is always thrust aside and is of no account. 161. The imperfect was probably never used in a gnomic sense, except where the form is aoristic in other respects, as lKAvov in I!. i. 218, ix. 509 ; cf. xiv. 133.
ITERATIVE IMPERFECT AND AomsT WITH ''Av.-IONIC ITERATIVE FORMS IN -rncov AND -IYKDfJ-1JV.

162. The imperfect and aorist are sometimes used with the adverb to denote a customary action, being equivalent to our narrative phrase he would often do this or he ~~sed to do it. E.g.

av

f,L1JPWTwv &v a1>To-Ds T{ A.yoLEv, I used to ask them (I would ask them) what they said. Pr"AT. Ap. 22 B. Er TWES rooLEV 7rJ) To-Ds a-1>ETEpov<; ETnKpaTOVVTa<;, av8rip<r1J<rav aJI, whenever any saw their friends ' in any way victorious, they would be encouraged (i.e. they we1e encouraged in all such C{LSC8). THUC. vii. 71. IIo.A.AdKL<; 'JKOV<rap.EV av TL KaKW<; vpJis fJovAEv<Tri}l-EVOV<; Jl-E')'a 7rpfiy}J-a, we used ve1y often to hea1 you, etc. AR. Lys. [j 11. Er Ti<; avT<[j ?rEp[ TOV avnAE')'OL Jl-1JDEV ~xwv a-a<f>'Es .Ayw', J7Tt TfJV vm)8Ea-w e7Ta v~ y EV ltv 7TriJITa Ti'JJI .A6yoF, he always brought the whole discussion back to the main point. XEN. Mem. iv. 6, 13. '07T6TE npoa-(3J-..tfa TLVO'S TWV EV Tat<; nf.~E<Ti, TOTE Jl-EV d?rEV a V. (Jj avDpE<;, K.T.A. TOTE o' ail EV aAAOL<; &v EA~]1. Id. Cyr. vii. 1, 10. S<J Hm ii. 109, iii. 51 and 148. This construction must be distinguished from the potential indicative with ctJI (243). See, however, 249. For the iterative imperfect and aorist with av transferred to the infinitive, see 210.

163. The Ionic iterative imperfect and aorist in -a-Kov and -a-K6fL'JV express the repetition of such actions as the ordinary imperfect and aorist express. E.g. "A..\.Aovc; fLEl' yap 7Tat8ac; f.fLovs 1r6oas w1<vc; 'AxtAAEvs 1rpvaa-x', ov nv' i[J-..urKE. Il. xxiv. 751. ''OKw<; ..\Bot o Nd.Aos J1rl OKTW 7r~XEas, lipoE<rKE ArylJ'ffTov T?JJI ~vEpBE MfL1>ws. Hm. ii. 13. 164. Herodotus sometimes uses the iterative forms in -o-Kov and -a-K6fLYJF with av in the construction of 162. He uses this form of the aorist in only two passages, in both with av. E.g . .PotTEova-a KAa[<a-KE &v Kat 6ovpa-K<To. iii. 119. 'Ec; TovTovs OKW<; e.AfJoL 0 2:KVA?JS, T~V f"~V <rTpaTi~V KaTaAdna-KE f.v T<ji 7rpoa(J'TtL4}, avT6s 0~ OKWS A8oL f.s T6 TEtXO>, .Ad(JE<TK ctJI 'EAA?Jv[lla {a-8~Ta. iv. 78. So A.ri(J{a-Kov liv, iv. 130. See Kriiger, II. 53, 10, 5.

170]

DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES

57

DEPENDENCE OF MOODS .AND TENSES.

165. In dependent sentences, where the construction allows both the subjunctive and the optative, the subjunctive is used if the leading verb is primary, and the optative if it is secondary. (See 21.) E.g.
IIpaTTO'l!O"tV iiv (3ovAwvrat, they do whatever they please; but l7rpaTTov Cl (3ovAotvro, they did whatever they pleased.

166. In like manner, where the construction allows both the indicative and the optative, the indicative follows primary, and the optative follows secondary tenses. E.g.
f!Ae~av

AyovO"w on rovro (3ol)Aovrat, they say that they wi.~h for this; on rovro (3ovAotvro, they said that they wishedjoT this.

167. To these fundamental rules we find one special exception. In indirect discourse of all kinds (including sentences denoting a purpose or object after Zva, o1r~s, fL~, etc.) either an indicative o1 a subjunctive may depend upon a secondary tense, so that the mood and tense actually used by the speaker may be retained in the indirect form. (See 667, 1.) E.g.
Ei1l'EV (3ovAerat, for ei'7rEJI (3o{JA.otro, he S(~id that he wished (i.e he said (3ovA.ofLat). 'E<fo(3el-ro f-L?J rovro yE:vTJTat, for f.tjJo(3el:ro fL?J Tovro -yf.vo tTo, he feaTed lest it should happen (i.e. he thought, tfof3ovf-La' fL?J yf.vTJTat). (See 318.)

on

on

168 . .An only appa1ent exception occurs when either a potential optative or indicative with av, or an optative expressing a wish, stands in a dependent sentence. In both these cases the original form is retained without regard to the leading verb. It is obvious that a change of mood would in most cases change the whole nature of the expression. E.g. 'Ey~ OVK o2'8' 01l'WS av TtS O"atjJeO"TEpov E7rtOei~EHJI, I do not know how any one could show this more cleaTly. DEM. xxvii. 48. 6.el: -yap EKE[v<t' rovro iv ri/ yvWfLYJ 7rapaO"T~O"at, ~> -&f-Le'tc; iK T~> df-LeAeas ravTTJS T~> a-yav [O"w> iiv opfL~O"atTE. DEM. iv. 17. El 8' -&f-Le'is &A.A.o 'Tt yvWO"EO"fit, 0 !L0 yvo LTO, rva oteO"(h avn}v 'fvx0v E~ELV; Dmr. xxviii. 21. .A few other unimportant exceptions will be noticed as they occur. 169. It is therefore important to ascertain which tenses (in all the moods) are followed, in dependent sentences, as primary tenses by the indicative or subjunctive, and which as secondary tenses by the optative.
INDICATIVE.

170. In the indicative the general rule holds, that the present,

58

THE TENSES

[171

perfect, future, and future perfect are primary, and the imperfect, pluperfect, and aorist are secondary tenses. 171. But the historical present is a secondary tense, as it refers to the past ; and the gnomic aorist is a primary tense, as it. refers to the present.
See HDT. i. 63 (umler 33), where the optative follows an historical present; and DEM. ii. 10, TRue. i. 70, XEN. Cyr. i. 2, 2 (under 155), where the subjunctive follows gnomic aorists.

172. The imperfect indicative in the protasis or apodosis of an unfulfilled condition (410) and in its potential use (243), when it refers to present time, is a primary tense. E.g. "Eypacf)Ov &v ~AtKa BfJ-as ED ?Tot~a-w, El ED i}oetv, I would tell you
in my letter how great services I would render you, if I knew, etc. DEM. xix. 40. ITavv &v ~<Pof3ovfJ-1JV, fJ-1J 1l?Top~a-wa-t A6ywv. PLAT. Symp. 193 E. 'E,Po{3oBfJ-YJV &v a-,P68pa A.y<Lv, f-~ 86~w, k.r.A., I should be very much afmid to speak, lest I should seem, etc. PLAT. Theaet. 143 E. Tavr' Clv ~OYJ Ayav ~?TEXdpovv, Zv' do?) rE. DEM. xxiii. 7 (for the' construction here see 336). See XEN. An. v. 1, 10; DEM. xvi. 12.

173. On the other hand, the aorist indicative in the same constructions (17 2), and also the imperfect when it refers to the past, are secondary tenses. E.g. 'AAAa Kat rovs Oeovs &v ~/Jaa-as ?TapaKtvovvEVELv, fJ-'J oBK 6p0ws
aBr6 7TOL~CTOLS. PLAT. Euthyph. 15 D. 'AAA' o0/J~ fJ-ETa 7TOAAwv fJ-aprvpwv a?TOOLOOVS ElK'iJ TLS 8.11 J?T{CTTEVCTEV, i'v' d TLS /' {yvo LTO ?w,Popa., KofJ-[a-aa-Oat pCf/J[ws ?Tap vtJ-'iv ovvYJTaL. DEM. xxx. 20. (Here the subjunctive 8vvq,rat is properly used after a past tense (318), but the optative shows that the leading verb is secondary.) See Zva y[yvowro, after an imperfect with av, PLAT. Men. 89 B. Xprjv ~?TE[pEa-Oat K6TEpa r1)v ewvrov i] r~v K!Jpov Ayo t &px~v, he ought to have asked whether the oracle rneant his own or Gyrus's empire. HDT. i. 91.
SUBJUNCTIVE AND IMPERATIVE.

174. All the tenses of the subjunctive and imperative are primary, as they refer to future or to present time (89). E.g.
''E?TEcr&' 07TrJ av TU,; ~y'ljrnt, follow whithersoeVB?' any one leads the way. THUG. ii. 11. 'L,Ko?Twp.Ev El 7Tpf1TEt i} oll. PLAT. Rep. 451 D. 175. But when a subjunctive depends upon a past 'tense, as often happens in final clauses (318), it may be followed by an OIJtative; as in XEN. Hell. vi. 5, 21, .ryyE n)v rnxta-TYJV ELS T~v Ellratav, f3ovA6tJ-Evos d?TayayE'iv -rovs 6?TA[ras 1rptv Ka2 ra 1rvpa -rwv ?ToAEfJ-[wv loE'iv, Zva 0~ TLS d 7T V GJs ,PEvywv J 7T ay a')' 0 L, he led on, wishing to lead off his soldiers before they even saw the enemies' fir-es, that no one might say that he had led them off in jli,tht (187). \Vith the other reading, Zva f-tl Tt<; d'.rot, the example would illustrate l76 A (below).

177]

DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES

59

OPTATIVE.

176. As the optative refers sometimes to the future and sometimes to the past, it exerts upon a dependent verb sometimes the force of a primary, and sometimes that of a secondary tense. A. When it refers to the past, as in general suppositions with El and relatives after past tenses, or when it takes its time from a past verb (as in a final clause), it has the force of a secondary tense, B. When it refers to the future, as in future conditions, in i~s use with flv, and in wishes, it is properly to be considered primary. In many cases, however, a double construction is here allowed. On the principle of assimilation the Greeks preferred the optative to the subjunctive in certain clauses depending on an optative, the dependent verb referring to the future like the leading verb, and differing little from a subjunctive in such a position. A dependent indicative is, however, very seldom assimilated to a leading optative. Such assimilation of a dependent verb to an optative takes place (I) regularly in protasis and conditional relative clauses depending on an optative of future time; (2) seldom in final and object clauses after tva, otrws, fL?J, etc.; (3) very rarely in the case of the indicative in indirect quotations or questions, but (4) more freely in the case of the subjunctive in indirect questions. These four classes of sentences which depend on an optative referring to the future are treated separately below (I.-IV.) 177. I. (a) In protasis and conditional relative sentences depending upon an optative which reje1s to the future, the optative rather than the subjunctive is regularly used to express a future condition. E.g. El'?)s <f>op?)TU<; oilK &v, El trpauuot> KaAt~<;, you would be unendurable,

if

you should be p1osperous. AEsc:s:. Prom. 979.

'Avopi {3 K' oilK

d~H fLEyas '1\AafL~vws A'tas, 8s &v?)TOS T' Et?) Kat 8ot !:1YJfL~Tpos dKT~v. Il. xiii. 321. Ilws yap flv Tts, d. J' 1-'-0 J-rrCTTatro, Tavra

uo<j>us LYJ; for how could any one be wise in thnse things which he did not undeTStand? XE:~. l\iem. iv. 6, 7. fl.otTo llv o.vTov fLEJ!etv, ECTT uV dtrA8ots. Id. Oyr. V. 3, 13. El dtro8v{JCTKOt fLEV 7r<ivTa oua TOV (0v fLTo.Aa(3ot, E7rt01J o dtro8avot fLEVOt EV TOVT~J, J.p' QV 7r0AA>J dv<iyKYJ TEAEVTWVTa 7rctVTO. -u8vavat; if all things partaking of life should die, and after dying should remain dead, must it not very certainly follow that all things would finally be dead ? PLAT. Phaed. 7 2 0. 'Hs d1roAotTo Kat &A.A.os ns TotavTa J' p~(ot, may a11y othe1 111an also perish who shall do surh things. Od. i. 47. TEBva['l)v, on fLOL PYJKETt ravTa fL~ Ao t, rnay I die, when I (shall) no longer cure jO?' these!

60
MrMN. Fr. i. 2.

THE TENSES

[178

(Here 8-rav p.ry~<en p.eAy might be used without change of meaning. See the second example under b.) 178. (b) On the other hand, the dependent verb is sometimes in the subjunctive or future indicative, on the ground that it follows a tense of future time, especially when the leading verb is an optative with &v used in its sense approaching that of the future indicative (235). E.g.
"Hv oi'iv fl'rf.By> fl'OL -rov-rov, ovK &v d7rooofryv, if then you should (shall) learn this for me, I would not pay, etc. AR. Nub. 116. "Hv U' J.cpE>..wfl'aL, K<iKtU'-r' 6:1ro>..op.ryv. Id. Ran. 586. 'Eyw o~ -ra-6rryv fl'EJI 7"~JI elp~JI'fJV, ws av eis 'ABryva[wv Ad7r7JTat, OVOE7r0T av U'Vf1'(3ovAevU'atp.L 7rOL~U'aU'8at -rfj 7r6AH, J would never advise the city to 1nake this peace, as long as a single Athenian shall be (should be or was) left. DEM. xix. 14. (Here ws Ae[7rot-ro would be the common form.) "Q(]'7rp av DfLWJI EKa(]'TOS al(J'xvvBd'f} n)v -n5.fw AL7rEW 1JV av TaX 8ii ev r<ji 7roA(pcp, as each one of you would be ashamed to leave the post at which he may be (might be) placed it~ wa1. AESCHIN. iii. 7. (Here ~v -rax8[ry would be the more common expression.) Twv J.-ro7rw-rrf.-r~v &v <t'f}, el -rav-ra ovv'f/Bet> f1-1J 7r p ri.f H, it would be nne of the strangest things ij, when he gets the power, he jails (shall fail) to do this. DEM. i. 26.

179. It will be understood that no assimilation to tl1e optative can take place when the protasis i>< pre~ent or past, as a change to the optative here would involve a change of time. See 561. 180. II. (a) In final and object clauses with t'va, ,1J,, 87rws, ocppa, and fl'~, the subjunctive (or future indicative) is generally u~ed after a potential optative with av or after an optative in protasis referring to the future. E.g. "'Hp& l<f. JIVJI ajl ~fl'tV oiKao' E7rOLO, ocppa ioy, K.T.A. Od. XV. 431. So OJ. vi. 57, xvi. 87; I!. xxiv. 264. 6.t WTO<; av7ravpa (J'Vfl'cpf.pot, ws opoll(J'IJ SoPH. El. 1439. Tts awov av KaAE\TELf.V, tils tov p.e;
Elltc. Hacch. 1258. 'OKvO['fJJI av ds Ta 7rAoZa Efl'f3avnv, !-'-~ Ka-raOV(J'U' cpo(3op.ryv o' av -r<ji ~f'EfLOJit E7f'f.(J'Bat, f-'-1J ~p.a<; ciyrf.yv i)(jf.V ovx o[6v 7" E(J'TaL JfeA.8eZv. XE:->. An. i. 3, 17. '}'[,. OVI< av cpdyo t, tJia fl'~o' liKwv avTfj 7rf.pt7T'f(J'IJ; DEM. XXV. 33. OZop.at &v VfLUS fl'Ef'a OJI~(J'at TO \Trprf.nvp.a, f.L ~7rLfL<A'fJ8dYj7"f. 87rWS' dvTt -rwv &7roA.wA.6-rwv w<; TaXL\TTa \T-rpa-r'f}yo2 ~<a~ A.oxayo2 &vnKaTa(J'-raBw(J'tv. XEN. An. iii. 1, 38. El oe Kat 87rw<; dp~Y'f/ E(J'Tat cpavf.pot eLY)Tf. E7rLf1-f.AOVfLEVOt.. Id. Vect. v. 10 (see 180, b).

(b) ThP- only examples of the optative here are one in Aristophanes, one iu Plato, and six in Xenophou 1 : - 6.Lct TOW ELKOTWS (3 ovAo LJIT' O.v 1Jfl'OS ~~oA.wA.evaL, tva Td<;

7"Af.7"aS A rf. (3 0 Lf. Jl. AR. Pac. 411.

OvK av

7T'W

d {3ovK6Aov<; 7rpO(J'8i:fLH, tva OL ywpyot

1 See Weber, Absichtssatze, pp. 220, 221 ; 245-247. Weber's collection of examples is complete.

7rdvv '}'E p.f.ya 7"L dYj, ~7rt 7"0 dpovv exouv

I have assumed that

185]

DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES

61

f3ovs. PLAT. Rep. 370 D. ITetp<{lp.'f)v (&v) p.~ 1rp6a-w ip.wv Eivat, Zva, d 1rov Katp'Ds et'fj, htcpavd'fjv. XEN. Cyr. ii. 4, 17. So Cyr. i. 6, 22; An. ii. 4, 3, iii. 1, 18 (with various readings in last two). 'H cpvAaK0 YEAo{a TtS &v cpavotTO, d 11-~ <TVYE E7rlJJ-EAOtO 01rWS e~w8v n d<rcpepotTo. XEN. Oecon. vii. 39. El o~ Kat o1rws To {v f:J.Acpo'Ls lep'Ov avT6vop.ov yevotTO <j>av<pot d'l]TE E1rtfLEAOVfLEVOt. XEN. Vect. v. 9 ; but in the next sentence, o1rws dp~v'l] ea-Tat (see 180, a).

181. (c) After an optative in a wish twelve examples of tl1ese clauses with the optative and ten with the subjunctive are cited from Homer and the lyric and tragic poets. These are
T&xta-ra fLDt voov f.Tal:pot lv, tv' Jv KAta-v A.ap'Ov TETvKofL<8a o6p7rOV. Od. xiv. 407. So xviii. 368, XX. 79. (Subjunctive in Il. xvi. 99, xxiv. 74; Od. iv. 735, xviii. 202.) So THEOG. 885, 1119; PIND. Py. v. 120 (?). (Subj. PIND. Nem. viii. 35.) ''EA.8ot 81rws yevo tTo rwvo' EfLOi Avr~pws. AESCH. Eum. 297. rcvo[fLaV tv' vAaEV E7rCT7"t 1r6VTOV 7rp6f3A1JfL' aAK'A.VCTTOV1 TdS lepdS 01f'WS 7rpoa-Ef1f'OtfLEV 'AB~vas. SoPH. Aj. 1217; so Ph. 324 and Tr. 953. (Subj. SoPH. Tr. 1109.) Et fLOt yevotTo cp86yyos Jv f3paxo(n, ws m5.F8' OfLaprfl Twv exotJITo yovv(hwv. EuR. Hec. 836; so Hipp. 732. (Subjunctives in EuR. Hel. 174, Suppl. 621, I. T. 439, Ion. 671.)

182. No case of either subjunctive or optative after an optative in a wish in prose is cited by Weber. Perhaps one may be found in DEM. xviii. 89, where Cod. ~ reads, ifw OtafLaprot<v, Kat fLETduXOtEv
wv VfLEL'> oi ra f3Ana-ra f3ovA6fL<Vot Tovs 8wvs alr<tT, fL~ fLETaoof<v VfLLV wv avrot 7rpDrJPYJVTat, which can best be translated, in which (hopes) may they be disappointed; and 'rnay they (rather) share the blessings for which you, who wish for the best, pray the Gods, lest they involve you in the evils which they have chosen for themselves. M~ with the subjunctive in this sense occurs twice in Demosthenes, xix. 225, xxxviii. 26. The alternative, if we keep this rea(ling, is to make fL~ fL<TaDot<JI an independent wish, as if it were fL1JDE fLETaC.oi:ev, the usual reading.

183. In relative sentences expressing a purpose the future indicative is regularly retained after optati ves and even after past tenses of the indicative (566). For exceptional cases of the optative in this construction see 57 3 and 57 4, with 134. 184. III. In indirect quotations and questions depending upon an optative which refers to the future, the indicative is the only form regularly used to represent an indicative of the direct discourse. E.g. Ov yap UJI TOVT6 i et1f'Ot>, WS eA.a8ev. AESCHIN. ii. 151. 'EKELVO AEYHJI av E7rtXHP~CTH .A7rTVYJS, WS ai AHTDvpylat ds 7f'EIJY)TUS avBpw7rO'V'> epxoJIT(l,' (187). DEM. XX. 18; .SO xvi. 4. El a7rOOHX(;h'1 T[Jia XP~ ~yew8a, rov Aawov. XEN. An. iii. 2, 36. 185. But in DEM. xvi. 5 we find the OlJtative in an indirect quotation: ov yap EKEtv6 y av ef1f'OtfLEV1 C:>'> dvraAAa~aa-8at {3ovAofLe8' There are no other 'avnmiA.ovs AaKEDa'JLOV{ovs avr~ 8YJf3awv.

62

THE TENSES

[186

readings, and we must call it an exceptional ca.~e of assimilation (we could not say this, that we wished, etc.) unless we emend it either by reading {3ovA.6p,E8a (as proposed by Madvig, Bemerk. p. 21) or by inserting liv. In PLA'P. Rep. 515 D, we find in the best Mss. r &v orn avrov El-irli:v, Er ns avrc{! A.eyot on r6n fl-EJI Eti!pa ~A.vapas, JIVJI OE op86rEpa (3 A~11" 0 t j what do you think he would say, if any one should
tell him that all that time he had been seeing foolish phantoms, but that now he saw more correctly? (Some Mss. read f3A.er.Et.)

In Il. v. 85, Tv3E[(l'I)V OVK &v yvo'/)S rrorepoun JUTd'l), the optative represents p,ena-rtv in the direct question ; but ovK &v yvoYJs here refers to the past, meaning you would not have known (442). 186. IV. In indirect questions depending on an optative, the optative may represent an interrogative subjunctive (287) of the direct question. E.g. OvK &v ~xots JgA.8wv 8 Tt xr0o a-avr0, if you should withdmw, you would not know what to do with you1selj. PLAT. Crit. 45 B. OvK <iv ~xots 0 n XP?)a-a to a-avr<iJ, dA.X lA.tyyt<{l'I)S &v Kat xaa-p,c{!o OVK ~xwv o n d rr o t s. Id. Gorg. 486 B. The direct questions here were r xpwp,at ;-r xp~a-wp,at ;-r drrw; The subjunctive can always be retained in this construction, even after past tenses (677).
INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE.

187. The present, perfect, and future of the infinitive and participle, and the aorist infinitive when it is not in indirect discourse, regularly denote time which is relative to that of the leading verb. They the}efore merely transmit the force of that verb, as primary or secondary, to the dependent clauses. E.g. BovAErat A.eyEtv r rovro Ja-nv, he wishes to tell what this is. 'Ef3ovAEro A.eynv ri rovro d'l), he wished to tell what this wus. <P'I)a-tv aK'I)KOEVat ri EG"rtV, he says he has heU?d what it is. "E~YJ aK'YJKOEJ!at r EZ'I), he said he had heard what it was. P'l)a-t rrot~a-Hv o n <'lv {3ovA'I)a-8e, he says he will do whatever you may wish. ''E<f;'l) rrot~a-Etv on (3ovA.ota-Oe, he said he would do whatever you might wioh. Mvova-w (3ovA.6p,Evot eloevat r Ea-rt. "EfLEvov {3ovA.'~f1-EJIOt El3vat r[ d'l). Mevova-w ctK'I)Ko6ns r Ea-rtv. "Ep,evov ctK'I)KOores r[ d'l), they waited, having hea?d what it was (r Ja-riv ;). Mevova-tv aKOVG"Ofl-EJIO r Ja-nv. "Ep,EVOV aKOVG"Ofl-EVOt r[ d'lj BovAErat YFWVat r rovr6 J(TT V' he wishes to lea.m what this is. 'E(3ovA.ero yvwvat r[ rovro e'1), he wished to learn what this was. Ovoevl 7rW7r07" TOVTWJI 3EOWKaT T~JI 3wpav TflVT'I)l' 01io' <lv oo['JrE, J~Ei:vat rovs lS[ovs Jx8pots v(3p(Hv mirwv EKU(m.p, 6rr6r' &v (3ovA'I)rat Kai !lv llv O<;V'I)Tflt rp6r.ov. DE)L xxi. 1 iO. 0{18' VJJ-tV ovr< 8'1)(3aOt> OVTE AaK3atfLOVotS OVOE1rW1rOTE G"VVEXWP'le'l) rov8' V1r.d TWJI EA.>.:>]vwJI, 71'0 ttV o n {Jo-DA.otfJB<, never 'Was this g1anted you, etc., to do whatever you pleased. Id. ix. 23. Here rrotEw denotes a habit,

191]

DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES

63

and is followed by the optative (532); if the leading verb were o-vyxwpL-rat, we should have '1J"OLELV 8 7t &v f3o-6A1J<r8e. Compare the two subjunctives in the preceding example. 188. The present infinitive and participle representing the imperfect (without lfv), and the perfect representing the pluperfect, are secondary tenses in themselves, without regard to the leading verb. E.g. Ilw<; yap oreu8e ovuxepw> QKOVE L v, r -r<; TL Aeyo t; how unwillingly do you think they heard it, when any one said anything f DE:M. vi. 20. So PLAT. Rep. 430 A. See these and other examples under 119. For the perfect see XEN. Cyr. i 4, 27, and THuc. v. 49, under 123.

189. The aorist infinitive in indirect discourse is a past tense in itself, and is therefore secondary. E.g.
<i>1]1J'C ")'VWVat -r 'TOVTO ei1J, he ~E</>'1) yvwvat T Towo E i'l), he said

says that he learned what this was. that he had learned what this was. <P1JuC yap OJ-LaAoy~ua fL Tov KA~pov T'f 'ITatot TO ~fLLKA~pwv p.e-ra8wuetv el VLK~IJ'<lLfLL -rovs ~xov-ra<; al'>r6v (he says I promised, fLETaStiJuw Jav VLK~ITW). ISAE. Xi. 24. 8aA~V 8p(j.T-ra Tt<; 8epa'ITatvi<; a'ITOIJ'Kwfat Aeyerat, w<; 'Td fL~V Jv ovpavtj) 7rpo8VfLOLTO el8vcu, Ta 8' ~fL1rpou8ev mhou Aav8avo aw6v. PLAT. Theaet. 174 A. ,.Ap&. IJ'O OOKW ov fL<lVTLKW') & vvv 8~ neyov el'ITetV, OTL 'Ay6.8wv 8avp.(l(]'TWS ~po'i ~')'ti! o' d7rop~CTOLfLtj Id. Symp. 198 A. In all these cases the optative depends on the aorist infinitive as a past tense.

190. The aorist participle properly refers to time past relatively to the leading verb. It is therefore secondary when the leading verb is past or present, so that the participle refers to time absolutely past; but it may be primary when the leading verb is future, if the participle refers to time absolutely future. E.g. "Iu'T ~{I-US f. A.fJo v-ra<; rva TOVTO tOO !fLV, you know that we came
that we might see this.
"l!'~<j>wv 8~ 8dua<; p.~ Oe'IJ6e1] 'TrOT~

i:v' X ot OtKJCew, alyw.A6v v8ov -rpe<j>E, and once he took fright lest he might sometime lack pebbles (for votes) to enable him to be a judge, and so he lceeps a beach on the premises. AR. Vesl1. 109. IIpos dpy,]v ~K~Ep(c, /L(ed:<r<i JLOI. H"jHV 8. xrnCotfLt, you rush into a passion, after you gave me leave to say what I wished (i.e. & &v XPrit'n>). Sopfi. El. 628. 'Y7ret71'WV TlfA.Aa O'Tt avT6s rdK~r 71'pa~ot, <Px~To. THUC. i. 90. Tii 0 &.<rnyt rv'IT-ru8w 1rA'IJYas v1ro K~pvKos v -rii dyop(j., K1JpvgaVTos c'Sv eveKa fLE AAEL TV'ITnu8at, i.e. let the crier flog him, after proclaiming (having proclaimed) fo1 what he is to be flogged. PLAT. Leg. 91 7 E.

191. The tenses of the infinitive and participle with &v are followed, in dependent clauses, by those constructions that would follow the finite moods which they represent, if these stood in the same position. See Chapter Ill.

CHAPTER III.
THE PARTICLE "AN. 192. The adverb &v (with the epic ICE, Doric d) 'has two uses, which must be distinguished. 1. In one use, it denotes that the action of the verb to whidt it is joined is dependent upon some condition, expressed or implied. This is its force with the secondary tenses of the indicative, and with the optative, infinitive, and participle : with these it belongs strictly to the verb, to which it gives a potential force, like our would. . 2. In its other use, it is joined regularly to El, if, to relative and temporal. words, and sometimes to the final particles W';, 07TW<;, and oif>pa, when any Of these are followed by the subjunctive. Here, although as an adverb it qualifies the verb, it is so closely connected with the relative or particle, that it often coalesces with it, forming Mv, ~V, l:iv, gmv, o1romv, m:toav, 1rav or 1r~v (Ionic E7rEav).
These statements include only the constructions which are in good use in Attic Greek. For the epic use of K~ or Civ with the subjunctive in a potential sense (as with the O}Jtative) see 201, 1; for K~ or Civ with the future indicative see 196.

193. There is no word or expression in English which can be used In its first use (192, 1) we express it by separately to translate the form of the verb which we use; as A8ot he would go; 1jA8ev he would have gone. In its second use, with the subjunctive, it generally has no force that can be made perceptible in translation. The peculiar use of can be understood only by a study of the various constructions in which it occurs. These are enumerated below, with references (when it is necessary) to the more full explanation of each in Chapter IV.

av.

av,

av,

av

196]

THE PARTICLE

/lv

65

194. No theory of the origin o either liv or K~ has yet helped to explain their meaning, however valuable the discussion o the question may have been to compar~tive philology. It s~ems ~o be clear that KE is the older partiCle ; It occurs 6 21 tnnes m Homer while &v occurs 155 times; in Pindar the two are nearly balanced; &v has a preference for negative sentences, being very often attached to the negative; &v is more emphatic, as appears indeed from its fixed accent, while Ke is enclitic ; KE is much more frequent than J.v in relative clauses in Homer. 1 But, practically, it is still safe to assume that the two particles are used in substantially the same sense in all epic and lyric poetry. In Herodotus and Attic Greek only J.v is used.
INDICATIVE WITH

"Av.

195. The present and perfect indicative are never used

with /lv. This seems to occur chiefly when Plato and Aristotle use Kllv d ( = Kat liv, d) like Kat d, without regard to the mood of the verb which is to follow, to which Kav really belongs. See PLAT. Men.
72 C, K&v d wo>..>..a{ daw, lv y n Etoos TaVTOV waam ~X 0 V en, i.e., even if they we many, still (it would seem to follow tltat) they all have one and the same form. So Rep. 579 D, Soph. 247 E. So A1uSTOT. Pol. iii. 6, 1, Kllv d w>..dovr;, with IJ"K7rTEOV u-r[v. Examples of a different class (without Kllv d) have now almost disappeared from our texts. One of the last relics, PLAT. Leg. 712 E, ytil ile ov-rw vvv ~a{cfwYJ> &v pwn/Ms ovrws 6rrp Eiwov, ovK ~X w dwci:v, is now simJJly emended by reading avEpwr"f)(Jd,.

196. The future indicative is often used with Ke or /lv by the early poets, especially Homer. The addition of &v seems to make the future more contingent than that tense naturally is, sometimes giving it a force approaching that of the optative with &v. E.g. 'AA.A: re', Jyw OE /(~ TOG Xap[Twv p.av orri\onpawv 8wuw, O'TrVL~
tjLVaG Ka1 CT0v KEKA~8at uKotnv, I will give you one of the younger Graces, etc. Il. xiv. 267. Ka KEn> &8' pH Tpwwv -&rr~p1)VOpE6v-rwv, and some one will (or may) thus speak. Il. iv. 176. '0 ilE KEJ! laxoi\wO""ETat 8v KEV tKWJLaG, and he may be angry to whom I come. Il. i. 139. El 8' &y, TO~> av Jywv lrrt6fop.at' OL 8~ 7TG8EuBwv. Il. ix. 167. ITap' ~JLOG y< Ka1 &>..i\ot, ol: K~ JL< nJL00'ovut, others, who will honour
1

See J\fonro, Homeric Gramnuzr, pp. 265-267.

F

For Pindar, see Gildersleeve

in Am. Jour. Pkil. iii. pp. 446-455, where Juay be found a complete enull!eration of the passages in Piudar containing either <i.v (30 cases) or KE (33 cases).

66

THE PARTICLE

/1v

[197

me. Il. i. 174. El 8' '08V<Te~s V.. Bot Kal rKot! is 7ra-rpl8a yat'av, altfa K crvv ~ 7rat8t (3Eas a7rOT[crera L avopwv. Od. xvii. 539. Here a1T"OT{creTa{ K<, Which may be aorist SUbjunctive (201, 1), is used neatly in the sense of the optative, corresponding to the optatives in th~ protasis. K is much more common with the future than &v. 197. The use of &v with the future indicative in Attic Greek is absolutely denied by many critics, and the more careful revision of the texts has greatly diminished the number of examples cited in support of it. Still, in several passages, even of the best p1ose, we must either emend the text against the Mss., or admit the construction as a rare exception. E.g. Alyv1T"Tovs 8 ovx opw 1T"o[q, ovvaJLEt CTVJLJLUX<' XP"')CTUJLEVOt pJiAAov liv KoAacrw& T{js vvv crvv lJLot ovcrYJs. XEN. An. ii. 5, 13. E~YJ OVV r6v Jpwr<!JJLEVOV El1T"EtV, OVX ~KEG, ~civat, ovo' {iy {J~Et 0Vpo, he
said that the one who was asked replied, "He hasn!t come, and he wq_n't come this way." PLAT. Rep. 615 D. (The only other reading is ~~ot. The colloquial style here makes av less objectionable; see SoPH. Ant. 390, quoted in 208.) "E~YJ A.ywv 7rp6s iJJLUS ws, El Ota~EV~O[JLYJV, ~OYJ av VJLWV o1 vlds 1ravT<s 7ravra1racrt ow~Bap~croVTat. Id. Ap. 29 C. KCJ.v ~T' ~n ~6vwv 8 tfo JLa t aTJLa (so the Mss.). EuR. EL 484. See 208 and 216, on the future infinitive and participle with &v.

198. The most common use of llv with the indicative is with the secondary tenses, generally the imperfect and aorist, in the apodosis of an unfulfilled condition (410) or in ~potential sense (243). 199. The imperfect and aorist indicative are sometimes used with lfv in an iterative sense (162), which construction must
not be confounded with that just mentioned (198).
SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATlVI<; WITH '' Av.

200. In Attic Greek llv is regularly used with the subjunctive in protasis and in conditional relative sentences, and sometimes in final clauses with W'> and 07TW'>, being always closely joined with the particle or the relative ; but never in independent sentences. See 325, 381, and 522. 201. 1. In epic poetry, when the independent subjunctive has nearly the sense of the future indicative (2 84), it sometimes takes KE or llv. This forms a future potential expression, nearly equivalent to the future indicative with " or &v, and sometimes approaching the optative with " or

llv.

.E.g~

205]

THE PARTICLE

/1v

67

El KE Jk~ OW'l](J'tV, ~?'~ KEV o.irr6s lAw }kat, and if he does not give her up, I will take her myself. Il. i. 3 2 4 ; see also i. 13 7. See 285 and 452. For the variety of nearly equivalent future
potential forms which the Homeric language presents, reduced tO one in .Attic Greek, see 235. 2. The epic language has ,d or llv with the subjunctive in the constructions of 19 2, 2 ; but its use of "~ or &v in conditions is less strict, and that with final particles is more free, than the Attie use of llv. See 325-328; 450-454; 468-471; 538-541.

oe

oe

202. The optative with &v forms the apodosis of the less vivid future condition (like the Euglish form with would or should), or has a potential sense. E.g. El 7'0V7'0 7rOt-lj<J"EtH', llBA.w<; li V E r'f/, if he should do this, he would be wretched. 'Hoews liv epo[}J,TJV avT6v, I should like to ask him. (See 233 and 455.) For construction of liv or KE with El or the final particles and the optative, see 460; and 329, 330, 349, 350, 351. 203. As the future optative came into common use after the future indicative with liv (196) was nearly extinct, it was never used with &.v.
INFINITIVE WITH

"Av.

204. The infinitive can be used with Clv in all cases in which a finite verb would have &v if it stood in its place. This is found chiefly in indirect discourse, in which each tense of the infinitive with ~v represents the corresponding tenses of the indicative or optative with :iv in the direct form. The context must decide whether the indicative or optative is represented in each case. 205. (Present.) The present infinitive, which represents also the imperfect (119), when used with ~v, may be equivalent either to the imperfect indicative with av or to the present optative with ii.v. It can represent no other form, as no other form of these tenses has joined with the verb in a finite mood. E.g. "" ' ' ' ,, " .,. ~ " t: ' ""'f/(J'LV avrovs EAEV 8' epovs o.v t vat, t, Tovro e1rpa<;av, 1!e says that they would (now) be j1ee, if they harl done this (etvat liv representing ~<Tav O.v). <l>1)<T~V a-6rous ~Aev8epovs a dva t, EL TOVTO 7rprl~Hav, he v

av

say.< that they would (hereafter) be free, if they should do this (etvat av representing ,}1Jrrav &.v). Ote<J"Be yctp TiJv 1rarf.pa o/JK llv <f>vA.aTTov Kat T~V TLfJ-1JV Aap.f3avHV 7'WV ~VAWV i do you think he would not have talcen ca1e and have eceived the pay for tho titrnber ? DEM. xlix, 35. (Here the direct discourse would be ~</>vAUTTEV av Kat JA6.ftf3av(Y.)

68

THE PARTICLE

ltv

[206

MapTvp[tp expwvTo, p~ av 'TOVS ye lcrotf!J<f>ovs &Kovras, et p~ TL ?JOKoVV ols e1riJecrav, ~vcrrparevetv, they used us as an argument, that people who had an equal vote with themselves (like us) would not be seTving with them against their uill, ttnless those whom they attacked uere guilty of some wrong. THL'O. iii. 11. OTpat ylip av oilK dxapcrrws pot x Et v, jiJt I think it would not be a thankless labour (oilK av i!xot). XEN. An. ii. 3, 18.

206. (Pe?fect.) The perfect infinitive, which represents als;) the pluperfect (123), when used with c'i.v, may be equivalent either to the pluperfect indicative with c'i.v or to the perfect optative with av. E.g. El fl-~ ras dperas l>7r~p allrwv EKdvas Ot Mapa!:lwvt Kal LaAaf-tVL
'1Tapcrxovro, . . . 1ravra Tav!:l' v1ro rwv f3apf3apwv O.v f.aA.wKevat ns), if those at Marathon and Salamis had not exhibited those deeds of valour in theiT behalf, any one would say that all these would have been captund by the ba1barians. DEJ\f. xix. 312. (Hel'e JaA.wKevat &v represents f.aAWKecrav &v.) 'AA.A' ovK O:v ~yov{J-at avroV> OiwfJv d~[av OeOWKEVat, el dKpoacrapevot avrwv Karm)n)<f>craur8e, but I do not believe they would (then) have suffered sufficient punishment, if you after hearing them should condemn them. LYS. xxvii. 9. (Here the protasis in the optative shows that OeOWKEVUt av represents 00WKOTS av EiEv (1 03); but if the protasis were el Kare>fryfcracr!:le, if you had condemned them, 00WKEVO.t av would represent EOEOcbKECTO.V &v, they would have suffered.) See also, in xxvii. 8, o1lK av d7roAwAi:vat, dA.Aii O[K'YJV oe8wKEVaL, representing perfect optatives with &v. ,Av8pa7roOWOELS liv OLKaws KEKAfjcr8at (-Y)yefro). XEN. Mem. i. l, 16. (Here KEKAfjr:rOru av represents KKAYJf-EVOt liv eiev.)

(se. <f>1}rrnev

av

These constructious are of course rare, as are the forms of the finite moods here re})l'esented. 207. (Aorist.) Tl1e aorist infinitive with av may be equivalent either to the aorist indicative with av or to the aorist optative with av. E.g.
o~K av ~yei:cr8' a~TUll KQV J7rtOpafhi:V; do you not believe that (if this h~rd berm so) he wo1dd even have run thither? i.e. ollK liv J7ri:Spaf-ev; DEM. xxvii. 56. ,, Avev OE CTELCTf-OV OVK a V fhOt 00Kt TO Towvro ~vfl-f3i]vaL yevEcrOat (ollK liv ~vfhf3fjvat representing ovK tlv tvvi:f3?J), but unless there had been an earthquake, it does not seem to me that such a thing could by any chance have happened. TRue. iii. 89. Taus 'A!:Iryva[ov;; ~A.1rt(ev (crws liv J1re~eA.!:Ie'iv Kal T~v yfjv ovK liv 7rp Gt 0 E rv Tfl-1)!:17jvat (i.e. i'a-w;; liv J1fe~i:A.8otev Kal OVK &v 7repdootev). Id. ii. 20. 0-Do' av KparYjcrat avrov;; TYJS yfjs ~)'OVf-O.t (i.e. Kpar~ cretav av). Id. vi. 37. 208. (Future.) The future infinitive with av can be equivalent

only to the Homeric construction of the future indicative with av. But as av is not found in Homer with the future infinitive, this construction rests chiefly on the authority of passages in Attic writers, and is subject to the same doubts and suspicions

211]

THE PARTICLE

Clv

69

as the future indicative with in those writers. (See 197.) Unless we exterminate the latter, there can be no objection to this as its representative. In the following passages it is still retained on the best Ms. authority. Nopi(ovus, EL Ta1rrryv 7rpJmJV A.a(3otV, pr,:Ows aV O'<j>[O't TaAAa 7rpocrxwpfJO'ttV. TRue. ii. 80. (Here the direct discourse would regularly have had either the future indicative without or the aorist optative with liv.) The same may be said of 'rHuc. v. 82, VOJJ-[(wv JJ-EYtO'TOJ! &v O'<j>as w<j><AfJcrov (where one J\1s. reads by correction w<j>EA~O'at). See also THUC. vi. 66; viii. 25 and 71; and PLAT. Orit. 53 D; Orat. 391 A. LxoA.fi 1ro8' ?J~Hv ovp' ltv E~'Y)v xovv eyw, I decltLred that I should be very slow to come hither again. SoPH. Ant. 390. (Here the colloquial style may account for 0~<w av, as for {)~tt iiv in PLAT. Rep. 615 D, unless we take liv with ef'YJvxovv. See 197.) In PIND. 01. i. 108, we have El o Jl-TJ Taxv A7rot, ETt yA.vKVTEpav KEY i!A7rOjJ-Ut O"VV &pp.an eo~ KAdfov. As the future optative is never used with (203), this can never be represented Ly the future infinitive with av. 209. The infinitive with 3.v is rare in the early poets, occurring but once in Homer, IL ix. 684 (quoted under 61l3), and three times in Pindar, Pyth. vii. 20 (present), Pyth. iii. 110 (aorist), and Ol. i. 108 (future, quoted in 208). 210. The infinitive with sometimes represents an iterative imperfect or aorist indicative with (162). This must be carefully distinguished from the potential use. E.g. 'A KOVW 1\UKWULfWVWV') TOT Jl-f"aii.OVTaS ay Kat KUKWO'UVTU') T'Y)V , A ~ Q \I " ' xwpav dvaxwp<'iv J.,f orKoV 7rUAW, I hear that the Lacednemonians

av

av,

av

av

av

'

at that time, after invading nnd rnvaging the couut1y, used to retuTn home ngnin. DEM. ix. 48. (Here dvaxwpE'iv &.v represents al'<xwpovv &.v in its iterative sense, they used to return.) .PaO't JJ-F yap avr~v Ep7rT6fL110V

TOil>

o'

TO.

-rWv Ex6vTwv dvEpwv oVK ltv E~EABE'iv dtrO T~s (J"t7r{nr-; avTt,BoAE'iv IJ.v Oj)-Otw>, they say that, when he was feeding on

men of wealth, he neveT would get away from the nwal-t,ub; and they all alike used to imploTe him (ovK ltv J~~,\()Ev, ol o ?)vn(36A.ovv d.v). AR. Eg_. 1295.

211. The infinitive with in the cases already mentioned, stands in indirect discourse after a verb of sayi/l{f or thinking. Sometimes, however, it is found in other coustructions, where the present or aorist infinitive (without 3.v) would be expected. In such cases there is an approach to the usage of indirect discourse, so far at least that the infinitive with dv has the force of the corresponding tense of the indicative or optative. E.g. Ta 0~ EVTO> OVTW> EKaTO, WO'T ~OtO'Ta &v ES vowp :fvxpov O'<j>os avrovs pL7rTt.V, so that they would most [Jladly hnve tlwown themselves into cold wateT !tJ{rr-r<w <1.v here being equivalent to <ppt7rTOV <1.v). TRue. ii. 49. Mtas Tpefn 7rpo~ vvKTOs, wO'u JJ-fJr' f.JJ- JJ-fJT' &AA.ov,

av,

70

THE PARTICLE

ll,v

[212

ocrns ~ws ~pi., f3 >.&fat 1/'oT' l1v, so that you could harm (f3>.&fuas l1v) neither me nor any other who beholds tlte light. SoPH. O.T. 374. So Tr. 669. "E~8aa-aJJ 7rapd.86wrcs T~JJ TbJJJ 'A8rwawp olKooopav, if>cru J.I!Y)KETt }L~T avro~ KWAVcr8at aVTwv, EKdvovs 7' Ka~ 1/'aVTd1/'aCTLJ! a1/'CTTP'fJKEJ!at, d Kat KpaTOLEJ!, f.l,~ &v En O'~fis d1/'0TH X er at, so as to be no longer themselves obstructed by them, and so as to have deprived them absolutely of the power of ever again walling tloem in, even if they should be victorious. THUC. vH. 6. "Ycropov T~JI J!VKTa 1/'acrav wcrr' i:crws f3ovA~creTat K &v EV AlyfnrT<p r v X e t'v l:Jv f.l,UAAov ~ Kpwat KaKws, we will rain all night long, so that perhaps he will wish to have the luck to be (that he might by chance find himself) in Egypt mther than to judge unfairly. AR. Nub. 1130. (Here Tvxev &.v follows f3ovAof1-at like the future infinitive in THUC. vi. 57: see 113.) We have 11'tw followed by the infinitive and l1v in THUC. vii. 61, TOT~> TVX'fJ> Kctv fl-<8' ~p,wv EA11'lO'avns O'T~vat, hoping that fortune may take sides with us (O'ra17 ll.v). See also SoPH. El. 1482, dA.>.& f.l,Ot 11'dpE'ii Kctv crptKp'Ov el11'dv, but permit me at least to say a little (that I might say even a little, Ebr-Ot}Lt li.v). See the corresponding use of the future infinitive in similar expressions, where there is the same approach to indirect discourse (113). 212. Even the infinitive with the article occasionally takes ll.v, as in ANT. V. 8, TOVTO vp,as (it8rf.tw, OV Ti! ~e{;rew ctJJ TV 11'Afj8os TV Vf.l,ETepov, this I will teach you, not because I would avoid your people. In SoPH. Ant. 236, T~S V..7r8os TO p,~ 11'a()dv &v &.>.A.o, the hope that I could not suffer anything else, the construction is practically that of indirect discourse (7 9 4).

v.

PARTICIPLE WITH '

Av.

213. When the participle is used with &v, each tense represents the corresponding tenses of the indicative or optative with l:1v.
The participle with ll.v is not, like the infinitive with ll.v, found chiefly in indirect discourse; but tiv is more frequently added to an attributive or a circumstantial participle (822) to give it a potential force equivalent to that of the indicative or optative with ll.v. The participle with l1v is not found in Homer or Pindar. 214. (Present.) The present participle (like the present infinitivt) with tiv represeuts the imperfect indicative or the present optative with &.v. E.g. Oi8a a1hovs >.ev8epov<; &v ovTas, El rovTo l7rpaav, I know they ttould (now) be free, ij they had doue this. Ol8a avTovs JA.ev8epovs &1! <JvTas, el rovTo '11'patetaJJ, I know they v>ould (hereafter) be free, if they should do this. (In the former lJvnL<; liP represents 1jcrav ll.JJ, in the latter Ei:'f]crav tiv.) Twv Aap.f3a.v6vTwv 8tK''7V (j vTES &v Ot.Kafws (i.e. ~fl-U' l1v), whereas we should justly be among those who inflict punishment.

~US]

THE PARTICLE

/lv

71

"01T'p. Ecrx /L~ KaTU 1r6AEtS a-6-Tdv ~17"t7rAEovTa. -rq., lieAmrovv'IJa-ov wopBew, dovvarwv ~~~ Svrwv ({Jpwv) lm{Jo'I]Be'iv, when you would huve been unable to wing aid (do-6vaTOL ltv ~re;. THUC. i. 73. Ilo,.\,A' liv i!xwv i!np el7rEtJI 7rEpt avT~S 7rapa,.\,e7rw, although I might be able to say many other things about it, I omit them. DEM. xviii. 258. 'A7ro 7raVT~S av ~pwv ,.\,6yov OLKa[ov /L'IJXUV'I]fl-a 1rOLKAov (ie. os Ci)l <f>pots), thou who wouldst derive, etc. SOPH. 0. C. 761.
DEM. lvii. 3.

215. (Aorist.) The aorist participle with ii.v represents the aorist indicative or the aorist opta.tive with U.v. E.g. 01JTE 8vra olJTE ctV ')'EV0f1-EVa A0')'011"0WVCTLJJ, theyrelatethingswhich
are not real, and which never could happen (i.e. o-DK <'iv yevotTo). THUO. vi. 38. 'Ecp ~pwv oil yeyov6s o-&8' o?oa el yevopevov liv, (a thing) which has not occurred in our day, and I doubt whethm it ever could occur (yevOLTO av). PLAT. Rep. 414 c. 'A,.\,.\<i prcotws av d~eBds, el Kal P-ETp{w<; TL roVTwv hrof'I]<JE, 1rpodAero d1ro8avew, whereas he might easily have been acquitted, etc. XE:-.. :Mem. iv. 4, 4. Kat el dmjxB"la-Be WU'7rEp ~)pets, EV t<Jf1-EV p~ <'iv ~i<Ja-ov vpfi.s A111r1Jpo:Vs ')'EVOJl-EvOV s TOts fvppaxou;, Kat dvayKa<J{)Ev'l'a'> aV ~ apxHv, K.T,,.\, (i.e. oiJK av E')'Elle<J8E, Kat ~ivayKO.a-8'1]7' av), if you had become odious as we have, we are sure that you would have been no less oppressive to your allies, and that you would have been forced, etc. THuc. i. 76. 'Opwv T6 7rapa1'dxurpa a7r Aovv Bv Kat, 1 E'lrLKpaT~ITHE TLS Tf)s dva(JO.a-ews, pf(-0ws l1. V aiJ'rO ,.\'I] 1> e EV (i.e. />rc-8ws av A'IJ~ee'1]), seeing that it would easily be taken, etc. Id. vii. 42. So ws TaX li\1 a-vp.(JO.vrwv, DEM. xxiii. 58 (see 918).

216. (Future.) A few cases of the future participle with l!.v, representing the future indicative with l!.v, are found in Attic writers. These rest on the same authority as those of the future indicative and the future infinitive with av (197 and 208). E.g. 'A~f.ETE ~ Jl-?J d~f.ETE, WS ~fkOV OVK liv 'l'rOL?JU'OVTOS a,.\,,.\,a, o~o e paAw 1rOAAt5.KLS TEBvavaL (i.e. OVK av 1r0LYJITW O.A.A.a) : so .all Mss. PLAT. Ap. 30 B. To:Us OTLOVV llv EKdv<p 1rOL~<TOVTaS avup'rfKOTES EK Tfjs woAEw> ea-e<JBE. DE~r. xix. 342. (Here 1nost l\lss., including};, have 1rot~a-ovras, but A has 1rOL~<TavTas.) Da,.\,at TLS ?)ows liv wws
lpwrfJa-wv Kt5.8'1]Tat, many a one has long been sitting here uno perhaps would be very glad to ask (so all Mss.). DEM. ix. 70. 217. The participle with can never represent a protaBis, because , there is no form of protasis which could be represented by a participle, where ll.v is separable from the conditional particle. (See 224.)

av

POSITION OF

"Av.

218. I. When av is used with the subjunctive, if it does not coalesce with the relative or particle into one word (as in Mv, Jrav, etc.), it is generally separated from it only by such monosyllables as pf.v, <if., -re, yap, Ka[, v~, 1rep, etc., rarely -ris. See examples under 444 and 529.

72

THE PARTICLE

/iv

[219

2. In Homer and Hesiod two such words may precede Ke; as 7r<p yap KEV, d yap YV KE, l yap -rts KE, os fl-EI' yap K. This is rare with av in prose; see DEM. iv. 45, 67rot fl-EI' yap av. Exceptional are 87ro ns <lv, olfka.L, 1rpou8fj, DEM. ii. 14; 6 n /lA.A.o <lv OoK'ji Vfk'iv, XEN. Cyr. iv. 5, 52. The strange Ka(J' wv fl-YJV{;TJ /lv ns, ANT. v. 38, is now correctetl to <lv fl-YJV{,'[h but still stranger is 61rocrov ~ <f>apvy~ &v ~fl-WV xavoavv 0) AR. l'l.an. 259. 21~ When av is used with the optative or indicative, it may
either stand near the verb, or be attached to some other emphatic word. Particularly, it is very often placed directly after interrogatives, negatives, adverbs of tirne, place, etc., and other words which especially affect the sense of the sentence. E.g. 'AA.>ca ds ory Bewv Bepa7rea. eZry &v ~ OO"LOTYJS j PLAT. Euthyph. 13 D. 'AA.X OfkW> To Ke<f>aA.a.wv a.DTwv p<;;J5ws &v d1rots. Id. 14 A. OvK &v ory TOvo' /lvopa fhaXYJS Jp-6craLO fkTeA8wv, Tvoe[OYJV, /ls VVJ! ye
llv Ka~ Llt~ 7raTp~ fhaxotTo; Il. v. 456. IIws &v Tov aifkvAtfJTa.Tov, x8p'Ov UAY)fl-O., To-6s T OLO"O"apxa.s 6A.uuas (3a.uLA~s, TEAOS eavOLfkL KO.DT6s. SoPH. Aj. 389. IIoA.A.a dv UKWV eopwv. Id. 0. T. 591. TaxtcrT' /lv n 1rOALY oi ToLOvToL ~Tepovs 7r<uavTEs d1roA.euELa.v. TRue.

.r

ii. fi3.

220. 1. By a peculiar usage, :;,v is often separated from its verb by such verbs as otofka.L, ooKw, <f>YJfk, oiOa., etc. In such cases care must be taken to connect the :l.v with the verb to which it really 'belongs. E. g.
Kat vvv ~oews llv fkOL ooKW Kotvwv~ua.t, and now I think I should gladly take paJ"t (av belonging to Kotvwv~ua.t). XEN. Cyr. viii. 7, 25. So AESCHIN. iii. 2 (end). Ollo' llv VfkEts olO' 8n i1ra-6uau(JE 7rOAEf1-0VvTEs, nor would you (I arm sure) have ceased fighting. DEM. vi. 29. II6Tpa yap <i.v ot0"8 p(jov ilvat; DE~!. xlix. 45. 'EKAE~O.VTa a P.,~T 7rpor)OL fl-Y)Oets ""~r' (}_V 0~8YJ T~fLEpov PYJ e~ Va L, selecting what nobody lcnew bej01ehand and nobody thought would be mentioned to-day. DEM. xviii. 225. (Here pYJBfjva.L av = PYJ(JE[YJ av. If av were taken with 0~8YJ, the meaning would be, what nobody would have thought had been rnentioned.) T oDv av, E</>YJV, dYJ 0 ''Epws j PLA'l'. Symp. 202 D. 2. Especially irregular are such expressions as oDK olOa llv El, or OVK ().V oiOa El, followeJ by an optative or indicative to which the ay belongs. E.g. OvK olo' V el 7r d (J" a. L, I do not know whether I could persuade him. EuR. Med. 941. (The more regular form would be ovK oloa cl 'lrd(J"a.Lfl-L av.) So Ale. 48. OvK ll.v olo' El ovva[fl-YJY. PLAT. Tim. 26 B. 0-&K olo' llv cl EKT1)0"afl-YJV 7raZoa. TOLOVTOV. XEN. Cyr. v. 4, 12. So 01JK &V olo' 6 TL aAAo El X0 V lfYJ<f>uau8aL, I do not lcnow what other vote I could have given (T aAAo Etxov <lv fry<f>(J'a0"8at ;), DEM. xlv. 7.

t""

221. (Tal :l.v.) Among the words to which av is very frequently joined is Taxa., perhaps (i.e. quidly, soon), the two forming Tax' av, which expression is sometimes supposed to

224]

THE PARTICLE

&v

73

mean perhaps. But riLl /J.v cannot be used unless the /J.v belongs in its ordinary sense to the verb of the sentence. Thus nix' liv y~votro means it might perhaps happen, and rrf.x' Clv ~yvETo means it n~ight perhaps have happened; but the latter can never mean perh'aps it happened, like rU"W<; ey~vETO. T<fxa alone often means perhaps, as in XEN. An. v. 2, 17. Adstotle writes r<fxa and CJ.v separately in the same sense as -r<fx' CJ.v; as r<fxa o~ Kat 1'-0.>..A.ov liv Ta{m]V 1nroAa.f3ot, Eth. Nic. i. 5, 6.

222. "Av never begins a sentence, or a clause before which a comma could stand. But it may directly follow a parenthetic clause, provided some part of its own clause precedes. E.g. 'AA.>.: 6l !'-~>.: /J.v f'-Ot U"tr[wv Ot'li"Awv 8Et, AR. Pac. 137. So r?. 1'-~A.A.ov, E'l!"El y~votr', tiv KA-6ot<; (or without the commas), the future you can hear when it comes, AESCH. Ag. 250.
REPETITION OF

''Av.

223. Av is sometimes used twice, or even three times, with the same verb. This may be done in a long sentence, to make the conditional force felt through the whole, especially when the connexion is broken by intermediate clauses. It may also be done in order to emphasise particular words with which av is joined, and to make them prominent as being affected by the contingency. E.g. > \ '(3 ~ \ >I '1'> > ' ,!_ " LU"T> av, EL(]" 8' EVO<; II.U OLfU, O'fjii.WU"ULf'- > UV Ot UVTOLS 't'POVW. SoPH. El. 333. Ov rliv A.6vrE> afiet> dv8aA.oi:Ev CJ.v. AESCH. Ag. 340. ''AA.A.ov> i liv oi5v ol6"'e8a ra ~p.~npa A.af36vra<; OE'i~at liv p.aAtU"ra Ei n p.erpta(op.Ev. THee. i. 76. (See 220.) Ovr' liv KEAEDU"atfl, ovr' &v, El 8EA.ot<; En 1TpaU"U"EtV, ep.ov i tiv ~o~w> Bp~YJ> p.era. SOPH. Ant. 69. A~yw Ka8' EKaU"TOV OoKdv a V p.ot TOV a~TOV avopa 'l!"ap ?]pl:Jv E7r2 rrA!'iG"T~ aV trOIJ Kat fl-'Ta xap[Twv JLd.AurT' aV EVTparrAw~ T0 lrWp.a aVrapKe;; 1rapExea-OaL. TRue. iL 41. (Here tiv is used three times, belonging to 1Tap~xeU"8at.) 'Yp.wv o~ epTJp.O> t>v o~K li v iKavo> olp,at Etvat o{(-r' av <f>A.ov <h<f>EA~U"at oll-r' liv exBpov dA.~aU"8at. XEN. An. i. 3, 6. (Here /J.v is used. tlJree times, belonging to dvat./ OvK liv ~ydcr8' avrov Kav E'll"tOpap,eZv; DEM. xxvii. 56.
<!("\

224. A participle representing a protasis (472) is especially apt to have an emphatic ::.v near it. This, by showing that the verb is to form an apodosis, tends to point out the participle as conditional in an early part of the sentence. E.g. '.T ; ' rl. '"'' ' ' ' ' ' ' c 'Df"tU"aTE TO TE 't'auii.OV KUI' TO f"EU"QV Kat TO 'li"UVV UKpt f3'E<; UV VY K p a eh p.aAtU"r' li V l (]"X -6 Et V' believe that these, if they shonld be united, would be especially stJong. THee. vi. 18. (Here ~vyKpa8f.P, not with <'iv, is equivalent to .,l gvyKpa&dq.) 'Ay.:Jvas <'iv Tts p.ot OoK<L, E</>7], tJ 'll"aTEp, 1TpOEL'll"iJJV ~KaU"TOt<;. Kal J.8.\a 1Tpon8d<; p.aAtU"r' av

74

THE PARTICLE

lv

[225

1TOtEtV ev duKe'iuOat, it seems to me, said he, father, that if amy O'M should proclaim contests, etc., he would cause, etc. XEN. Cyr. i. 6, 18.
(Here the protasis implied in the participles is merely emphasised by l!v, which belongs to 1l'Otetv.) See also A.eyovTos l1v nvos 1l'tuHvuat ofeuOe; (i.e. d ns ;A.eyev, E1l'[O'TEVO'av tf.v ;) do you think "they would hO!IJe believed it, if any one had told them? DEM. vi. 20. (Here l1v stands near A.eyovTos only to point this out as the protasis to which its own verb 11'tO'TEVO'at is the apodosis, with which liv is not repeated.) 225. (a) Repetition of K~ is rare ; yet it sometimes occurs. E.g. T<il K( JLdA.' ~ K( V f-JLHV Kai EO'O'VJLV6s r.<p oooo, ~ KE JLE TE6V'YjVtav ;V JL<yripoww a7l'EV. Od iv. 733. (b) On the other hand, Homer sometimes joins l1v and KE in the same sentence for emphasis. E.g. KapTepal, lls oi;/ tf. v Ke v '' ApYJ> 6v6uatTo JLETeA.Owv ovT K' 'Aer,va['YJ A.ao<T0'6os. Il. xiii. 127.

226. When an apodosis consists of several co-ordinate clauses with the same mood, (fv is generally used only in the first and understood in the others, unless it is repeated for emphasis or for some other special reason. E.g. ~ " ' ' ' ' 0 ~ ' \ ' '(3 \ ' '\ ~\ 0 VO a V EJL> 'f)VtKa VVp0 U1!'01l'/\HV OV/\OfLYJV, KUTEKW/\VEV, OVVE TotavTa A.eyew TovTcp 7rpoO'haTTev, J~ <1lv ~Kt0'8' vp.eZs Jp.eAAeT'
E~tEVU.t. DEM. xix. 51. (Here av is understood with 7rp00'ETUTTV.) OvTW OE opwv oDoev a. V Otricpopov TOV ETEpov 71'0 tor, d..\A' Jr.l TUDTbV touv &pcp6npot. PLAT. Rep. 360 c. 0DKOVV Kliv, el 7rpbs avrb Tb cpws dvayKaCot avTbV {3Ae7l'HV, aA.yef:v T v Td. IJJLp.aTa KalcpevyHv &.7roO'Tpecp6p.evov (otH); lb. 515 E. (Kav belongs to the infinitives; 223.) See also XEN. An. ii. 5, 14.' IIrivTa iJP" <PA.t7r7l'os, r.oA.A.d. A.eyovTos ip.ov Kal 8pvA.ovvTos &.el, Tb p.ev 7rpwTov <1>s &v els Katvbv yvchJL'f)V d7l'ocpatvoJLEI'OV, JL<Td. TavTa 8' ws dyvoovvTas 8t8ri<TKOVTos, TAEVTWvTos 8(. WS a. V 7rpos 1l'1l'paK6T(JS aVToVs Kal dvoO'tWTriTOVS dv8pch7rovs ovoev vrrouuA.Aop.f.vov. DEM. xix. 156. The clauses with tils represent (1) eAEyov av d ecpcuv6p.YJV, as I should have spoken if I had been rnerely informing my colleagues; (2) ws EA.eyov (&v) el &.yvoovvTas i8alaO'Kov, as

ws

I should have spoken if I lwd been instructing ign01ant men; (3) tils A.eyotp.t &v, as I slwuld spealo to men who had sold themselves, etc. In

the second clause, the construction remaining the same, l1v is omitted ; but in the third, where an optati,"e is implied, l1v reappears. In PLAT. Rep. 398 A, we find l1v used with two co-ordinate optatives, understood with a third, ancl repeated again with a fourth to avoid confusion with a dependent optative in a relative clause. "Av may be understood with an optative even in a separate sentence, if the construction is continued from a sentence in which l1v is used with the optative; as in PLAT. Rep. 352 E: ''EO'B' OTCf> llv IJ.A.Acp f8ots ~ 6cp0aAp.os; OD o~Ta. T oe; &.Kovuats l1Ucp ~ tiJO'[v; So with 1rp<iTTOL after y<ip, lb. 439 B.

229]

THE PARTICLE

/lv

75

ELLIPTICAL UsEs OF" Av.

227. "Avis sometimes used elliptically without a verb, when one can be supplied from the context. E.g. Ot olKemt peyKovaw dA.X oilK &v 1rpo Tov (se. ;ppeyKov), the slaves
are snoTing; but they wouldn't have been doing so at this hour in old times .AR. Nub. 5. '12> ovT' &v dO'TWV Twv8' &v Jdrrotp. T<p, OVT' &v TEKVOLO'L Tots ~fl'ol:s (se. Jd71'oLfi'L), O'Tepywv DfhWS. SoPH. 0. 0. 1528. T [ &v 8oKe O'OL Ilpfap.os (se. 11'pacu), el Trio' i)vvO'ev; but what think you P1imn would have done if he had accomplished what you have? AEscH .Ag. 935. L.wcppwv Jl-EV oDK &]/ p.aAAov, eilTvx~ o' rO'wS (se. OllO'a). EuR. Ale. 182: cf. .An. Eq. 1252. (See 483.) So 71'<0S -yap tiv (se. dq); how could it? 71'<oS o!JK lJ.v; and similar phrases; especially W0'11'ep &v el (also written as one word, W0'11'epuvd), in which the aJ' belongs to the verb that was originally understood after cl; as cpof3ovfl'evo> W0'11'ep &1' el 71'a'is,jeaTing like a child (originally for cpo(3ovfl'evos (},0'7/'ep &v Jcpo(3iiTo el 7/'a'is 'ljv). PLAT. Gorg. 4 79 .A. See DEM. xviii. 194: T[ XPlJ 7/'otew; Wu11'ep &v d ns vavKA:qpov 71'd.vT' J71'2 O'WT'fjp[a 11'priavm . , , T~S vava-y[as aln~To, what a1e we to do? (TYe aTe to do) just what a shipowner would do (11'ow'i lJ.v) if any one should blame him for the wreck of his ship, etc. See cp~uELev lJ.v, which explains the omitted verb, just afterwards.

228. K~v in both its meanings (as Ka[ with the adverb (;.v, and as Ka[ with iv = J~v) may stand without a verb. E.g.
'AA.A' /J.v8pa XP~ ooKetv 71'eO'etv &v K&v &71'6 O'fi'LKpov KaKov. SoPB' .Aj. 1077. (Here Ktiv, for Kat /J.v, which we may express by even or though it be, belongs to 7/'eu<'iv understood.) 'lKav<os oi'iv TOVTo ~XOfht:V, KiJ. v el 7/'AeovaxiJ O'Ko7ro';uv; me we then satisfied of this (and should w~ be so) even if we we1e to look at it in various ways? PLA.T. Rep. 477 .A. (We must supply ~Kuvws ~XOGfhEV with Kliv.) See different cases of Kav din 195, in whicl1 a verb follows to which Clv cannot belong. Ka.1 d7/'0L TLS &v, olfhat, 11'po0'8iJ KiJ.v JLLKpav OVVO.JLLV, 7/'avT' wcpeA.et, and, I think, wheTever we add.even (though it be) a little power, it all helps. DEAf. ii. 14. (Here Kllv =Kat tiv ns 11'po0'8iJ, even though we add.) MeTp'fJO'OV <lplJV'fJS T[ fi'OL, K&v 7/'evT' ETYJ, measuTe 'IIW out sonw peace, even if it be only fo1 five years (Kal &v fi'ETP~O''[I>) .AR. Ach. 1021. 229. ''Av may be used with a relative without a verb, as it is with .l (in av =El av) in the last examples (228). So in XEN, An. i. 3, 6, WS pov oi'iv l6vTOS d11''{/ &V Ka2 vpds, OVTW T~V yvwp.YJV ~xen (i.e. d7T1J &v Kat -&JJ,e'is r'fjT<), be of this 'lltind, that I shall go wherever you go.

CHAPTER IV.
USE OF THE MOQDS.

230. This cha1)ter treats of all constructions which require any other form of the finite verb than the simple indicative in absolute assertions and direct questions ( 2). The infinitive and participle are included here so far as either of them is used in indirect discourse, in protasis or apodosis, and in other constructions (as with 7rp{v and &ScrTe) in which the finite moods also are used. 231. These constructions are discussed under the follow:lng heads:I. The potential optative and indicative. II. The imperative and subjunctive in commands, exhortations, and prohibitions.-Subjunctive and indicative with p,7] and p,1) in cautious assertions.-''07rw<; and o7rw<; p,~ with the independent future indicative or subjunctive. III. The subjunctive (like the future indicative) in independent sentences.-The interrogative subjunctive. IV. Ou P-0 with the subjunctive or future indicative. V. Final and object clauses after Zva, we;, b7TW<;, IJcppa, and p,ry. VI. Conditional sentences. VII. Helative and temporal sentences, including consecutive sentences with &ScrTe, etc. VIII. Indirect discourse. IX. Causal sentences. X. Expressions of a wish.

ov

234]

POTENTIAL OPTATIVE

77

SECTION I.

The Potential Optative and Indicative.

232. We find fully established in the Home1\ic language a use of the optative and the past tenses of the indicative with &v or IC, which expresses the action of the verb as dependent on circumstances or conditions; as e"AOo~ &v, he rnight (could or would) go; ~"AOEv liv, he n~ight (could or would) have gone. Such an optative or indicative is called potential.

I.

POTENTIAL OPTATIVE.

233. It has already been seen (13) that Homer sometimes uses the optative in a weak future sense, without Ke or av, to express a concession or permission. Such neutral forms seem to form a connecting link between the flimple optative in wishes and the optative with aJ', partaking to a certain extent of the nature of both. (For a full discussion of these forms and their relations, see Appendix I.) Such expressions seem to show that the early language used forms like i!A.&o~Jl-~ and too~Jl-~ in two senses, I may go and I rnay see, or may I go and may I see, corresponding to i!A.&w and tow in their two Homeric senses I shall go and I shall see (284 ), or let me go and let me see (257). 234. The neutral optatives like Jl. iv. 18 are rare even in Homer, the language having already distinguished the two meanings in sense, and marked them in most cases by external signs. The optatiYe expressing what may happen in the future took the particle KE or av, and was negatived by ov, denoting the relations which we express by our potential mood with may, can, might, could, would, and should. Thus if.A.o~Jl-[ KE 1} KEV o.A.o1Jv, I may sla.y or I mny ue slain, Il. xxii. 253; dv~p of. K]1 ov n .6.~6s v6ov dpD<r<ra~ro, CL mnn cnnnot contend agninst the will of Zeus, Il. viii. 143.1 On the other hand, the simple optative (without Ke or av) was more and more restricted to the expression of a wish or exhortation, and was negatived by Jl-~ ; as Jl-~ 'Yf.votro, may it not hctppen, 7fBot6 Jl-D~, listen to me (Od. iv. 193), as opposed to ovK dv ")'EVO~TO, it could not happen. The potential forms i!A.&o~Jl-~ av
1 When the idea of ability, possibility, or necessity is the exr1ression, and is not (as above) merely auxiliary, special verb like 0<\vap.a<, iii, or xpfJ. Especially, the generally expressed by ilfi or XPiJ with the infinitive ; h:i1n we must obey, SoPH. Ant. 666.

the chief element in it is expressed by a idea of obligation is as ToDil xpi) KAVEw,

78

THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE

[235

and l8otf1-t 6.1' differ from the more absolute future indicative and the old subjunctive forms ~A.Bw and lBw, I shall go and I shall see, by expressing a future act as dependent on some future circumstances or conditions, which may be more or less distinctly implied. The freedom of the earlier language extended the use of the potential optative to present and sometimes even to past time. See 438 and 440.

235. In most cases the limiting condition involved in the potential optative is not present to the mind in any definite form, and can be expressed in English only by such words as perchance, possibly, or probably, or by the auxiliaries could, would, should, might, etc. with the vague conditions which these imply (like if he should try, if he pleased, if he could, if what is natuml should happen, etc.) Sometimes a more general condition is implied, like in any possible case; as oi!K Clv 8 EX o [fl-'IJ v TovTo, I would not accept this (on any terms); here the expression becomes nearly absolute, and may often be translated by our future, as OlfK Clv ?- E d ?-'I] V TOV p6vov, I will not give 11p the throne ( AR. Ran. 830), or (in positive sentences) by must, as 'll'<fvTEs BavfJ-d.Cot<v <iv TovTo, all must admire this. The optative thus used with no conscious fe~ling of any definite condition, but still implying that the statement is conditioned and not absolute, is the simplest and most primitive potential optative. It is equivalent to the Latin potential svbjunctive, as credas, dicas, cemas, putes, etc., you may believe, say, perceive, thinlc, etc. The , Homeric language has six forms, all expressing futurity with different degrees of absolutene~s and distiuctness; as Stfof-l'at, Stfof-l'a[ K<, Z8w}J>at, l8wf-J'a[ K<, l8o[f-J'YJV, l8o[f-J''7v KE (or &v), containing every step from I shall see to I should see. Of these only the first and the last (with a tradition of the seconrl) survived the Homeric period, and the others (especially the fifth) were already disappearing during that period (240), being found unnecessary as the language became settled, and as the optative with Ke or &v became more fixed as a future potential form.

236. In the following examples of the potential optative no definite form of condition is present to the mind:'Ef-J'ol ()~ T6i Clv 'll'OAV KEp8wv E rYJ, but it would at that tirne (be likely to) profit me far nwre. Il. xxii. 108. 'PEvyw}J>v en y&p K<v dA.v~at /J'f!V KaK6v ~f-J'ap, let us flee; for perchance we rnay still escape the evil day. Od. x, 269. IT.\"JO"[ov dA.A.~A.wv Ka KEV 8to i'O"TEVO"oas, the roclcs are close together: you might perhaps slwot an arrow across the space. Od. xii. 102. So Od. xxiii. 125. 0-JKOVV 'Tf'O potS av T~VO<: 8wpeav ~pool; would you then grant me this favour? .AESCH. Prom. 616. So

238]

POTENTIAL OPTATIVE

79

1rav yd.p &v 1r~ Bo t6 p.ov, for you can learn anything (you please) from me. lb. 617. T T6v8' av d?ToL<; O.A.A.o; whatelsecould yousayof this '11Uln? SOPH. Ant. 646. So Ant. 552 and 652. IIoA.Ad.s av e!Jpo LS p:'Jxav&s, you can find nwny devices. EoR. And. 85. "Et(op.a 'TOL Ka~ oilK av Aet4>8dYJV, I will follow you and in no case will I be left behind. HDT. iv. 97. Oi p.~v (se. AE')'OV'T<;) <ils oil8ev~ av 7p67Tip a 0 L( V oi 'ABYJva'iot. THUC. vi. 35. HEvBa 7TOAA~v p.f.v crw1>pocr~VYJV Ka'Tap.6.8ot av 'TLS. XEN. An. i. 9, 3. So Mem. i. 3, 5, iii. 5, 1 and 7. A' ' \ ' ' ' ' '' ' ' .ut> es 'TO V av'Tov 7TO'Tap.ov ovK av e p. (3 a LYJ s, you cannot step tmce ~nto the same river (saying of Heraclitus). PLAT. Crat. 402 A. Ov p.~v ECT'TL KaAAtwv ~8os ovo' av y h 0 L'To, there is none and there could be none. Id. Phil. 16 B ; so 64 B. 'AKoVot<; &.v, you can heM. Id. Rep. 487 E. /j.n~d'Tw <ils oi 8e'T'TaAoi vvv oilK av JA.ev()epot yvotV'TO li.crp.evoL, let him show that they would not now gladly become free. DEM. ii. 8. 'Hoew<; 8' av i!ywy' Jpolp.YJV Ae7T'TlVYJV, but I would gladly ask Leptines. Id. XX. 129. El 1J')'V6YJCTE 'TaV'Ta, ')'EVOL'TO ydp av Kat 'TOV'TO, if he did 1wt know this,-and it might easily so happen. lb. 143. OiJ,.' av OV'TOS i!xot A.ynv ove' ilpe'is 7TELcr8dYJ'T. Id. xxii. 17. Ilo'i ovv ,. p a 1r o p e 8' av in what other direction could we possibly turn ? PLAT. Euthyd. 290 A. OvK av pe8elp.YJV 'TOV ()p6vov, I will not give up the thTone. AR. Ran. 830. So OVK av oexo [p.YJV, AESCH. Eum. 228. Tts oiK av ay &.era L'TO 'TWV avopwv JKelvwv -rfjs ape'Tfj<;; who would not admire the valour of these men ? (i.e. every one 1nust admire their valour). DEM. xviii. 204. BovA.olp.YJv &v, I should like, is used like velim. For J(3ovA.6p.YJv CJ.v, vellem, see 246.

en ;

2;iJ f-EV KOtJ-[(ots av CTEaV'TOV fi BeAns, you may take yourself off whither you please (a milder expres~ion than K6pt(e creavr6v). SOPH. Ant. 444. So Ant. 1339. K AVo L<; av ~ory, i:f>o'if3e 7rpocr-ra-r~pte, hear me now. Id. El. 637. Xwpo'is aJ' el&w. Id. Ph. 6i4. So probably Il. ii. 250 : ,.0 OVK av f3acrtA.fjas avd crr6p.' ~xwv a')' 0 p E 1~ 0 L S, therefore you must not take kings upon your tongue and talk (Or do not take, etc.)

237. The potential optative in the second person may have the force of a mild command or exhortation. E.g.

238. Occasionally the potential optative expresses what may hereafter prove to be true or to have been true. E.g. IIov ofjr' av elV o1 ~vot; whe1e nwy the strangen be? (i.e. where is it likely to turn out that they me ~) SoPH. El. 1450. 'H yd.p p~ (se.
cro4>a) 4>a.VA1J 'TLS av E t1J, for it may htrn out that my 1L"isdom is of a mean lcind. PLAT. Symp. 17 5 E. 'EA.A.~vwv nvds 1>(L(TL ap?Tdcrat Evplb7T1JV dryer a v 8' <'iv oil-rot Kpfjns, and these u;ould prove to be Cretans (or to have been Cretan-~). HDT. i. 2. Av'Tat 8~ OVK av 1rOAAai Et1JCTa v, and these (the islands) would not prove to be many. TRue. i. 9. This l1as nothing to do with the Homeric use of the optative with 1<~ or av in a present or a past sense (438; 440). See th.e similar use of the subjunctive with p~ after verbs of fearing (92).

80

THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE

[239

239. The potential optative may express every grade o potentiality from the almost pure future ouK ~v p.e8dp.'l]v, I will . . rw t gwe up ( der any ctrcumstances)to'"~''' un , ovK av otKatws es KaKov 'li'EU'otp. n, I wuld not justly fall into any trouble, SoPH. Ant. 240, where &Kaws points to the substance of a limiting condition, if fustice should be done. From this the step is but slight to such cases as OVTE EU'8[oVU'L 'li'Ae[w ~ ovvavTaL <jlepHV. Otappaydev yd.p av, they do rwt eat more than they can carry/ for (if they should) they would burst, XEN. Cyr. viii. 2, 21, where el EU'8[otev is necessary to complete the sense and is clearly understood from the preceding words. A final step in the same direction is taken when the condition is actually stated as part of the sentence. As ~'AOot av means he would go (under some future circumstances), if these limiting circumstances are to be definitely expressed it is natural to use the corresponding form of condition, el with the optative, as cl K<AEVU'Ha> ~'AOot av, if you shmtld command he would go. The protasis is thus assimilated to the apodosis in form, as it conforms to it in sense and general character. So when a conclusion is to follow such a condition as cl K<AEVU'Has, the corresponding optative with i!.v, i.e. the potential optative, is naturally chosen, although nothing but regard to harmony and symmetry makes either if you should command he will go or if you com1nand he would go, or the equivalent Greek forms, objectionable. In fact, these very forms are far more common in the more fluid Homeric language than in the fixed and regular style of Attic prose. There is, therefore, no necessary or logical bond of union between two forms like cl k<A<vU'eta> and ~'AOot fiv. This connexion is, indeed, far more the effect of assimilation in form, as appears especially when the apodosis contains an optative in a wish; as in W> a11'6AotTO Ka2 ({)..A.os OTLS row.:vni y< pf.(ot, may another perish also who shall do the like (Od. i. 47), where if a1I'oArr8w had been used we should naturally have had pf.(YJ.
For examples of the optative with /lv or Ke with a definite protasis expressed or implied in the context, see 455 and 4 i2.

240. The use of r'lv or KE with the potential optative had already become tlxed in the Homeric language. A few cases of "neutral optatiYes" in Homer, which seem to show an en.rly 1)otential use without KE <Jl' av, have Leen given above (13). Besilles these, a few more distinctly l)Otential optatives without av or KE occur in Homer, but they are exceptions to the general usage even there. Such are the following : OlJ n KaKwnpov aAAO 1I'a8otp.t. Il. xix. 321. TovTOV ye U''li'OJLEVOLO Ka2 JK 'li'vpdS al8op.evow ap.</Jw VOU'T~U'a LJLEV. Il. X. 246. 'P<fa e.6, y' WeA.wv dfJ>dvovos 8wp~<TatT0, IL X. 556! see Od. iii. 231. Xepp.a0wv 'Aa/3, 0 o.J y' avOp <flepotev. Il. v. 302: so XX. 285.

ovo

243]

POTENTIAL INDICATIVE

81

XV.

Oll n<; 1rduE u yvvai:Ka. Od. xiv. 122. So also Il. vii. 48, xiv. 190, 45, 197. See, further, HEs. Theog. 723 and 725; PIND. 01. x. 21, Py. iv. 118.

241. Some cases of the optative without !1v oc~ur with the indefinite
O<; in Homer, and with unv oun<;, ~UTtV OTrW<;, f.unv O'TrOt, in the Attic poets. These form a class by themselves. E.g. OiJK u0' os u~> yE dv.a> KE<j>aA~> dTraAaAKot. Il. xxii. 348. Ov yd.p ryv os Tis u<j>tv i1rt uTixa> ~y~ua tTo. Il. ii. 687. OvK f.uO' o1rws A.f.~a'JL' Td. tfwoq KaM.. AEscH. Ag. 620. OiJK f.uO' oT<p JL<[(ova JLO'ipav v<[fLatJL' ~ uot. Id. Prom. 292. Oi~K f.unv oun~ TrA~v EJLOV KdpatTO vw. Id. Cho. 172. "EuT' ovv o1rws ''AA.wquns is y~pas JLOAot; EuR. Ale. 52. "EuO' o1rot ns unA.as TrapaAvuat tfvx&v; Ibid. 113. 242. On the other hand, a few other cases in the Attic poets are mere anomalies, even if we admit that the text is sound. E.g. Ted.v, Zev, 01;vauw Tis dvopwv vTr<p(3au{a KaTaux o,; what transgression of rnan can check thy power? SOPH. Ant. 605. 'AA.>..' V7rEpTOAJLOV avopos <j>povrwa T<; A.f.yot; AESCh. Oho. 594. llw> ovv T&o', ws d1ro t n>, E~YJJL&pTavE>; i.e. as one rnight say. (?) EuR. Andr. 929. BUo-uov ~ A.f.yot ns 7TWAOV> eun)uaJLEV. Id. Hipp. 1186. ''flf1'TrEP d1rot Tt> TOTros, as 'one would say roTros. 0) AR. Av. 180. The cases cited from Attic prose are now generally admitted to be corrupt. See Kriiger, ii. 54, 3, Anm. 8.
~unv

II.

POTENTIAL INDICATIVE.

243. As the potential optative represents a future act as dependent on future circumstances (234), so the potential indicative originally represents a past act as dependent on past circumstances. Therefore, while ?jAOEv means he went, .fjA.OEv ;!,v means he wou.ld have gone (under some past circu.mstances). It is probable that no definite limiting circumstances were present to the mind when this form first came into use, so that 1jA0Ev av naturally signified merely that it was likely, possible, or probable that he went or (as we express it) that he mi,qht have gone or wonld hnve been likely to go, sometimes that he mu.st lwve gone. In this sense it appears as a past form of the potential optative, e.g. of in the sense he might perchance go or he wou.ld be likely to go (in the future). The same relation appears in Latin, where credas, pnte.>, cemas, dicas, you would be likely to believe, think, etc., are transferred to past time as e1ederes, putaTes, cerneres, diceres, you. wou.ld have believed, tlwught, etc. 1 Here putet and

neo, av

1 We are probably justified in assuming that the past meaning w hi eh here appears in crederes, etc. is the original meaning of the Latin imperfect sub. junctive in this use, as it cert11inly i; that of the Greek imperfect iudicative with 6.v. Sec 43:i.

82

THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE

[244

putaret are precisely equivalent to ofot'TO :iv, he would be likely to think, and ~E'To :lv, he would have been likely to think. 244. We find the potential indicative in its simplest use (last mentioned)-with no reference to any definite condition, but merely expressing past possibility, probability, or necessityin all classes of Greek writers. E.g.
Ovo' &v ~n <f>pdottwv 7rep dv~p '2:ap7r'Y)06va oZov ~yvw, no longer would even a shrewd man have known Sarpedon. Il. xvi. 638. 'Y1r6 KEV 'TaAarrl<f>pova 7rEp oeos e TA.ev, fear ?rvight have 'seized even a man of stout heart. Il. iv. 421. See other Homeric examples below. 'AA.X :q A E JLEV 0~ 'TOVTO rollvetoos 'Td x' &V 6pyfl f3 tarr8ev ttfiA.A.ov ~ yvWJLU <f>pevwv, but this repToach may pe1haps have come from violence of wrath, etc. SoPH. 0. T. 523. (Here TaX: &v :qA.8e expresses past possibility, with no reference to any definite condition, unfulfilled or otherwise.) 8eo/:s yap :qv ovrw <f>A.ov Tax' d. v n JL'YJV{ovrrw Els yevos 7raAat, for perchance it may have been thus pleasing to Gods who of old bore some wrath against onr race. Id. 0. C. 964. (According to the common punctuation Tax' &v would be taken with JL'YJVovrrw, = oi' rdx' d.v 1't (pryvwv, who may perch111nce have bome some wrath, see PLAT. Phaedr. 265 B, below; but the analogy of 0. T. 523 favours the other interpretation.) Ilpos 7r'OLOV &v r6vo' avr6s OVOVtT<TEVS ~?TAEt; i.e. who might this man have been to whom Ulysses was sailing ? Id. Ph. 57 2. "0 8wrrdttevos ?Tas av ns dv1)p ?jparr8'YJ Mws elvat, every rnan who saw 'this dranta (the "Seven against Thebes ") would have been eager to be a warrior. AR. Ran. 1022. (This is the past form of 7ras d.v ns Jparr8e ['Y) Saws e'tvat, every one would be eager, having no more reference to an unfulfilled condition tha'n the latter has.) D. t {3'Y)rra v, ws JLEV EGKdS Kat A.eyE'Tat, E7r't tTXEDtWV, raxa &V OE Kat &A.A.ws ?TWS EtT7rAE{J<TaV'TES, i.e. while they probably cTossed on rafts, they may pe1haps have crossed in some othe? way by sailing (8t{3'Y)rrav with Taxa &v in the latter clause meaning they ??taY have, or ?night have, pe1haps crossed under other (possible) ci?'Cumstances). THUC. vi. 2. 'E7reppw<T8'Y) o' av TtS EKEtVO lowv, and any one would have been encouraged who saw that. XEN. Hell. iii. 4, 18. 8aTTov i) ws ns <'i.v 1Je'To, sooner than one would have thought. Id. An. i. 5, 8. ''EvBa o~ ~yvw av ns ocrov d.gwv et'Y) 'TO </>tA.e'ia-8at apxovTa, there any one might have leamed, etc. Id. Cyr. vii. ' ' '\ I \ I ' ' ~ , .,. I\ 1 38. 'E V Ta11T'[J 'T'[J '1)1\tKt<f 1\/'0VTeS 7rpoS Vf'aS EV TJ av fta/\t<TTa ', E?Tt<TTE{J<Ta'Te, tallcing to you at that age at which you would have been most likely to have put trust in them. PLAT. Ap. 18 C. ''l<Tws JLEV dA.'Y)Bovs TWOS f?TU.7r'TOJLEVot, raxa o' &v Kai ctAAO<TE ?Tapa<f>EpOJLEVot, JLV8tKOV TtV<l vp.vov 7rp0CTE1ra[<Taf'EV "Epwra, while perhaps we were clinging to some truth, although perchance we may have been led aside into so?ne error (?Tapa<f>p6JLEVOt d.v = 7rape<f>Ep6j-te8a /J.v), we celebmted Eros in a mythical hymn. Id. Phaedr. 265 B. T yd.p Kat f3ovA.6ttevot ftETE7r'EJL7r'Err0' av avrovs EV T01JT<P "r<tJ Katp<j); jo? with what wish even conld you possibly have been summoning them at this time? DEM. xviii. 24. Ilws av ~ ftlJ 7rap6w JL'YJO' E7rtO'Y)j-tWV f.yw 'T[ <TE ~O[K'Y)<Ta; i.e. how was I

245]

POTENTIAL INDICATIVE

83

likely to do you any wrong? Id. xxxvii. 57. ToY xopoy uwD..e~a i:xnrtp lJ.y ~8tu'Ta Ka~ JmT'I}8et6TaTa dp.cpoT~pots iy[yYeTo, I collected the clwrus in the way wlvich was likely to be most agreeable and convenient to both. ANT. vi 11. Two Homeric examples are peculiar in their reference to time : ' AA.Ai!. TaX una 1retpa o1rws KEY 8~ ~Y TraTp8a yal:ay tK'I}at ~ yap p.tv (w6Y ye KLX~ITEat, ~ KEY 'Op~IT'T"IJS K'TEtYEY ilTrocpBap.eYos, uv 8~ KEY Ta<j>ov dyn{3oA~U"ats, but strive with all speed to come to your fatherland; for either you will find him (Aegisthus) alive (and so can kill him yourself), or else Orestes may have already killed him before you come, and then you can go to his funeral. Od. iv. 544. (Here ~ KEY K'TEtYeY, by a change in the point of view, expresses what will be a past possibility at the time of the arrival of Menelaus, to which time the following optative is future.) Ka~ yap Tpwas <j>aU"t p.aX'IJTas f.p.p.evat aY8pas, oZ Ke TaXLU"Ta EKptvav p.~ya YEtKos,for they say that the Trojans are men of war, wlw would most speedily lwve decided a mighty strife (implying that they would therefore speedily decide any impending strife). Od. xviii. 261. (This was said by Ulysses before he went to Troy. See 249.)

245. In most cases of the past tenses of the indicative with

aY there is at least an implied reference to some supposed circumstances different from the real ones, so that ~A.IhY aY commonly means he would have gone (if something had not been as it was).

When we speak of a past event as subject to conditions, we are apt to imply that the conditions were not fulfilled, as otherwise they would not be alluded to. This reference to an unfulfilled condition, however, does not make it necessary that the action of the potential indicative itself should be unreal, although this is generally the case. (See 412.) The unfulfilled past condition to which the potential indicative refers may be as vague and indistinct as the future condition to which the potential optative refers (235); as if he had wished, if he had tried, if it had been possible, in any case, and others which are implied in our auxiliaries might, could, would, slwuld, etc., but are seldom expressed by us in words. Compare ov8eY av KaKOJJ 7r0t~(]"EtaJJ, they C(fUld do no harm (i.e. if they should try), with ov8ev ll.v KaKOJJ eTrolTJU"a.v, they could have done no harm (i.e. if they had tried). E.g.
Ov yap Kev 8vvap.eU"Ba 8vpawv 111{"1/A.awv rhrwU"a.U"8at A.t8oY, for we could not have moved the stone from the high doorway. Od. ix. 304. Mf.votp.' &v. ~e. AOJJ 8' &v EK'TbS ~~~ 'TVXtV, I will remain; but I slwuld have preferred to take my chance outside. SoPH. Aj. 88. TovTov T[s /J.v <rot Tdv8pos &p.,[vwv vp~B"IJ; who could have been found, etc.? lb. 119. 'EKAVDJJ &v Jyw ov8' {ly ~ A7r L(]"' avoav, I hea7d a voice which I could never even have lwped to hear. Id. El. 1281. 6.v' Jtf.>..e~a.s, oTv eyw ryK<a--r' &v ~(}~),_'YJrr' JA.wA6Tow KAVv. Id. Ph. 426. KA.vetv &v o~8' a1ra~ Jf3ovA.6p.'fJv, I should have wished not to hear it even once. lb. 1239. OvK E(]"B' 07rWS ETKEY lJ.y TJ 6.tos oap.ap A'l)'TW 'TOU"aV'T'l)Y

84

THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE

[246

dJJ-a8[av, under no circunMtances would Leto have been the mother of so great ignorance. EuR. I. T. 385. 0lKta 1rpayJJ-aT' cl<raywv, i~ illv y av E~TJAE"'fXOtLYJV, by which I might have been exposed. AR. Ran. 959. ToTE 6ft ~v, Kat TOS X.Etpas OVK av Ka8wpwv, it was then dark, and they would not have seen the slww of hands (in voting). X1m. Hell. i. 7, 7. IIo!wv 8' av ~pywv ~ 1f0VWV 1J Ktv86vwv <l1fE(T'TYJ<Ta V; frorn what acts, etc., would they have shrunlc back (i.e. if they had been 1equi1ed of them)7 Isoc. iv. 83. IIpo 1fOAAwv JJ-EV av XPYJJJ-rf.Twv iTtJJ-TJ<Trf.JJ-1JV TO<TOVTOV 86va<r8at 'T~V <jnAo<ro<jJ[av. L<TW'> yap oiJK av 1JJJ-ds 7r AEW'TOV arrAd</J8'Y}JJ-EV, ov8' av eArix_t<TTOV fJ-EpO<; U7T'EAav<raJJ-EV avT~<;' irr<dJry 8' ovK ovrw<; gxa, f3ow\o[JJ-'fJV <lv 7ra-6(ra<r8at Tots </>AvapovvTas. Id. xiii. 11. Ot' E11"0 [YJ<TU. V JJ-~V ov8f.v av KW<uv, P-~ 7T'afhi:v 8' J<j;vAa~av'T' av i'<rw;;, TO{;Tov;; e~a"/T'a'TUV atpcw8at, these who could have done him no hcmn, but wlw might JJe?haps have gnarded themselves ngainst suffering any. DE~L ix. 1:3. ToTE 8' a1ho 7'0 7rpaytl av f.Kp[1'7'0 i<:p' avTov, b1tt the case wmdd then have been decided on its own merits. Id. xviii. 224: so 101. l1ws Ill' ovv vf3purnKWTp011 av8pw7ro<; l>fJ-ll' ixp~<raro; Id. xix. 85. Ov jJ-(t(ov ov8f.v av KQTE A t1l'V livt8os. Id. xlv. 35. ''A 8' 1JJ1-'i:v 8tKatw<; al' V1f~fJXEV EK -r~;; dp1JVTJ'>, -rav-r' dv8' illv d7rE00l'TO a-&Tol Aoy!(c<r8aL. dJ...J...a TQUTQ [J-EV 1l V av OfJ-OlW';; 1Jf1-L1', EKE'i:va of. -ro-6Tots ill' 7rpo<r~v d fl-1J 8ta TOVTOVS, bnt (it is not 1iuht) to set off against what they themselves sold what would justly have been ou1s by the peace; but these W01Lld huve been anTS all the sarne (in wny case), while the othe?'S would have been added (or would now be added) to them, had it not been fm these men. Id. xix. 91. (Here V7T~PXEV av and ~v av refer to an actual fact, the possession of certain places; the apOUOSiS 1rfJOfT~V a11 refers tO SOlllething Which WaS prevented from becoming a fact, This passage shows the natural steps from the potential form to the apodosis. See 2 4 7.)

246. When no definite condition 1s understood with the potential indicative, the imperfect with dl' regularly refers to past time, according to the older usage (435), like the aorist; a~ in the examples above. The imperf(~ct referring to present time, which is common in apodosis a.fter Homer ( 410), appears in these potential expressions chiefly in a few simple phrases, especially in i:f3ovA6Jl-'7v vellem, I should wish, I shm;,ld like (also I should have lilced). Even in Homer the construction with <J<j;eAov and the infinitive ( 424 ), which includes a form of potential indicative (4-15 ; 416), sometimes refers to present time. E.g. 'Eyti.! 8' J(3ovAOJ1-TJV &v O.VTOV<; dA1]8~ J...yav JJ-E'rryv yap av Kai Jp.ol TOVTOV Tdya8ov OVK i.:Acixt<TTOV f'EfJO'>. vvv of. OVTE np6;; T~v 7r0At]l U.VTOLS TOtavTa vrrapxEL OVT npb> Efi-E, and I should like it if they spoke the truth; for (wC?e that so) no small JJa?t of this advantage would be mine: but this is not true of them, etc. LYs. xii. 22. Mno[av, oF E.f3ovA6p'fjv &1' :>roAAwv El'EKEv Nl', Midias, whornfo? many reasons I

av,

248]

POTENTIAL INDICATIVE

85

should like to have alive. AESCHIN. iii. 115. See LYCURG. 3, (For i.f3ovA6fL'YjV av as past, see SoPH. Ph. 1239, quoted in 245.) See also .AR. Nub. 680, iKEtvo 3' i)v &v Kap367r'YJ, KA.EwVVfL'YJ, and this would be Kap367r'Yj, etc. For f3ovA.o{fL1JV tlv, velim, see 236. For IJcpEAov and the infinitive as 1)resent in Homer, see 424.

247. It is but a slight step from the potential forms quoted in 245 and 246 to those which form the couclusion to au unfulfilled condition definitely implied in the context. After Homer the imperfect with av may here refer to present time. E.g. 'A;\Aa KE J<EtJ'a fLrLAUTTa l36Jv oA.ocp1;p(w 8vp.~), but you uould hnve lamented most ~n yon1 heart if you had seen this (iowv = d EiOEs). Oll. xi. 418. ODo J<EV o.Dros V7rEK</JV{'E ~<~pa p.EAall'av, d,\A.' 'H<f,a.wros pvro, nor would he uy himself lwve escaped, but Hephaest?<s nscued him. n. v. 22. 'AJ...).: dKJ.(]"(}.t fLEl', 1)o15s ov yd.p &1' t<apa 1roA.v&TEcp1)s <So' Eip7rE, but, as it seems, he has good news; jm (otherwise) he w01dd not be coming with head thus thickly C?"OW1Wd. SoPH. 0. T. 83; so 0. C. 125, 146. IIoA.A.ov yd.p av Tct opyu.va ?Jl' a~ta, fm instrunwnts would be worth much (if they had this powe1). PLAT. Rep. 3 7 4 D. ''H )'ETE n)v tlp,]v?)JI DfLws ov ya.p i}1' on O.v J1rotEtTE, jo1 the1e was nothing that you could have done (if you lwd not kept tlw peace). DE~L xviii. 43. "2YJfLEZov 3 ov ya.p C!.v 3Evp' i) tc o v los 1~fLfis, for (otherwise) they n:ould not have come hitlwT to yon. Id. xix. 58. T6TE if>t,\[7r7r4J 7rpo3E3wJ<vat 7T'Ul'Tos C!.J! (]"X E Jl air[a,JI, in that case she (Atl1ens) would have had the bla,me of having betrayed all to Philip. Id. xviii. 200. See other examples in 4 7 2.

248. The final step is taken when an unreal condition i.s expn;sse<l as part of the seutence, forming the protasis to which the potential indicative is the apodosis ; as 1JA8El' a:l' El fKEAEVtTa, he would have gone if I had commanded him. The dependent protasis, by a natural assimilatiop, has a past tense of the indicative corresponding to the form of the apodosis. On the other hand, when an unreal condition has been expressed, as El fKEAEV(]"{J., the potential indicative is the natural form to state what would have been the result if the condition had been fulfilled. (See 390, 2; and 41 0.) The potential indicative does not change its essential nature by being thus made part of an unreal conditional expression, and it is not necessarily implied tbat its action did not take place (see 412). Although the latter is geJJcrally implied or inferred, while the reverse selclom occurs, still it is important to a true understanding of the nature of the indicati,e with llv to remember that it is not esRential or necessary for it either to refer to an unreal condition or to denote in itself what is contrary to fact. For a periphrastic form of potential indicative with EOEt, XP1)J!, etc:, with the infinitive, see 415.

86

IMPERATIVE AND SUB,JUNOTIVE

[249

For the Homeric use of the present optative with K~ or d.v as a present potential form (like the later imperfect with ilv), see 438. For the rare Homeric optative with K~ in the sense of the past tenses of the indicative with kf or &v, see 440.

249. From the primitive use of the past tenses of the indicative to express what was likely to occur under past circumstances, we may explain the iterative use of these tenses with ilv (162), which is generally thought to have no connection with the potential indicative with llv. Thus -i})Jhv d.v, meaning originally he would have gone (under some past circumstances), might easily come to have a frequentative sen~e, he would have gone (under all circumstances or whenever occasion offered), and hence to mean he used to go. See SoPH. Ph. 443, Ss o-DK av d.Ae-r' Elcrd:rra.~ el'TrEtv, 01rov p:ryoEi<; f.pYJ, (Thersites) who used never to be content to speak but once when all forbade him (lit. when nobody permitted him). Originally ovK EtAETo would mean he would not have been content (under any circumstances), hence he was never content. The optative f.i[>YJ (532) shows the nature of the expression here. See the examples under 162, and the last example under 244. This construction is not Homeric ; bnt it is found in Herodotus .and is common in .Attic Greek. There is no difficulty in understanding it as an offshoot of the potential indicative, when it is seen that the latter did not involve originally any denial of its own action.

av

SECTION II.

The Imperative and subjunctive in Commands, Exhortations, and Prohibitions.-Subjunctive and Indicative with 1-'-~ and ~-'-~ ov in Cautious Assertions.-''07rw'> and g7rws- 1-'-~ with the Independent ,_(, Future Indicative, etc~
IMPERATIVE IN COMMANDS, ETC.

250. The imperative is used to exhortation, or an entreaty. E.g.

expres~

a command, an

A.fyE, speak thou. ihvyE, begone! 'E.AB.iTw, let him come. XatpovTwv, let them rejoice. ''EpxEcrBov KAtcrEYJv IT'JAYJuf.oEw 'AxtM)os. Il. i 32~. ZEv, BEwpos TwvoE 1rpo.yp.aTwv yEvov. AEscH. Cho. 246. For prohibitions, i.e. negative commands, see 259 and 260.

251. The imperative is often emphasised by &yE or &ymc:, </>epE, I:Bt, lkvpo or oEvTE, come, loolc here/ or by El o' &yE (474). ".AyE, cpepE, and I:Bt may be singular when the imperative is plural, and in the second person when the imperative is in the third. E.g.

255]

FIRST PERSON OF SUBJUNCTIVE AS IMPERATIVE

87

EZ'If' d.ye fOG Kal Tovoe, <f>[Aov T~Ko~, 8~ n~ i:lo' iO"T[v. Il. iii. 192. 'AU.: liye fL[fLveTe 7ravns, EvKv~fLtOe~ 'Axawf. Il. ii. 331. Ba(J"K'

re,

Uh, ov>.e lJvHpe, fJodS ~7Tt v~as 'Axatwv. 11. ii. 8. Aye 80 &.Kowan. XEN. A.p. 14. "AyeTe OH'lTV~a-au. XEN. Hell .. v. 1, 18. <Mp' el'lT 8~ fLOt. SoPH. Ant. 534. <f>fp< 8~ fLOG To8e eL'lT~. PLAT. Crat. 385 B. 80 A.f.~ov TJfLtv 7rpWTov TovTo. XEN. Mem. iii. 3, 3. "IfJ, vvv 7rap[O"Ta0"8ov. AR. Ran. 13 7 8. I Gvvv A.t(3avWTOV bevpo TLS Kal 71'iip OOTW. Ib. 871. Ka{ fLOt 8evpo, Jj MA1)Te, el7re; PLAT. Ap. 24 ~Evn, A.e[71'ETe O"T~yas. EuR. Med. 894.

c.

252. The poets sometimes use the secorul person of the imperative with 7ras in hasty commands. E.g. "AKove 7ra~, hear, eve1y one! AR. Thes. 372. Xwpet 8<vpo 7ras
V1T"YJPETYJ~ TD~EV<, rratE' O"<f><vo6v'Y)V r[s fO, 8oTw. Id. Av. 1186.
8~ O"tW'JTa 7ras dv~p.

"Aye

Id. Ran. 1125.

253. The imperative is sometimes used by the dramatists after ot<r8' oand similar interrogative expressions, the imperative being really the verb of the relative clause.1 The difficulty of translating such expressions is similar to that of translating relatives and interrogatives with participles. E.g. 'A>..>..' ot<rfJ' oopaO"ov; T<f O"KEAH fJevE TTJV rrhpav, but do you krww
what you 'lltust do?-strike the 1oclc with you1 leg! AR. Av. 54. OtO"fJ' U'VfL7rpa~ov; do you know what you 'lltust do fm 1ne? EuR. Her. 451. Ot(J'8a vvv iJ. JW' yev0"8w; b<O"fLa ToZs ~f.vota-t 7rpoO"fJEs, do you know whrd must be done for me ?-put bonds on the stmngers. Id. I. T. 1203. 0tU'8' et,. 'lTOl'YJ<TOv; do you know how you must act? SOPH. 0. T. 543. (Compare EuR. Cyc. 131, oicrfJ' ovv il fipaU'os; do you krww what yo1i a1e to do?) The English may use a relative with the imperative, as in which do at your peril. See HDT. i. 89, KanU'ov <f>vA.aKovs, oi' >..ey6vTwv 6Js &.vayKa{ws lxet. So SoPH. 0. C. 4 73. A peculiar interrogative imperative is found in JI-TJ ~~~O"Tw; is it not to be allowed? PLAT. Polit. 295 E; and J:7ravEpwTw d Kda-fJw, I ask whethm it is to stand, Id. Leg. 800 E. (See 291.)

ofLOt

254. The imperative Rometimes expresses a mere assumption, where something is supposed to be true for argument's sake.. E.g. IIA.ovTet TE yap Ka7.' oiKov, el {301!Aet, fLEya, Kal (~ nlpavvov (J'xq;J xwv, i.e. grant that you an rich and liw in tyrant's state (lit. be rich, etc.) SOPH. Ant. 1168. IIpoO"Et71'<ITW nva </>tAtKWS 0 TE apxwv Kat lotWT'Y)>, suppose that both the ruler and the private m.an address one in a friendly way. XEN. Hier. viii. 3.

FIRST PERSON OF SUBJUNCTIVE AS IMPERATIVE.

255. The want of a first person in the imperative is supplied

1 See Postgate in Transactions qf the Cambridge Philological Society, Ill. 1, pp. 50-55.

88

IMPERATIVE AKD SUBJUNCTIVE

[256

by the first person of the subjunctive, which expresses both positive and negative exhortations and appeals (the negative with JL~). ''Ay<, aym, El o' fly., cpep, ret, oevpo, and OeV'T (251) may precede this subjunctive; .so sometimes a, pe1'1nit, let.

VEWJ1-o8a, r6v8e o' f.wp,ev, let us sail homeward with OU?' ships, and leave hirn. Il. ii. 236. 'AA.X aye P,t]KETL Tavra A.eywveea, but come, let us no longe?' talk thus. IL xiii. 292; so ii. 435. 'AAX aye 01J Kai VWt p,e8wp,8a eovptOOS aAK~S' 11. iv. 418. El 8' flyer' av<f>t 1T'OAW <TVV revxe<Tt 1T'Hp1)8WJLev. Il. xxii. 381; so 392. ihvTe, cp[Aot, r6v ~eZvov f.pwp,e8a. Od. vi1i. 133. M1) 81) 1T'W A.vwp,eea t?T?Tovs, aA.X 16vns II<hpoKAOJI KAa[wfheJJ, Il. xxiii. 7. 'A.\X d OOKeZ, 1T'AEWJLev, 6pfLau-Bw raxv>. SoPH. Ph. 526. 'E1T'<TxeroJI, p,a(Jwp,!1, Ib. 539. <Pf.pe o~ ow?T<pavwfl'<JI A.6yovs. Euu.And. 333. 6.evp6 0'01.1 O'TEfw Kapa. Id. Baccb. 341. 'E?T<Tx<>, f.p,(3aA.wp,ev ds aAAov 'A6yov. Id. El. 962. IIapWJLEV TE ol'Jv W0'1T'EfJ KvpoS' KeAdJEl, a(]"KWfJ>Ev Te o.' il>v JhaAt<TTa OlJliYJ(]"OjJ>eea KaTEXEll' & oeZ, 7Tapf.xwp,v TE ~p,as aVT01JS, K.T.A. XEN. Cyr. viii. l, 5. M~ 1T'OT cpwp,V EVEKa rovTwv p,ryof.v J1-a'AA.6v 1T'OTE fvx~v J.1T'6A.A.w&at. PLA1'. Rep. 610 B. ''Ea 01) vvv f.v <Tot <TKefwluea. Id. Soph. 239 B.

256. The first person plural is most common, and generally expresses an exhortation of the speaker to others to join him in doing or in not doing some act. E.g. "IwfJ-ev, let us go; f1-1J EwJLev, let us not go. 0 l'Kao 1T'ep <n'w Vt]V(]"i

257. TlJe less common first person singular is, in affirmative exhortations, g~merally preceded by a word like &ye, etc. (251 ), or by some other command, and the speaker appeals to himself to do something or to others' for permission to do it. In negative appeals with v!J the first person singula,r is rare and poetic; the speaker may call on others to avert some evil from himself, or he may utter a threat or a warning. E.g.
'AA.'K &ye 01J Ta XP1JfLai' apl,()fh~<TW Kat Eowfhat, come, let me count the things and see. Od. xiii. 215. 'AA.A' aye&' VfJ-CV rn!xl JvdKW &wpt'fxe~vat. Od. xxii. 139. 8a7T'TE /Le OTT! raxo<TTa, 7T1JAas 'A[oao 1T'<p~<Tw, buTy me as quickly as possible; let rne pass the grttes of Hades. Il. xxiii. 71. 'AAA.' aye JIVJI E7TfhHJIOJI, J.p1]ta TEVXEU 8v w. Il. vi. 340. <Ppe aKov<Tw, corne, let me hea1. HDT. i. 11. l:Zya, 1T'voas fhaew cpp< 1T'p6s ovs (3a'Aw. Euu. H. F. 1059. 'Ih<Txer', av81)v rwJI e<Tweev iKp,aew. Id. Hipp. 567. Af.y< 81), Zow. PLAT. Rep.
457

c.

M~ <Te, yepov, KoA'(I<TtV Jyw 1T'apa v17 v<Tt K'x dw, let me not find you at the shi]'IS! Il. i. 26. M~ <Tev d.Kov<Tw dxop,f:vov. Il. xxi. 475. 'AA.A.a "'' E/( ye T~O'OE ylj> ?Top&fJ-EVO'OV ws raxtO'Ta, p,~o avTOV 8avw.

SOPH. Tr. 801.

'"D t<Zvot, fJ>1J 80T' a0lKt]8W. Id. 0. C. 174.

V~'

258. In the first person (255-257) botl1 present and aorist sub-

junctive are used with

the distinction of 259 applying only to the

260]

IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN PROHIBITIONS

89

second and third persons. In affirmative exhortations the second and third persons of the ~ubjuJJctive are not regularly used, the imperative being tl1e only recognised form. But in SoPH. Ph. 300, <j;f:p, iJj TEK!'OV, vvv Kal T~ r-qs v1jO'ov 11-a8vs (if the text is sound), the positive 11-U.()y]> Heems strangely to follow the analogy of the negative fL~ JLU.8vs. Nauck reads JLaf)E here. Stee also T~ fa<j;tO'fW. dvaTE81j. in an inscription quoted in .Appendix I. p. 385.
Il\fPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN PROHIBITIONS.

259. In prohibitions, in the second and third persons, the present imperative or the aorist suLjunctive is used with 11-n and its compounds. The distinction of tense here is solely the ordinary distinction lJetween the present and aorist (8 7), and has 110 reference to the moods. E.g.
M1] 1roEt rovro, do not do this (habitually), or do not go on doing this (or stop doing this); fL'l 1rat1)uvs rovro, (simply) do 1wt do this. 'E~av8a., fL'l KV8 vo<p, Zva d8oJLEV &JL<f>w. I!. i. 363. 'ArpE8ry, fL'l fd8/ E7rt(J"TafL!10S ua<f;a Z1rEZv. Il. iv. 404. 'ApyEZot, JL0 7r(O Tt 1u8fETE 8ovpt8os dAK'J'> ll. iv. 234. Elmi fLOI dpoJLEVI.f! VYJfLEprf:a, p.')8' i7rtKVUTJ> Od. XV. 263. ''Ho') vvv u<f 7rat0t ~7r0S <f;ao, fL')0' i7r{KEvBE (compare the last example). Od. xvi. 168. T<f vvv 11-~ 11-ot 2aAA.ov v li.>..ycut Bv/1-0V optvn> Il. xxiv. 568. See n. xxiv. 778. Q\1~ 8>] fLE i!>..wp Llavaoi:utv EaO'))'> KEZ(r8at. Il. v. 684. KAvBt !1-1)8 !1-EY>lPrJ'> Ocl. iii. 55. l\1,) 7r'WS av8paut 8v0'!1-EVE0'(J"tV EAwp Kat Kl!p/1-a yev>JU(}E, do not become prey and spoil to hostile men. I!. v. 487. M,i 7rOT d7r~ 7raO'aV oAEO'O'TJS dyAatryv. Orl. xix. 81. 'YttE'S 8 rfj yij rij8E 11-~ (3apvv Korov ulo)f1Ju8E, 11-'l 8vfLovu8E, 11-'78' dKap1rav TEV~1JTE. .AESCH. Eum. 800. ''Ov 11-'Jr' OKVELTE, fL~T' d<j;,)r' e1ros KaKov. SoPH. 0. 0. 731. l\11) B~u8E v6fLov 01J8f:va, dAAct Tov~ (3Aa7rrovras VfLaS Avuan. DEM. iii. l 0. (Here 80'8E would not be allowed; but AvO'arE, an affirmative command, is regular.) M~ Karct rovs VOfLOVS OtKaU1)T' fL~ (3o1)81)U1JT ri) 7r7rOV8on 8Ewa 11-'J EDopKELT. Id. xxi. 211. M1) 1rp17> 1raZ, 8q8a .AR. Nub. 614. Kal JL1)8ds v1roAaf3TJ fLE (3ovAEu8at J\.a(}EZv. Isoc. v. 93. Kai JLry8els olEu8w Jl dyvoeZv. Id. iv. 7 3.

260. The third person of the aorist imperative is sometimes used with 1-'-~ in prohibitions ; but the second person with fL~ is very rare and only poetic. E.g. :M,78' ~ (3a <rE 01JOafLW> vtK1J<rarw. SOPH. Aj. 1334. M1Jof: uot JLEA1Juarw. AESCH. Prom. 332; so 1002. Kai JL'18ds VfLWV 7rpou8oK1JUaTw aAAws. PLAT .Ap. 17 c. TiJ fL~ fLOt 1rarpas r.o8' OfJ-O[TJ i!v()EO TtfLV I!. iv. 410; see Od. xxiv. 248. M~ 1rw Kara8vueo 11-wAov "Ap1)oS. Il. xviii. 134. M~ tfEV<TOv, .(Jj ZEv, fL''l JL' EATJS UVEV oopos in SoPH. Peleus, Frag. 450, is parodied in .AR. Thes. 870, fL'l fEvuov, iJj ZEv, rqs J1rwvu'ls f.A.1r8os.

90

IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE

[261

INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE WITH p.~ IMPLYING FEAR (HOMERIC).

261. In the following Homeric examples the independent subjunctive with p.~ expresses apprehension, coupled with a desire to avert the object of fear, both ideas being inherent in the construction. The third person is the most common here.
M~ o~ vrjas l.Aw(J't Kal o'llK~n <f>evKra 7rtAwvrat, nwy they not (as I fear they may) seize the ships and make it no longer possible to escape. Il. xvi. 128. M~ 0~ p.ot TEAE(J'W(J't ew~ KaKd. K08m Ovfl-0, may the Gods not bring to pass (as 1 fear they may) bitter woes for my soul. Il. xviii. 8. M~ Tt xoAwc.nf,uEvos ,H~v KaKbV vias 'Axatwv, may he not (as 1 fear he may) in his wrath do anything to harm the sons of the Achaeans. Il ii. 195. "!), ,uot ~yw, p.~ rts fi-Ot i!cpatvv(]'tv MAov aDn &OavaT<tlV, Od. v. 356. M~ 1rl!!s fl'' JK(3alvovra f3ci>..v A[8aKt 1rpor~ 1rerpu Kvp.a p.y dp7rci~av, fJ-EAE>) 8 p.ot l(J'(J'ETat 6pp.0, I fear that SO'fiW great wave may dash 'I1W against a solid roclc, and my effort will (then) be in vain (the expression of fear being merged in an assertion). Od. v. 415. See also Il. xxi. 563 ; Od. v. 467, xvii. 24, xxii. 213. Twv d KEV 1ravrwv dvr~(]'op.Ev, p.~ 7roA{J1rtKpa Kal alvO. (3as &7roT{(]'Eat iAOwv, i.e. 1 fear you may punish their violence only to our bitter grief (and may you not do this). Od. xvi. 255. M0 n KaKbv pegw(J't Kat ~p.eas JgEAci(J'w(J'tv, liA.\wv 8' d<f>tKwp.E8a ya!av, may they not (as I fear) do us so'fiW harm and drive us out, and may we not co'IJW to SO'fiW land of others. Od. xvi. 381. M~ fl-LV E{'W ,u~v tKwp.at lwv; 6 <le p' ovK J.\~(]'L, I fear I may approach him as I come, while he will not pity 'llW, Il. xxii. 122 (see Od. v. 415, above). M~ TOL KarO. 7rUVTa: <f>ciywuv KT~,UCJ.Ta OQ(]'(]'ci,uEvot, (J'D ()~ T'Y)V(]'[T)V 68ov uevs. Od. XV. 12. ' The present subjunctive occurs in Od. xv. 19, fl'~ n </>Ep>)Tat, and in xvi. 8 7, ,u~ p.w KEpTOfJ-EW(]'tV. See also 1rAwvrat in Il. xvi. 128, above. (See 258.) In these exalllples sometimes the fear itself, and sometimes the desire to avert its object, is more prominent.

262. (a) By prefixing oELow or cpo(3ovf1-at to any of the subjunctives with ,u0 in 2 61, we get the full construction with verbs of fearing ; as <ldow p.~ v~as .\W(J't, I fear they may seize the ships, in which p.~ EAW(J't represents an original construction which at first followed odow paratactically-! fear: may they not seize the ships-and afterwards became welded with it as a dependent clause. So if o<;{ow were removed from a sentence like 8E{8w p.0 n 1ra&vo-w, Il. xi. 4 70, we should have an independent clause like those quoted above. See ,u~ &.p.a(]'(]'Tl and oEiow p.~ yevwp.at, Od. v. 467 and 473. (b) In like manner, by prefixing other verbs than those of fearing to such clauses, the original negative final clause with fL~ is developed; as p.axovp.e8a ,u~ v0as EAW(J't, we will .fight that they

264]

INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE WITH f!-~

91

may not seize the ships. Again, if the leading clause were removed from a sentence like aVTOV fL[/Lv' E?rt ?rvpytp, fL0 ?rat8' opif>avtKOV 8~17> X~PTJV TE yvvatKa, remain here on the tower, lest you rnake your child an orphan and your wife a widow, Il. vi. 431, there would remain /L~ . 8~y>, do not malce, or may ym~ not rnalce, in the originally independent form, like the clauses with /L~ in 261. (See 307.)

263. (M~ oi> with the Subjunctive.) The clause with /L~ expressing desire to avert an object of fear, in its original simple form as well as in the developed final coustruction, may refer to a negative object, and express fear that something may not happen. Here fL0 ov is used with the subjunctive, like ne non in Latin. Thus /L~ vqas EAW(TL being may they not seize the ships, /L~ ov vqas
EAWin would be rnay they not jail to seize the ships, implying fear that they may not seize them. Holller has one case of fL?J ov after a verb of fearing : OELOW fL?J oil TLS TOt {nrOCTXTJTat TOOE epyov, Il. X. 39. He has several cases of fLlJ ov in final clauses and one in an object clause (354). 11. i. 2~;--~ VlJ TOt ov xpaLCTfLU (TKq?rTpov Kai CTTEfLfLa 8wZo, is often cited as a case of inuependent ftry ov, meaning bewan le.~t the staff and fillet if the God shall pove of no avail to you. So Del briick (I. p. 119), who nevertheless quotes Il. i. 565, d.\A' aKeovO"a K6,8,JCTO ifL0 8' E?rt7fel8w fLV8tp, fL-1 vv TOt ov xpa[CTfLWO"tV O(}"Ot 8eo lcr' EV '0.\vfL?r<p, as containing a dependent final clause. In the two other cases of p.~ ov with the subjunctive in Homer, Il. xv. 164 (an object clause, see 354), and xxiv. 569 (final), tl1e dependence of the clause with /L~ ov is even more obvious ; and in Il. xxiv. 584 we have in fL~ ovK p!JcratTo the decisive proof that this clause is felt to be dependent in the change froi:n the subjunctive to the optative after a past tense. It is therefore more than doubtful whether fL~ ov xpaiCTfLU in Il. i. 28 is not dependent on fL?l cr Ktxdw in vs. 26. Plato in paraphrasing this passage (Rep. 393 E) takes the clause as final and dependent (see 132). But, whether we have a case of independent fL?J ov with the subjunctive in Homer or not, there can he no doubt tl1at this i~ the original form from which came the dependent final clause with /L~ ov.

264. After Homer we have the independent clause with /L~ in Aeschylus, Ag. liLt and 341 ; in Euripides we have independent p.~ in Ale. 315 (fL~ crovs 8ta<f>8dpYJ "fUfLOVS), Orest. 776 0~ .\0.(3wcrt ,r aCTfLEVot), H. F. 1399 (aifLa fL?J CTOts igo,Lop~wp.at 7fE7fAOtS), and fL~ ov in Tro. 982 (fL?J ov 1rd0"17'> croif>ovs), besides Rhes. 115 (01) ov fLOAvs). Aristophanes, Eccl. 795, has a doubtful p.~ ov Aa(3y> (Heindorf and Meineke, for Mss. .\a(Jots). Besides th(se few cases, we have in Plato three of !LfJ with the subjunctive implying apprehension in the Homeric sense (261): Euthyd. 272 C {fL1) ovv ns ovdlcrv), Symp. 193 B (p.~ fLOt V7fOAaf3v), Leg. 861 E (fL'1 Tt<; ol?JTat). Euripides and Herodotus are the fi1st after Homer to use /L~ ov in dependent clauses of fear (306).

92

SUBJUNCTIVE AND INDICATIVE WITH ft~ AND ft~

ov

[265

SUBJUNCTIVE WITH f<~ AND

fi'1l

oil IN CAUTIOUS ASSERTIONS.

too rude a thing to tell. Gorg. 462 E. M0 ti.>s cA.,/Bws Tavm r.rKfpf<aTa -rwv p'fo[w; dr.oKnvvVvTwv, I s;;,spect these nwy JWove to be considerations for those, etc. Crit. 48 c. M 'l <Pa.vAOJI !i Kal ov Ka8' o06v, I think it will be bad and not in the 1ight W(ty (i.e. f<1J ov {i). Crat. 425 B. 'AA.Aa. 1-"'l ovx o1hws EX[), J.U.' O.vu.yKctwv fj d86Ta -rBEr.r8at (i.e. ~J-0 iJ). Crat. 4:l6 B. 'AA.A.a f.OJ ov Tovr' i) xaA.Er.~v, BJ.JI<LTOJI JK<PvyEI:v, but I suspect this may not be the hnrd thing, to escape death. Ap. 39 A. 'Hf<tV 1-"1 ov8v aA.A.o (TK1rTEOIJ -a, I arn inclined to tln:nlc we have nothing else to eonsider. Cl'it. 48 C. l\;f ?J ov OEYJ inroA.oyCwBat, I think there will be no need of taking into acco1mt, etc. Crit. 48 D. l\1?) ovK i'i btOaKTOV ap<T~, it will p?obably turn out that virtue is not a thing to be taught. Men. 94 E. 'AA.A.d. fi-?J oi>x oVTot ~f<Ets iJJf<Ev, but I think we shall not prove to be of this lcind. Symp. 194 C. 1 See also Aristotle, Eth. x. 2, 4, 00 m)8~v A.eywr.rtv (v. l. A.yovr.rtv), there' can hardly be anything in what they say. (See 269.) In DEM. i. 26 we have 1-"~ "-av r.tKpOv Elr.Ei:v iJ, I am afraid it mny be too lwrsh a thing to say. The present subjunctive here, as in dependent clauses of fear (92), may refer to what may pTove true.

265. In Herodotus v. 7 9 we have dA.A.a f<O.A.A.ov 1-"~ oil -rovTo y f<av~wv, but I suspect rather that this may pmvt not to be the meaning of the OTacle. This is the first example of a construction, very common in Plato, used also by Aristotle, and found once in Demosthenes, in which 1-"~ with the subjunctive expresses a suspicion that something may be (or may prm;e to be) true, and p.~ ov with the subjunctive a suspicion that something rnay not be true ; the former amounting to a cautious assertion, the latter to a cautious negation. Examples from Plato are : Ml) dypotK6upov !f -r6 dA.qBs <ir.ELI', I am afmid the t?uth may be
-.6

266. In these cautious assertions and negations, although no desire of the speaker to avert an object of fear is implied, there is always a tacit allusion to such a desire on the part of some person who is addressed or referred to, or else an ironical pretence of such a desire of the speaker himself.

267. The subjunctive with 1-"!J in this sense is sometimes found in dependent clauses. E.g.
"Opa. f<?J ilA.A.o Tt -.6 yEvvaZov Ka.l -ro dyaBov !f -rov r.r~(nv Ka~ r.r.f(<a-Bat, see to it lest (it prove true that) these may be different things, etc. PLAT. Gorg. 512 D. The common translation, see whether they may

1 Other examples in Plato are Pl1aed. 67 B, 69 A ; Theaet. 188 D ; Crat. 429 C, 432 A, 432 B, 435 C, 438 G, 440 C ; Men. 89 C, 94 B ; Lys. 209 A, 219 D, 220 A ; Symp. 214 C; Parm. 130 D, 132 B, 134 E, 136 D ; Leg. 635 E; 'l'he<tg. 122 B; Amat. 137 B. See Weber (pp. 191, 192), who gives these example" in Plato, with HDT. v. 79 and DBM. i. 26, as the only cases of indepeudent I"TJ or !"1J ou in this peculiar sense before Aristotle.

270]

SUBJUNCTIVE AND INDICATIVE WITH

f"n AND f"~

ov

93

not be different, gives the general sense, but not the construction, which is simply that of p~ &A.A.o n V(265) transferred to a dependent clause, . 268. In a few cases Plato has p~ with the subjunctive in a cautious question with a negative answer implied. As pry &A.A.o n fJ TovTo means this rnay possibly be SO?JU!thing else, so the question p.ry aA.Ao T f; Tovro / means can this possibly be something else ? The four examples given by Weber are:M~ n O.A.A.o 'll'apa ravra; can there be any other besides these? Rep. 603 c. '!' Apa pry aA.A.o Tt iJ 8avaros ~ TOVTO / is it possible that death can ]Jrove to be amything b'Ut this ? Phaed. 64 c. So p~ Tl aA.A.o f; ~. K.T.A..; Parm. 16:3 D. 'A.Ua pry ip1) 11'eptepya f; KaL TO ipwr~a-al rre 7rEpt roDrov ; but can it be that even asking yo1; about this is inquisitiveness on my purt? Sisyph. 387 C (this can be understood positively, it muy be thut it is, etc.). In XEN. Mem. iv. 2, 12, the same interrogative construction occurs with /LTJ ov: p?J O'OV ov (!1!vwpat iytiJ TU T~S OtKawrrvV?JS iipya igY)y~rrarr8a t ; do you suspect that I shall be unable to expluin the wo1lcs of Justice? , In PLAT. Phil. 12 D we have 'li'WS yap ~oov~ ye ~ooviJ p.ry ovx 6p.ot6TaTov l!.v dYJ; for how could 01U! pleasure help being most like another? Here et1j av takes the place of fj, and 'li'WS shows that the original force of p.~ is forgotten.

INDICATIVE WITH /L?J AND

P'l

oiJ IN CAUTIOUS ASSERTIONS.

/L~ or ov may express a similar cautious assertion or suspicion about a present or past act. As <foof3ov/Lat P-?7 1rarrxet (or E'll'a(hv) means I fear that he is suffering (or suffered), so P-0 'll'aO'xn or P-0 E'll'a8<v may me~tn I suspect he is SU;fjering or I suspect he suffered, and P-0 ov 'll'(lfTXEL or p.ry oiJK E'll'a8<1' may mean I suspect he does not (or did not) suffer. (Of. :265.) E.g. J\1 ?J yap 'TOVTO /LE v, T~ (~v 61I'O(TOVOYJ xp6vov, r6v ye WS dAYJ8ws avopa Jarov JfTTt KO.L Ol> </>tAofvXYJTEOV (i.e. Kat P.'l 0~ </>tA.), joT I am of the opinion tlwt this, mRTely living jo1 a ce1tain time, is what one who is truly a man should disngard, and that he should not be fond of life. PLAT. Gorg. 512 D. (This }Jassage is often strangely emenJ.ed and explained.) 'AA.X apa P.'l ov TOWVTYJV vr.oA.ap.f3dvets O'OV T0v /La81Jrrtv iirreO'Bat, I suspect that you do not think your leurning v:ill be like this. Id. Prot. 312 A. 'AA.A.a tL?J TovTo ov KaA.ws w/LoAo'Y~rra/LEV, but perhaps we did not do well in assenting to this. Id. Men. 89 C. (This may be interrogative (268) : can it be that we did not do well, etc. ?) So Al'istotle, Eth. X. l, 3, tL!J 'li'OT o ov KaAWS AyeTat, but it rnay be that this is not well said : compare x. 2, 4, quoted in 265. 270. Apart from independent sentences with P-0 oiJ (263-26 9), this double negative occurs chiefly in ordinary clauses after verbs of fearing where the object of fear is negative (305 ; 365).

269. The present or past tenses of the indicative with

P-0

94

' 0?rro~ AND 5?rro~ /-'~ WITH FUTURE INDICATIVE, ETC. (271

"0?rro~ AND g?TCil<; /-'~ WITH THE INDEPENDENT

FUTURE INDICATIVE, ETC.
~1rws or with the future indicative to express either a positive exhortation or command or a prohibition. Thus o1rws rovro pf.ts, see that you say this, is a familiar way of saying el1r~ rovro. So 81rws P.0 roiYro EpEts is equivalent to P.0 rovro Er7TI/'> This expression was probably suggested and certainly encouraged by the common Attic construction of o1rws and the future after verbs of striving, taking care, etc. (339); so that it is common to explain this form by an ellipsis of CTK67TEt in CTK61rn o1rws Tovro Epli:s, see to it that you say this. But we may doubt whether any definite leading verb was ever in mind when these familiar exhortations were used (see 27 3).

271. The Athenians developed a colloquial use of

~ws p.~

272. The earliest example is AESCH. Prom. 68, o1rws p.~ CTavrov olKnf.'i:<; 7rOTf., beware lest at some time you may have yourself to pity, which conveys a warning, like p.~ CTE Ktxelw, Il. i. 26. In AESCH. Ag. 600, we have the first person singular with o1rw<; (used like the subjunctive in 257): 07TW<; 0' f1ptCTTa r6v ~p.{)v alooi:ov 7r6CT!V CT7Tf.-6CTW OE~aCTf1at (not mentioned by Weber). In Sophocles there is only one ea~e, 0. T. 1518, yq> p! o1rws 7rf.p.tf;f.tS &.7rotKov, send me forth an exile from the land (like 1rf.p.tf;ov p.E). Five examples in Euripides are simple exhortations, as &,A.,\' o1rws &v~p ~CTH, but see that you are a man, Cycl. 595; so also Cycl. 630, H. F. 504, I. T. 321, Or. 1060 (with doubtful construction): one conveys a w.arning, Bacch. 367, llE:v(kils 8' o1rws p,~ 1rf.v8os dCTo {CTH 86p.ots rot'> CTotCTt, beware lest Pentheus bring sorrow (1rf.veos) into your house.

273. We find the greater part of the examples of 271 in the colloquial language of Aristophanes,l who often uses the imperati,,e an<l o1rw<; with the future as equivalent constructions in the same sentence. E.g. KanfBov CTD -rii CTKf.VYJ raxf.ws, x07rwS ipe'i:s JvTavBa p.ryo~v tfevoos, put down the paclcs qniclcly, and tell no lies here. Ran. 627.
'AA.A' p.(3a x&J1rws ape 'is n)v 'iwmpav. lb. 377. See also Eq. 453, 495, Eccl. 952, Ach. 955. ~i!v oDv o1rws CTWCTH> p.~, so now save me. Nub. 1177. ''01rws 1rapeCTo p,ot Ka2 CTV Ka1 ra 1Tat8a, be on hand, you and your children (an invitation). Av. 131. "Aye vvv o1TW> eVfif.ws v<j>ap7rrfCTE<. Nub. 489. 274. (Examples from Prose.) o7rWS oiiv ~(Tf./j ()e avope; a~W! r{js EAev8epas, pmve younelves men worthy of freedom. XEN. Ait. i. 7, 3.
1

See Weber, pp. 85, 95, 113,124, for the history ofthis usage. Weber cites 41

examples from Aristophaues, besides Ach. 343; 18 from Plato, whose extra-

ordinary use of the independent sentence with J.L-IJ has been noticed ; 7 from Xenophon, 9 from Demosthenes, 2 from Lysias, aud one from lsaens.

280] ' 07rroc;- AND 57rroc;- #~ WITH FUTURE INDICATIVE, ETC.

1
A , ,. .,.

95

o1TWS }LOt, .. aY Bpw1T, (J!') EpH S OTt (TTt Ta OWOEKa OLS E> see that you, , , ,
(JJ

do not tell rM that twice six a1e twelve. PLAT. Rep. 337 B: so 336 D. if!f.pE o~ o1rws JLEJLVYJiTOJLEBa TaVTa. Id. Gorg. 495 D. q0'11"ws '}', /J.v n TOVTWV y[yvryTaL, TOVTovs ~1TatVEiTE!T8E Kat Tt}L~iTET Kat iTTE</>avd:JiTETE, ~JLE o JL~ Kat JLEVTOt Kctv Tt TWV ~vavTwv, o7rws TOVTots 6pyHtiT()E, DEM. xix. 45. ''07rws To[vvv 7r~pi Tov 1TOAEJLOV JLYJOEv ~p<'is, see therefore that you say nothing about the war. lb. 94. One case occurs in Herodotus in iii. 142. (See also 280, below.)

275. Althongh the st>cond person is naturally most common in these expressions, the first and third persons also occur. E.g. ''OJrws o To ITVJLf3oA.oJ' A.af3ovTEs E7THTa 1T A1]iToF Ka() Eo o 1! JL E()a. AR. Eccl. 297. Orp.ot T<tAas, 6 ZEVS chrws JL~ / tnf;Ta ., don't let Zeus see me! Tel. Av. 1494. Ka2 07rws, i/JiT7rp ipwTwiTt 7rpo8vJLws, oVTw Kat 1Totdv JBcA.lj~ToviTLV. Dmr. viii. 38. (See also 278.) 276. ''AyE and </>ep< (251) sometimes introduce this construction. See examples above (2 73 and 27 4). 277. In a few cases the prol1ibition with 07rWS p.~ takes the form of a warning. Besides AESCH. Prom. 68 alld EuR. Bacch. 367, quoted above, see XEN. Cyr. i. :3, lli, OJT"WS ovv fL~ d7roAcl' p.ar.rTL')'OlJfLEvos, look out that you are not flogged to death. So PLAT. Prot. 313 C, quoted in 283. 278. ''07rws p.lj with the future indicative or the subjunctive sometimes occurs in independent sentences implying a desire to avert something that is not desired, like fLfJ with the subjunctive in Homer and sometimes in Attic Greek (261; 264). E.g. ''01TWS fL?J al!Txpol p.f.v </>aFovp.EBa a!TeEIIEtS of. EiTOp.EBa, let us not appem base and be weak (as I fea? we may). XEN. Cyr. iv. 2, 39. "01rws tJ-?J dvayK<i~Twp.<F (so most Mss.) a,}Tovs, Kllv 11-0 f3ovAwnat,. dya.8o1s '}'El'E!T&at, the1e is danger of our compelling them to becorM bmve, even against their will. lb. iv. 1, 16. Ka2 01TWS 'Y' f143 TO xwpov ?JGEWS opW(TlJI vea l<aTEI<aVOV ~fLWV TOVS iTVP,fLaxovs, and let us not
allow them even to enjoy the sight of the place where they slew our allies. lb. v. 4, 21. "Or.o;s /;,?] <PfJr.rv ns ?JfLUS ~8vJra8eZv, take ca1e lest any one say of us, etc. Id. Symp. iv. 8. 'AA.A.' 07rWS fJ-?J o1\x oios T, E!Top.at, '11"poevp.ovp.VOS of. yf.AwTa 6 <P A fJ (TW, but I am afraid that I shall not have the power, but tliat in my zeal I shall make myself ridiculous. FLAT. Rep. 506 D. So Men. 77 A.

279. These cases (278) are analogous to those of 07rwS p.lj with the future indicative or the subjunctive after verbs of fearing, in place of the simple p.lj (:370). They are also a connecting link between the subjunctive with p.~ in prohibitio11s and the rare future indicative with p.~ in the same sense ; as TaVTYJV </>vAa~<T T0v 1r1Tnl', Kat tJ-?J f3 0 V A~ (T E (TeE dof.vaG, hold fast to this security, and do 1Wt wish to k?ww, etc., DEM. xxiii. 117 (see other examples in 70). 280. In a few cases o1rw; p.~ with the subjunctive expresses a cautious assertion, where the simple p.lj is generally used (265). E.g.

96

''07rW>

AND

C57rro>

fo~ WITH FUTURE INDICATIVE, ETC.

[281

Kai 01rws p,~ iv p,~v TOtS (wypa<f>~p,a<rw TovTo, and it may be that this will prove true in the case of pictures. PLAT. Crat. 430 D. Weber (p. 264) quotes HDT. vi. 85 for this sense : OKws e~ v<rT~PTJS p,~ n r. "' )\ ,.. I' 1'\ \ ' \ I ' ~I'\ vp,w, TJV TavTa 7rOT]<TTJTE, 7raVWII.E () pov KaKov ES TTJV XWPTJV Ep,,..,a~tw<rt, it is 1wt 'llnlikely that they will turn about and bring some fatal harm on your country; but this can be understood like the examples in 278.

281. 'fls &v <rKo7ro2 vvv fJ T E Twv dpTJp,~vwv, mind now and guard what I have said (i.e. be watchful to do it), SoPH. Ant. 215, must be brought under this head (271). In the early stage of the Attic construction of 01rws with the future, of which only two cases occur in Aeschylus and one in Sophocles (272), ws &v flu was here used like o1rws E<r<<r8E. Compare E7rtp,EAEf:u8at ws &v 1rpax81], XEN. Hipp. ix.. 2 (see 351). 282. In AR. Ach. 343 is the single case of 01rws p,~ witl1 a present tense, expressing a suspicion and apprehension concerning a present 1 \ \! " I ' I{.J ' I() ground 0 f f'ear; a11.11. 01T"WS fTJ I V TOS TP/"<O<TV EyKa 7JVTaI 7r0V A.leot, but I am afraid they 1ww have stones hidden somewhere in their cloaks. This bears the same relation to the common owws p,~ with the future (272) that <f>o{1ovp,at f~ wduxov<rtv, I fear that they are sujfe1ing (369, 1), bears to <f>of3ovp,at p,~ wduxwutv, I fear that they rnay suffer (365) ; a11Cl the same that p,~ TovTo eaTeol' e<rTt (269) bears to f~ <TKE7rTEOV V(265). 283. Positive independent sentences with fhrws all have the future indicative, the regular form in dependent object clauses of this nature (339). Among the 33 independent clauses with 01rws p,~ which are cited (excluding An. Ach. 343) ten have the subjunctive, and four others have more or less Ms. support for the subjunctive. Of the ten, the two quoted in 280, aHd the three from Xenophon quoted in 278, are either in cautious assertions or in sentences implying fear or the averting of danger, where the subjunctive is the regular form. The other five express warning, and are quoted here : q07rwS o~ TovTo p,~ otod~vs p,YJoiva, but be sun that you teach this to nobody. AR. Nub. 824. Kai 01T"W<; YE p,i) 0 <ro<f>t<rTry<; e~a7raT'IJ(TYI ~pas, and do not let the sophist cheat us. PLAT. Prot. 313 C. 'AA.A.' 01rws p,~ n 1)p,a> u<f>~"Av To d<l TovTo. Id. Euthyd. 296 A. "07rws p,7Jo<s iH 1r [(]'y), do 1wt let anybody persuade you, etc. Id. Charm. 157 B. Kal 07rW'> f1J 77'0/.~<TYJT 8 7rOAAdKS vp,as f3A.w.fEv, and see that you do 1wt do what has often ha1rned you. DEM. iv. 20. Four of these subjunctives are of the <r- class, easily confounded with the future indicative, and the judgment of scholars on these has depended to a great extent upon their opinion about the admissibility of the subjunctive with 07rWS and 07rW'). f~ in dependent object clauses (339). This question will be discussed in 364. But it may fairly be claimed, independently of the main question, that these cases of owws p,~ with the subjunctive in prohibitions are supported by the analogy of p,fJ with the subjunctive in the same sense. Thus JL~ otod~'[}>, do 1wt teach, makes o1rws p,ry fMd~vs in the same sense much more

285]

HOMERIC SUBJUNCTIVE

97

natural than the positive 07rWS 8dM.glls would be, for which there is no such analogy and little or no Ms. authority. On this ground the examples are given above as they stand in the Mss.

SECTION III.

Subjunctive, like the Future Indicative, in Independent Sentences.-Interrogative Subjunctive.

HoMERIC SuBJUNCTIVE.

284. In the Homeric language the subjunctive (generally the aorist) may be used in independent sentences, with the force of a future indicative. The negative is E.g.

ov.

Oti yap 7T"W To[ovs i:8ov

av~pa<;

otio U>wp.a t, for I never yet saw nor

shall I ever see such nUJn. Il. i. 262. 'Yp.Zv iv 7raVTuut 7rpu<.Avrd. owp 6 v o p. ~ v w, I will enumemte the gifts before you all. Il. ix. 121. 11-6tJop.at is 'A[8ao Kat iv VK1)uut <j>advw, I will descend to Hades and shine among tlUJ dead (said by the Sun). Od. xii. 383. (Here the future 8-6tJop.at and the subjunctive rpadvw do not differ in force.) 1\iv~uop.at o-&8 A.af)wp.at 'Am5A.A.wvos EKarow, I will renwmbm and will not forget the far-shooting Apollo. Hymn. Ap. 1. A-&rov oi 86.varov p.r;rttJop.at, ov8~ V11 TOY yvwro[ Tf yvwra Tf 7r11pos AAaxwut 8avovra, i.e. they shall not give his dead body the honour of a funeral pyre. Il. XV. 349. El o K T8vr;wros aKOVtJW, ufwa rf: oi X fVW Kat E7rt Krpm KTpdgw, I will 1aise a mound f01 him, and pay him funeral honours. Od. ii. 222. Ov yap Ts fL (317 Y JK<iJv dKovra Otr;Tat. Il. vii. 197. Ka1 1ror n<; t7r1JUtv, and sorne 01w will say. Il. vi. 459. (ln vs. 462, referring to the smne thing, we have Cf>s 1ror TtS EPEft.) OvK Err8' OVTO<; av~p ovo' f(]"(]"ETat ovo Y~JJr;Tat, os Kv Tr;Aep.ax~.p u~ v1t Xtpas E7ro[ut. Od. xvi. 437. 0-68 p.tv dvur~ns 7rptv Kat KaKoV aAAo 7rU81wea, nor will you bring him back to life; sooner will you suffer sonUJ new evil besides. Il. xxiv. 551 (the only example of the second person).

"'f

285. This Homeric subjunctive, like the future indicative, is sometimes joined with KE or av in a potential sense. This enabled the earlier language to express an apodosis with a sense between that of the optative with O.v and that of the simple future indicative, which the Attic was unable to do. (See 201 and 452.) E.g. El 0~ KE !'-~ owvuLV, ~y0 o KfV avr6s Hwp.at, but if he does not
give her up, I will talce her myself. Il. i. 324. (Here EAWfta[ K<JJ has a shade of meaning between V ..otp.r;v Kv, I would take, and alpfJuop.a,, I
H

98

INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE

[286

will take, which neither Attic Greek nor English can express. See 235, end.) Ti]v 1'-tv 7fEJ'-tfW, Jyw oe K' O.yw Bpur7J8a, her I 'will send; but I shall talce Briseis. Il. i. 1tl4. Nvv 8' &v 1roAA.a 1rd.8y(]"t <j>.\ov d:rr/i 1ra-rpos Uf'-ap-rwv, but now he must suffer much, etc. Il. xxii. 505. "Hts 1nr<po7rA.y(]"t rcfx' O.v 1ron 8vl'-6v 6..\e(]"crv, by his own insolence he may perchance lose his life. Il. i. 205. 286. In tl1e following cases the subjunctive and the optative with KE or tl.v are contrasted : "AA.A.ov K' Jx8a[p1)(]"t {3porwv, ll.A.A.ov K< <j>d. o-ry, one 'llwrtal he (a king) will hate, and another he may love. Od. iv. 692. Ef -rs (]"E f8otro, avrK' av J~d7fot 'Ayaf'-~fWOJJL, Ka K<V d)!Jf3A.YJcrt> AJJcrws V<Kpo'i:o yev'I)Tat, if any one should see you, he would stmightway tell Agamemnon, and there might (may). be a postponem,ent, etc. IL xxiv. 653. El f"EJJ 01J dvr{3to)J (]"i>JJ nvx<crt 1r<tp7]8ELYJS, Olll< tl.v TOL xpa(]"/"TI(J'L p,;:,, Kat rap<j>EES lo. IL xi. 386. ComJ;are ~JJ x' Bf"LJJ (]"(J.<j>a E t7fW OTE 7rpor<pos )'E 7rv()of"'I)V, (a message) which I will (would) tell you plainly so soon as I shall (should) hea1 it, Od. ii. 43, with )v x' )f"Zv cra<j>a d'7ro' OTE wponpos )' 7rV80tTO, ii. 31,-both referring to the same thing.
INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE.

287. The first person of the subjunctive is used in questions of appeal, where the speaker asks himself or another what he is to do. The negative is fl-1 In Attic Greek this subjunetive is often introdueed by fJovA.H or fJovA.ue, sometimes in poetry by 8eA.t<; or 8hT. E.g.
E i1r w rovro ; Bhall I say th1:s ? or {3otJAEt d1rw rovro ; do you wish that I should say this? M ] rovro 1ro twp-<v (or 7rot~crWfMJJ); shall we not do this? T <<7fw; or r f3ovAE(]"() Et:1rw; what shall I say? or what do you want me to sa.y ? II i7 r' tl.p' Jyw, <j>AE 7'EKJJOJJ, ;: w ; TEV OWJLa8' [Kw fW t; ~ l8vs (]"~<; f"YJTpOs t:w Kat (TOto ODf"OW; whithe1 shall I go? to whose house shall I come ? etc. Oc1. XV. 509. "'H a-Jros K V() w; <f>acrea, o f" 8t>f"OS dvwyH. Od. xxi. 1 ~,4. "'52, Z~il, -r__ A.~~w; ;:or ~PEJ'W~ ~ () w, 1r& TEP; SOPH. 0. C. 310. .!21'-ot <yw, 1ra {3w; 1ra (]"'f'Wj wa KEAcrw; Eun. Hec. 1056. IIoZ -rpa7rWf"at; 7f0t wopevew; lb. 1099. Et7rW Tt rwv Elw86rwv, iS OE(]"7rOTa; shall I make one of the ngular jokes ? An. Rau. l. TJ,a yap f"aprvpa l"d(w 1rap&(]" X Wf"a t; i.e. how shall I b1ing jo1waTd a gnater witness? DE~f. xix. 240. l\11]8', Jv Tt wvwf"at, l!pwf"a' 61r6crov 7fWAEi:; may I not aslc, etc.? l\1,78' dwoKpvwJLai ovv, av r[s f" epwrlj. veos, av dow ; and '!nay I not answer, etc. ? XEN. Mem. i. 2, 36. Mi] dwoKpvwf"at, dA.A.' ETEpov ct:ww; Pr.AT. Rep. 337 B. So l"'l <f>wf"EV; lb. 554 B. Mtcrew(J'WfLE8a OVJJ K~pvKa, ~ avros dvd1rw; lb. 580 B. ME()vovra tl.vopa 1ravv (]"<j>68pa 8~cr8E (]"'Uf"7fOTYJV, ~ a7rwp.EV; will you receive him, or shall we go away? Id. Symp. 212 E. ''Apa 1'-'J alcrxvvewfL<V r6v IIEpcrwv f3a(]"tA.a 1'-'fL+

28~]

INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE

99

a-ar:r8a ~ ; shall we then be asharned to irnitate the king of the Persians ? --we shall not be ashamed; shall we? XE:-~. Oec. iv. 4. Ilov 81} (JovA.o Ka8~C6p.evo~ &va.yvwp.cv; whe1e wilt thou that we sit down and nad? PM.r. Phaedr. 228 E. (So ib. 263 E.) BovA.o oDv E7l'~<rK01T'WfLEV 07/'0l! ~81 TO 8vva.T6v errn; XEN. Mem. iii. 5, l. BovAH A.a(Jwp.a.~ 8qTa K(J,~ 8-yw T[ rrov; SoPH, Phil. 761. BovAerr8' E7l'tt<r7T'Errwp.ev; Eua. Hec. 1042. 8EA.<ts ttdVWJ.tEV avTov K6.va.KOV<rWJ.tV y6wv; So!'H. El. 81. T rro~ eaos 8~/ dKaew; Id. 0. T. 650. 8..\eTe 8YJpa.rrwtte8a 11EV8ws 'Aya.vYJV {tTJTEP K {3a.KXVftUTWV, xap~v T' aJI(J,KT 8wp.ev; EU!t. Bacch. 719. BovA.err8e TO oAov 7/'payp.u dcpwp.ev K<Li ~ tYJTWfLEV; AESCHIN, i. 73. So with KEAEVETE: 'AAAa 7l'WS; Et7l'W KE AEVETE Kai OVK opy~e'i:a-8e; do you cornma.nd rne to speak, and will you not be angry ? DEM. ix. 46. In PLAT. Rep. 372 E, we find el 8' aD (3ovAw8e Ka.i cpA.eyp.a.vovrrav 7!'6A~v 8ewp~<rWj.tV, ov8v 6.7!'oKwAvtt, but if, aoain, you urill have us examine an inflamed state, the1e is nothing to prevent. This shows that (3ovA.err8e is not pareuthetical, but is felt to be the leading verb on which the subjunctive dep~nds (see 288). Iu Phaed. 95 E, .. , ~ "' , ~ , R ,, tva fLYJ Tt O~(J,'t'1!')'1/ YJp.<tS, H, T Tt /"'Ol!I\.H 7l'pO<r 1/S 1) (J,'t'1\.YJS, t 1 SUble junctiVeS may derend on l:va..

e- , '"''

288. El {3ovAerr8e 8ewp1J<rWj.tev, if you wish us to examine, quoted in 287, shows that we have in {301!Aerr8e with the subjnnctive a parata,cis not yet developed into a leading and a dependent clause. It is probable that nothing like this was felt in the simple subjunctive as it is found in Homer. The original interrogative subjunctive is probably the interrogative form corresponding to the subjunctive in exhortations (256) ; ..\Bwp.ev, let us go, becoming A.8wp.ev; shall we go? (See Kiihner, 394, 5.) When {JovAEL and (3ovA.err8e were first introduced in appeals to others, the two questions were doubtless felt to he distinct ; as {3ovA<rr8e; d7rw; do yCYU wish ? shall I speak ?which were gradually welded into one, do you wish that I speal.? Compare in Latin cavejacias,-visne hoc 'Videamus? etc. Ko conjunction couhl be introduced to connect {JovAet or 8AHS to the suhjunctiYe in classic Greek, as these verbs could have only the infinitive ; but in later Greek, where Zva. could be used after 8Aw, the constructiou was developed into 8EAETE l:va. d7rw; do you wi.~h me to speak ? See mJ.vTa o<ra. UJI 8EA7)T tVrL 7l'O~W<r~V l>p.l:v Ot ilv8pw7ro~, whatsoever ye W01tld that men should do unto you, N. '1'. MATTH. vii. 12. So eaw l:va o<{is p.o~ T1JV KecpaATJV 'Iwavvov Tov (3a.7l'TL<rTov. ~I Altc. vi. 25. 'l'hese forms appear in the New Testament side by side with the old construction without Zva ; as T rro~ 8..\ns 7l'O~~rrw; what wilt thou, that I should do unto thee ? with the answer, Zva ava(3A.tj;w, that I rnay receive my sight, Luc. xviii. 41. So (3ovAerr8e ip.l:v d7roAvrrw TOJI (Jarr~A.Ea Twv '1ov8<tLWJ'; loH. xviii. 39. From 8AETE tl'(J, Ei7l'w; comes the modern Greek 8EAETE va Ei7!'w; W?.:ll J/OU that I speak? and probably also the common future 60. d7rw, 1 sh(J,ll speal; (if ()d represents 8,\w va).

100

INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE

[289

289. The third person of the subjunctive is so~r..etimes used in these questions of appeal, but less frequently than the first, and chiefly when a speaker refers to himself by Tis. E.g.
IToTepov (TE ns, Alux[v'f), T~<; 7TOAEWS x8pov ~ Ef-OV eivat <Pii; i.e. shall we call you the city's enemy, or rnine? DEAL xviii. 124. EiTa Tav8' ovTot 7Tetu8wutv iJ?Tep avTwv ue 7Totei'v, Ka1 Ta ~> uf]> 7TOVT)p[as ~pya cp' eavTovs d11ao~w11Tat; i.e. me these men to believe, etc.; and are they to assume, etc. 1 Id. xxii. 64. T ns ei11at TOVTO cpfj; Id. xix. 88. Ilws T[<; Tot 7Td8T)Tat; how can any one obey you? Il. i. 150. 81iyaTEp, ?Tot ns cppo11T[oos EA.Bv; SorH. 0. C. l 70. IIoZ ns oii11 cp{;yy; Id. Aj. 403. IT68ev oii11 ns Ta{;Tl)S lip~T)Ta t p.cix'f}>; PLAT. Phil. 15 D. Ilws oiiv ifT' et?TT/> on uweuTaAp.at KaKoZs; EuR. H. F. 1417, the only case of the second person, is probably corrupt. Dindorf reads &11 ei7Tots. 290. The subjunctiYe is often used in the question T[ ?Tci8w,what will become of rne? or what harm will it do rne? literally, what shall I undergo? E.g. n p.ot Jy&!, T[ ?Tri8w; T[ 11{; p.ot p.~KtuTa yev17Tat; Od. v. 465. SoIl. xi. 404. T ?Ta8w; T 8 opw; T 8 p.0<rwp.at; AE><CH. Sept. 1057. T 7Td.8w TA~p.w11; Id. Pers. 912; AR. Pl. 603. T[ ?Ta8w; T[ o p.~uop.at; o[p.ot. SOPH. Tr. 973. To f-EAAov, l xpry, 7Tetuop.at T[ yap 7T a w; I shall sujeT what is to come, if it must be; for what harm can it do me? EuR. Ph. 895. (The difl"erence between T[ ?Ta8w; and ?Tciuxw in its ordinary use is here seen.) 'l2p.oA.6yT)Ka T[ yap 7Ta8w; PLAT. Euthyd. 302 D. So in the plural, T[ yap 1Ta8wp.e11 p.ry (3ovA.op.e11wv -&p.wv Ttp.wpeH11J HDT. iv. 118.

291. (Negative p.~.) The negative p.~ of the intermgative subjunctive is explained by the origin of the construction (288). If ~A.8wp.e11; shall we go? is the interrogative of ~A.8wp.e11, let us go, then p.~ A.8wp.eJI; shall we not go? is the interrogative of p.1) ifA.8wp.e11, let us not go, and implies (addressed to others) do you wish not to have us go? This is still more evident when (3o{;A.eu8e is lJrefixed to the subjunctive (288). Similar to this interrogative form of the subjunctive of exhortation is the rare interrogative imperative (also negatived by p.~); as &11 o p.eTa TEX11'YJ> ypafas &.cpKrJTat, p.~ ~euTw 01) eTEpa 7TporynJ.Trew; i.e. is he not to be allowed to give otheT orders? PLAT. Polit. 2!J5 E, where p.~ J~euTw; is the interrogative of fi-'J ~euTw, let him uot be allowed, as p.ij eA.8wJ1EV; (above) is that of p.1) V.. 8wp.E11, let us not go. See also the. indirect question in PLAT. Leg. 800 E, E7Ta11epwT<7J mfA.tv, TWV EKp.aydwv Tat<; <il8as el 7rpWT011 EV Tov8' ~f1-G11 apElTK011 K [ (]" w, I ask again, whether first this is to stand approved by us as one of our models for songs. We cannot express such an imperative precisely in English ; and there is the same difficulty with oiu8' o O(laO"ov; etc., in 253. See also wuTE with imperative forms (602).

292. 1. When the future indicative is used in the sense of the

294]

Ou ft~ WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND

FUTURE INDICATIVE

101

interrogative subjunctive (68), it may be negatived by p.fJ; as 1rws ovv p.fjTE lj;dHrop.at cf>avepws; how then shall I escape telling an open lie? (where there is some Ms. authority for lj;e{)(rwp.at), DEM. xix. 320 (see Shilleto's note). 2. A similar use of fJ-fJ is found with the potential optative (with av) in questions, if the idea of pTevention is involved in it; as r{ OVV oB U'KO?rovp.ev mos llv aBTwv p.1) fhap.apTrivotp.ev; why then do we not consideT how we can avoid mistalcing them? (the direct question here would differ little from 1rws fL~ 8 tafloapTri vwp.ev ;). XEN. M em. iii. 1, 10. So ?r<OS av 'TtS Jl-1J 8vp.ii> AEyo t ?rEpt 8ewv; how can one help being excited when he speaks of Gods? PLAT. Leg. 887 C. Sometimes such an optative with p.fJ is in a second clause, preceded by a positive question, so that the harshness of flo1J av with the optative is avoided; as 'T[ av A.yov'TES ELKOS i) av'TOt d?roKvo'i:p.ev i) 7rpus 'TOVS JKe'i: ~vp. p.rix01>S U'KYJ1rTDf1oEVot p.~ f3oYJ8o'ifloev; i.e. what good g1ound can we give joT holding back ouTselves, or what decent excuse can we make to our allies there for withholding ou1 aid from them? THUC. vi. 18. So Tfva av 'Tp07rOV Jyw p.ya ovva[/L')Y Kat f.L1)0efs p.e dotKOLj in what way can I have great power and pnvent any one from doing me wrong? PLAT. Gorg. 510 D. See also Isoc. v. 8, xv. 6. In DEM. xxi. 35, 'lrDTEpa P-~ oii> Ota 'TOV'TO MKYJY 'l fJ-E[(w OO[YJ OtKa[ws; shall he escape punishment for this, OT would he mther deserve a still gTeatm penaUy ?-oo[YJ is used as if Ol.JK ltv oo[J) had preceded (Schaefer inserts Kav). In PLAT. Phaed. 106 D is the singular expression, U'xoA.if yap llv n llA.A.o <f>8opav 11-'J o x o tTo, eZ ye To d8aJ'aTov dtowv <lv <f>8opav 8~eTat, for haTdly can anything else escape j1om admitting destTUction if the imrnoTtal, which is eternal, is to admit it. This (liffer~ from the preceding interrogative examples merely in the substitution of U'xo>..ij, hardly, for 1rws or Ttva Tpo?rov. '

293. As oB cannot be used with the interrogative subjunctive, p.~ here sometimes introduces a question which expects an affirmative answer. See XEN. Mem. i. 2, 36, and PLAT. Rep. :337 B, 554 B, quoted in 287; aud compare XEN. Oec. iv. 4 (ibid.), where a negative answer is expected. In PLAT. Hep. 552 E, we must read p.~ oiwfJ-e8a (not ol6p.e8a, Herm.), shall we 1wt think? as the answer must be affirmative (see Stallbaum's note).

SECTION IV.

Ov ft~ with the Subjunctive and the Future Indicative.

294. The subjunctive and the future indicative are used with the double negative ov p.~ in independent sentences, sometimes expressing a denial, like the future indicative

102

Ov JL~ WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE

[295

with ov, and sometimes a prohibition, like the imperative or subjunctive with p.iry. The compounds of both ov and p,~ can be used here as well as the simple forms.
For a discussion of the origin of this construction, and of the relation of the sentences of denial to those of prohibition, see Appendix II.

295. (Denial.) The subjunctive (usually the aorist), and sometimes the future indicative, with ov p,1) may have the force of an emphatic future with ov. Thus ov p,~ rovro "f~V'Y}Ta~, sometimes ov p,~ 'TOV'To ryEv1)a-E'Ta~, means this su1ely will not happen. E.g.
(Aor. Subj.) Kai Twvo' dKo1~<ras ov n JL?J A'YJcpl:)w o6A.tp, I shall not be caught by any trick. AESCH. Sept. 38. So Sept. 199, Snpp. 228. Ov JL~ 1!"[1:)rrrat,he will not obey. SoPH.Ph.l03. Ov yap <r JL~ yvw<rt. Id. EL 42. Kat ov n JL~ A.axw<rt 'TOVO <rVJLJLcixov. Id. 0. C. 450. Oil'Tot tr' 'Axatwv, oloa, 11-~ ns vj3p[<rrJ. Id. Aj. 560. '0 o' ov 7rap<rnv, ovo JL?J JLO AI! 1l"OTE, but he is ?Wt hm, and he never will come. EuR. H. F. 718. Kov JL~ 1ro8' &A.w. AR. Ach. 662. Twv ~v Kpa'T~<rWJLEV, ov JL~ n> ~JLZV aAAOS <rTpaTdS dvn<r'TU KOT dvl:)pcfJ7rwV. Hnr. vii. 53. So i. 199. Ov JL~ 1roTE f.trj3ci"Aw<rtv. THuc. iv. 95; cf. v. 69. Ov JL-IJ <r Kpvtfw 7rp0S ovnva f3ovAOJLat dcptKE<r8at. XEN. Cyr. vii. 3, 13. '!ls oi 'ApJLEVtO ov JL?J ogwvTa 'TOVS 1l"OAJL[ovs. Ib. iii. 2, 8 (see 296, b). ''Av Ka8c!JJLea atKo,, OVOE7rOT' ovoev ~JLtV ov ,_,~ yev'YJTat Twv o<ovTwv. DEM. iv. 44; so ix. 75. 0-iJT yap y[yvETat OVT yeyovV ovo OVl' JL~ YEV'Y]Tat dA.A.owv 01:Jos 7rp'Os dpET~v,. fo?' there is not, 1wr has there been, nor will the1e eve1 be, etc. PLAT. Rel) 492 E. (Here ovo JL~ yev'Y]Tat seems merely more emphatic than the ordinary OVOE y<V~<rTa t.) (Aor. Subj. 2d PeTS.) Ov yap Tt JLfiA.A.ov JL?J cpvyu> T0 JLop<rtJLov, for you shall none the 1nore escape your fate. AESCH. Sept. 2 81. 'AA.A.' oil 7roT' f.g f.JLo:V y JL~ 1ra fJu s TOO. SoPH. El. 1029. Ov JL?) 1rol f.s T~v l:Kvpov eK'ffA<V<rYJ> lxwv. Id. Ph. 381. 'AA.X oil n JL?J <f>vf''YJTE Aa.tfryp<f 1roo. EuR. Hec. 1039. Kovxl JL?J 1rav<rry<rOE, you will never cease. AR. Lys. 704. (Pns. Subj.) "Hv iap ct7ra~ OlJO ;} Tptwv 'JJL<pwv oo~v d7ro<rXWJLEV, ovKn JL~ OVV'Y]Tat f3a<rtA<vs ~p,as KaTaA.aj3EZv. XEx. An. ii. 2, 12. So ov JL~ O>JVWVTat, Id. Hier. xi. 15. ITp0s TavTa KaKo>)p'}'<t Ked <rVKOcpavT<t, d n ovvaCTat d"AA' ov JL ~ alas T' i)s, but you will not be able. PLA1'. Rep. 341 B. Ov. -yap JL?J ovvaT'Os iJj. Id. Phil. 48 D. In the much-discussed passage, SOPH. 0. c. 1023, aAAOt yap o1 <r7rVOOVTS, oils QV JL?) 1l"OT xwpas cpv-yovns T~<r8' E7rVXWVTat ewt:>,for the?e are others in eager pursuit; and they (the captors) will neve1 (Le in a condition to) be thankful to the Gods for escaping these and getting out of this land, the chief force is in cpvy6vTEs, as if it were ov JL~ cpvyw<r W<r'T E7rVXE<r8at fJEots, the present subjunctive expressing a state of thankfulness.

297]

Ov fUl

WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AKD FUTURE INDICATIVE

103

(Fut. Ind.) Ov rrot p.1) p.8elj;op.n[ ?roTe. SoPH. El. 1052. Oil p.~rrorf. er' EK TWv ~Opd.vwv, W yEpov, liKovT&. 'TtS lf~ t. Id. 0. C. 176; so OVK oDv p.~ 000t7rOp~O'etS, 0. c. 848. Ma TOV 'A7ToAAw ov p.~ rr' Jy<17Tept61j;op.d7TeA8ovT' (i.e. 7Tept61j;op.at a7TeA8ovTa). AR. Ran. 508. Toils 7TOV7Jpoils ov p.~ 7TOTE (3eAT[ovs 7TO t~rreTe. AESCHIN. iii 177.
TO

296. Ov p.~ with the subjunctive or the future indicative can stand in various dependent sentences : (a) Especially in indirect discourse; as ev yiip oto' rracpws OTt Tav8' .. ov p.~ '7TtAa8n. AR. Pac. 1302. So XEN. Cyr. viii. 1, 5, Hell. iv. 2, 3; PLAT. Rep. 499 B. See also THUC. v. 69. We have ov p.q with
the future optative after ~>, representing the future indicative of the direct form, in SoPH. Ph. 611: Tar U.A.A.a 1ravT' J8f.rr1rtrrev, Kat Ta7Tt Tpo[as 7T~pyap.' ~s ov p.~ 7TO'TE 7TEpo-otev et p.~ TOVOE ayotVTO. (The direct discourse was ov p.~ 1roTe ?repo-eTe Jav p.ry Tovoe &.y7]rree.) In a similar construction in XEN. Hell. i. 6, 32, the future indicative is retained after a l)ast tense: el7reV OT! ~ L7TapT7J ov8v fJ.1J KUKtOV 0 tK te i:Tat w'Tov d1ro8avovTos. In EuR. Phoen. 1590, we have the future infinitive of indirect discourse with ov p.~: el7Te Tetperr[as ov p.~ 1rou, o-ov T~VOE y~v OtKOVVTOS, <:D 7Tpa~etv 7T0Atv, representing ov p.~ ev 1rpa~et 1roA.ts. (b) In causal sentences with ~s; as AR. Av. 461: >..ye 8app~<Tas, ~s Tas 0'7Tov8a> ov p.~ 7TpOTepov 7T a p a f3 wp. e v, for we will not break the truce befoTe you have spoken. So XEN. Cyr. iii. 2, 8 (see 295). (c) In consecutive sentences with wrru; as PLAT. Phaedr. 227 D:

OVTWS 7TtT8vp.Y)Ka aKovrrat, wrrT', Jav 7TOtfj TOV 7Tep[7TaTOV Mf.yapaoe, ov p.~ O'OV d1roAetcp8w. In AESCH. Ag. 1640, 'TOV OE p.~ 7ret8avopa. (ev~w f3a.pda.u; oifn r~ rretpacpopov KptewvTa 1rwAoJ1, and I will yolce hirn who is not obedient
under a heavy yoke, (and I will let him run) by no rneans as a wanton colt in t?"aces, ovn p.~ belongs grammatically to (el)~w, though its position makes it affect the following worrls in sense: cf. Ka' p.ryv TO~' EL7TE P.0 1ra.pa yvwp.ryv p.o{, Ag. 931, where the fo!'ce of fL1J falls on the words that follow it. See Paley's note on Ag. 1640 (1618).

297. (Prohibition.) In the dramatic poets, the second person singular of the future indicative (occasionally of the subjunctive) with ov ft~ may express a strong p1oh,ibition. Thus ov ft~ "A-a"A-~O'El~ means you shall not prate, or do not prate, being nearly equivalent to ft~ "A-a"A-Et or t-th "A-a"A-~O'TJ~ .E.g.
"Q ?rat:, T[ 8poe/:s; ov fL0 wap' ox>..<t> TUO YYJPV<Tet, do 1Wt (I beg you) speak out in this way before the people. Eun. Hipp. 213. "Q 8vyanp, ov p.~ fLV8ov 1rl woA.A.ovs pei:s. Id. Supp. l 066. Ov fL1J yvva.tKwv ottA.uv elo-o [rrets A.oyoJI, do not adopt the cowmdly language of wornen. Id. And. 757. Ov fL1J f.~eyepe'is ToJI V7TV'f! KaToxov KdK-

104

Ov p,~ WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE

[298

Ktvf]ut<; Kdvau-rf]uHS rpot-r&oa OLv~v v6uov, 6i TtKvov, do not (Here ov p.f] belongs to three verbs.) T 7rOtE'is; ov p.~ Ka-rafJ~uH, don't come down. AR. Vesp. 397. Ilo'ios Zn)s; OV p.~ )vqpfJuvs. ovo' E(}"Tt ZVS, Zeus indeed! Don't talk nonsense; there isn!t any Zeus. Id. Nub. 367. (Here all Mss. have A:qp~~s. See Nub. 296, quoted in 298; and section 301 below.)
wake him and arouse, etc. SOPH. Tr. 978.

298. A prohibition thus begun by ov p.~ with the future or subjunctive may be continued by p.TJOt with another future form. An affirmative command may be added to the prohibition by a future or an imperative with dA.A& or oE. E.g. Ov p.~ KaA.d:s p:, 6iv8pw<jl, ~KEn-6w, p.TJOE KanpEtS -rovvop.a, do not call to ?ne, I implore you, nor speaJc my name. Au. Ran. 298. 011 /)-~ 7rp0(}"0[(}"tS X'ipa /)-1)0' afH 7rt1TAWV, do not bring your hand neanne nor touch my garments. EuR. Hipp. 606. 011 p.~ 7rpO(}"O[(}"tS X'ipa, f3aKXll(}"ftS o' l&.!v, P.TJO' e~op.6p~H p.wp[av n)v (}"~V ep.o,
do not bring your hand near me; but go and rage, and do not wipe off your folly on me. Id. Bacch. 343. (Here p.TJOE continues the original

prohibition as if there had been no interruption.) Ov /)-~ AaA1J(}"EtS, dA.A.' dKoAov8~(}"tS ep.o[, do not prate, but follow me. Au. Nub. 505. Ov p.~ ow-rptt{Ets, dA.A.a y-6(}"t -r~s 8-6pas, do not delay, but taste of the dom. Id. Ran. 462. Ou p.~ rf>A.vap~(}"HS fixwl', W fE:av8a, J)._)._' dpap.EVOS Ot(}"HS 7rriAW Ta (}"Tpwp.a-ra. lb. 524. Ov p.~ 0V(}"/)-1'~S (}" rf>O... ots, 7r(J.ll(}"ft o Bvp.ov Kai 7rd.AtV u-rp'etj;HS Kd.pa, OE~ft o owpa Kai 7rapatT~(}"ft 7raTp6s, be not inimical to friends, but cease your rage, etc. Euu. Med. 1151. Ov p.~ (}"KWtfTlS /)-l)OE 7rOL~(}"TlS (so all the Mss.) a7rp o1 -rpvyooa[p.ovS OVTot, &A.A.' Urp~p.t, do rwt scoff, nor do what these wretches do; but keep silence! Au. Nub. 296. (Here the imperative is used precisely like the fulmre with dA.Nf or ot in the preceding examples.) The clause with tJ-TJOE is here a continuation of that with ov p.~, ov belonging to both. The future in the clause with dU.d. or of. is like that in 7rd.VTW<; TOVTO op&(}"LS, by all means do this, .AR. Nub. 1352 (see 69). A single o11 p.~ may introduce a prohibition consisting of several futures connected by Ka[, as in SoPH. Tr. 978 (quoted in 297).

299. Sometimes ou with the future indicative in a question implying an affirmative answer (thus equivalent to an exhortation) is followed by p.~ or p.TJOE with the future in a question implying a negative answer (and thus equivalent to a prohibition). Here there is no case of ov p.f]. E.g. Ov (}"ty' dve~H, tJ-TJOE OtA.[av dpd:s; will you not keep silence, and not becmne a cowaTd? SOPH . .Aj. 7 5. (Here /)-~ onA.[av dp'i<;; is an independent question, will you be a coward ?=do not be a coward.) Ov ()fU:r(}"oV oZ(}"Et<;, p.TJO' d7rt(}"T~(}"t<; ep.o; will yon not extend your hand and not distTust rne? Id. Tr. 1183. OvK E'l (}"V -r' orKovs, (}"V n Kp~wv KaTa (}"Teyas, Kal p.~ TO fl-TJOEV ll.A.yos 1> p.ey' or(}"T; Id. 0. T. 637.

302]

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES.-CLASSIFICATION

105

300. All the examples under 297 and 298 are usually printed as interrogative, in accordance with Elmsley's doctrine, stated in his note to EuR. Med. ll20 (ll51) and in the Quarterly Review for June 1812. He explains ov p.~ AaA-l]crw;; as meaning will you not stop p1ating? (lit. will you not not prate?); and when a second clause in the future with p.7JOE or &A.A.ri follows, he extends the interrogative force of oil also to this. But this explanation requires an entirely different theory to account for oil p.-1] in clauses of denial (295), where no question is possible. Moreover, the five examples of the second person of the subjunctive quoted under 295, taken in connection with those in 297 and 298, are sufficient to show the impossibility of separating the two constructions in explanation. One of the examples in 298 (AR. Nub. 296), where the imperative dcp-l]p.n follows in the clause with &,\,\&., seems decisive against the interrogative theory. The examples under 299 are really interrogative ; but they consist l)ractically of an exhortation followed by a prohibition (both being interrogative), and contain no construction with ov fh'll at all. 301. In most modern editions of the classics the subjunctive is not found in the construction of 297; and in many cases the first aorist subjunctive in -crvs has been emended to the future, against the authority of the Mss., in conformity to Dawes's rule. (See 364.) Thus, in AR. Nub. 296 and 367 the Mss. have the subjunctive; and in 296, ov p.~ crKwlfvs could not be changed to ov p.~ crKwfH>, as the future of CTKW"li"TW is crKwfop.at. Elmsley's emendation crKwfet, which is ado1)ted by most editors, requires a greater change than should be made merely to sustain an arbitrary rule, which rests on no apparent principle. If both constructions (295 and 297) are explained on the same principle, there is no longer any reason for objecting ~o the subjunctive with ov p.-1] in prohibitions ; and it seems most probabie tl1at both future indicative and subjunctive were allowed in both con,. structions, but that the subjunctive was more common in clauses of denial, and the future in clauses of prohibition.

SECTION V.

Final and Object Clauses after ''lva, 0cppa, and M~.

1 '

n~. ''071'm~,

CLASSIFICATION.-NEGATIVES.

302. The final particles are tva, oo~, o71'm~, and (in epic and lyric poetry) 6cppa, that, in order that. To these must be added p;ry, lest, which became in use a negative final particle.

106

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[303

303. The clauses which are introduced by these particles, all of which are sometimes called final clauses, may be divided into three classes:A. Pure final clauses, in which the end or purpose of the action of any verb may be expressed; as gPXETat rva TOVTO tov, he is CO?ning that he may see this j a7rJpxETat rva. J.L~ rovro toy, he is departing that he may not see this ; ~A,OEv tva rovro toot, he canw that he ?night see this. Here all the final particles are used, but with different frequency m various classes of writers (see 311-314). . B. Object clauses with o1rwc; or o1rw> J.L~ after verbs of striving, etc. ; as ud1rE o1rwc; "fEV~O"ETat, see that it happens; O"K07rE o7rW') J.L~ ryEv~uErat, see that it does not happen. These clauses express the direct object of the verb of st?iving, etc., so that they may stand in apposition to an object accusative like TOVTO ; as 0"/CO'Tr TOVTO, 07rWS' J.L~ (}" o'tETat, see to this, viz., that he does not see you. They also imply the end or purpose of the action of the leading verb, and to this extent they partake of the nature of final clauses. 0. Clauses with J.L'l after verbs of fearing, etc.; as fjJo(3ovJ.Lai J.L~ rovro ryJv1]mt, I fear that this ?nay happen; fjJo(3~8?J J.L~ ro.Dro ryJvotro, he feancl that th?:s might happen. These clauses have in use become object clauses, though in their origin they are of a very different nature (2 G2 ; 3 0 7). 304. Although the object clauses of class B partake slightly of the nature of final clauses, so that they sometimes allow the same construction (the subjunctive for the future imlicative), still the distinction between chsses A an<l B is very strongly m:trked. An object clause, as we have seen, can stand in apposition to a preceding TovTo; whereas a final clause would stand in apposition to 'TOY'TOV EVKa, as epx<'Tat 'T01J'TOV EVKa, Zva ?j{htV f3oryfJ~O"YJ, he comes for this purpose, viz., that he nu~y assist us. The two can be combined in one sentence; as 0"7rouoatH o1rws 1r AovT~O"H, i'va To1,s cp~Aw;; dj 1r o t r], he is eager to be rich, that he may benefit his
friends.
Care muRt he taken not to mistake the nature of an object clause with o1rws when itH subject is attracted by the leading verb; as o-K67rH T?JV 1r6Aw o1rws o-wfJ?)o-erat for O"K07rt o1rws ~ 1r6Ats a-w&~o-<Tat, see that the city ts saved. So also when an object clause of the active construction becomes a subject clause in the equivalent passive form; as E7rpUTTETo o1rws O"Vfhfhaxiav Etva' >frycpuio-fJ<, it was bTought about that

307]

DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH

Zva,

ETC.

107

you should vote to ha1;e an alliance made

(AESCHIN.

iii. 64), which

represents the active COllStruction E7rpaTTOV 01rWS yn')cpttfT8.

305. The regular nerrative after Zva, ws, orrws, and ocppa is!'-~;
but after
fL~,

lest, m\ is used.

E.g.

'ArrpXTat, ;:v" fl-'J TovTo iou, he is departing that he may 1wt see this. <I>oj3'i:Tat fL~ ov Tovro yv17Tat, he 1~s afraid that this may not happen.
306. This use of fl-~ oil (305) occurs in Homer in a few final clauses (263) and once after 0[8w (IL x. :39). After this it is confined to

clauses after verbs of fearing, with the exception of XEN. Mem. ii. 2, 14, Cyneg. vii. 10, and the peculiar fl-~ 01\K irrapKffTOt in PLAT. Rep. 393 E (132). This use of ov after p.0 is naturally explained by the origin of the depentlent clause with !'-~ (262) ; but after fL'l had come to be felt as a conjunction and its origin was fOl'gotten, the chief objection to fl-'l . . . fl-''l 'Nas probably in the sound, and we find a few cases of it where the two particles a1e so far ~tpart that the repetition is not offensive. Such a case is XEx. Mem. i. 2, 7: f.8w!t~"b o' d Tt>
<joof3oi:To fL~ yvofLEvos Ka.A.~s J((lyu.8os T0 Ta fLEYtfTTCL fJPYET'fJfTavn fL'J T~V fLEYtfTTl)V xapw ~ 0 t, where we should expect 1'-'l ovx E~Ot. So TRue. ii. 13 : lJ7rOTorr0fTu.> fL'J . . . rrapaA.irr'J Ka2 fL'l 01JWfT1]. So in a final clause, fl-'l ... 1'-'l rrpofTOEXOtTo, PLAT. Euthyd. 295 D.
DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH Zva, w<;, orru><;, ocppa, AND fL'l

307. The development of final clauses and of clauses with fL'J after verbs of fearing from an original parataxis, or co-ordination of two independent sentences, is especially plain in dependent negative clauses with the simple ~~- Thus &rro{]'nx, !'-0 n J!01J{]'17 ~Hp'J, withdraw, lest Hem notice conything (Il. i. 522), presents the form of an original paratactic expression, which would mean withdraw :-may not (or let not) Hem notice anything, the latter clause being like fl-'l 8,) v~as EA. wfT t, rnay they not take the ships (Il. xvi. 128), and 1'-'l o~ ~ot TEAEfTWfTt 8w2 KaKa 1oj8m (Il. xviii. 8). (See 261.) Such sentences as these last imply fear or anxiety lest the event may happen which 1'-'l with the suhjunctive expresses a desire to avert; and in a primitive stage of the language they might naturally be preceded by a verb of fparing, to which the (still independent) subjunctive with 1'-'l would stand in the relation of an explanatory clause defining the substance of the fear. Thus o{ow-fl-'l v~a> i!AwfTt would originally be two independent sentences, I fear :-rnay they not take the ships; but would in time come to be felt as a single sentence, equivalent to our I fear that (lest) they rnay take the ships. After <foof3ovfLat fL~ TavTo ?ra8wfTw (for example) was domesticated in the sense I fear lest they may suffer this, the second clause followed the ordinary course, and began to be felt as a thoroughly dependent clause; and when

108

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[308

the leading verb became past, the subjunctive became optative, as cpof3~8YJv JJ-0 TovTo 1ra8otev, I feared lest they rnight suffer this. When this stage is reached, all feeling of the original independence may be said to have vanished and a dependent clause is fully etitablished. As this decisive evidence of complete dependence is constantly found in the Homeric language, we cannot suppose that such an expression as odootKa I-'~ Tt 1r&B(J)(J"tv (II. x. 538) was still felt to be composed of two independent sentences, although the original paratactic form is precisely preserved. Indeed, we have no evidence that the step from parataxis to hypotaxis was taken after the Greek language had an independent existence. 1

308. It was a simple and natural step to extend the construction thus established to present and past objects of fear, although we cannot assume for the primitive language such independent indicatives with p.~ as we find later (see 269). In Homer we find 8e[8w JJ-0 Bea VYJfEPTEa d1rev, I jea,r that the Goddess spoke the truth (Od. v. 300). .This use was greatly extended in Attic Greek (see 369 ). 309. This simple construction of a dependent verb introduced /-'-~ with no connecting conjunction remained the established form after verbs of fearing in all periods of the language ; and occasional exceptions, like JJ-0 cpof3ov 0s d1rop~(J"H>, do not fear thatyou will be at a loss (371), o,j cpof3e'i: o1rw;; p.~ dvo(J"wv 1rpa:yfl-a Tvyxavrr 7rpaTTwv; (370), and o,) cjlof3ovfte8a f.Aa(J"(J"W(J"wBat, we are not ajraid that we shall have the worst of it (372), in place of the regular JJ-0 a11'op~U]>, tL0 'Tvyxavns, !-'-0 EAU(J"(J"WBWfL11, only prove the rule. The original independent sentence with f'-~, expressing an object of fear which it is desired to avert, like fl-0 v~a> Awrn, is well established in Homer and appears oceasionally in the Attic poets (261; 264). But in Plato it suddenly appears as a common construction, expressing, however, not an object of fear but an object of suspicion or surmise (265 ), so that /-'-~ with the subjunctive is a cautious expression of a direct assertion ; as fl-~ dypotKonpov {i To dATJBE> el11'ei:v, I rathe1 think the truth rnay be too rude to tell (Gorg. 462 E). 310. In like manner, the simple negative form of the pure final clause, as d1J'O(J"TtXE, f1J Tt VO~(J"11 ''Hp'l} (quoted above), was already established in Homer, the negative p.~ serving as a connective, so that the wa-nt of a final conjunction was not felt. Here also the feeling of dependence is shown by the subjunctive becoming optative when the leading verb is past; as in cpru~op. aL
by
JL~
T[<;

I-'~ Uiu and ~</>vyov

1

P-0

-ris p..~ ~So.

But it is obvious that

See Brugmann, G1iechische Grarmnatilc, p. 122.

312]

DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH

7va,

ETC.

109

only negative purpose could be expressed by this simple form, in which p.~ could serve as a connective. We find, it is true, a few positive sentences in which a purpose is implied by the mere sequence of two clauses; as ciA.A.' ayE vvv l8vs KLE Ncrropoc; hr11"0'> "'> <r ~ > ' '8 oap.ota' EWOJJ.EV ( SUb' ) 1JV nva fJ-1)TV EV CTT1) ECJ"CJ"t KEKEV EV, I.e. go )
I I ()

straightway to Nestrfr : let us know what counsel he buries in his breast (Od. iii. 1 7), and 8a11"Te JJ. OTT raxtura. m!Aas 'Atoao 7rEp~uw, bury me as quickly as possible: let me pass the gates of Hades (Il.
xxiii. 71 ). But these disconnected expressions, with no particle to unite them, could never satisfy the need of a positive sentence of purpose. To supply this want, several final particles were developed, and were already in familiar use in Homer. These are i'va, w<;, or.ws, and ocppa, which will be discussed separately. 311. ("I va.) '1Iva is the only purely final particle, having and or.ws, or of the nothing of the relative character of temporal character of &fpa. Its derivation is uncertain. It appears in Homer as a fully developed final conjunction, and occasionally also in the sense of where (Od. ix. 136) and whither (Od. xix. 20). It is overshadowed in epic and lyric poetry by ofpa, and in tragedy by ws; but Aristophanes uses it in threefourths of his final sentences, and in Plato and the orators it has almost exterminated the other final particles. As Zva is purely final, both in use and in feeling, it never takes O.v or KE, which are frequently found with the other final particles, especially with the relative ws-.

ws

312. ('!.ls.) 1. 'n, is originally an adverb of manner, derived like OVTWS from the stem of from the stem o- of the relative oilTos. As a relative it means originally in which way, as/ as an indirect interrogative it means how, whence comes its use in indirect discourse (663, 2). Since purpose can be expressed by a relative pronoun, which in Homer regularly takes the subjunctive < > I > (568), as 1)y<p.ov > Eu 1\0V or.a<ruov, os KE JJ-E KEt<r > ayayo, send rne a good guide, to lead me thither (Od. xv. 310 ), so can it be by the relative adverb of manner, as KpZv' O.vopas KaTa cpvAa, KaTa cpp~Tpas, ws cpp~TPYJ cpp~Tp1)cpW dp~')'TJ, cpvAa o cpvAots, divide the men in that way by which clan may hel1J clan, etc., i.e. (sa) divide them that clan may help clan, etc. (Il. ii. 362). Here the original force of ws can be seen ; but in Od. xvii. 75, STpvvov p.ov TroT~ owp.a ')'VVatKas, ws 70t 8wp U71'01if.p.'fW, in order that I rnay send you the gifts, the final force is as strong as if we had tva cir.or.p.fw. 2. 'Sls, however, always retained so much of its original relative nature that it could take KE or av in a final sentence with the subjunctive, like other final relatives, which in Homer hardly K JJ-E KEW ever omit K before a subjunctive (568). Compare

os,

()\'

'

os

110

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[313

&yayu (ahove) with the equivalent I:Js K~ fh< Keur' dyayv. The final clause thus receives a conditional form, with which it must have received originally more or less conditional force. 1 Thus an expression like 7re8eo 6>s &v Kvoos apiJaL probably meant originally obey in whateve1' way you may gain glory, or obey in some way in which you rnay gain glmy, 6>s av &piJaL being chiefly a conditional relative clause (529); but before the Homeric usage was establislwJ, the final element had so far olJliterated the relative, that the conditional force of ws llv must have been greatly weakened. The expression in Homer (Il. xvi. 84) may have meant obey tlud (if so be) you may gain me glory. (See examples under 326.) The same is true of the less common use of Ke or ;{y with ocppa and 07rWS in Homer (327; 328). How far the original conditional force survived in tlw Attic ws ;;J, and orrws av with the subjunctive, especially in &rws llv of Attic prose, is a question which at this distant day we have hardly the power to answer, and each scholar will be guided by his own feeling as he reads the expressions. (See 326; 328; 348.) It certainly can be seen in some of Xenoplwn's uses of ws av with the subjunctive; see Cyr. ii. 4, 28, and Eques. i. 16, quoted in Appendix IV. 3. 'Sls and ws K< with the subjunctive are used in Homer also in object clauses after verbs of planning, considering, etc. (341 ), where orrws with the future indicative is the regular Attic form. 'Sls (with ~- av) is by far the most common final particle in tragedy; it seldom occurs in Aristophanes and Herodotus ; while in Attic prose it almost entirely disappears? except in Xenophon, with whom it is again common, though less so than 07rws or Zva. (See Weber's tables in Appendix III.)

313, ("07rWS.) 1. "07fWS is related tO ~S aS 07r0Te tO OTE, being the adverb of the relative stem o- and the indefinite stem 7rocombined.3 Like ws, it is originally a relative adverb, meaning as/ and it can always be used in this sense, as in o1lrws orrws
See Gildersleeve in Am. Jour. Phil. iv. p. 422. Weber (p. 174) quotes two passages of Demosthenes as examples of final ws with the future indicative, a coustruction otherwise unknown in Attic prose: ws o cra.rpws -yvwcrwOE 6n d.\'fJIJ'f, \')'w, l')'w vp.tv epw, xxiv. 146; and
2 1

Ws DE Kara4>ct;vEs

lfO"taL

On 7rp6repov dvaw-xvvroOvres 1repu:yEvovro,

dva.J'l')'VWcrKE

ro.s p.a.prupla.s, xliii. 42. But compare the common formula of the orators J>s (or /in) d.\'fJIJ'i! \ryw, \a(3 ri)v p.etprupla.v (or KaAEL rous p.ciprupa.s), e.g. in DEl!. xxvii. 28, with the occasional full form, lvet do'l,r retvra. on &:r..'fJO'ij Af')'W, f..a.(3 ri)v p.a.prvpla.v, DEM. xlv. 19 ; so xviii. 305. See also ws <lK6ra 7rOLDvp.<v, Ka.l reil!' evvof}cra.r< (se. tva Eiii'l,TE), XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 33. 'l'his common ellipsis shows that in DEM. xliii. 42 we can easily SU])ply a final clause like tva EloT,n before ws Ketra.rf>a.vs gcrretL, that ym may know how it is to be established, etc. In xxiv. 146 there is no need even of an ellipsis, as we can translate how you are to know that I speak the truth, I will explain to you. 3 See Delbriick, Co?Jj. ~._ Opt. p. 61.

314]

DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH

tva,

ETC.

Ill

ovvavTat, thus as they can, THUC. vii. 67. Then it is used in indirect questions, in the sense of orif rpfYTI'if, how, in what way, and is followed by the future imlicative; as (]'Ko7re'iv 07rws ~ 11"6Ats (]'w8~(]'era t, to see how the city can be saved. So ro'ts yeyevrt /LfVOLS 11"0V'YJpO'i>, /hws fL0 0W(]'0V(]'L OLk'YJV, oObv OELkVV(]'L, he shows those who have been rascals how they can avoid suffering punishment ( = bTif rp6mp fL0 ot6uov(rt), DEM. xxiv. 106. Then, by a slight modification in sense, it may denote also tlw object to which the striving, etc., is directed j SO that (]'k011"EW (or (]'k011"tV rovro) 071"WS ~ 11"6Ats (]'w80(]'erat may mean to see (to this, viz.) that the city shall be saved. Here, lwwevt>r, the subjunctive is sometimes allowed, as the interrogative force of o7rw> is lost sight of and its force as a final particle, in order that, begins to appear. From this it becomes established as a final particle, and denotes the pu'l'pose in ordinary final clauses. From the original fore~ of o7rw> as a relative, u~ed in indirect questions in the sense of how, we must explain its occasional use in indirect questions in the sense of ws (706). The interrogative force of 011"W'> can be seen from passages in which other interrogative words take its place in the same sense; as DE~L XVi. 19, (]'k011"tV eg OTOV Tp011"0V fL1J yeV~(]'OVTat (4>.\ot), to see in what way they can be pTevented j1orn becoming friends; and THUC. i. 65, E7rpauuev 011"17 <hq)eA.{a r<> yH>)(]'eTat, he negotiated to have some help come (how sonw help should come). So TRue. iv. 128, e7rpa(]'(]'EV ilrif rp67rif raxt(]'Ta ro'is fLEV ~vfJ-f3''l(]'ETat rwv o~ ct11"aA.\.agerat.l 2. Although o7rw> is fully established in the Homeric language,

both in its half-interrogative use after verbs of planning, etc. (341 ), and also in its final sense, it seldom occurs in Homer in either construction. It first becomes frequent in the Attic poets. In Thucydides and Xenophon it is the most con11ncm final particle ; and in these writers, as in tragedy, its final use greatly exceeds its use in object clauses. The latter, however, far exceeds tbe final use in Herodotus, Plato, and the orators; but here Zva has gained almost undisputed possession of the field as a final particle. 3. ''07rws never takes KE or ;{v in pure final clauses in Homer. "011"w> &v with the subjunctive appears for the first time in final clauses in Aeschylus (328), and afterwards maintains itself vigorously by the side of the simple ~11"w>. In object clauses ovw> ke with the subjunctive is found in a few places in Homer, and ~11"W'> in a few in the Attic poPts, while 071"W'> in these clauses in prose is found chiefly in Plato and Xenophon (348). 314. ("0 <j>po..) The most common final particle in Homer

av

av

S<e J\laddg's Syntax, 123.

!12

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[315.

is i)cppa, which is originally a temporal particle, meaning while (so long as) and then until. From the last meaning the final force was naturally developed, as the idea of until, when it looks forward to the future, may involve that of aiming at an object to be attained, as in English we shall fight until we me free. Another temporal particle meaning both uhile and until, i!ws, is used in a final sense in a few passages of the Odyssey (614, 2). Both of the temporal uses of /:lcf>pa appear in full vigour in Homer; but its final character must have been more distinctly marked at an earlier period than that of either t1>s or o1rw<;, so that it seldom took either KE or ::.v before the subjunctive. ''Ocf>pa is found only in epic and lyric poetry. 315. (Negative Final Clauses.) The need of these final particles was first felt, as has been shown (31 0 ), in positive clauses of purpose, as a negative purpose could always be expressed by the simple Jk~, which thus became in use a conjunction. Still the final particles were as well suited to negative as to positive final clauses, and they could always be prefixed to Jk~, which thus was restored to its natural place as a negative adverb. Thus <f>ev~oJkat va Jk~ T<; JLE Zov has the same meaning as the older <f>evoJLat Jk~
T<; JLE Zoy, I shall flee, that 1w one may see me. The hiRtory of the Greek language shows a gradual decrease of final JL0 an<1 an increase of the final particles with /1-~ in negative final clauses. 1 The tendency in this direction was so strong that o1rw> Jk~ sometimes took the place of Jk~ even after verbs of fearing, to express the obje'ct of the fear (370), while it became the regular form after verbs of striving, etc., to express tlie object aimed at (3:39). The different origin of the negative final clauRe (with Zva Ji-0, etc.) and of the clau~e with 1-'-~ explains the fact that, while clauRes introduced by the final particles are negatived by Jk~, tl10se introduced by ft~, lest, are negatived by ov. (See 306.)

316. Finally, the Attic Greek took the last step in developing the final clause, by using the past tenses of the indicative with lva, w>_. and o1rw> to express a purpose which failed of attainment because of the failure of the action of the leading sentence ; as T 1;,' ovK ~KTnva<;, t1!, ft~1ron TovT' i!ona / why did you not kill me, that I rnight never have shown thw? (See 333.)
1 In Homer, Hesiod, and the lyric poets we find 131 cases of simple p.~ and 50 of the final particles with f-L~ ; in tragedy the proportion is 76 : 59 ; in Aristophanes it is 8 : 55 ; in Herodotns, 8 : 53. In Attic pro'e (except in Plato and Xenophon) the simple f-LfJ in final clauses almost vanishes. Thucy, dides has only 4 or 5 cases ; the ten orators only 4 (Demosthenes 2, Isocrates 1, Isaeus 1); Plato 24; and Xenophon 12.

317]

PURE FINAL CLALTSES

113

A.

PURE FINAL CLAUSES.

317. Pure final clauses. regularly take the subjunctive if the leading verb is primary, and the optative if the leading verb is secondary. E.g.
Ni!v o' f.pxw8' brl 0t7r'VOV, iva ~vvaywp.H "Ap'f]a. n. ii. 381. 2:ol o' 6Joe JLVYJfTTqpe<; inroKpvovTn.t, iv' dojjs awo<; a-cp 8vp.cp El 0WCT L 0~ 7rdVT<; 'Axaw. Od. ii. 111. E1rw TL oqTa Kll..\X, iv' 6py(v '' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' '' ' ~ 7rii.0V; S OPH. 0 . T . 364. K at yap f3 aCTLII.Ell<; atptTat, OVX Wa EaVTOV KaAw<; E7r!JLAqTat, d..\..\' i'va Kat ol (..\6p.evot ot' ai!TOV di 7rpaTTWCTL. XEN. Mem. iii. 2, 3. floKt JLOL KaTaKava-at TU<; ap.a~a<;, iva p.~ Ta (d!'Y'fJ ~p.wv a-TpaT'fJ'YU Id. An. iii. 2, 27. llpos Tovs twvTas, i'va JL'fJO~v lUX d1rw, Tov (wvTa ~~Ta(e, DEM. xviii. 318. (Here the final clause depends on some implied expression like I say this.) ''flpv.v8', i.V &8avaTota-t cj>6ws cp~pot ~o~ f3poTota-tv. Od. v. 2. .P..\os ~f3o-6AETO /{vat TOt<; JL~'YLCTTa ovvap.~vots, i:va &oLKWV JL~ OLOO['fJ 0K'fJY. XEN. .An. ii. 6, 21. TO f~cpta-p.a TovTo ypacf>w (hist. pres. ), i:v' oin-w yyvotv8' ol opKOL, Kal JL~ dpws Tqs ep~K'fJS KO.TO.CTTO.['fJ DEM. xviii. 27. Bov..\~v o' 'Apyeot<; l!7r08'fJCTOJLE8', ~ TLS 6v~a-EL, 6Js JL~ 7rdVT<; 3..\wvTat 6ova-a-ap.~vow Toto. Il. viii. 36. flwvoEtTat ailn)v (ytcpvpav) ..\va-at, 6Js "'~ ow[3qTE, &..\X EV JLFmp a7rOA'fJcp8qT, XEN .An. ii. 4, 17. llf.cpv o' EvpvTov, 6Js Ai!y~av AaTptov p.ta-8ov 7rpaa-CTOLTO., Pind. 01. x. (xi.) 31. Ka rl f.~~7rEJL7rOV, 6>s p,6v"l KAVots. SoPH. .Ant. 19. "E1rep.l{a 6Js 1rv8otTo. Id. 0. T. 71. TovTo oV7rEp lveKa cp..\wv <PETO OEI:a-8at, 6>s a-vvepyovs f. X o t, XEN . .An. i. 9, 21. Tov 8~ p,v'fJa-T~pes ..\oxwa-tv, o1rws &1ro cf>v..\ov o..\"'Tat f.~ 'l8aK'fJ'> Od. xiv. 181. M8es Too' ayyos vvv, 07rWS TO 7rUV p,a8ys. SoPH. El. 1205. Els KaLpov ~KEL<;, 07rWS T~S o[KTJS aKo-6<rys. XEN. Cyr. iii. 1, 8. ITapaKaAE'is laTpovs, o1rws JL~ &1ro86.vy. Id. Mem. ii. 10, 2. Olp.at 0~ TO.VTO. yyva-8at, oi>x 07rWS TOtlS awovs xopovs Kp VWCTLV Ot 7rOALTO.L, ovo' 07rWS TOVS awovs avA~JTUS E7ratvwcnv, ovo' o1rws Tovs ai!Tovs 7rOL'fJTas alpwvTat, oi!o' iva Tof:s ai!Tots -lj8wvTat, d..\..\' i:va Toi:s VbJLOLS 7rd8wVTaL. Id. Mem. iv. 4, 16. 'Ev xdpECTCTLV E8'fJKev, o1rws en 1rqp.a cj>vyotp.t. Od. xiv. 312. 'AcptKOJL'fJV, o1rws a-oi! 1rpos 06p,ovs eA.8ovTo<; ev 1rpa~atp. n. SoPH. 0. T. 1005. 'E7rpCTf3 EVOVTO E'YK"-'fJJLO.TO. 7r'OLOVJLVO!, 07rWS CT'f'LCTLV OTL JLE'YW'T'f] I , \ I I tl ...J... I ,, I 7rpbcpaa-ts d"l TOV 7rOAEJLE'iv. THUC. i. 126. KecpaA.fi KaTaveva-op,aL, Scppa 7rE7rO [ 8y <;. Il. i. 524. "Op<rEO 8~ vvv, ~EI:ve, 1ro..\tv8' ip.Ev, IJcppa ue 7r~p.fw. Od. vi. 255. AvTap f.p.ol yepa<; avTx' ETOLJLUUaT', Scppa JL~ olos 'Apydwv dy~paa-TOS f.w. 11. i. 118. fl6p,ov <l>Epa-Ecpovas f...\8, ocpp' loo! VLUV Ei7!''[) s. PIND. 01. xiv. 20. ''fls 0 JL~V f.v8a KaT~uxEr' E7rL'YbJLEIIOS 7rp ooo'i:o, ocpp' ETapov 8a7rTot Kat e1rl KTepEa KTEpuELv. Od. iii. 284. 'AA.U a-v p.Ev vi!v avn> &1r6a-nxe, p.~ 'Tt vo~a-n ''Hp1J f.p.ol o~ K TO.VTa JLEA~CTETaL ocppa TEA~a-a-w. Il. i. 522. Ov O~T awov lf~w 8ei!po, JL~ TL<; &vap7rauv; SoPH. .Aj. 986. Ava-tTEAEt ~aCTa! ~V T!fi
I

114:

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[318

1rap6wn, p.~ J<al -rov-rov 1roA~p.wv 7rpocr80p.e8a. XEN. Cyr. ii. 4, 12. Atye-ra el7rEW on &7rt~VO. f3ovAotTo, p.~ 6 'lrO.T~p TL ll X&otTO KO.~ ~ m5Ats p.~p.<f>otTo. lb. i. 4, 25. Aovrrat KEAer', ws p.~ ITp{ap.os toot VLOV, JL~ oJL~V &,XVVJLEYTJ Kpa8tTJ x6Aov oiJK JpvcratTO. Il. xxiv. 582. For the relative frequency of the final particles, see Appendix' Ill.

318. As final clauses after past tenses express some person's previous purpose or motive, they allow the double construction of indirect discourse (6 6 7, 1) ; so that, instead of the optative, they can have the rnood and tense which the person himself vtould have used in conceiving the purpose. Thus we can say either lj'ABEV 'tva root, he ca111e that he might see, or /lj'ABEV 'tva rov, because the person himself would have said ~pxof"a 'tva tow, I come that I may see. Hence the subjunctive in final clauses after past tenses is very common, in some writers even more common than the regular optative. E.g.
'E'Il'e KAuSrra VT 0 o' 15/...e&pov &v8puS7rots, i'va VfT Kat lrrcrop.eVOU'tV Od. viii. 579. 'AxAtJv ?>' av TOt &'If 6<f>8aAJLWV Hov, 1) 7rptv E'll'~ev, 6cpp' y ty vuSrr KTJ'i ~p.f.v Beov ?jof. Kat avopa. Il. v. !27.
&m8~.

'A ptU''TEV<; t;VYE f3 OVAEVEV EK'Il'AEVU'at, O'll'WS E'll't 'll'AEOV 0 U'tTOS O.V'TU'X'U ' {' ,, ' \ ~ ., ' ' ~ THoc. i 65. "'H..\8ov 7rperrf3evrr6p.evot, 07rw<; JL~ rr<f>lrrt TO 'ATnKov (vavn-Kov) 7rporryev6JLevov EJL7r68wv yh7]TO.. Id. i. 31. 'ExuSpovv EK nov olKtwv, O'll'W<; JL?J KO.Ta <f>ws 8aprraAewTEpot<; OVU't 7rporr<f>pwvTat Kat .rr<f>a-w EK Tov i'a-ov yyvwvTat, &A..\' ~rrcrov<; iJ)rrt. Id. ii. 3. Ka f.7rTryo<; rre o.JK i}yetpa.v, Zva W> ~otrrTa 8tayvs. PLAT. Crit. 43 B. IT..\o['a KfLT~KaVU'EV Zva p.~ Kvpos owf3fj. XEN. An. i. 4, 18. TavTas lva KwAv7J8' o1 v6p.ot rrvv~yayov -Dp.a<;, oilx Zva Kvp[a<; Tot> dotKovrrt 'll'ot~Te. DEM. xix. l. Kal 7rep~ TOVTwv f.p.v~ rr87Jv, Zva p.~ TailTa 'll'a8YJTE. Id. iii. 6. (Here the purpose was conceived in the form Zva p.1) Tavra 'll'aBwcrtv.) 319. This principle applies also to clauses with o1rw<; after verbs of striving (339) and with p.~ after verbs of feaTing, etc. (365). 320. This iR a favourite construction with certain authors, especially Thucydides, who also, on the same principle, prefers the indicative and subjunctive to the optative in ordinary indirect discourse after past tenses (670). The early poets, on the other hand, especially Homer, use it very sparingly. 1
\I ' ' I

1 Weber, p. 243, gives a comparison of the usage of various writers, showing that the proportion of suhjuncthes to optatives after past tenses in pure final clauses and after verb' of fearing is as follows :-in Homer 35 : 156, Pindar 2: 10, Aesr:hy!us 2 : 9, Sophocles 2 : 23, Euripides 31 : 65, Aristophanes 13: 37, Herodotus 86:47, Thucydides 168: 60, Lysias 22: 19, Isocrates 21: 17, Jsarns 8: 17, Dernostlwnes 40:40, Aeschines 13: 7, Plato 22 : 79, Xenophon 45 : 265. In all writers before Aristotle 528 : 894. In the Attic writers and Herodotus, excluding Xenophon, the two are just equal, 441.

324]

PURE FINAL CLAUSES

115

321. The subjunctive thus used for the optative makes the language more vivid, by introducing more nearly the original form of thought of the person whose purpose is stated. As the two forms are equally correct, we sometimes find both in the same sentence, just as we find the indicative and optative interchanged i11 indirect discourse (670; see 677 and 690). E.g. 'EgaKo<T[ovs Aoyd8as JgeKpwav, 01rws Twv n 'E1rt1roAwv d'YJ<Tav rpVAaKES Kat, ~V ES aAAO 'n Bev, Taxi! gvvEtT'TWTES 71' a pay [y V w V'T at, i.e. they selected them, that they might be guards of Epipolae, and that they might be on hand if they slwnld be needed for anything else. THUC. vi. 96. ITapav<Txov OE cppvKro:Us, 071'W<; at:racp'lj ra <T'lJJLELa 'TOt<; 71'0AEJLots fl Ka.1 JL~ (3 o 'l} 8 o E v, they raised fore-signals at the same tvrne, in
order that the enemy's signals might be unintelligible to them, and that they (the enemy) might 1wt bring aid. Id. iii. 22.

A common interpretation of the latter and of similar passages, that "the subjunctive mood indicates the immediate, and the optative the rerrwte consequence of the action contained in the principal verbs, the second being a consequence of the first" (Arnold), manifestly could not apply to the first example. 322. The use of the optative for the subjunctive in final cla.uses after primary tenses is, on the other hand, very rare, and is to be viewed as a mere irregularity of construction. See &gw T'ljA' 'IBaKT)'>, i'va fLOt (:J{oTOJI 7roA:Uv aAcpot, Od. xvii. 250; 071'71'W<; p.,ax~otJI'TO, n. i. 344; and vii. 340, xviii. 88. So SoPH. EL 56, 0. C. 11 ; Hm. ii. 93 (Zva JL~ dJLG.proteJ!). Most of these are emended by various editors ; and no good reason for the anomaly appears in any of them. 323. Sometimes the optative is properly used after a leading verb which implies a reference to the past as well as the present. E.g. TovTov EX rov rp61roJ1 o v6p.,os, tva fLYJbE 7reur87jvat JL'YJO' f.ga7ra'TYJ 87jvat yf.vo tr' f.1rt rp B~fL<t> DEM. xxii. 11. (Here lXH implies also the past existence of the law; the idea being, the law was rnade as it is, so that it might not be possible, etc.) So DEM. xxiv. 145, 147. In DEM. iii. 34 Zva rovB' v1rapxot depends on a past verb of saying to be mentally supplied. In AR. Ran. 23, TovTov 8' 6xw, tva JL~ raAat7rwpo'i:ro p.,YJB' axBos <f>epot, I arn letting him ride, that he might not be distressed, etc., the meaning of 6xw goes back to the time when Dionysus first let the slave mount the ass. 324. (Futwre Indicative.) The future indicative occasionally takes the place of the subjunctive in pure final clauses. It occurs chiefly with orrws, very seldom with ocppa, ws, and fL~ and never with Zva. 1 It has essentially the ,same force as the subjunctive. E.g.
1

lhrws: AEsCH. Cho. 265, Suppl. 449 ; SorH. 'Aj. 698 (1); EuR. El. 835 ; AR. Vesp. 528, Pac. 309, 431, Lys. 1093, Thesm. 431, 653, 285 (1), Eccl. 783, 997; ANDOC. i. 89; XEN. Hi pp. i. 18, Mem. ii. 1, 1 (1ratOEVHP 81rws f11Tat 1). In XEN. Cyr. ii. 1, 4 and 21 the Mss. vary : in Cyr. iii. 3, 42 ll1rws is probably independent. For orppa: Il. viii. 110 ; Od. iv. 163, xvii. 6. For ws: EuR.

Weber cites the following cases, in addition to those given above. For

116

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[325

Ald ?!~ p,aAaKo'i:(rt Kai alp.vA[oun >..6yotU"t 8~AyH, o1rw~ 'IfM.K1J~

i1T"tA~U"~,'Tat. Od. i. 56. M~ 1rp6U"AVU"U"E, ~p.wv o1rw~ p,~ ~v 'TVX1JV ?ltacp8<pe'i:~. SOPH. Ph. 1068. 'A1rop,vKTf.ov ?!f. U"ol y', o1rws A.~lj;Et 7T"tiiv. EuR. Cycl. 561. 'Ap8w U"' o1rw~ dp.f3AaU"Tave'i:~. AR. Lys. 384. 'En-' avTovs TOV> 7rpo>..6yov> <Tov Tpelj;op,at, o1rw> To 1rpwrov T~> Tpay!p8tas p.f.por; 1rpwn<Trov f3a<Tavtw. AR. Ran. 1120. ITpotf.vat

(8e'i:) TWv To7rwv Jv8vp.ovp,evov, 07T"W> p.~ 8tap.apr~<TE'Tat. XEN. Cyneg. ix. 4. Xp~ dvaf3tf3a(Etv J1ri Tov Tpoxov TOV> dvaypacpf.vra>, 07T"W> JL~ 7rpo7epov vV~ ~U"Tat 1rptv 1rv8f.<T8at TOVS av8pas a7raV'Ta>. AND. i. 43. 8apU"vvov 8 o[ ~Top f.vi cppeU"iv, 8cppa Kat ''EKrwp dU"eTat. Il. xvi. 242. 'ls rt pf.~op.ev; that we may do what? SoPH. 0. C. 1724. "lU"'T1 elKOS ljp.fis JL~ f3pa8-6vew EU"'Tt, JLlJ Ka[ ns olj;eTat XlJJLWV LU"WS Kan[1rTJ. AR. Eccl. 495. ~o p.~ KexoA.c!:JU"ETat, Il. xx. 301.

"Av or "' in Final Clauses with Subfunctive.

325. The final particles which have a relative origin,

w>,

o7rw>, and llcppa, sometimes have O.v or KE in final clauses with

the subjunctive. They did this originally in their capacity as conditional relatives ; and it is probable that at first KE or O.v with the relative gave the clause a combined final and conditional force, in which the conditional element gradually grew weaker as the relative particles came to be felt chiefly or only as final partiCles (312, 2). ''Iva and p.~ never take Civ or Ke in this way. 1 326 .. ('!,.) 1. ''ns Ke and w~ O.v are together much more common in Homer with the suJ::Uunctive than simple ws. 'ls Civ with the subjunctive is not uncommon in the Attic poets, and it occurs in Herodotus; but (like w> itself) it almost disappears in Attic prose. E.g. IIdeeo, ws &v p.ot np.~v p.eyaA1Jv Kat Kv8os &p'Y)at, obey, that
thou mayest gain jo1 me great honour and glory. Il. xvi. 84. Avrap o[ 1rpocpp&.w v7ro8J)U"op.at, ws KE p.O.X dU"Kl]B~s ~v 1raTp[8a yaZaJ' i:Kl]Tat. Od. V. 143. ITa[U"aTE, ws x' 6 ~EWO~ f.v[U"1r'(J oi(]"t cp[A.otU"tV. Od. viii. 251. 'AA.X i:Bt, JL~ ,L epf.8t(e, U"awnpos WS KE VE'Y)at, that tlwu mayest go the more safely. Il. i. 32. ITpoU"8eop.e8a .. U"VfL1rfJLlj;at ~p.Zv, <ils av p.tv ~f:Awp.ev EK T'lj~ xc!:JpTJS HDT. i. 36. Tovs f.p.ovs >..6yovs Bvp.(/J f3aX, ws av 'TEpp.a-1 EKp.a8vs 68ov. AESCH. Prom. 705. 'AA.X iaU"WfLEV, cp[A.ot, EKl]AOV avrov, <ils av els V1rVOV 7T"f<TYJ.
Bacch. 784. For I"~: Od. xxiv. 544; THEOG. 1307; AR. Eccl. 488. Only four undoubted examples occur in prose. 1 In the single case of d with tva, Od. xii. 156, O.A.A.' <plw ~.tl:v eywv, tva e//16TS ij KE 8avWj.tEV, ij KEV a::\.evaj.tfVOL 8avetTOV Kett K~pet if>Df'Wj.tEV, tvet K is not used like &s Ke, etc., above, but tva is followed by a potential subjunctive with K (285). The repetition of Kl removes the case from the class under consideration. "!vet in its sense of where may have liv (see SOPH. 0. C. 405). M~, lest, may have (J.v with the optative after verbs of fearing (368).

~29]

"Av OR JCS IN PURE FINAL CLAUSES

117

' ' ' . 2 a ' t ' , , av S OPH. Ph85 . K() pr;aT avrov, ws <TKOTWV etpop<[ Kv~cpas. Eun. Bacch. 510. Tovri A.a(3lilv p.ov r0 <TKtttOHov ixrrpexE &vto8v, ~> liv p.~ jll>pwcrtv ol 8w. Aa. Av. 1508.

2. In Attic prose <1ls av with the subjunctive is found only in Xenophon and in one passage of Thucydides. The last is THuc. vi. 91 : (7rp.fErE) llvopa "21rapnarrw llpxovra, <1ls ~v ro1Js TE 1rap6vras ~wrd~IJ Kai rovs p.~ ()EA.ovras 7rpocravayKtt<riJ. See XEN. An. ii. 5, 16, <1ls o' ltv p.d()IJ'>, avTttKOl!<TOV. So An. vi. 3, 18. See other examples of Xenophon's peculiar use of <1ls llv with the
subjunctive in Appendix IV.

327. ("Ocppa.) ''Ocppa KE and Scf>p' flv have the subjunctive in a few final clauses in Homer. E.g. Oi'iros vvv crot 11/ fErat, Scppa KEv Eilon cro'icrw Jv2 p.eyapotcrw. Od. iii. :359. ''lop.ev, ocppa KE ()ficrcrov Jydpop.Ev 6~t1V "ApYJa. Il. ii. 440. Tov ~ei:vov ay ES 7rbAw, Scf>p' ltv EKEt()L oaZTa 1T"TWXdiJ. Od. xvii. 10. For ocppa KE and ocf>p' av with the optative, see 329, 1. 328. ("01rws.) ''01rws does not occur in Homer in pure final clauses with either KE or av. ''07rws av final with the subjunctive appears first in Aeschylus, and remains in good use in Attic poetry and prose, being almost the only final expression found in the formal language of the Attic inscriptions. One case of OKws flv occurs in Herodotus. E.g. ;r.. , , , " \ ~ " ' ' \ \ ' " ''l!ll.a<T<TE TaV OLK4} Kaii.WS1 01T"WS av apTLKOII.JI.a <Tl!/L(3 aLVIJ TaOE,
7raV 'TO oplilp.evov, 01T"WS &v elows ~p.tv dyyd.\ns cracpfj. SOPH. EL 40. Tour' avro vvv 08acrx', 071"WS &v JKp.aew. Id. 0. c. 575. OvK a7rt()', 07rWS &v ol AttKWVES Ka()' ~crvxav a7r[wcrw; AR. Lys. 1223. Tavra OE E7rOEE 'TWVOE EtVEKEV, OKWS av I> Kljpv~ dyye>-.:o 'AA.vtt'TTIJ. HDT. i. 22 (see 318). .6.ta TryS. crfjs xi!Jpas a~ELS ~p.as, 071"WS ltv ELOWp.ev, K.T.A, XEN. Cyr. v. 2, 21. Ka cpaTE avrov 'TOLOVTOV Eivat, orrws &v cpa[vYJTat <1ls KttAAtcrros Ka2 llptcrros. PLAT. Symp. 199 A. "Av y nvas V1T"071"TEVIJ EA.eveepa cppov~p.ara ~xovras 11-~ Jrrt'Tpefew avrcp {ipxHv, (7roAep.ovs Ktvet) 01T"WS &v 'TOVTOVS p.ETU 7rpocpacrews a7roAAVIJ, that he may destroy them. Id. Rep. 567 A. Evcre(3ovp.ev Kai r~v 8tKatocrVVYJV acrKovp.ev, ovx C:va Twv d.\A.wv EAaTTov txwp.ev, dA..\' o1rws &v ws JAETa 1rA.dcrTwv dyaewv Tov (3ov 8taywp.ev. Isoc. iii. 2 (tva and o1rws d.v may here be compared in sense: see 312, 2). T~v 7r6.\w crwexew, 07rWS &v p.av yvlilp.YJV EXW(J"LV a7raVTES Ka2 11-~ Tots Jx8po'is ~oov~v 7rotwcrw. DEM. xix. 298 : so xiv. 23.
watch what goes on in the house, that these things may work harmoniously. AESCH. Cho. 579: so Prom. 824, Eum. 573, 1030, Suppl. 233. "lcr8L

''Av oT 1c in Final Clauses with Optative.

329. 1. ('ns and ll</>pa in HorneT and ws and oKws in Hemdo-

tus.) In Homer ils KE and WS av sometimes have the optative in final

118

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[329

clauses after both primary and secondary tenses. "Ocf>pa Ke and /Jcf>p' :J,y occur each once in Homer with the optative after past tenses. Herodotus has W> ay and OKW> :l,y with the optative after past tenses, and oKw> :l,y once after a present tense. This optative with KE or :J,y after primary tenses is certainly potential as well as final; and this analogy makes it difficult or impo<>Sible to take it in any other sense after secondary tenses, though here the potential force is less obvious. (a) After primary tenses six cases occur in the Odyssey and one in Herodotus : 'A7repplyw:n YEe<TBat &Is K' a1h0> Je8Yc!J<TaGTO BvyaTpa, they dread to go to him that he may settle (if he will) the bridal gifts of his daughter, lit. that he would settle, etc. Od. ii. 53. KYv(cfJ<Tw 8 TOG O<T<TE, WS lJ.y aHKEAWs <f>aYd1Js, I will di'l1j, your eyes, to the end that you might appear unseemly. Od. xiii. 40 l. Llvo 8ovpE KaAAt7reew, ws liv m6v<TaYTe> UolJLeBa. Od. xvi. 297. T0 Ke Taxa yyo1)> cf>t.\67-rJTa TE 7rOAAa TE Owpa J$ JJLEV, WS ay Ts <TE <TVYUYTOJLEYOS JLa Kap {( o t, so that one ~vould call you blessed. Od. xvii. 164 ( = :xv. 537, xix. 310). 'Hyd<TBw 6px'181'-o'i:o, WS dy TLS cf>a'1 yafJ-OY EfJ-fJ-EYaL EKTO<; aKovwy, let him lead off the dance, so that any one who should hear without would say there was a marriage. Od. xxiii. 134. ''I<Txe<rBe 'TrTOAEJLov, ws KEV aya{JLWT ye OtaKpwfJe'iTE TUXL<TTa. Od. xxiv. 531. KeA.evEL <re TlJ mu8[ov 8dvat, OKWS lJ.y TUXL<TTa 8wcf>8apeYf, he bids you so expose the child that he would be likely to perish most speedily. HDT. i. 110.

(b) After past tenses the following cases occur 1 : "Ye 8' apa Zei>s <TVYXES, ocf>pa K BamTOY aA7rAOa TExm BdYJ.
11. xii. 25. 'EwA7rew <re if>(j1JYOe YEe<rBat, ws (iy JLOL TiJY 7rat8a '2Kvp6BeY e~ayayo ts, i.e. I hoped fm your coming, that you 'rnight perchance bring my son away from Scyros. Il. xix. 330. Ka JLLY JLaKpo'Hpoy Ka~ 7rOO<TOYa e~KEV i8e<TeaG, WS KEV if>aL~KE<T<TL cf>A.os mfvTE(T(TL )'EvOLTO. Od. viii. 20. TvJLf3oy xdlaJL<Y, ws KEP TYJAEcf>av~s K 'TrOYTOcf>tv av8p6mY EtYf. Od. xxiv. 83. '2v 8 JL 7rpotets, /Jcf>p liv UoJL'1Y 8wpa (Bekker aYeAo[JL'?Y). lb. 333. Af.yeTaL 8tc!Jpvxa 6pV<T<TELY, OKWS ay TlJ <TTpaT07r00Y i8pvJL&YoY KaTa Yc!JT01> Aa{3ot, i.e. he is said to have dug (119) a channel, in mder that the river might flow behind the army. HDT. i. 75. TavTa o~ 7rep~
1 It must be confessed that there are some difficult questions concerning these optatives with Ke or li.v in final clauses after past tenses. It may ])erhaps be thought that the subjunctive after &s K<, oKws l!.v, etc., has been changed to the optative after a past tense retaining K or llv without effect on the verb. Compare i!ws av with the Ol)tative (613, 4; 702). Would 5Kws llv in HDT. i. 22 (quoted in 328) have changed its nature if d')'')'<IA17 had been changed to d')'')'<IA< 1 On the other hand, can we separate the optatives in HnT. i. 75 and 99 (in b) from the optative in i. 110 (in a) 1 The potential view seems, on the whole, much the more natural; but the potential force can be expressed in English only with great difficulty, owing to the ambiguity of our auxiliaries might, would, should, etc.

330]

"Av

OR

td

IN PURE FINAL CLAUSES

119

Ewvrov Ja-f.p.v1JE TWVbE d'vEKEv, oKw s &v p.ij 6pf.ovns o! 6p.~AtKES AV7rEo[aTo Ka1 E7rt(3ovAdJOtEv, d'AA' ~TEpo'i6s a-<j>t 8odot Eil'at p.~ 6pwa-t, in orde1 that his companions might 1wt be offended by seeing him and plot against him, but that he might appear to them to be of anothe1 nature when they did not see him. Id. i. 99. ITop<j>.Upwv Eip.a 7rEpt(3aA.6p.Evos, ws &v 7rUV8av6p.EVOL 7r AELO"TOL O"V vf. A 0 LE V. Id. i. 152. T6 vowp T6TE E7r{jKav, ws &v xapa8pw8d1) 6 xcvpos, they let in the water, in 01der that the country might be gullied. Id. vii. 1 7 6. IIEptE7rEJJ.7rOV e~w8Ev 2:Ktct8ov, WS &v p.~ 6</> d 1) a- a V 7rEpt7r A.f.ova-at Ev(3otav. Id. viii. 7. "HA.avvov Toi>s t'r.1rovs, ws &v Tdv vEKpov dvEA.o [a TO. Id. ix. 22. METaKtVEEO"I7at JMKEE T6n, WS av fJ.1J loo [a TO o! IIf.pa-at J~opp.wp.f.vovs. I b. 51.

2. '!:2, ({v with the optative in Attic prose is found chiefly in Xenophon. It is never strictly final; but ws is relative or interrogative, and the optative with dv is potential. E.g. ,'EOo~Ev ai,TtfJ ToVTo 7TOL~crat, Ws 0Tt -{jKHTTa &v 1rt.<jJ86vws <T7ravt.6s TE Ka1 <rEfLV~S </>a v d 1), he decided to do this in such a way that he 1night
appear, etc. (i.e. in the way by which). XE~. Cyr. vii. 5, 37. (Here the separation of &v f1om ws makes the potential character plainer.) '.fls o' &v Kat o! r.60ES EtEV Tifl tr.mp KpctnO"TOL, El p.f.v TLS EXE pcjw a<rKYJ<TtV, K.T.A., as to means by which the horse's feet could be kept strongest. Id. Hipp. i. 16. See other examples in Appendix IV. This is the same rebtive use of ws with the potential optative which we find in DE~L vi. 3, ws p.f.v &v d1ro tTE OtKa[ovs A.6yovs ap.Etvov q,,A_[7r7r01) 7rapE<rKE.Uaa-8E. WS of. Kw A.Ua-a tT' av EKEtVOV 7rpaTTHV TavTa, 1ravnA.ws dpyws f!xen, as to means by which you could malce just speeches, you are betteT equipped than Philip; but as to steps by which you could prevent him jTom doing what he does, you an wholly inact1:ve. See also DEM. vi. 37, WS o' &v E~Taa-8d1) p..aAta-T' dKpt{3ws, p.~ yf.votTo, as to any means by which the truth could be tested most thmoughly,-may this never come !

330. ''01rws c'f.v with a final potential optative occurs once in Thucydides, four times in Xenophon, and once in Aeschylus:
Tas 7rp0pas Kanf3,!pa-wa-av, orrws &v d1roAta-8avot ~ XEip irrt(3aA.A.op.f.v1), they coveTed the p1ows with hides, that the (iTon) hand when tl~Town on might be lilcely to slip off. THuc. vii. 65. ''EowKe XP'~)p.aTa 'AvTaAK[OI(-, 07TWS aJt, 7rA1)pw8f.vTOS vaVTtKOV 1nro AaKEOatp.ov[wv, Ot 'A8,7va'io~ p.aA.Aov n}s Eip1)1'1)> 1rpoa-8f.o~vTo. XE:s<. Hell. iv. 8, 16. (Here 7rA1)pw8vTos J'avnKov, if a navy should be manned, stands as protasis to 7rpO<TOEOtJITO av.) ''07rwS 8' dJ' ws JppWf1EVE<TTU"l'OV TO <TTpa"l'EVJJ.a 7rOt~<ratTo, J~ &A.A.wv m1Aewv ~pyvpoA6yH. lb. iv. 8, 30. ITaa-w eo[oov /3ovs n, 07rWS av 8.Ua-aVTES Ed'TtciJvTo, Kai EK7rc!Jp.aTa. Id. Cyr. viii. 3, 33 (one llfs. omits &v). T~v AE[av d7rE7rEJJ.tfE otaT8Ea-8at 'HpaKAE[OYJV, 07rWS dv p.ta-8os yf.vo t"l'O TOtS <rTpanc!JTats, Id, An. vii. 4, 2 (most lliss. have o1rws ')'EV1)Tat). So AESCH. Ag. 364. In these cases the final force is equally strong with the potential.

120

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[331

.Elliptical Constructions.
331. In colloquial Greek we often find i'va rf; that what?,where rt takes the place of a final clause, which generally appears in the answer to the question. E.g.
BA. Zva 7{; IIP. 80A.ov 70V7oyt Zva .. <!xwcnv. AR. Eccl. So Nub. 1192, Pac. 409. So DEM. xix. 257: Zva 7[; Zv' <1>s p.e7d 7rAetCT7'fJS crvyyvtJp.'fJS 7rap' -&p.wv Ka7'1Jyopw. Just before this we have 8 t i'i. 7 [; !va p.~T< Aov p.~-re crvyyv<f>f-'rj'> TVXO So PLAT .Ap. 26 c. 332. A final clause may stand without a leading verb expressed, when the omission can easily be su1)plied ; as on ~p~a, p.~ d:rro01Jf-~crw; Zvo. ye JL~ 7rpoA.o.f3wv XP~f-CL7a 7"YJS 7r6Aew<; ~ 7rp0.~H<; opaup.rp XP~U1J, because I held an office, may I not leave the counby? No: that you may not take to fligld, etc. AESOHIN. iii. 21.
719.

SECONDARY TENSES OF INDICATIVE IN FINAL CLAUSES.

333. In Attic Greek the secondary tenses of the indicative are used in final clauses with rva, sometimes with 07T'W') or ros-, to denote that the purpose is dependent upon some unaccomplished action or unfulfilled condition, and therefore is not or was not attained. The tenses of the indicative differ here as in conditional sentence~, the imperfect (the most frequent tense) referring to present time or to continued or repeated action in l)ast time, the aorist and pluperfect to past time ( 410 ). Thus Zva 70VTO (7rpanev means in order that he might be doing this (but he is not doing it), or tlwt he might have been doing this (but he was 1wt) ; Zva -rov-ro ~7rpa~ev means that he might have done this (but he did not); i'va -rovro i7re7rpaxE means that he might have done this (but he Jws not). E.g. OiJK &v Jcrx6f-YJV, l:v' ?J rv<f>A.6s TE Kd KAvwv f-YJ8v, in that case I
should not have fo7'borne (to destroy my hearing), so that I might (now) be both blind and devoid of hearing (implying that really he is not so). SoPH. 0. T. 1387. <i><v, cf>ev, 70 f?J 7<1. 7rpO.yf-a7' d.v8p<f>rrot<> ilxew cf>w~v, l:v' ~ua v f-1J8v oi omo~ A6yot, Alas 1 alas 1 that the facts have no voice for men, so that words of eloquence '!night be as nothing. EuR. Fr. (Hipp.) 442. 'Ef3ovAOJL1JV iev E-repov &v rwv ~80.8wv >..yew 7<1. f3Anu(J', Zv ha(J~f1JV ~crvxos. Au. Eccl. 151. 'Exp0v ElcrKaA.a-avras p.O.pTvpas 7roAAoils 7rapaU1Jf-~vacr8at KeAEVcTat -ri'is 8w()~Kas, Zv'' er Tt ~y[yvero avcf>tuf31JT~CTtf-OV, ~V els Td ypdf-f-aTa rav-r' E'lf'aveAee~v. DEM. xxviii. 5. (This implies that they did not have the will thus sealed, so that it is not now possible to refer to it in case of dispute.) 'E~fJTYJ<rev &v 11-e -rov 1raZoa, t'v' el Ji-~ 7rapeot8oVJI JL'fJDEv 8lKatov A.yEv ~86Kovv. DEM. xxix. 17. 'Exp0v a~-rovs 7~v 7rpo-

336]

PAST TENSES OF INDICATIVE IN FINAL CLAUSES

121

-r~pav t+r-quw trru/iv, ?va &.7rTJAAd.ytJ-<Ba To~ov Tov STJtJ-ayCJryov, they ought to have made the previous investigation, in order that we might have been already freed from this demagogue (but we have not been /feed jfom him). DIN. i. 10. See LYS. i. 40 and 42 ; Isoc. ix. 5, xviii. 51. 'AA.A.a u Jxpqv ~tJ-Zv uvyxwp<Zv, [va uvvovu[a ytyv<To, but you ought to give way to us, that our convenation might not be interrupted (as it is). PLAT. Prot. 335 C. T [ sqi OVK i!ppt:f' f.pavT~V T~(]'(j' d7r6 7r~Tpa>, 07r w<; TWV 7rd.V'I'WJ, 1r6vwv d7rTJAAayTJv; why did I not th1'ow myself from this rock, that I might have been freed j?-mn all my toils ? AEscH. Prom. 7 4 7 : so Cho. 195. See SOPH. EL 1] 34. OvKOVV expqv lJE IITjya(]'O'U E<v~at 7rnp6v, o1rw<; J<f>a lvov -ro!> Bw'is -rpaytKcf>npo>; AR. Pac. 135. Tt JL' ov "Aa(30v EKTnvas <VBvs, w<; i!o<t~a JL~7roT< EJLav-r6v dv8p07roww i!vBEv iJ y<ycf>s; that I might never have shown, as I have done. SoPH. 0. T. 1391. El yap tl i>1r6 yqv ~K<v, ws f'~TE B<'Os Jl-'JT< ns lL"AA.os Towo' e1r<y~ BEL, would that he had sent me under the earth, so that neither any God nor any one else should be rejoicing at these things (as they are). AEsCH. Prom. 152. "Eo<t -ra vxvpa ,-6n Aa(3<!v, ws JLTJ8' cl (3ovAETO 8vvaTO ega7raTav. XEN. An. vii. 6, 23 (the only case in Xenophon).

334. This construction is the resuJt of an assimilation, which makes more distinct the connection in thought between the two clauses. It is especially common after secondary tenses implying unfulfilled conditions and unaccomplished wishes.
335. ''Av cannot properly be added to the indicative in this construction. In the two examples in which it is found, it would seem that the construction has slipped into an apodosis, or that copyists have been misled by the resemblance to an apodosis and inserted &v. Zwvn E0L f3oTJBE'iv, 07rWS on 8tKat6TaTO<; ~~~ Ka~ or:ncf>TaTOS i! tTJ T twv Ka~ TAVT~ITUS dnJLcf>pTJTOS &v KaKWV dJLapTTJjLrlTWV ey{yvETO, in order that he might thus live while he lives, and (so that) after death he would be (as a consequence of such a life) free from punishment (?). PLAT. Leg. 959 B. T6v y< 7rpaTTOV'I'rl TL o[KaLOV ov 7rpouqKV d7rop<tV d.\,\' cl!Bvs A.ynv, 'tva'JLaAAov &ll E7rH1'TVTO v<fi i>p.wv, (possibly) that the result might be that he would be (in that case) the more trusted by you. IsAE. xi. 6. 336. The indicative can never be used in this construction, unless the final clause refers to present or past time, and unless also it is distinctly implied that the purpose is not (or was not) attained. If the purpose is future (at the time of speaking), or if it is left uncerta-in whether the object is or was attained, it must be expressed in the ordinary way by the subjunctive or optative, even though it depends on one of the class of verbs mentioned above. Both constructions may occur in the same sentence. E.g. OiJs (TWV VEWV TOVS aya8ovs) TJJL<LS &v e<f>vAaTTOtJ-EV Ell rlKpo7r6AEL, 'tva JLTJOE~S aVTovs 8 d.<f> BELpEv, d,\..\.' E7rELO~ d<f>lKoLVTO <ds -n}v ~,\,.

122

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[337

K[av, XP~<ntJ-OL y[yvotv-ro Tat's ?T6Acnv, we should guard (in that case) in the Acropolis, that no one rnight corrupt thern (as some now corrupt them), and that when (in the future) they should become of age they rnight . become useful to their states. PLAT. Men. 89 B. (Here it is not implied that they never become useful, this depending partly on the future.) Tai!r' &v .Y)ol) A.~yw 1rp6s ilfLas J1rxdpovv, Zv' elo~TE 1roAAov ofv a~wv OVTa TVX'iv TOV if;l)</J[ap.o,To> avrov TOVTOV[, I should (if that were so) be now undertaking to explain this to you, that you ?night (after hearing me) know that he is faT jTom deserving the honour of the proposed decree. DEM. xxiii. 7. Ka[rot xp~v <TE ~ TovTov fL~ ypa<jJHv ~ EKEtvov t\ 1\ ' I I It. JI.VELV, ovx, tvo, o f3 OVI\H <TV YEVl)Tat, ?TavTa <TVVTapac;at, I.e. you ought not to have confused everything in order that what you want rnight be done. DEM. xxiv. 44. 337. Clauses with !'-~ after verbs of fearing are never thus assimilated to a preceding indicative, as there is no reference here to the attainment of a purpose.
\ / ' t1

338. A purpose can be expressed in various forms besides that of the final clause ; as by the relative with the future indicative, or in Homer with the subjunctive (565 ; 568); by the infinitive (770) or the infinitive with W<TT or <1ls (587, 3); by the future participle (840); by w~p with the genitive of the articular infinitive (802).

B.

OBJECT CLAUSES WITH ' 07rro~ AND ' 07rro~ #~ AFTER VERBS OF STRIVING, ETC.

339. In Attic Greek and in Herodotus, object clauses with o71"ro~ and o7rro~ P-n after verbs signifying to strive, to plan, to care jo1, to effect, regularly have the future indicative after primary tenses to express the object aimed at. The subjunctive also is used, but less frequently than the future indicative. After secondary tenses the future optative may be used, corresponding to the future indicative after primary tenses ; but generally the future indicative is retained, as the original form of the thought (319). The other tenses of the optative are sometimes used, to correspond to the same tenses of the subjunctive, or the subjunctive itself may be retained (318). E.g.
'E?TtfLEAVrat O?TWS (or
07rWS

that it may (or may not) happen.

!'-~) f'EV~<TETat or y~vl)Tat, he takes care 'E,-<fG<AeZro 3mus Y'"lJ(]'<T<u, yel'l}-

<TOLTO, or y~votTo, he took care that it should happen.

339]

OBJECT CLAUSES WITH

37rros-

123

(Fut.) TO pJ.- KaAWS lxov d7I"WS xpovl(ov V fJ-V'i (3ovAVTfOV, we must take counsel that what is well shall continue to be well. AEscn. Ag. 846. 6.t8o.Us 8e Tov8< cppd.{;' d7rws p.'l)8cts (3poTwv Kdvov 1I"d.pot8<v ap.cpt8v<rTU xpot SOPB:. Tr. 604. Lot 8~ p.Anv XP11 TaAX d7I"WS lf<t KaAws. EuR. I. T. 1051. Elp~v'l) 8' d"II"WS E<rrat 1I"ponp.wrl ov8v, but that there shall be peace they care not. AR. Ach. 26. LO~ p.<Aerw dKWS p.~ <r< of<rat. HDT. i. 9. ''Opa OKWS p.~ (ho<rT~<rov Tat. Id. iii. 36. Xp~ 6pav roils 'Apydovs O"II"WS <rw8~<r<Tat 1} IlcA07I"OVV'I)<TOS. Tnuc. v. 27. ''fl<r1I"<p Tov 7I"Otp.va 8c'i i7rtp.<Adn8at
Owws Q"ijat TE Euo vTa t al o'lEs Kal: ,.a E7rt/r~8Eta ~ o vu t v, oVTw Kal TOv <rTpar'l)yov ~'lrfLA<w8at 8<'i d7I"WS <r<jio n oi a-rpanwrat :!<rovTat

Kal: ,.a 7rtT~0Eta E~ovcrt, Ka'i oV Evt::Ka a-TpaTE{,ovTat -roVTo ~er-rat. XEN. Mem. iii. 2, 1. KaA.ws 8e 8'1)p.aywy~a-ns, ~v <rKo"ll"fjs o7I"ws o1

(3A.rt(TTO fLEV TdS TLfLUS l~ov<rtv, o1 8' aAAOL fL'I)8Ev aOLK~fTOVTat. Isoc. ii. 16. <Pp6vn{;' o"ll"ws fL'IJOEv dva~wv T~> TLJLYJS ravT'IJS 1I"pa~<Ls. Ib. 3 7. T [ p.d.Ata-7 iv a7I"a<rt 8tca-7I"ovoaa-Tat To 'is VDJLOIS; d7I"WS p.~ ycv~a-ovrat o1 1I"pt aAA~AOVS cpovot. DEU. XX. 157. MKpav 1I"p6votav EX LV vp.l:v 6 8cis TOV v6p.ov 8oKt d7I"WS wvpws Ea-TaL Kat fL~T <rvyxv8~(TTUL fL~T' av fLTU7I"OrJfJ~a-Ta; Id. xxiii. 62. KaA.ov TO 1I"apaa-Kvd.(Hv d7I"WS ws {3Ana-Tat l!a-ovTa t Twv "II"OAtrwv ai fvxa. FLAT. Gorg. 503 A. Lll: <DAaf3w8at, JLcfA.ta-ra JLev 67rws fL1J yycv~<r<<r8ov, &v 8e f.yyv'l)a-8ov, d"II"WS 6n Taxwra EKHTJL~<ra-8ov. Id. Rep. 564 C. (Subj.) Xpry cpvA.d.a-a-nv Kat 1I"poKaraA.ap.f3avw 07I"WS fL'I)8' es E"ll"lvowv Tovrov rwa-t. Tnuc. iii. 46. (Tiapa<rKwa(<a-8at) o7rws a-ilv e.<ji dywvt(wp.c8a. XEN. Cyr. i. 5, 14. Ov yap 0"/I"WS 1I"Adovos a~ws YEV'I)Tat E1I"LfJ-EAtVrat, dA.X 0"/I"WS avros dTL 7I"AEtfTTa wpa'ia Kap1I"wa-<Ta t (subj. and fut. combined). Id. Symp. viii. 25. Ov cpvA.d.~c(T8' ()"II"WS p.~ 8a-7I"OT'I)V tVp'I)TEo DEU. vi. 25. ''AA.A.ov TOV E"/1"p.EA~<T ~ O"II"WS on f3A.na-rot oi 1I"oA'iTat <Dp.tv; FLAT. Gorg. 515 B. "Opa o7I"ws p.ry 1I"apa oo~av 6p.oA.oyifs. Id. Crit. 49 C. (Fut. Opt.) ''E('I) vrro 7I"OAAYjs i1I"LJLEA.tfas O"II"WS ws f_A.d.xta-Ta fLEV 5fotro, f.A.axta-ra 8' aKova-otTo, f.Aaxta-Ta 8' :!potTo. XEN. Oec. vii. 5. (After a primary tense this would be o7I"WS olj;Erat, aKova-aat, EP'I)Tat. But Cobet reads f.po'1).) 'E7rEr!AEtTO 0"/I"WS fLYJ aa-tro 1I"OT lia-otvTo. Id. Cyr. viii. 1, 43. See the examples under 1:30. (Fut. Indic. after past tenses.) ''E1I"paa-a-ov O"II"WS ns (3o~8Eta ~~. THUC. iii. 4. Tipo&VJL'I)8EJJTOS Jvos JKd.a-rov a"JI"WS ~ vavs 1I"po~t. Id. vi. 31. EvA.af3cZa-&at r.apKAEV(T(JE aAA~Aots, a1I"WS fLYJ A1JfTETE fnacp8apEVTS. FLAT. Gorg. 487 D. Ovo' a"JI"WS 6p8~ 11"A1!(TTa ~ 1I"poe8.ro, dA.A.il TO Ka8' avr6v 0"/I"WS E"ll"t TOtS ix&poi:s Ea-Tat 1I"ap<a-Kvaa-v. DEU. xix. 250 ; so xix. 316. (Pres. or Aor. Opt.) 'Er.EJLEATO avrwv, d"II"WS d.i &.v8pa7roOa 0 taT<Aol:ev. XEN. Cyr. viii. 1, 44. 'A7reKp{vaTo, 6n avr0 JLEAO 01!"WS KaAWS EX 0 ' Id. An. i. 8, 13. 'EJLEJLEA~KH OE avroZs 07I"WS 6 t71"1raypT'I)S d8d'l) oils 8ot 1I"EfL1I"V, Id. Hell iii. 3, 9. (Subj. after past tenses.) Ppovpljcrovrl (ijga) 07I"WS Atyta-tJos ~JLaS p.~ A.d.8n. SoPH. El. 1402. So HnT. ii. 121. ''E1I"paa-a-ev o7rws

124

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[340

7r6AEp.os yEv'tJTat. Tnuc. i. 57. "E1rpa<J"<rov Otrws d7roo--r~a-wutv 'A(J-qva[wv -r~v 1r6A.w. Id. iii. 70. 'ilveZ-rat 1rap av-rwv 01rw~ p.~ cl1rwp.ev (v.l. li1rtp.ev) JK MaKe8ov[a~, he bribed them to effect that we should not leave Macedonia (after historic present). DEM. xviii. 32.

340. It will thus be seen that the future indicative is the most common form in these sentences, after both primary and secondary tenses ; the future optative, which is theoretically the regular form after secondary tenses, being rarely used. (See 128.)

Homeric and other early Usages.

341. In Homer, verbs signifying to plan, to consider, and to try, chiefly <j>pa(op.at, f3ovA.evw, p.epp.'fJp(w, and 1rnpw, have o1rw~ or ~s with the subjunctive after primary tenses, and the optative (never future) and sometimes the subjunctive (318) after secondary tenses. K~ is almost always used here with ~~ and the subjunctive, less frequently with 01rws (313, 3 ).

342. The original relative and interrogative force of 01rws

is more apparent here than in the Attic construction of with the future indicative, especially after verbs of con-. sidering / though after 1rnpw the dependent clause comes nearer the later meaning. E.g. Au-rol 8~ <f>pa(Wp.8' 01TW~ ox' lipur-ra Y~V'Y}Tat, let us ourselves consider how the very best things may be done. Od. xiii. 365. if?pa(6p.e8' (imperfect) 'Apyeounv 07rW~ ox' lipurra yevotTO. Od. iii. 129. if?pa(eer8at 01T1TW~ Ke p.vYJer-r~pa~ K-rdvv~ Od. i. 295. ITept<j>pa(0p.e8a 1rav-re~ v6er-rov, o 1T w~ >.. (} Yl er t v, i.e. how he may come. Od. i. 76. if?pa(wp.er8' w~ KEV JUV 7T"1T8wfLEV. Il. ix. 112. if?paerere-rat w~ K V~'Y}Tat, J?rd 7rOAvp.~xav6~ Jernv. Od. i. 205. ''Ap.a 7rpoererw Kal fJ1T[ererw A.evereret 07rW~ ox' llpterTa YEv'IJ'Tat, i.e. he looks to see how, etc. IL iii. 110. 'Ev6'fjer 8ed. ~~ '08vcrevs eypotTO. Od. vi. 112. Ov yd.p 8~ 'TOVTOV f-1-~V if3ovA.everas v6ov avT~, ~- ~ TOt KELVOVS '08verevs d?ro-rere-rat aec!Jv; Od. v. 23. BovA.evov 07T"W~ ox' O.pterTa yho tTo. Od. ix. 420. "'HA.Oov, d nva f3ovA.1)v d1rot 01rws 'l8aK'fJV Js 1Tat7raA.6eererav iKo[p.YJV. Od. xi. 479. Mepp.1jpt(ev 01rws J.1ToA.oa-ro 1raerat v~es. Od. ix. 554. Mepp.~pt(e Ka-ra <j>peva <il~ 'Axt>..~a TtJL~erYI (or np.~erd), i.e. how he might honour Achilles. Il. ii. 3. 'AA.A: aye f-1-~TtV v<f>YJVOV Q1TWS d1ToTerop.at av-rovs. Od. xiii. 386. qflpfL'Y}VEV ava Ovp.ov 01TWS ?raVer LE 1TOVOLO 8Zov 'AxtAA~a. Il. xxi. 137. MvYJerOp.8' ws x' 6 gftVOS ~)v 1TaTpi8a yaZav iK'Y}Tat, f1-YJ8~ 'Tt p.eererYJyvs ye KaKuv Kat 1r~p.a 1ra8vertv. Od. vii. 192. In Hymn. .Ap. Pyth. 148 we have -rexv~erop.at ws Ke yev'Y}Ta t. lle[pa o1rws Kev 8~ ~v 1ra-rp8a yai:av i'K'fjat, i.e. try to find means by which you may go, etc. Od. iv. 545. ITnpi ws KE Tpwe~ ilrEp<j>[aAot a1T6AWVTat. Il. :xxi. 459. Tourt 8~ ?roAX E7rt'TeAA 7rtpav w~ 1T
o1rw~

and

~~

348]

OBJECT CLAUSES IN HOMER

125

1rl6otV &.p:vp,ova IT?JAEtwva. Il. ix. 179. In Il. xv. 164 we have <f>pa{ecr&w p,~ , o-&8~ raA.r5.crcrn fJ-fLVat (354). For a full citation of the Homeric examples with 071"W~ and w~, see .Appendix III. 3.

343. The frequent addition of Ke to ws or 01rw~ in Homer shows the relative origin of the construction (312, 2). For OKW~ av in Herodotus, see 350 ; for 071"(0~ av in this construction in .Attic writers, see 348, 349.
344. In Homer 01rw~ takes the future indicative chiefly when it is merely an indirect interrogative, with no reference to purpose, as in Il. ii. 252, r[ 71"(0 crrf.cpa tOf1-V 07rW~ ECTTat TaO epya, we do not yet even bww certainly how these things are to be; or in Od. xiii. 3 7 6, <f>pa{Ev 01rw~ p,vrycrrijpcrw dvatoecrt XLpa~ Jcp~crH~, consider how,you will lay hands on the shameless suito1s. See Il. ix. 251; Od. xx. 38. In Q,l, xx. 28 the fntnre indicative is retained after a past tense, there ueing as yet no fntnre optative (128) j ev8a Kat Ev8a EACTCT7'0 f1-pJJ-?/P[{wv 071"71"WS 8~ p.vrycrrijpcrtv dvatOetn XE'ipa~ Jcp,]uo. ''07rws may take the future (like other tenRes) as a simple relative ; as in IL i 136, 01rw~ dvrrf.$wv lcrra t, as shall be an equivalent. 345. ''Ocppa has the subjunctive in an object clause in Il. vi. 361, ~07) yap fl-OL 8vp,'o~ E71"f(J'fTVTat, ocpp' E?rap,vvw 'l'pwecrut, and the optative in Od. iv. 463, r[~ uvp,cpprf.uuaro {3ovA.d.~ /Jcppa p,' l A.o t~; In Il. i. 523, Jp,ol 8 KE ravra JJ-EA~(J"7'Ut /Jcppa TE AE(J"(J"W, /Jcppa may mean until. 346. The single object clause of this class in Pindar is Pyth. i. 72, VEV(J"OV Ujl-Epov o<f>pa Kar' otKOV 0 <Po'ivt~ 0 Tv~avwv T dA.rf..Aaros EXYJ> grant that the Phoenician, with the Etruscan war-cry, may keep quiet at home. (See 359:) 347. As relics of the Homeric mage we fin<l tiJs with the subjunctive in sentences of this class in Eun. Med. 461, I. T. 467, PLAT, Rep. 349 C ; and with the optative in AEsCH. Prom. 203 (see 353, below). Herodotus has .1,~ with the future indicative in iii. 84, 159, vii. 161 (in the last w~ crrparryy-q(J"EL~ yAxwt), Herodotus has w~ av with the subjunctive in iii. 85, jl-?Jxavw w~ v UXWJ1-V TOVTO TO ypas, which is cited as the solitary case of w~ av in these object clauses after Homer, except in Xenophon (351 ) So also AESCH. Eum. 771, Sept. 627; Solon xiii. 38. See also SOPH . .Ant. 215 (in 281, above).

ovoe

''07roo~

&v in Attic Greek and Herodotus. '!l~ and w~ llv in Xenophon.

348. The Attic writers sometimes use 01rw~ :lv with the subjunctive in these object clauses. This occurs chiefly in .Aristophanes, Xe11ophon, and Plato. E.g. LK071"EL 01rw~ Clv d1ro86.vwp,Ev civoptKwrara, see that 1oe die most manfully. An. Eq. 80. Llta!'-'IJXaV~(J"op,at 01rw~ Clv l(J"rov (J"U.?rpov .A6.f3vs,

126

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[349

I will contrive that (somehow ?) you get a rotten mast. lb. 91 7. So AR. Nub. 739, Eccl. 623, Ach. 1060, Eq. 926. MO:AAov ~ np6<T8<v <l<TVH avroils 01l"WS ltv Ka~ f.xovT~> TL o{KaO d<f>KWVTat. XEN. An. vi. 1, 17. (Here some word like ~1l"tfLEAtta is understood as the subject of El<Trfn.) Twv aAAwv E1l"LfLAc'Vrat 01l"WS ltv ()'f}pW<TLV. Id. Cyr. i. 2, 10. 'EKEA<v<T TOv -I><pavAav ~1l"LfL<A1J8~vat o1rws ltv oVTW yEl''f}Tat avpwv ~ f.~EAa(J"t!). lb. viii. 3, 6 : so v. 5, 48. See also XEN. Cyneg. vi. 23 ; Eques. iv. 3. "'H aAAov ~<f>tEfLEVOL btKd.<Tov<TW 1J TOVTOV, 01l"WS
PLAT.

ltv EKa<J"TOL fL1T' EXW(Tt ,.d,\,\6Tpta fL1T TWV avTWV (J"TEPWVTat; Rep. 433 E. IIdvTa 1l"OtovvTa> o1rws ltv !Jcf>{<Tt TO 1l"'fJMAwv ~1l"tTpEthJ. lb. 488 'Eav o' EABYJ, fL"1XaV1]'TEOV 01l"WS ltv 0 w<f>vyYJ Ka~ fL~ oiJ o{K'f}V 6 ~x8p6>. Id. Gorg. 481 A.

c.

Besides the examples cited above, Weber gives :fifteen of Plato, and the following: SoPH. Tr. 618; EuR. I. A. 539; lsAE. vii. 30; DEM. xvi. 17, xix. 299. He adds HDT. i. 20, where OKWS av is certainly :final.

' \ ,.., tl '' t I ) \ 'f3 \ I 1l"tfL11t<T 8at O'il"WS av ws TaXL<TT~ a1l"OAa OtfLEV Ta XP1)fLaTa, Cod. A reads d7roAdf3wfL<V.

349. The only case of o1rws av with the optative in an object clause in Attic Greek, except in Xenophon (351 ), is PLAT. Lys. 207 E, 7rpo8vfLOVVTat 01l"WS <J.v <vOatfLOVO{'f}>, which is potential and on the Xenophontic model (see 351, 2). In DE~L xxxv. 29, EK<A<vOfLEV
I

T01!T01>S

350. Herodotus has OKWS llv with the potential optative four times after past tenses. E.g.
IIpo8vfLEOfLEJ ov o Ao~{Ew oKwS <J.v ")'EVOtTo, being zealous that it might (in some way) be done. i. 91. So ii. 126, iii. 44, v. 98.
1

351. .(Xenophon.) Although Xenophon generally follows the Attic usage in these object clauses (339), he yet violates this signally by having ~> and ~, :iv with both subjunctive and optative, and o1rws :iv with the optative; and further by having the Optative with ~S /iv and d7l"WS av after both primary and secondary tenses. He also has ~> twice with the future indicative (like 87Tws) and once with the future optative.
1. 'Q, or ~s :iv with the subjunctive, ~> with the future indicative, and oh with the optative, are used by Xenophon like o1rw> in the construction of 339. E.~. 'EmfL<AovvTat ws ~XYI oilTw>. Oec. xx. 8. (Here the regular Attic usage requires 81rws. i!~tt.) 'E7TtfL<A<'i:<T8at w> ltv 1r paX Bfi, to talce care that they shall be done. Hipp. ix. 2. 'E7rEfLEAovTo w<;; fL~ KwAvotvTo. Cyr. vi. :3, 2. 'Qs o~ KaAws i!~o Ta VfLET<pa, EfLo'i fL<Aij<Tet. lb. iii. 2, 13. IIpo<m<v ws fL'f}Otts Ktvlj<Totro fL'fJO~ dva~otTo. Hell. ii. 1, 22 (see 355). . For Xenophon's regular use of 81rws in all these constructions, see examples under 339. For his regular use of 3Trw> llv with the subjunctive, see 348.

354]

NEGATIVE OBJECT CLAUSES

127

2. When the optative follows ~s :lv or 811'ws :lv, it is always potential, and the original relative and interrogative force of ~s and 811'ws plainly appears. E.g.
'E11'tfJo11.0VTat ws av ,.-eii.TtcTTOt tV ot 7rOII.tTat trwy take care tnat ,, ( " {./'\ .. \' L ~ 1 the citizens may be best (to see how they might be best). Cyr. i. 2, 5. fls &v &mpaA~uTaTri y' l8l7jv brolovv, I took steps that (by which) I #uTa might krww most aciYUrately. lb. vi. 3, 18. l:Kom;; 01rw<; &v 8ufyoHv1 I am considering how they might live tlw easiest lives. Symp.

ws

vii. 2. (Cf. PLAT. Lys. 207 E, quoted in 349,) For a full enumeration of all the irregular passages of this class in Xenophon, see .Appendix IV.

Negative Object Clauses.

ws in Homer (341) are negative, except that Od. vii. 192 combines ws Ke tK1JTat with p.7J8e n 1ra8ww. Negative object clauses are expressed in Homer, like most negative final clauses (315), by the simple p.~ with the subjunctive or optative, as in Il v. 411, cppa{j~J(}w p.~ Ts ol &.p.dvwv ui:o p.aX1JTat, and Il. xv. 164, xxii. 358, Od. xvii. 595, all with cppa(op.at p.~ and the subjunctive. So p.p.{3AeTo Texos p.~ .:lavao2 7reputav, Il. xxi. 517. These examples show a common origin with clauses after verbs of fearing, but the optative in the last example indicates that the original parataxis is no longer felt. 353,, The earliest example of a negative object clause with a final particle and p.~ is .A.ESCH. Prom. 203, (]"11'Voovres (past) ws Zevs p.~7roT' llp~t:tev Oewv. In all the .Attic writers and in Herodotus the development of the negative object clause with 011'WS' p.f] and the future keeps pace with that of the negative final clause with Zva p.~, etc. 354; (M?] for o1rws p.~ in Object Clauses.) Verbs of this class (339) which imply caution, especially opw and UKo1rw, may have
352. None of the object clauses with 01rws or the simple p.~ with the indicative), even in Attic caution (365), as well as belong equally to the two subjunctive (rarely with the future prose, like ordinary verbs of fear and 011'ws p.~ with the future. Such verbs classes Band C (303). E.g. };K67ret p.?] uot 1rp6vot' Tov Oeov cpvAaKTea. SoPH, 0. C. 1180.

qOpa ~ p.~ vvv p.ev ns eilxep~s 7rapifs. Id. Ph. 519. qOpa p.~ 1rapd. yvr!Jp.7JV 7rEITTJS EuR. H. F. 594. LK<hm Tri8e, p.ry I'VV cpvy6vTes et8' dAwp.ev VITTEpov. Id. .And. 755. T1JpOV "'~ A.af3vs il11'W1I"ta, .A.R. Vesp. 1386. ''Opa p.ry p.aT1JV K6p.1ror; o..\6-yos oVTos elp7Jp.evos fj, i.e. lest this may prove to have been spoken, etc. HDT. vii. 103. ''Opa p.~ 1roA.A.wv EKauT<p ~p.wv xetpwv oe~ue t. XEN. Cyr. iv. 1, 18. 2:Ko7ret 8~ p.~TovTots ailTov J~atT?}IF1JTat Kai KaTayd.auv. DEM. xxi. 151. ''Opa ovv p.~ n Kai vvv pyau7JTat. PLAT. Symp. 213 D. So Il. xv. 164 (see 342). See the corresponding use of 01rws p.fJ for p.fJ after verbs of fearing (370).

'128
''O?rw~

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[355

after Verbs of Asking, Commanding, etc.

355. Verbs of asking, entreating, exhorting, commanding, and forbidding, which reg11larly take an object infinitive, sometimes
have an object clause with 07rws or 07rWS p.~ in nearly or quite the same sense. E.g. .6dlovs 8 r6v8e <j>pci(' 87rws p.'YJ8e2s (Jporwv Kdvov 7rclpodJev dtJ><j>L8-6o-erat xpot; i.e. tell him that no one shall put on the robe before himself. SoPH. Tr. 604: so Aj. 567. AaKeOatp.ov[wv J8ovro ru frycpto-t/ o7rws p.erao-rpacpd'YJ. AR. Aeh. 536. Kat fl alrw (3paxv, orrws go-op.a U"OL <Pav6s. Id. Eq. 1256. ''OKwS .fwvrwv yev'l]rat pyov rrapaKeAevrrap.evot, ~pyov eZxovro rrpoBv(J>6TEpov. HDT. ix. 102. To IIavaKrov JBovro Botwrovs ('I) o7rws rrapa8wo-ovo-t AaKeOat{J>ov[ots. TRue. v. 36. "07rws fJ>EV p.~ drroBavu 1Jl'rt(36An Kat tKETEvw, LYs. i. 29. IIapatTE'i'a-Bat orrw<; allrw!' p.~ Karatf'YJcp[o-'YJo-Be. ANT. i. 12. .6e~U"TaL 8' vp.wv 011'WS otK'YJV f1-1J 8lji. Ib. 23 : so alrOV(J>aL Brrws oiJ, Ibid. .6wKeAe-6ovraL 07rWS r tp.wpryo-era t 7rclvra<; rovs row-6rovs. PLAT. Rep. 549 E. IIapayyeAA.n o1rw<; p.1) o-ovrat. Ib. 415 B. "Ep.otye drr'l]y6peves o1rws p.~ rovro d7roKptvo[fh'YJV (fut. opt.) Ib. 339 A. 'A1rtp'I](J>EVOV allrr{i 01l"W s /h'YJ8ev J per (f)v ~yeZrat, when he is forbidden to say a word of what he believes. Ib. 337 E.

ro

356. l'his is rare in Homer ; but twice in the Odyssey A[o-o-o{J>at has an object clause with orrws : . Ao-o-eo-Bat 8 fJ>LV allros o1rw> V'YJfJ>Eprea d1ru, and implore him yourself to t>peak the truth. Od. iii. 19. (Compare the regular construction, ollo o-e Ato-o-o0at fl'EVELV, Il. i. 174.) Ao-o-ero 8' alei "Hcpato-rov KAvroepry6v 01rws A.-6o-etcv "Ap'YJa, he implored him to libera.te Are1. Od. viii. 344. ' 357. A{o-o-op.at with Zva and the subjunctive is found in Od. iii. 3 27 : Ato-o-eo-Bat o p.tv avr6s zV a V'I](J>Eprf.s EV[(J"1f u, and implore him yourself that he 1nay speak the truth. With this we may compare DEM. xvi. 28, l'rfjAoL eo-ovrat ollx Zva 8eo-1rwt KaroLKto-Bwo-L Jl-bvov 7rOt0-6fhEVot n)v o-rrov8ryv, it will be evident that they take an interest not me1ely in having Thespiae established; in both cases the object clause falls into the construction of a pure final clause. This is very rare in classic Greek ; but it reappears in the later language, as in the New Testament: thus JvroA1]v Katv~v 8[8wfhL Vfh'iv, Zva dya1rau dAA~Aov<;, a new comnwndment I give unto you, that ye love one anothm, I oH. Evang. xiii. 34. So f.oe?}B1JV tva JK(JaA.Awo-tv, Luc. ix. 40. Compare the Latin, 1ogat ut liceat. 358. In Od. xvii. 362 we find wrpvv' ws &V rr-6pva KUTd Jl-V'YJU"Ti)pas d y d pot, she exhorted hirn that he should collect bread among the suitors. (See 329, l.) 359. The singular ease of ws with the subjunctive in Il. i. >58, rfi er' 6w ka-rav~vcrat in)rv0ov, <i>s 'AxtA.{ja TLfJ>~<TU"' dAecrvso 7riJAEas E11'~ V'YJVU"tv 'A xatwv, i.e. I believe that you promised by your nod to honour

364]

SIGMA TIC SUBJUNCTIVE WITH

C57rco>

,129

Achilles, etc. has the appearance of indirect discourse ; but probably KaTavEDw 0s is used with the same feeling as At<r<rOJW.t 01rws in 356, promising to act here taking the same construction as entreating to act. See PrND. Py. i. 72 (in 346). 'Hs, as an adverb of manner, is here clearly on its way to its use in indirect discourse. Some read Ttfl,~<TH!> and oAE<rHs. 360. A singular use of 07rWS and the future indicative with oii <Tii in place of the regular infinitive occurs in SoPH. Aj. 556, OEf <rE 01rws od~e.s, for OEt (]" oe'i~at, and Ph. 54, T~V <l>tAOKT~TO'U <TE OEZ fvx~v 01rws A.6yot<rtv EKKAefe.s A.ywv. So Cratinus, Fr. 108, o<Z<r' 01rws Eixrx~p,ovos dAEKTpv6vos p,TJo'Ev ow <r<ts. This would be like oop,at 01rws (355) except for the object <re, which is like <re in OEt <rE TODTov, the orrws clause representing the genitive.

Object Infinitive and Indirect Questitms.

361. Some verbs which regularly take an object clause with orrwc; sometimes take an object infinitive, which may have the article Tov or T6. (See 373 and 374.) E.g. 'AE nva hrEp,eAoJ!To <rcpwv avTwv v TaZs dpxaZs dvat, they always took care that one of their own number should be in the offices (where we should expect 01rws ns ~a-Tat or ~a-otTo). TRue. vi. 54. Ovo' f.rrEp,EA+ eTJV TOV Otoaa-KaA6v p,o[ nva YEJ!e<r8at TWJI E'lrt<TTap.eVIJ)JI. XEN. Mem. iv. 2, 4. To p,ev oi'iv AEKTtKoDs y[yvEa-8at ToDs <rvv6vTas ovK ~<T7rEVDEV. Ib. iv. 3, 1. (See 793.) 362. Verbs signifying to see or look out (like <rKo1rw) may be followed by an indirect question with d, whethe1; as El ~vp.1rov~aELs Kat ~VVEp yci<rH <rK67ret, see whether you will assist me, etc. SOPH. Ant. 41. For independent clauses with orrws and orrws p.~ with the future, often explained by an ellipsis of a-K6rret or a-KorrEZn, see 271-283.

Amist Subjunctive in -(J'w and

-(J'WfW~.-Dawes's

Canon.

363. When an aorist subjunctive active or middle was to be used with 01rws or orrws p,~ in any construction, the second aorist was preferred to a first aorist in -a-w or -a-wp,at, if both forms were in use. This preference arose from the great similarity in form between these sigmatic aorists and the future indicative (as between (3ovA<vo-v and (3ovA<'-va-H, (3ovAEV<TTJTat and (3ovAdJa-eTat). This made it natural also for a writer to avoid those forms of the subjunctive which were nearly identical with the future indicative where the latter could be used as well. This of course does not apply to the first aoriBt subjunctive passive, which has no resemblance to the future; and there is no reason for applying it to liquid aorists like fJ,ElJ!W and a-cp~A.w. 364:. The general rule. laid down by Dawes more than a century ago (Mise. 01it. pp. 222 and 228), the so-called Canon Davesianus,
K

130

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[364

which declared the first aorist subjunctive active and middle a solecism after 81rw!i pfJ and oil pfJ, was extended by others so aB to include 01rws (without p.fJ), and the Greek authors were thoroughly emended to conform to it. As this rule has no other foundation than the accidental circumstance just mentioned (363), it naturally fails in many cases, in some of which even emendation is impossible. In the first place, there is no reason for applying the rule to pure final clauses, in which the future indicative is exceptional (324) ; and here it is now generally abandoned in theory, though not always in practice. There is, therefore, no objection whatever to such sentences as these: (Jjy lveKa E7TTa0~vat, 07TW!i a7roAavuwp.ev Kal 07TWS yevwpeOa, XEN. Cyr. vii. 5, 82; EKKATJu[av ~vvfJyayov, 01!"W!i v7ropvfJuw Kat p.!p.fwp.at, THUC. ii. 60; and T'ifv ayopd.v E7Tt T~V O&.A.auuav Kop.[ua, 011"W> 7rapd. Ta, vav> ap CTT07TOfjuwvTa, Kat u oAfyov Tots 'AOTJva[ots E7TXHPWCTv, THUC. vii. 39, in which the best Mss. have the subjunctive. Indeed, where the reading is doubtful, the subjunctive should be preferred in these cases. Secondly, in independent prohibitions with 01rws p.fJ, although the future is the regular form, there is less objection to the subjunctive (even the first aorist) than in positive commands with simple or.w>, since the analogy of the common p.~ 7rotfJuTJ!i TovTo, do not do this, supports 81rws p.~ 7rotfJuTJ> TovTo in the same sense (283). There is no such analogy, however, to justify such a positive command a~ 81rw> 7rotfJu1J!i TovTo, do this, and this form has much less manuscript authority to rest on. Thirdly, in the case of otl p.fJ, if both constructions (denials and prohibitions) are explained on the same principle, no reason exists for excluding the subjunctive from either ; and it cannot be denied that both the first and the second aorist subjunctive are amply supported by the manuscripts. (See 301.) Fourthly, in object clauses with 01rws there is so great a preponderance of futures over subjunctives, that the presumption in all doubtful cases is here in favour of the future, as it is in favour of the subjunctive in pure final clauses. A much stronger case, therefore, is made out by those who (like Weber and most modern editors) change all sigmatic aorist subjunctives in this construction to futures. Some cases, however, reAist emendation ; as XEN. An. v. 6, 21, K<Aevovut 1rporrTanvrrat 81rws tK11"Aevuv ~ crTpaTL<i, where we canuot read tK'IrAevu<t, as the future is EK7rA<vrrop.at or iK11" A<vuovp.at. In DEM. i. 2, all Mss. except one read 7rapauKwauau()a T~v Tax[uTYJV 81rws tv0v8e f3oTJOfJuTJT< Kat p.~ 1r&.OTJT< Ta0T6v, and it seems very arbitrary to change f3oYJOfJ<rTJT< to f3oTJOfJueTf'. and leave 1r&.OTJT<. But a few cases like these weigh little against the established usage of the language, and we must perhaps leave the venerable Canon Davesianm undisturbed in the single depar1;ment of object clauses with o1rws, although we may admit an occasional exception even there. See Tra:nsactions of the A mmican Philological Association for 18 6970, pp. 4-6-55, where this question is discussed more fully.

365]

M~ AFTER VERBS OF FEARING

131

C. CLAUSES WITH #~ AFTER VERBS OF FEARIN~, ETC.

365. Verbs and phrases which express o:r imply fear, caution, or danger take #~ lest or that, with the subjunctive if the leading verb is primary, and with the oJptative if the leading verb is secondary. The subjunctive can also follow secondary tenses to retain the mood in which the object of the fear originally occurred to the mind. M~ (like Latin ne) denotes fear that something may happen which is not desired; (ut= ne non) denotes fear that something 'ffW.,y not happen which is desi1ed. E.g.

#n ov

if>o(3ovfLat fL~ yevrrrat (vereor ne accidat), I fear that it may happen: cpof3ovfLat fL~ ov yev'fJTat (vereor ut accidat), I fear that it may not happen. b..d8w fL~ O~pEuuw lAwp Ka~ KVpfLa yEvWfL<tt. Od. v. 4 73. llE8w fL~ oil Ts Tot flTroUX'fJTat To8E lpyov. Il. x. 39. (This is the only case of fL~ ov in these sentences in Homer. The next that are found are EuR. And. 626, EL 568, Phoen. 263. See 264, above.) Ov cpof3iJ fL~ a? ., Apyos aTrOKTEtVat 8Uu. EuR. Or. 770. ITotOJI e8vos ov 8oKEt flTrEP'fJT~UEtl/ cpo(3oVfLEVOV fL~ n 7ra8u; XEN. Cyr. i. 6, 10, <I>povT(w fL~ KpanuTov iJ fLOt utyfiv. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 39. <l>vAaTTOfLEvos fL~ 86~u J-Lav8avELV n .. lb. iv. 2, 3. b..e8otKa fL~ ov8' ouwv aTrayopE1JEtl/. PLAT. Rep. 368 B. Td. 7rEp~ T~S fvx~s TroAA~v amurav 7rapexa TOtS av8pti:J7rots, fL~ ~Tra8d.v aTraAA.ayiJ TOV uti:JfLUTOS ov8afLOV ETt if, aAM 8tacp0dp'f}Tal TE Kat aTroAAll'f}'Tat. Id. Phaed. 70 A. OvKovv vvv Kat TovTo Kv8vvos, fL~ Aa(3wut 7rpouTaTas avrwv rwas TOVTWV, there is danger of this, that they may take, etc. XEN. An. vii. 7, 31. Kv8vv6s Jun, fL~ fLETa(3d.A.wvrat Kal yevwvTat fLETa Twv TroAEJ-Llwv. Isoc. xiv. 38. 'OKvw fL~ fLOt <I Avulas ra1rnv6s cpavfi. PLAT. Phaedr. 257 C. EvA.a(3ofi 8 fL:yl cpavfjs KaKOS yEy<ils. SoPH. Tr. 1129. Ov8v 8nvo2 EUOVTat fL~ {30lJ(}EWfrt ravru. HDT. vii. 235. 'YTrOTrTEVOfLEV Kat VJ-LaS fL~ OV Kowol aTro (3 ~TE. THuc. iii 53. AluxvvofLEvos fL~ cpopnKws <rKOTrWfLEV. PLAT. Theaet. 183 E. 01 fLVOot urpecpovuw ailrov T~ll fvx~v, fL~ aA'fJOEZS Giut, torment his soul with fear lest they may prove true (92). Id. Rep. 330 D. lld<ras fL~ 1rti:Js oi f.pvua [a To VEKpOv 'Axaw[. Il. v . 298. '' A(;Ero yap fL~ ::\TvKTt Oofj d'!fo0llfLtU ep8ot. 11. xiv. 261. 'Eyti> yap iifLYJII EK7rE1TAYJYfLEIIYJ cp6!3'1}, fL~ fLOL TO KaAAos aAyos f.~n)pot 7r0TE. SoPH. Tr. 24. "E8Huav oi "EAAYJI'ES fL~ 7rpoud.yotEV 1rpos TO Kepas Kat auToBs KQTUKOlfHav. XEN. An. i. 10, 9. . OvKETt E7rT[(}EIITO, 8e8otKOTES fL~ a7rOTfL'fJ(}d'fJuav. lb. iii. 4, 29. "E8Hcrav fL~ Avrra ns W<TTrEp Kvu2v ~fL'i:v EfL1r1fTti:JKot. lb. v. 7, 26. 'YTroTrTEV<ras fL~ T~v Ovya-;:epa Aeyot, -i)pETo, having suspeeted that he m~qht mention his daughte1. Id. Cyr. v. 2, 9. 'H(}{;fLYJ<rav nvEs, f.vvoolJfLVOt fL~ T<i im-;~8Ha ovK fl x o LE v 61ro0v AaJ-Lf3avotv. Id. A.n. iii. 5, 3. Ov8E2s

132

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[366

yap Kvovvos o6Ket il'vat P-'1 ns &vw 1ropnoJ1-f.vwv EK roil 07r!cr8u' E7rcr7r6tro. Ib. iv. I, 6. ;r.. ' ' ' ' '(3 1\ \' 0 ' ' Otc "'WKO,tfES Ta<; I'?JcrOV<; OVK E OVII.OVTO 7rWII.EEW1 VHfJ-atVOVTE<; fl-?J Ef1-7roptov yf.vwvTat. HDT. i. 165. Tcj) yap OEotf.vat fl-~ .\6yots ~cr6-ovs iJJcr t, TOAJl-'YJPW'> 1rpus Td ~pya x6Jpovv. TRue. iii. 83. llEptOE~s f'EVOJl-EVOS fl-~ f'lrt7rAEf!crWcrLv a1 V~<;. Jd. iii. 80. "EoELcra fl-~ Tpoav d8pocrn Kat ~vvotKcrn 1rriAw. EuR. Hec. 1138. 01 8Ecbf1-EVOL Jcj>of3ovvTo fl-'1 n 1ra817. XEN. Symp. ii. 11. D.ijA.os i]v 1racrtv (Klipos) on V7rEpecj>o(3EtTO fl-~ o1 6 7rri7r7T"OS d7ro ea. VYJo Id. Cyr. i. 4, 2. For the present subjunctive in these sentences denoting what rnay henajte1 p1ove to be an oLject of fear, see 92.

366. The manner in which this complex sentence expreRsing fear was developed from an independent sentence like Jl-1J v1)w; f!A.wn, rnay they not seize the ships, and a precediug verb of fearing like the two gradually becoming one sentence, has already been explained (:307). As the fear and the desire to avert the cause of fear are both implied in fl-~ with the subjunctive, it is not strange that this expl'ession can follow verbs like 6pw and oloa which do not imply fear in thewselves;

oeow,

as i.~eA.86Jv ns i'ooL, fl-~ 01J crxeoov (f)(]"L KLOVTES, let some one go ont and see that they do not appToach neaT '(cf. videat 11e accedant) ; originally, let sorne one go out and look to it: rnay they not approach, Od. xxiv. 4D l. So ollof. TL tOfJ-1', fl-~ 7rWS Kat OLd J!VKTa Jl-EVOW~(]"W(]"L fl-U xecr8ru, nm do 'We know any way to pTevent their being irnpelled to fight even d~tring the night; originally, noT have 'We any knowledge: rnay they not b1' impelled to figi~t, Il. x. 100. See also PLAT. Phaed. 91 D, Tooe &o'YJA.ov 7ravTt, fl-~ 7roAAd <TWfl-aTa KaTaTptfacra ~ tfvx~ TO TEAEVTaLOV avT~ &7roAA1~?] TaL, i.e. iw one lcnows any security qgainst the soul itself finally perishing,
etc. The indirect question sometimes used in translating such a clause with p.~, as whether they may not appToach or 'Whether they. may not be irnpelled, is merely an attempt to express the hesit,ttion which the apprehemion involves, as there can be, of course, no real indirect question. See especially the cases of fl-~ with the present indicative (369, 1), which are often called interrogative. See the corresponding construction in 4 9 2.

367. (FutuTe Indicative.) Sometimes, though seldom, fL'J has the future indicative after verbs of fearing. Tht' examples arc:<Pp~v dJl-f.crcreTaL cp6f3'1:', Jl-1J 1roAts 1rv81]TaL .. . Kai Tb Kwcr!wv
0 " ' O' ' 1r011.L(]"fl- aJITWOV'lrOV I(UETat, (3 VcrcrtVOLS V EV 7rE7rii.Ot<; 7rE(J"YJ 1\.UKtS. AEscH. Pers. 115. Tavr'-oilv cpo(3ovf1-at, fl-~ 1rocrts Jl-EV 'HpaKA~s Jfl-os KaAELTat (fut.), T~<; VEWTEpas o' dv~p. SoPH. Tr. 550. 6.8otKa f1-1J ~AAov nv6s fl-E(jf.~w. XEN. Cyr. ii. :3, 6. <Pof3ovf1-aL oe ,u~ nvas ~oovos 1)oovaZs Evp~crOJl-EV JvavTas. PLAr. Phil. 13 A. 'AAA.Ii (cf>of3epov Kai crcpaAep6v) fl-~ crcpaA.eis Kdcrofl-aL. Id. Rep. 451 A.
1 1 1 \ ' ' \ ' \ '

(l'he last two examples are not given by Weber.) l<'or three cases of p.fJ with the future optative after past tenses of yerbs of fearing, representing the future indicative, se" 131.

~69]

M1}

WITH INDICATIVE

133

P-~ anel the But a potential optative with &v can follow fl-~ after a verb expressing fear or anxiety, after 1oth primary and secondary tenses (168). E.g. 6.f.8otKa yap f1-1J 7rp~) Af.yo t<;; <lv Tuv 1r68ov TOV ~ Ef-ov, I fear that you might perhaps tell. SoPH. Tr. 631. Ovu 7rpo~rSoda ofJO{f-f.a (1}v) f-1J &.v 7ro7{ o1 1roAf.f1-wt E7rt7rAdJ<rHav. THUC. ii. 93. 'EK{tVo vvow fl-1J A[av liv Taxil <rwrppov~~r8d'Y)v, lest (in that case) I should be veTy soon bTmtght to my senses. XEN. An. vi. 1, 28. 6.{8~6ns f-?J KaTaAv8d'Y) av 6 8-fjf-OS. LYS. xiii. 51.

368. The particles &v and KE are never used with

~ubjunctive.

369. (Present and Past Tenses of Indicative with f'~) Verbs ofearing may refer to present or past objects. (See 308.) M~ c_an therefore be used with the present and past tenses ..of .the indicative after these verbs. .. 1. M~ .with the present indicative expresses a fear that something is now going on. E.g. 6.f.8otKa fl-?J 1rAyywv of.H, I am afraid that you need blows. AR. ,Nub. 49:3. 'Opwf-{V fl-1J N~Klas oZ{Ta{ T~ -A.f.yew, let us be cautious ~est Nicias is thinking that he says something. PLA'r. Lach. 196 C. {Here oZT)Ta~ would have meant lest llicias may think, in the future.) "Opa P-0 h{Zvov KWAJJH. Ill. Charm. 163A. <Po(3{t<rl3{ /:'1J ov<rKoAw'npol' n vvv o~a.K Hfha t -1) Jv T<[l 1rpo<r&{v (3cp, you aTe Gfmid that I am now in a 1JW1'e peevish state of mind than I used to be in (where the subjunctive would have been future, lest I may hereaftm be). Id. Phaed. 84 E. 'E1r[<rX{'' <ils &.v 1rpofJ~Ep{vv~<rw O'T[(3ov, f-~ ns 1roAtTwv ev Tp(3cp <P a VT!L ( { Ta ~, Kap.ot f-EV f.A8v rpavAos WS oovA.cp tjloyos. EuR. Phoen. 92. (Here f-1J <f>ana(ETat means lest any one is now to be seen; and f-1J lest any repoTt may come hereafter.) 'AA.>..' dcrOf-{<r&a fl-~ n Kat KaTaO'x{Tov Kpv<f>?) KaAv7rTet Kap8[?- 8vf1-0Vf1-i~vYJ, 86f1-ovs 1rapa~rnxovns. SoPH. Ant. 1253. (The idea is, we sho.lt le,wn the ?"esult of our anxiety lest she is concealing, etc.l) KdfJ-aVT~> 7rEpt 8f.A.w 7rv8f.~r&at, fl-1J '1rt Tots 1raAa~ KaKots 7rpO<rKdf1-ev6v n 7T~fl-a cn)v OaK vu rppf.va, and I wish to inquire about myself, (in fea1) les1~ etc. Eun. Her. 481. "AJ!a~, Efl-O[ TOt, fl-~ n Kat e{1)AaTOV Tovp~!OV Too', ~ ~1!wow (3ovA{VH 1raAat. SoPH. Ant. 278. (The idea is, my m,ind has long been delibemting in anxiety lest this is the w01lc of the Gods, E<rT[v being uuderstood after ft~. 2) ''Opa, cpvA.a<r~rov, f'~ ns v crT{/3'1! f3po-

neyJ,

TWJI
1

(se. f<rTtv).

EoR. I. T. 67.

In this passage and the following, if anywhere, it would seem necessary to admit the intenogative force often ascribed to Jl-fJ. But here, as elsewhere, it is plain that the dependent clause with 1'-fJ expresses the object of an apprehemion. To establish Jl-iJ as an interrogative, meaning -whethm, 1'-iJ should not only follow a verb like otoa., but also be followed by a clause expressing no object of apprehension, like d!T6J1-e!T8a Jl-TJ ol q,lA.ot !;'w!Ttv, -we shall lea.nL whethe?" our jTiends an now living; but no snch example can be found in cla~sic Greek. 'l'he nse of El, whethe1, after verbs of fearing (376) shows how the Greeks expressed an indirect question in such cases. 2 That this is the correct explanation, and that we need not emend the

134

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[370

2. M~ with the perfect indicative expresses a fear t:hat something has already happened. The difference between this and the :perfect subjunctive is often very slight, the latter expressing rather a fear that something may hereafter prove to have happened (I 03). E.g.
Nvv 8~ cf>o(:JovJLdla JL~ O.JL</>QTtpwv &JLa ~JLapdKaJLH, but now we fear that we have missed both at once. TRue. iii. 53. (The perfect subjunctive here would mean lest it may hereafter prove that we have missed.) b.t8otKa JL~ AA~8aJLH (~v dp~V'Y)V) i1r~ 7ToAAifi ll:yovTes, I fear that we have been 1tnconsciously enjoying peace borrowed at high interest. DEM. xix. 99. <Po(3ovJLat JL~ Myots n<Tl tj;evOE<TtV h'TETVX~ KOf'EV FLAT. Lys. 218 D.

3. M~ can be used with the imperfect or the aorist indicative, to express fear that something happened in past time.
t.d8w JL~ 8~ 1rrivTa 8e0. V'Y)JLEpTta et7rev, I feM that all that the Goddess said was true. Od. v. 300. 'A>.>.: Opa JL~ 11'at(wv E')'EY, but be careful lest he was speaking in jest. PLAT. Theaet. 145 B. 370. ("01rws JL~ for JL~ with Verbs of Fearing.) Verbs denoting fear and caution are sometimes followed .by an object clause with 01rws JL~ and the future indicative, the subjunctive, or the optative, like verbs of striving, etc. (339). It will be noticed that ihws JL~ here is exactly equivalent to JL~ in the ordinary construction, so that cf>of3ovJLat 01rws JL~ yev~<TeTat (or ytvrJTot) means I Jea? that it will happen (not I fear that it will not happen). E.g. t.8otK' 011'WS f'~ 'K T~S <TtW11'~<; T~<T8' J.vapp~~Et (Laur. &vapp~~YJ) Ku.Kri, I fear that a stmm of evil will burst forth from this silence. SOPH. 0. T. 107 4 (the earliest example). Toli 8aJLOVOS ot8otx' il1TWS JL~ T1J~OJLC1.t KaKo8a[JLovos, I fear that the luclc that I shall get uoill be bad luck. AR. Eq. 112. EiJ>.af3ovp.EVOL o-iw> JL~ OLX~<Top.at. PLAT. Phaed. 91 0. L::.ootKa 01TW> JL~ O.vriyKYJ "/EY~<TETat, I fear that there may ' ~ " ' ' ' ~ be a necess~'t y. D EM. 1x. 75 . 0' 't'o(3 et 01TWS JLYJ aVO<TtoV 1rpayJLa TV')'v -~, xrfvu> 7rpriTTwv; PLAT. Euthyph. 4 E. <PvAriTT01! 011'W> IL~ d-. TollvavTtOV f.A.fJus. XEN. Mem. iii. 6, 16. 'H8ws av (fJpEy,atJLt T0v av8pa), EL JL~ cf>o(3o[JLYJV 07TW'> JL~ M alln)v JLE Tpri7I'OtTO. lb. ii. 9, 3. Tol:s 1I'pE<T/3vTepots aVTt7rapaKEAEVO/f'a JL~ KaTaurxweqvat 07TWS JL~ 86~o JLaAaKu> lvat, i.e. not to be shamed into fear lest he ma.y seem to be weak. TRue. vi. 13. Compare the corresponding use of JL~ for o1rws JL~ in ordinary object clauses, especially with opw and <TK01TW, which belong equally to both classes, B and 0. (See 354.) 371. (Indirect Discourse with .;.., or o7I'ws.) In curious contrast

passage so as to rea<l ToiJpyov T6o' (i, ~tlvvo<a [3ouA<V 1ra"Aa<, is suggested by the scholion: r, <rtlvvOLa p.o, {JouA<V<Ta< Kal of<ra< p.n Kal 8efJXaT6v < <rn .,.c, 1rpfiyp.a.. So perhaps we should read if>of3ii:<T8at p.-f, T< liatp.6vwv rO. 1rp&."yp.a.Ta JXauv (vulg. iXavv?l) in DEM.. ix. 54 (with Cod. A). But the subjunctin in both passages might be explained on the pdnciple of 92.

373]

PECULIAR USES AFTER VERBS OF FEARING

135

with the preceding construction with 61rws p.~ for p.~ (370) is that by which verbs of fearing sometimes take the construction of ordinary indirect discourse. Here ws and even 611"ws, that, may introduce the object of the fear, thus taking the place of p.~ in the common construction. This apparently occurs only when the leading verb is negatived. E.g.
M~ Beur~s ?roB' ws y~Awn 'TOV!J-OV cpatBpov ol/Jerat Kapa, do not feM' that ~he will ever see my face joyful ( = p.~ ZBy). SoPH. El. 1309: so 1426. 'Av8pos p.~ cpo(3ov ws thop~rrets &.gtov, do notjeQ/1' that you will be at a loss. XEN. Cyr. v. 2, 12. (Here the direct discourse would be d1rop~rrw, I shall be at a loss.) M~ 8drr'YJTE ~., ovx ~Bews Ka6ev8~rre-re, do not fear that you will not sleep sweetly. Id. vi. 2, 30. (Here p.~ ovx would be the ordinary expression.) Ov 7ovro BeBotKa, ws id.v <iKpoarrtle aV-rwv d?rofrJcpte'irrBe, I have no fear of this, that you will acquit them if you heQ/1' them. LYS. xxvii. 9. M~ rperrys O'II'WS rre -rts <i'll'orr'll'arret f3v-, that any one shall tear you away by force. EuR. A.. I > \ 'I I \I \I I H er. 248. M'Y\J 't'o(3 ev f-'YJTE ep.e, ws rreo 'll'etpwp.evos Aeyw Aoyov rovoe, / ,... , , \ 1 '{:. ) .-.. I f-'YJTE yvvatKa T'YJV Ef-'YJV, f-'YJ TtI rot E~ aVT'YJS yev'YJ'Tat (3' 1(3os, do not Aa fear either that I am saying this to try you (ws A.eyw), or lest any hMm shall come (P-~ yev'Y}rat). HDT. i. 9. (Here the two constructions after cpo(3ev make the principle especially clear.) In all these cases p.~ or o'l!'ws p.~ would be regular, and exactly equivalent to ws and o1rws here. In the same way, we s:ty in English he fears lest this may happen and he fears that this may happen in the same sense. In Greek we might have p.~ rperry> O'll'ws p:~ rre -rts d?rorrmfrret (3 70) in the same sense as p.~ rperrys o'll'ws rre ns <i'll'orrm:frro (above).
~ ~

372. (Infinitive.) The future infinitive may stand in indirect discourse after verbs of fearing, to represent a future indicative of the direct course. E.g.
Ov cpo(3o{;p.e8a i A.arrrrwrrerr eat, we are not afraid that we shall have the worst of it. THUC. v. 105. (Here p.~ with the subjunctive would be the regular form.) 373. The present or aorist infinitive (without p.~), not in indirect discourse, may follow verbs of fearing, to denote the direct object of the fear; as in English, I fear to go. This infinitive may l1ave the article. E.g. <Po(3ovp.at o~v 8 te Aeyxe tv rre, p.~ il'll'oAti(3ys, K.r.A., Jam afraid to refute you, lest you may suspect, etc. PLA.T, Gorg. 457 E. <Po(3~rrera dBtKei:v, he will be afraid to do u;rong. XEN. Cyr. viii. 7, 15. (But cpo(3~rrerat p.~ dotKfj, he will fear that he may do 'll>r0711J.) t:.e8tevat cparrKOVTWV KepKvpatwv ~XELV avrov. THUC. i. 136. Ou KareBewav ~<rA8d:v. Id. iv. llO. IT~fptl<a 'EpLVVv 'TA~<rat "Td.s Komipas, I shudder at the idea of the Fury fulfilling the curses. AESCH. Sept. 720. (But in vs. 790, rpew 1'-~ re>..Errv means I tremble lest she may fulfil

136

FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES

[374

t~em.) See also XEN. An. i. 3; 17. To rhro()viJcrKELJI ovoet> <Pof3iirrat, To 8 d8tKtv <Po{JtTat. PLAT. Gorg. 522 E. 374. Verbs of caution may be followed by an infinitive (with or 'without p.~), which sometimes has the article; the infinitive or the infinitive with p.~ having the same meaning as a clause with p.~ and the subjunctive or optative. E.g. ~ ' ,, t ' , ' \ ' " ' : IT Wo OVK a,;tQJI aVTOJI ""j <PVicagacr{)at TOWVTOJI ""jJIfT () at j W hy ought he not to guard against becoming such a 'rnan hirnself? XEN. Mem. 5, 3. (Here yv~cr()at is equivalent to p.~ yivqTat.) 4>vA.aTT6p.vo> _TO AV7r~cra( -nva, taking cwe to offend no one. DEM. xviii. 258 . .PvA.a&crHv p.YJ8~va 7rpawvcr8at, to g'liard against any one's crossing over. THUC. vii. -17. 4>vAaT-r6p.<vov Kat 7rpooprflp.<vov p.~ KaTatcrxvvat '-rav1-Yjv. DEM. xxv. 11. (For p.~ in this construction see 815, 1.) ln THuc. vii. 77, we find the infinitive with wcrn after <PvA.acrcrw. . 375: Kv8vv6> E(J"Tt, the principal expression denoting danger, which ~akes J-t~ and a finite verb, is quite as regularly followed by the ili,finiti ve. E.g. Ov fT{ttKpos K[v8w6> ~crnv ~a71'aTYJ()~vat, there is no little danger ,()f their being deceived. PLA'r. Crat. 436 B. Ktvqvv<vw is regularly followed by ,the infinitive (7 4 7). 376. (Indirect Questions.) Verbs of fea1ing may be followed by an indirect 'question introduced by d, whether, or by some other interrogative. "Orrw<; as an interrogative here must not be confounded :with orrw> as a conjunction. E.g. Oi. 0!8otKa d .PU.. t71'7l'OS {jj, d,\A.' d -r~> 7r6AEWS 7'~()VYJK< TO TOVS ;d8tKovvTas p.t(J"<LJI Kat np.<op<l.crBat, I have no fear (on the question) whether Philip is alive; but I have fea1 (about this), whether our .city's habit of hating and punishing evil-doers' is dead. DEM. xix. 289. .P6(Jo> {tOt {W(J"Ljl oils Jyw Bf.A.w. EuR. Her. 791. .Pf.povcra (J"Ot liEOVS 1JKW A.6yov>, <j>6f3'1! p.f.v d ns O<crrrorwv alcr8~(]'Tat, through fear whether any one will perceive it (where {t~ at(J"B"Y)Tat would have meant lest any one shall pe1ceive it). Eua. Andr. 60. See XEN. Cyr. vi. l, 17. 4>o"f3ovvTat orrot rroTE 7rpof3~crETat TJ -rov dv8po> 8vvafttS. XEN. Hell. vi. 1, 14. (The direct question would be 7roi: rrpo(J~crerat ;) T~v B<ov 8' orrws ,\<f()w 88otKa, I am in fear (about the question) how I shall escape the Goddess. Eua. I. T. 995. (The direct question was 71'W<; A.aBw; 287.) So SoPH. Ph. 3:37. 'A7ropovvns 7rws XP~ d7rLBEZv, <Po(JovJ-t<YOL of. rrws XP~ a7r<tA.ovvn {,rraKovcrat. XEN. Cyr. iv. 5, 19. 377. (Causal on) "Verbs of fearing may be followed hy on, because, and an ordinary causal senten,;e with the indicative (713). E.g. OvK a~wv 8ta TOVTO <Po(3t(J"ea, TOlJS' 7/'0A<J-t[Ov>, OTt 7/'oA..\ot -rvyxavovcrtv OJIT>, to fear them., becau.se they happen to be many. Isoc. vi. 60. .Po(JoVfLEVYJ> T~> fl-1JTPO>, OTt TO xwp[ov E71'Vv86.v<TO VO(J'W0S lvat. Id. xix. 22. ''On o rroAA.wv apxovcrt, f-L~ <Pof3178~TE, d,\U '1l'OAV JhUAAov OLU TOVTO eappiiT<, do not be afraid because they rule many, etc..XEN. Hell. iii. 5, 10. 'E<j>o(3ei-ro, on 6<j>(J~(J"(J"eat f.p.EAA ;Ta f3acrA.Ha olKoOOJ-tELV dpx6J-tvos, he was afraid, because he was about

i.

er

382]

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to be seen beginning to build the palace. Id. Cyr. iii. 1, l. if>oj3oVp.EV<)s r6 Kaw&a~ Kat ro rep.v<rr&at, 8 n dA. yetv6v, fearing them because they are painful. PLAT. Gorg. 4 79 A. So THUC. vii. 67.

SECTION VI.

Conditional Sentences.
378. A conditional sentence consists of two clauses, a dependent clause containing the condition, which usually precedes and is called the protasis, and the leading clause containing the conclusion, which is called the apodosis. The protasis is regularly introduced by the particle et, if, negatively /, f'-~ 379. Ai is a Doric.. and Aeolic form for cl, and is sometimes used in epic poetry in the forms aW< and at yap, and less frequently in at K<.l 380. The name protasis is often restricted to clauses introduced by a particle meaning if But it applies equally to all conditional relative and temporal Clauses (520), and it properly includes all clauses which naturally precede their leading clauses in the order of thought, as E7r<t iJa-8ETo rovTo, a1r~A.8cv, after .he perceived this, he departed. Such a clause may still be called a protasis, even when it follows its leading clause, provided the order of thought is not changed.

381. The adverb &v (epic IC~ or IC~v, Doric d.) is regularly joined with El in the protasis when the verb is in the subjunctive, El with &v (a) forming the compound M.v, ~v, or &v (ii). (See 200.) The simple Ei is used in the protasis with the indicative and the optative. The same adverb li.v is regularly used in the apodosis with the optative, and also with the past tenses of the indicative when non-fulfilment of the condition is implied.
382. The only Ionic contraction of El av is 'JV, which is used in Homer and Herodotus. The Attic Greek has av, ')v, and av (a); but
1 Ai for <l is usually left in Homer by editors as the Mss. give it. But Bekker (Homerische BliitteT, pp. ol, 62) '}Uotes Heyne with approval, who says that no human being can tell why we have al in one place and <i in another. Bekker cites, to illustrate this, a tO' oifrws x.o'Aov T<AeO'<t' 'A'Ya!J.E/lvwv, Il. iv. 178, and dO' &s TOt 'YovvaO' i!1rotro, iv. 313; also at K< ()e!Js t""'rat, Il. v. 129, followed immediately by &.rap d KE 'A<j>polilr1J g}..8p0'' is 'lrOA</lov. Bekker 1n his last edition of Homer (1858) gives only <l, <f0<, and <l 'Yap, without tegard to the Mss. ; and he is followed by Dolbriick.

138

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[383 -

!v, if, was probably never used by the tragedians or by Thucydides, although the Mss. have it in a few cases.

383. The negative particle of the protasis is regularly that of the apodosis is 384. When ov is found in a protasis, it is generally closely connected with a particular word (especially the verb), with which it forms a single negative expression; so that its negative force does not. (like that of 1'-~) affect the protasis as a whole. E.g. ~~ ''"A 'A,.~''.' IT avTW> O'YJ1rOV (~ OVTWS XH, eav TE <TV Kat .'1VVTO!> OV 't''YJT eay T'
J-L~,

ov.

)"

you deny it, as well as if you admit it. PLAT. Apol 25 B. El Tot> OavovTas ovK efjs ( = Kw..\vas) Od:rrntv, if you forbid burying th~ dead. SOPH. Aj. 1131. El JL~V ov iro..\..\o~ ( = 6.\.[yot) ~<rav, KaO' ;Ka<rTov &v 7rep' TOVTWV ~KoveTe, if there were only a few, etc. LYS. xiii. 62: cf. 76. Twv8e ~V ov8tv t<TOV EO"T~v, dye cl.cp' ~JLWV ye TWV Ell f'-~O"Ijl ouods OUOE71'0H lJ.pgETfH, there is no fairness in this, if (it is the plan, that) no one is eve1 to begin with us. XEN. Cyr. ii. 2 1 3. In all these cases 1'-~ could be used, even where ov seems especially proper; as in llv T' eytiJ cpw llv T JL~ cpw, whether I admit or deny it, DEll!. ui. 205. See EuR. Hipp. 995, ov8' ~)! <T(, JI-1J cpifs. The use of 1'-~ or ov was determined by the feeling of the speaker at the moment as to the scope of his negation. The following example makes the difference between oi. and JL~ particularly clear, o-& affecting merely the verb, and 1'-~ affecting the whole clause (including the ov): el }'-~ Ilpo~eJ!ov ovx i17rEOE~avTo, euwfJ'YJcrav /lv, if it had not been that t~ey did not receive Proxenus, they would have been saved, DEM. xix. 74. 385. El oi. with the indicative is sometimes found in Homer where the Attic Greek would have d }'-~; as in d 8 JLO oi.K e7rwcr' E'fft7rdUETat cl.,\...\' d..\oricrEt, I1. xv. 162. See also Il. xx. 129; Od. ii. 27 4 1 xii. 382. 386. After verbs expressing wonder, delight, and similar emotions (494), where a protasis seems to take the place of a causal sentence, d ov can be used, on the principle of 384, though here JL~ is more common. See examples of l JL~ under 494 ; and for d ov see Isoc. i. 44, JL~ 6avJL&ny,s d 7ro,\..\a TWY elpYJJLEVWV ov 7rpe7ret uot. See also
387.

</>~Te, if

387. When two clauses introduced by f'-EV and U depeng upon a single el which precedes them both, ov is used even more frequently than JL~ ; as such clauses have their own construction independently of the El, which merely introduces each of them as a whole, not affecting the construction of particular words. E.g.
.6.nv6v &v ~z'Yf, l 0~ f"tll hdvwv gliJLJLaxot E71't OOl!Ae['l- Tfj avTWV cpepovns oflK d11'"epov<TtV, ~JI-ELS o' i1ri T<i) aflTOL <T~(,ecr()a, o0K /lpa.

390]

CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

139

lia7ra.Jrq1Top.Ev, it w01tld be a hard thing, if (it is a fact that) their allies will not refuse, etc. while we will not contn:bute. THUC. i. 121. ET,.'

' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ~e '-~ '() ' ~ OVK atiTXpOII, Et TO JLEII 'A pyetwll 'Tri\Yf o<; OVK E't'Of3 Yf Yf TYfll A aKEOatJLOII[wv dpx~v i>fLE'i> ll~ f3r5.pf3apov </>ofJ~ITEIT()E; is it not then disgraceful, if (it is true that), while the Argive people did not fear, you are going to be afraid, etc. DEM. xv. 23. See also PLAT. Phaed. 97 A; LYs. :x::u:. 32; IsAE. vi. 2; DEM. :x::x:xviii. 18; AESCHIN. iii. 242.
CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES.

'

388. The most obvious natural distinction is that of (a) present and past conditions and (b) future conditions. Present and past conditions (a) are divided into two classes by distinguishing (1) those which imply nothing as to the fulfilment of the condition from (2) those which imply that the condition is not or was not fulfilled. Future conditions (b) have two classes (1, 2), distinguished by the manner in which the supposition is stated. Class 1 of present and past conditions is further distinguished on the ground of the particular or general character of the supposition, as explained below in II. (394). 389. Excluding from the class (a) 1 the present and past general suppositions which have a peculiar construction (395, a and b), we have-

I. Four Forrns of Ordinary Conditions.

(a) PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS.

390. In present or past conditions, the question of fulfilment has already been decided, but we may or may not wish to imply by our form of statement how this has been decided. In Greek (as in English or Latin) we may, therefore, state such a condition in either of two ways : 1. We may simply state a present or past condition, implying nothing as to its fulfilment; as if he is (now) doing this, el ToiYro 7rpriiTITo,-ij he was doing it, ~:l e7rpaa-rn,-if he did it, el e1rpa~e, -if he has (already) done it, el 1rE7rpaxe,-if he had (already) done it (at some past time), el E7rE7rpr5.xet. The apodosis here expresses simply what is (was or will be) the result of the fulfilment of the cond1tion. Thus we may say:Et 7rpriiTITEt 'TOlrrO, KaAw<; exH, if he is doing this, it is well; el 1rpaiTITH TOVTO, ~fLapTYfKEII, if he is doing this, he has erred j el 1rpri1TrrEt TOVTo, KaAW> l~n, if he is doing this, it will be well. El E7rpae (or f.1rpaa-a-e) rovTo, Ka..\ws EXH (d'xev, f.axEv, or f.et), if he did this, it is (was or will be) well. El 11'f1rpa.xf. roiYro, KaAws l~f.,, 'if

140

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[391

he has done this, it will be well. So with the other tenses of the indicative in the apodosis. (See 402.) . So in Latin : Si hoc jacit, bene est; Si hoc fecit, bene erit; etc.

2. On the other hand, we may state a present or past condition so as to imply that it is not or was not fulfilled; as if he were (now) doing thi8, El 'TOV'To :hrp<HHTE ;-if he had done this, El 'Tovro brpa~< (both implying the opposite). The apodosis here expresses what would be (or would have been) the result if the condition were (or had been) f11lfilled. The adverb av in the apodosis distinguishes these forms from otherwise similar forms under (a) 1. Thus we may say : El i!1rpa<nrE rovro, KaAw<> &v El'XEV, if he wme (now) doing this, it would be weU; or if he had been doing this, it would have been well. Ei i!1rpa~ 'Tovro, KaAw<> &v i!<TXV (or &v ElxEv), if he had done this, it would have been well (or it would now be well). On the other hand, l E7rpa~ TOVTO, KaAw<; i!<TXEV (without av) would mean if he did this, it was well. (See 410.) In Latin : Si hoc faceret, bene esset (present); Si hoc fecisset, bene juisset (past).

391. The Greek has no form implying that a condition is or was fulfilled, and it is hardly conceivable that any language should find such a form necessary or useful.
(b)
FuTuRE CoNDITIONs.

if he does this), it will be well (sometimes also cl

444 and 44 7.)
1rpd.~EtE)

392. The question as to the fulfilment of a future condition is still undecided. We may state such a condition in Greek (as in English and Latin) in either of two ways:1. We may say if he shall do tl!is, Jav 1rpa<T<TU (or 1rpa~u) rovro (or, still more vividly, fi upd.~H TOV'To), making a distinct supposition of a future case. The apodosis expresses what will be the result if the condition shall be fulfilled. Thus we may say:'Eav 1rpd.<Trr17 (or 1rpa~u) 'Tov'To, KaAws l~EL, if he shall do this (or
1rpa~EG 'TOVTo). (See In Latin: Si hoc faciet (or si hoc fecerit), bene erit.

2. We may also say if he should do this, El 1rpa<T<Tot (or 'Tovro, still supvosing a case in the future, but less

distinctly and vividly than before. The apodosis corresponds to this in form (with the addition of av), and expresses what would be the result if the condition should be fulfilled. Thus we may say:El 1rpa<T<Tot (or 1rpd.~tE) rov,-o, wAws &v ~xot, if he should do this, it would be well. (See 455.) In Latin : Si hoc faciat, bene sit.

395]

CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

141

393. The Latin commonly employs the future indicative, si hoc faciet (correspow1ing strictly to 1 TovTo 7rpagt., if he shall do this), or the future perfect, si hoc fecerit, to express the form of protasis which
the Greek expresses by Mv and the subjunctive (J{w TovTo 7rpacruv or 7rpag'[]) ; and it uses the form si hoc faciat to represent the Greek .d TovTo 7rpacruoL, if he should do this.

II. Present and Past General Suppositions.

394. The supposition contained in a protasis may be either particular or genemJ. A particular supposition refers to a definite act or to several
had had the power, he would have helped me, if he shall receh;e it (or if he receives it), he will give it; if he should 1eceive it, he would give it. So if he always acts justly (or if he never c01nmits injustice), I h01wu1 him; if he acted justly on all these occasions, he will be rewarded.
A general supposition refers indefinitely to any act or acts of a given claRs which may be supposed to occur or to have occurred at any time; as if ever he receives anything, he (always) definite acts, supposed to occur at some definite time (or times); as if he (now) has this, he will give it; if he had it, he gave it, if he

gives it, if ever he received anything, he (always) gave it, if he had (on any occasion) had the power, he umtld (always) have helped 111e; if ever any one shall (or should) wish to go, he will (or would) always be pe1mitted. So if he ever acts justly, I (always) honour him; ij he ever acted justly, he was (always) rewarded.

395. Although this distinction is seen in all classes of conditions, present, past, and future (as the examples show), it is only in present and past conditions which do not imply nonfulfilment (i.e. in those of 390, 1) that the Greek distinguishes general from particular suppositions in construction. Here, however, we have two classes of conditions which contain only general suppositions. (a) \Vhen the apodosis has a verb of present time expressing a customary or repeated action, the protasis may refer (in a general way) to any act or acts of a given class which may be supposed to occur at any time within the period represented in English as present. Thus we m(ty say:'Eav ns KAE'Tf'T'[], KoAaCTat, if (ever) any one steals, he is (in all such cases) punished; iav ns 7rpauuv (or 7rpagv) TowvT6v n, xa"AE7ravoJLEV ailT0, if (ever) any one does such a thing, we are (always) angry . with him; lav ns To-6Tov 1f'T/, &.7roBvjuKn, if any one (ever) drinks of
this, he dies.
(See 462.)

142

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[396

(b) When the apodosis has a verb of past time expressing a customary or repeated action, the protasis may refer (in a general way) to any act or acts of a given class which may be supposed to have occurred at any time in the past. Thus we may say : Ei' n> KA~7rTot, iKoAcf.{eTo, if (ever) any one stole, he was (in all such cases) punished; ei' Tt> 7rpcf.fTIFOt (or 7rpcf.~ete) 'TOWVT6v n, ixaAe7ravop.ev a'llT<e, if (ever) any one did such a thing, we were (always) angry with him j t. TL> 'TOVTOV 7rot, a7rt8vlJfTKEY, if any one (ever) drank of this, he died. (See 46 2.) 396. Although the Latin sometimes agrees with the Greek in distinguishing general conditions from ordinary present and past conditions, using si faciat and si faceret in a general sense, like iav 1rpcf.fTIFlJ and el 1rpafTfTOt above, it yet commonly agrees with the English in not recognising the distinction, and uses the indicative alike in both classes. Even the Greek sometimes (especially in poetry) neglects the distinction, and uses the indicative in these general conditions (467). 397. In external form the general present condition coincides with the more vivid future condition, 392, 1, as both are expressed by Mv and the subjunctive, the form of the apodosis alone distinguishing them. But in sense there is a much closer connexion between the general present condition and the ordinary present condition expressed by el and the present indicative, 390, 1, with which in most languages (and sometimes even in Greek) it coincides also in form (see 396). On the other hand, Uv with the subjunctive in a future condition agrees substantially in sense with el and the future indicative (447), and is never interchangeable with el and the present indicative.
ORIGIN OF THE GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCE.-EARLY COMBINATIONS OF

WITH

(m

&v.

398. It is impossible to discuss intelligently the origin of the conditional sentence until the etymology and original meaning of the particles el, al, av, and KE are determined. On these questions we have as yet little or no real knowledge. The theory of et or al which identifies it with the pronominal stem sva (fTfe), Oscan svai, and Latin si, is perhaps the most common. By this the original meaning of el, or rather of one of its remote ancestors in some primitive language, would be at a certain time (or place), in a certain way.l But, even on this theory, we can hardly imagine any form of el as existing in the fffeek language until the word had passed at least into the relative stage, with the force of at which time (or place), in which way, under which circumstances. It cannot be denied that the strong analogy
I See Delbrii.ck, Oonj. u. Opt., pp. 70, 71, who terms this a "wahrschein. liche positive Vermuthung."

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ORIGIN OF GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCE

143

between conditional and relative sentences and the identity of most of their forms give great support to any theory by which the conditional sentence is explained as an outgrowth of the relative, so that the conditional relative sentence is made the original conditional construction. Thus cl ~A.lhv might at some time have meant in the case in which he 1vent, and d f.)..Bv, in the case in which he shall go (or in 1 case he shall go), etc. But here we are on purely theoretical ground ; and we must content ourselves practically with the fact, that in the earliest Greek known to us ,d was fully i:lStablished in its conditional sense, like our if and Latin si. 399. The regular types of the conditional sentence, which are given above (390-395) as they appear in Attic prose, have been mainly sifted from a rich variety of forms which are found in earlier Greek. In Homer we have all tenses of the indicative used as in Attic Greek, except that the imperfect has not yet come to express an unreal present condition, but is still confined to the past. The future indicative sometimes has K& in protasis, and the future with KE or av can stand in apodosis. The subjunctive in protasis can have Ef K (even E av), lJV1 Or El alone j and it can stand in a future apodosis either alone or with av or KE (like the optative). The optative sometimes has d Ke in protasis, and occasionally stands in apodosis without (;.v or KE. Once we find d KE with the aorist indicative (Il. xxiii. 526). Thus, while we have in Attic prose two stereotyped forms of future qonditional sentences, Hw (~v, :iv) 8f, EAOVfJ-L and El oo{7J, EAO[JLYJV av, we have in Homer ~V of, d KE ocf, d o</l, and El OOtYJ, t K oo!YJ, in protasis ; and JA.ov}Lat, EAOVJLa[ K, V . wJLaL, EAWJLa K, and EAOtjL'f}V K (or av), rarely EAO[JLYJV aloni', in apodosis; with every variety of combination of these. (For the details and examples, see 450-454 and 460.)

400. There is a tendency in Homer to restrict the subjunctive with simple El (without I(E or av) to general conditions (468), and a similar but less decided tendency to restrict the subjunctive with conditional relatives without Ke or iiv to the generic relative construction (538). But the general condition with el appears in Homer in a primitive stage, compared with the corresponding relative construction, which is fully developed. Both subjunctive and optative are freely used in general relative conditions in Homer, as in Attic Greek; while in general conditions with ~;l the subjunctive occurs only nineteen times and the optative only once (468). On the supposition that the clause with El is derived from the relative clause, this would appear as the ordinary process of development.

144

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[401

401. It is perhaps the most natural view of the various conditional expressions, El, .r Kt, l iiv, etc. to suppose that at some early stage the Greek had two perfectly analogous forms iu future conditions, one with two subjunctives, and one with two optatives, e.g. ei B.p Towo, v. wpa~ and tl oo['l} TOVTO, V..ofp?JV. The particle KE would then begin to be allowed in both of these conditions aqd conclusions, giving to each more distinctly its force as a protasis or an apodosis. 1 It would thus be allowed to say .r K o<tJ TOVTO, V...wp.a[ KE and EZ KE oo1] TOVTO, V...o[p1JV KE, both of which forms actually occur in Homer. Gradually the tendencies of the language restricted the use of K more and more to the subjunctive in protasis and the optative in apodosis, although for a time the usage was not strict. This state of transition appears in Homer, who preserves even a case of an otherwise extinct use of er K< with the aorist indicative. Shortly befote this stage, however, a new tendency was making itself felt, to distinguish the present general condition from the partic.mlar in form, the way being already marked out by the conditional relative sentence. As this new expression was to be distinguished from both the really present condition El {3ovA<Tat and the future d K< (3ovA.rwu, the half-way form El {3ovAYJTa~ (which had nearly given place to Er K< {3ovA?JTa~ in future conditions) came into use in the sense if he ever wishes. 2 This would soon. develop a corresponding form for use after past tenses, el {3ovA.o~To, if he ever wished, of which we see only the first step in Homer,.Il. xxiv. 768. (See 468.) It would hardly he possible to keep the two uses of d with the subjunctive distinct in form, and in time the form with KE (or av) was established in both (381 ). But we see this process too in transition in Homer, where et K Or SOme form Of El aV is USed in all future COnditionS except nine, and has intruded itself into five of the nineteen general conditions. We must suppose a corresponding process in regard to KE or ({v in conditional relative clauses to have gone on before the Homeric period, with more complete results. 3 In Attic Greek, except iu a few poetic passages, the usage is firmly
1 As I do not profess to have any oistinct theory of tl1e origin or the original meaning of either KE or av, I have not attempted to deJiue their force, except so Jar as they emphasise what we see by usage may be implied by the sentence without their aid. 2 Monro (Hom. Gr. p. 263) tlinks "the primary use of l1v or KEv is to show that the speaker is thinking of pa,tic>tla? iustames or occasious." If this is so, we should expect these particles to be first used iu future couditions, while the later general conditions would first take th.e simple .Z, as is here supposed. 3 See A1n. Jo>tr. Phil. iii. pp. 441, 442, where Gildersleeve refers to the use of el, iirE, etc. with the optative in oratio obliqua, representing Uv, lirav, etc. with the subjunctive in the direct form, as evidence of an old use of fl, lire, etc. with the subjunctive.

403]

PRESENT AND PAST Sll\Il'LE SUPPOSITIONS

145

established by which the subjuncti1e in protasis requires av in both particular and general conditions.
I. FOUR FORMS OF
ORDIN~RY

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES.

(a) PRESENT AND PAsT CoNDITIONS.

1. Sirnple Suppositions (chiefly Particular).

402. When the protasis sirnply states a present or past particular supposition, implying nothing as to the fulfilment of the condition, it takes a present or past tense of the indicative with d. Any form of the verb may stand iu the apodosis to express the result if the condition is or was fulfilled. E.g. El i(3p6v-rrJIT<, Kal {j~T-rpatfv, if it thundered, it also lightened.
(This implies no opinion of the speaker as to the reality of the thunder.) El o' OVTW TOVT E<rTlv, Ef:J-Ol Jl-fAA ,PLA.ov lvat. 11. i. 564. El TOT Kovpo> ea, vvv av-r f- y~pa> (hra(Et. Il. iv. 321.

El pAA.a Kapnp6s E<r<rt, (h6> 1rov <roi -r6 y eowK<V. Il. i. 178. El 8~ X p-I] Kal 7rdp U'ocpuv dvn,Pepga.t, pf.w, but if I must match myselj against the wise one, I will speak. Pmn. Py. ix. 54. El e.o TL 8pw<rtv ai<rxp'Dv, oBK d (T l V ew, if Gods do aught tliat is base, they a?e not Gods. EuR. Bell. Fr. 294. El yw if.>at:Opov dyvow, Kat EfkavTov E'lrtA.EA.'f/<rp.at' &A..\a yd.p o-&Bf.-repa E<rn -rov-rwv, if I do 1wt know Phaedrus, I have forgotten myself; but neither of these is the case. PLAT. Phaedr. 228 A. El Jk~V (' AU'KAT)'IrtbS) ewu ~v, OVK i]v aiU'xpoK<p'ln)>' .l 8' al<rxpo!po;)>, OllK ;)v ewv. Icl. Rep. 408 C. El 8 iKeivo<; aU'8VEITTEpO> ;)v, Emmf.i -rov 1ra8ov> afnov ~yf;<ra-ro. DEM. xxiii. 54. 403. The imperative, the subjunctive in exhortations or pro-

hibitions, the opkttive in wishes, the potential optative or indicative with av, or the infinitive may stand in the apodosis. E.g.
'AA.X <looK<< U'ot, U'-rdx, if thou art resolved, go. SoPH. Ant. 98. (Here av 8oK'fi would refer to the future, while El ooKtZ is ~trictly present in its time. Cf. Ant. 76.) 'A).X el ooKEi, 1r A. WJJ-EV, &pJJ-aU'e w TUX1J'), Icl. Ph. 526. El JJ-EV r<TTE jt TOLOVTov, . f:J-?)OE q>wv;)v aJ!a<rXTJ<T8t. DE~f. xviii. l 0. 'AA.A' 'lrOV 'lrTWXWV y< 8w2 Kat Jpwu., ei<r2v, 'Av-rlvoov 1rpu yaJJ-oto TEAo> Bava-row KtXd'f/. Od. xvii. 475. 'A.\A' El 8oK<t U'ot -rave', ,',rra ns dp(3vA.a<; A..)ot -raxos, b-u.t ijth~:s pleases you, let so'!M one qu.icklyloose my shoes. AESCH. Ag. 944. KaKw-r' hoA.ojt'l}V, !Eiav8iav el Jt?J .j>tA.w. AR. Ran. 579. Ilo.\.A.;) yap &:v EVDa~JLov[a Err; Trtpi ToiJs v(ovs, d ~rs fk'i.v p..Ovos a-DToVs Ota<-pOEipt:i. 0~ 8' aAAOL d:,,P<AOV<TLV. PLAT. Ap. 25 B. See also Il. vi. 128, d . elA.;)A.ovBa>, oBK &v p. a X o tJk 'fJ v. Tuv 'Y7r<pd8rJ1', d1rep

.z

146

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[404

d.A:l]O~ JLOV vvv Karrrrop~ J-taAAov liv lK6rws ~ r6v8' i8twKv,

if he

is now bringing true charges against me, he would have prosecuted Rypereides
with much more reason than he does this man. DEM. xviii. 223. (See 479, 2; 503.) 404. This form of condition may be used even when the supposition is notoriously contrary to fact, if the speaker does not wish to imply this by the construction; as in DEM. xviii. 12, rwv JLEVTOL Karrrroptwv, L7rp 1]o-av a:Ar/Nis, oilK Evt rii 'IT6At 8{KTJV a.ga.v :Aa.j3'iv, but if the charges were true ( = emnt, not essent), the state cannot obtain adequate satiifadion. So in English, we can say if three times six are twenty as well as if three times six we1e twenty, or if all men are liars as well as if all men were liars,-from different points of view.

405. A present or past general supposition is sometimes expressed by the indicative: see examples in 467. Here the Greek neglects the distinction which it regularly makes between general and particular suppositions of this class. 406. Pindar uses these simple conditions with l and the indicative
more than all other forms. 1 But among his forty-eight cases are many general conditions (467), which most writers would have expressed by the subjunctive.

407. (Future Indicative in P1esent Suppositions.) Even the future indicative with d may be used in a present condition, if it expresses merely a present intention or necessity that something shall be done hereafter; as when d rowo rrwqo-ot means if he is (now) about to do this, and not (as it does in an ordinary future c,ondition) if he shalt do this (hereafter). E.g. Atp 11'A~Krpov, d fka.x<Z, 1aise your spur, if you are going to fight. AR. Av. 759. (El /ka.X1: in protasis commonly means if you shall fight, like eav Jl-UXYJ) "'H vvv ey<i> }-t~V oilK rlv~p, a:VTYJ o' av~p, d Ta.vr dva.rt r1]8e Keto-Ta.t Kprin], i.e. if this is to pass unpunished. SoPH. Ant. 484. T Ota<f>povcn TWV E~ avayKYjS Ka.Korra.8ovvrwv, d ')'E 'ITHv~o-ovo-t Kat OLt{~rrovr:rt Kat ptyr!>o-ovrrt Ka~ aypv'lTV~CTOlJCTt Kat rd.A.A.a. 'lTavm J-tox81]{]'ovrrtv eK6vr<s; how do they diJfer, etc., if they are to suffer h~m/!m, thint, etc. 1 XEN. M em. ii. l, l 7. So d rr6J.p.o<; T 8afki Kat AoLfkOS 'Axa.tovs, if both war and pestilence are to lay the Achaeans low, Il. i 61 ; and El 8ta.f3AYJ0~rJ'Oj-taL, if I arn to be slandered, EuR. Hec. 863. In 11. v. 715, 1) P' aA.tov TOV p/v8ov V11'EO"'TYJfkV MEvAa<p, d OVTW j-ta.lvo-8a.L eao-op.Ev oi'i:Aov 'Ap~a., vain is the word we pledged, if we are to 1Jennit, etc., the verb of the apodosis is past, showing that the condition is not futl1!'e. 408. It is important to notice that a future indicative of this kind could not be changed to a subjunctive with Mv without an entire change of sense and time. It must therefore be distinguished from the future in future conditions, where it is generally interchangeable with
1

See Am.

Jour. Phil. iii. p. 438.

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PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS

147

the subjunctive (447). Here it is nearly equivalent to the periphrastic future expressed by p..EAA(l) and the infinitive (73), in which the tense of Jl-EAAw (as in d J1-AAo1XF TOVTO 7rodv = l 'TOV'TO 'lrOt~uovuw) shows that the condition is re\t].ly present and not future. So with the Latin periphrastic future, si hoc facturus est. 409. A present condition may be expressed by a potential optative in the protasis, and a present or past condition by a potential indicative; as ft7rp aAAcp Ttp &.vBpt!J7rwv 7T8owYJV &v, Kal uol?rd8o}J-a, if (it is true that) I would trust any one of mankind, I trust you, PLAT. Prot. 329 B; El 'TOVTO luxvp?w 'ljv &v TO~Ttp TKp.~pOv, Kdp.o1 yEvEuBw TEKJ.~pOv, K.T.A., if (it is true that) this would have been a strong proof for him (if he had used it), so let it be a proof for me, that, etc., DEM. xlix. 58. (See 458, and other examples in 506.)

on,

2. With Supposition contrary to Fact.

410. When the protasis states a present or past supposition, implying that the condition is not or was not fulfilled, and the apodosis expresses what would be (or would have been) the result if that condition were (or had been) fulfilled, the past tenses of the indicative are used in both protasis and apodosis, and the apodosis contains the adverb liv. The imperfect here, in either protasis or apodosis, refers to present time or to an act as going on or repeated in past time, the aorist to a simple occurrence in past time, and the (rare) pluperfect to an act completed in past or present time. E.g.
El Tovro 1rpauuE, KaAws &v EtXEV, if he were (now) doing this, This may also mean if he had been doing this, it would have been well (implying that he was not doing it). The context must decide, in each case, to which time the imperfect refers. El TOVTO E7rpa~E, KaA.ws &v ~<TXEv, if he had done this, it would have been well (implying that he did not do it). El TovTo ~7T'E7rpttxH, KaAws &v ElXEv, if he had finished doing this (rww or at any past time), it would be well (implying either he has not or he had not finished it). (Impf of P1esent Time.) El OE p.' ~8' dd A.6yovs E~~p X Es, ovK &v .fjuBa A.vmjpii KAvnv, if you always began your talk to me in this way, you would not be offensive to listen to (as you are). SoPH. El. 556. So El. 992, 1331, 0. T. 1511; and AESCH. Sept. 662, Ag. 1395. Kat vvv l cpo(3ep6v T JvwpwfuV, 1rav av <TO 7rpoEcppa(op.EV, if we saw any cause of alarm, we should tell it all to you. HnT. i. 120. TavTa otJJ< UV EOVVaVTO 1T"OGV, l f.L~ Ka1 0aTll fETp{'f EXPWVTO, they WOUld rwt be able to do this, if they did not lead an abstemious life. XEN. Cyr. i. 2,

it would be well (implying that he is not doing it).

148

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[410

16. Ev L!J'8' on.;: n Ef'-OV EK~Oov, ol,0110) &11 OV'TW f'- d7rO!J''T(ptV icpvA.arrov W$ a~u:)f'-a'TO<; Kat 'Ttf'-~'>, if you ca?ed for me at all, you would take precaution, etc. Ib. v. 5, 34. IIoAv &11 8avf'-a!J'rbc -rt:poll ~11, L ETLf'-WVTo, it 'would be much more wondmful, if they we1e honoured. PLAT. Rep. 489 B. Ayov!J't mi11-ra fj f.xn Karot d f'-1J .1n1yxall11 av-rol:s E7r(J'TfJf'-YJ El'Ovua, ol,K llll oTo -r' ~(J'CI.II TOVTO 1rot~a-nv, they tell everything as it is: and yet if knowledge did not chance to be in thmn, they could not do this. Id. Phaed. 73 A. Oi'X OVTW o' av 7rpo8Vf'-WS E7rt 7'0117r6Af'-0l' vpJis 7rapKaAoVII, Lf'-1J T~V .:lpfJvYJV wpw11 (J.L(J'xpall EU"Of'-EIIYJV, I should not exhort you, did I not see (as I do), etc. Isoc. vi. 87. (Impf. of Past Time.) Kat -ravr' av ODK ~7rpCI.(J'(J'OII, L P-0 f'-0 1ftKpcw a0r0 r' &.pas 1)paro, and this I should neve,. have done, had he not invoked bitter curses on myself. SoPH. 0. C. 951. 0DK a11 v1)!J'wv eKpa-rn, d f'-17 n Kat 11avnKov t:ix<v, he would not have been master of islands, if he had not had aklo some naval force (implying 11avnKov lX<II ancl v~!J'wv f.Kpart:t, he luul a na.vy, for he was mastm of islands). THUC. i. 9. (Tavra) OVK av 7rpoU.. y11, d 1'-~ e7rfTTV11 dA.?]e.V<T11, he would not have declared these things (referring to several), had he not been confident that he should speak the truth. XEN. Mem. i. 1, 5. El ~a- a 11 &vop<s &ya8ot, ws uil <P?)>, ovK llv 7rOT< -rav-ra l1rau X o 11, if they had been good men, as you say, they would never have sujfeTed these things (referring to several cases). PLAT. Gorg. 516 E. (Aorist of Past Time.) Eli'-'J opKOLS iJp81')v, oDK U117ror' li<TXOII P-0 ov -ra8' ~n1re'iv 1rarp, had I not been bound by oaths, I should never have nifmined, etc. EUH. Hipp. 657. Ka Zo-w> av 8ta rav-r' a7r8avov, .:1 tL0 ~ &px~l Oid raxiwv KCI.TEA,;e'l'}. PLAT. Ap. 32 D. T 1foT' li.v E7ra8<;v V1f' avTwv, EL 7rAdw xp6vov E1f'Tp07rVe1')1'; 1 KTEA.ecp&YJVf'-EV EViavuws, ~~ E7'1) 8 7rp'o<T1f'Tpo7rd&1]11 V7r' avrwv, ol,o' av TQ f'-tKpa TO.VTa 7rp' avrwv d7rEAa(3ov. DEM. xxvii. 63. El -rovvv 6 <{>[Ai7r1f'OS 7'07' TaVTYfJ! E(J' X -r0v YJ!Wf'-YJV, OVOEJI av 6lv vvvl 7r1T'O[YJKEV if1rpa~E11 1 ol,8 TO(J"O.VTYJV (K-rf]!J'a-ro OVVO.f'-V. Id. iv. 5. (DijfeTent tenses in Protasis and Ap01losis.) El f'-1J vpt:l:<; 1)A.8en, E7ropev6P-t:&a &v E7rt (3aa-tAa, if you, had not come, we should (now) be on O'Ur way to the King. XEN. An. ii.1, 4. ''0 t:l d7rKp[J!W, iKaJIW<; av l}SYJ 1rapcl O'ov r>)v oa-tbT?)Ta Ef'-Ef'-a8fJKYJ, if you had given this answm, I should have alTeady leamed, etc. PLAT. Euthyph. 14 C. Aotm)v 8' av ?j 11 ~jpZv E'T 7rEpt -ri)> 7rbAEW$ 8w.A..x81JIIaL -rijs 0f'-ETEpa>, el f'-1) 7rpo-repa TWV aAAwv T~V <ip1)V1')V E7r1f0 [?)TO. (This implies aAAa T?JV dpf]vY)v 1rporpa 7r<1T'o[1')rat.) Isoc. v. 56. El yap l:K -rov 7rapeA"Y)Av86ros xpovov 7'd OEOVTa OVTO uvvt:(3ovAV<Tall, oiJo'Ev UJI vp.l2s vvv f!oet (3ovA.eveu8at, if they had given the necessary advice in time past, the1e would now be no need of your deliberatiny. DEM. iv. 1. Twv d8tK'Y}I'-a-rwv Ull Efl-E/L111]7'0 TWV avrov, eZ TL 7rpt Ef'-OV y' eypcpv. Id. xviii. 79. These examples show the fully developed construction, as it appears in the Attic writers and in Heroclotus. For the more primitive Homeric usage, see 435 and 438.

412]

PHESENT AND PAST UNRgAL CONDITIONS

149

411. This construction is equivalent to that of the Latin imIJerfect and pluperfect subjunctive in protasis and apodosis. With regard to the tenses, the L~tin imperfect subjunctive represents the . Greek imperfect indicative referring to present time, and rarely that referring to past time; while the Latin plupPrfect subjunctive represents the Greek aorist and pluperfect indicative, and also most cases of the Greek imperfect referring to past time.

412. L It will be seen that, when this construction is used, it is usually implied not merely that the condition of the protasis is not (or was not) fulfilled lmt also that the action of the apodosis does not (or did not) take place ; thus d TOVTo i7roJI, E7f[<rfJYJ aJI, if I had said this, he would have been tJersuaded, generally implies not merely that I dirl not say this hut also that he was not persuaded. But this denial of the apodosis is not an essential character of the construction, as we eau see if we change the apodosis to o-GK &J1 E7r[<rfJYJ, he wmdd not have been persuaded, when it is not implied that he ?'eally was persuaded. We have seen that there is notbing in the nature of the potential indicative which makes a denial of it,; action necessary (244); and when this form is made the apodosis of an unrenl condition, it simply states that something would happen (or would lune happened) in a case which di<l not arise. Denial of the apodosis can follow as a logical inference from denial of tbe protasis only in the rare cases in which the unreal condition is the only one under which the action of the apodosis could have taken place, as when v.-e say if the moon had entend the euTth's .shadow, she woulrl have been eclipsed, where the denial of either clause canies with it by necessity the denial of the other. But if we say if it had rained, the g1'mmd ~could be wet, the denial of the protasis cuts off only one of many conditions under which the ground might be wet. Such sentences as this are, however, very common, though they are not used to prove the opposite of the apodosis (ti1at the ground is not wet) ; but they are arguments in whkh the apoclosis is assumed to be false (on the ground of observation or experience), and from this it is aTgued tllat the assumption of the protasis is false ; tl1at is, since the g1ound is not wet (as we can see), it cannot have mined, which is a good argument. This is the case in THUC. i. 9, and PLA'l'. Gorg. 516 E (quoted in 410, al1ove); where it is argued that Agamemnon had rt na.vy because this was a necessary condition of his ruling islands, aud that ce1'iain persons were not good m.en because they suft'ereu what they did, the facts of ruling islands and of suffering Leing assumed in the argument as establishetl on independent evidence. In other cases, where it is stated that the apodosis would follow as a consequence from the fulfilment of the condition, as in SOPH. Aj. 45, Kllv E~E7rpa~a.T' El KUT1Jil-~A1Jrr' ytil, he would even have accomplished it, if I had been canless, whatever negation of the apoclosis is im11lied (here ovK ~~E7rpa~a-ro) comeB from a feeling that when the only condition under which it is stated that an action would have taken ])lace fails, there is no reason for believing it to have taken place at all. We may. doubt whether ally

150

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[412

negation of the apodosis is implied in the form of expression in such cases. Certainly, in many cases in which the apodosis states a consequence which would follow from the action of an unreal protasis, this negation is assumed as already known apart from the construction; thus in SoPH. El. 556 (quoted in 410) the apodosis means you would not then be offensive to listen to, and the only ground on which we mentally add as you now are is our knowledge of Clytaemnestra's feeling towards Electra. If the sentence were if all men began their speeches politely, they would not be offensive, we should not think of supplying as they now are without some knowledge of the facts. 2. When the sentence merely affirms or denies that one act, if it had occurred, would be accompanied by another act, and there is no neces~ary relation between the two acts as cause and effect, and there is no argument drawn from the admitted unreality of the conclusion to prove the opposite of the condition, no denial of the apodosis is implied in the expression, although we may know from the context or in some other way that the action of the apodosis does not (or did not) occur. Thus in PLAT. Ap. 17 D, l -rcj) Svn ~vos f:-r{;yxavov <Ov, ~vvytyvw UKn o07!"ov aJI p.ot d f:v lKlV?J -rfj t:{>wvfj EAyov, etc., if I were 1"ea.lly <!> foreigner, you would swely pardon me if I spoke in my own dialect, etc., it is not ilU})lied that now you do not. pa~don me. We should rather say that nothing at all is implied beyond the statement you would pardon me in that case. If the apodosis were you would not be angry with me, the impossibility of understanding but now you are angry would make this plainer. Again, in XEN. An. vi. I, 32, ovo' &v eywy< f.u-rau.la{ov <l &.\..\.ov ei:A.w8, neither shQuld I (auymore than Xenophon) be quarrelsome if you had chosen another man, nothing like uracrui'w is implied ; . on the other hand, any such implication as ov (J"Tauta{w must come from the circumstances' of the case, not from the form of expression. In SOPH. 0. T. 220, ov ylip &v p.aKpdv tXVVOV avr6s, if the protasis is d Zxvwov avr6s, if I were undertaking the search by myself (alone), the apodosis I should not be very far on the track does not imply p.aKpliv lxvvw, or anything more than the sentence states. (See 511.) Again, in SoPH. Tr. 896, l 7!"apovua 71".\.Y}uta EAV(J"(J"S oi' eopaO"E, Kapr' av 4\KnU"aS, the statement does not imply ODK ~KTtfTas, although this may be true. 3. Further, in concessive sentences introduced by Kai d or l, even if or although, or ovPf d, not even ij, where it is stated that something would be true even in a supposed case (which does not arise), we have what amounts to a statement that the thing in question would be true in any case. Here, therefore, the actiou of the apodosis is distinctly affirmed; as in Isoc. xxi. ll, NtK[as p)w, el Kat T0v a.\.\.ov xpovov dthu-ro fTVKot:{>avTtv, r6r' av E11"aVU"a"TO" Ev8vvovs oe, Kat l f-'YJOE 71"W71"0T OtevofJ8YJ d8tKtV, r6r' av i71"~ p 81], i.e. N. would then have slopped, while E. would have been urged on, in any case. So DEM. xxx. avrO. a.v E11"pag Kat 11"pWTYJ 14, and xl 23. See PLAT. Rep. 620 D, AaxovO"a (=Kat El 'Trpw-r"l ~Aa)(6Y), it would have done the same even if it had drawn the first choice.

,.a

415]

PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS

151

413. In the unreal conditional sentence, therefore, the unreality of the supposition is alwAys implied, and that of the apodosis is geneTally either assumed or implied. The implied opposite of an imperfect is always a present or imperfect, that of an aorist is an aorist, and that of a pluperfect is usually a perfect or pluperfect. Thus El ;7rparr(TE, when it means if he were doing, implies &.>..>.: o-& 1rp&o-(Tn, but really he is not doing j when it means if he had been doing, it implies &.>..>.: o-&K ;7rpa(T(TE, but really he was not doing: El p.~ ;7rpa~Ev, if he had not done, implies &.>..>.: e1rpa~EV, but really he did do : El ~7rE7ro~KE TovTo, if he had already done this, implies either &.>..>.: o-& 1fE7ro1JKEv, but really he has not done it, or &.>..>.: o-&K ~7fE7fo~KE, but really he had not done it, according to the context. The aorist, however, is very often used here, as elsewhere, where the pluperfect would express the time intended more exactly; as in the sentence quoted in 410 from DEM. iv. 5, olloev <iv illv vVIIt 1fE7ro[1JKEv ;?rpa~Ev, where the perfect 7rE7ro1JKEV shows that the pluperfect might have been used for e1rpa~Ev (see 58). 414. Sometimes an aorist not referring to past time is found in the apodosis, after a protasis in the imperfect referring to the present. This occurs chiefly in Plato, and generally with Et1rov iiv, d7rEKpw&p.1Jv iiv, or a similar verb, meaning I should at once reply. The aorist excludes the idea of duration which the imperfect would express, and for the same reason it cannot be strictly present ; in effect it does not differ much from an aorist optative with iiv, the apodosis really being the result (in the case supposed) would be (~v iiv) that I should reply (d1rop. av), etc. E.g. El p.ev ovv (T{; JLE ~pwTa<; T nov vvv 8~, El1rov <iv, K.T.A., if then you were asking me any one of the questions before us, I should (at once) say, etc. PLAT. Euthyph. 12 D. "il(T1fP ltv El tT-6yxavv t:Jv V1f001Jp.&Twv 01Jp.wvpyo<>, d7rEKpvaTo liv o~ 1ro-6 (TO (TKVToT6fl-o'>, as, if he chanced to be a maker of shoes, he would answer that he ll!as a cobbler. Id. Gorg. 447 D. See also PLAT. Symp. 199 D, Men. 72 B, Theag. 123 B; .ANT. Tetr. .A. (3. 13. In PLAT. Prot. 311 B, C, we have f T[<; (TE ~PETo, T[ ltv d7rEKpvw; with the answer El1rov <iv ~>, K.T.A., twice, referring to present time; but in D, El ovv T> ~f-a> epoTo (future), followed by Tt ltv avT!f d7roKptva{fl-f{ja; An example of this is found in SOPH .Ant. 7 55 : El /1-~ 1ra-r~p ~(T8', El7rov av (T) OVK EV cppovE'iv, if you We1e not my father, I should say you were not right in mind. See EuR. Ale. 125, ~A8Ev av, ie. (the result would be that) she would return. So .Ale. 360.

on

.APODOSIS WITHOUT

av.____:'Eon, XP~II,

ETC. WITH THE INFINITIVE.

415. A peculiar form of potential indicative without dv consists of an infinitive depending on the imperfect of a verb of

152

CONDITIONAL 8ENTE.:\CES

[416

obligation, propriety, or possibility, like on, XP~v or EXP1JV, elK os 1jv, or r.pocr~Kev. This expression refers to past or present time, and generally implies a denial of the action of the infinitive. Thus EOE -rovrov &rro&av<i:v in this iuiomatic use means he ought to have perished (but did not) ; ~8~t 1JJ-Lfis -rouro r.oteL'v means we ought to be doing this (but we are not) or we ought to have done this (but we did not do it). This combination contains in other words what might have been expressed substantially by a past indicative with llv of the verb of the infinitive, qualified by an adverb or other expression denoting obligation, propriety, or possibility: thus 8et rovrov d:rro8av~i:v is (as a construction) eqni valent to oi'ITos OcKa[ws (or d~[ws) &v d:rrEBavev, he would justly have pmished, and <lKd> ?JV erE 'TOVTO r.aB~L'v is equivalent to TOVTO elJ<6rwr; av f.r.ae~,, you would properly have suffered this (implying otiK f.7ra.8e,). Strictly, the expression involves also an unreal protasis, as (in the last case) el Td EiK6s E7ra8es, which with the apodosis -rovro r.a&e, ilv appears substantially in elK6s o}v erE rovro 1ra6~i:v. (See 511.) \Vhen the present infinitive is nsed, the expression is present or past ; with the aorist infinitive it is always past. 416. The following imperfects may take the infinitive in this sense: ~o~t, XP'lv or Jxp~v, EiKos 1)v, 1rpocr~K~v, (v~v, -~~v, >jv (or v1r~PXEV 1 ),d was possible, one might, the impersonal 1}v with adjectives or nouns expressing obligation, propriety, possibility, and similar ideas, as 8Kawv ?JV, a~wv ~v, KaA6v (KuAAtov, 2 Kpe'i:Trov,3 Kpan4 5 CTTOV ) ?)v, alcrxp'Ov ~v, 1rpo~Kov 1}v, o~ 8aup.a.cr-r6v 1)v, d<.r<j>uAecrTEpov ijv,6 i:a-ov 1}v/ e1!Aoyov ijv,8 a-uyy\'w<.rTdV 1jv, oT6r; r' 1jv, ipyov >}v, 1)v with the verbal in -reo>,-also e71"pE7rcl', cruvcpep~l', 9 EAvcrtrEAEt}0 with other verhs of the same nature. To these mnst be added the expressions specially mentioned below in 424-431. 417. The~e are all originally expressions of past necessity, obligation, etc., involving no reference to any condition (mlfulfilled or otherwise); and in this sense they may always be used, as in DEliL xix. 124, ~/Sa JJ-Emv, he was obliged to stay (and did stay), and HDT. i. 8, xp~v /'UP KavoavA.v /'Evecr6at KaKwr;, for C. was doomed to fall into trouble. It is only by idiomatic usage that the denial of the action of the infinitive comes to be implied in them, and that a past tense comes to express present time, both of which characteristics are found in Greek, Latin, and English ; as ~8~t <.re avrov cpLAAv, debebas eum colere, 'lJ016 ought to love him (but
ANT. v. 13. DEM. lix. 112. The imperfecta not included in these references will be found among the examples in 419-422. The above list could doubtless be greatly extended.
10

1 See Isoc. v. 34. 3 DEM. xx. 23.

2 IsAE. ii. 15; A:arsTo-r: Etl1. x. 9, 18 (p. 1181 a, 4). 6 LYs. vii. 24. Isoc. xx. 14. 5 DE~L xviii. 248. s AnrsTOT. Eth. x. 9, 19 (p. 1181 a, 6). 9 LYs. xiii. 28.
4

419]

''Eoet

ETC. WITH INFINITIVE WITHOUT

/lv

153

you do not), ought being the past of owe. The infinitive is felt to be negatived, even when the negative belongs to the leading verb.

418. Like the potential indicative, this form of expression can either (1) be used alone, with no external protasis expressed or distinctly implied, as in xpfjv (T i..\e,zv, you ought to have gone; or (2) stand as apodosis to an unreal protasis, as in d iKeAwa-, xp~v a- i..\8,zv, if he had commanded it, you ought to have gone.

419. I. When these expressions are thus used alone (418), the denial of the action of the infinitive is always implied. E.g. T015a-OE yap JL Yj ( 0v oo, fm these ought not to [,e living (as they
are). SOPH. Ph. 418. "E 0 t JLEV TOll<; ..\yovTus a:;ravTa<; JL1JTE 7rp'Us x8pav 'TfOtEt(r()at ..\6yov JL>JOEJ'a JL>JTE trp'Us xaptv, i.e. the speakers ought not to say a wmd out of regard either to enmity or to favour (and yet they do so). DE;f. viii. 1. '2:ty>ja-a<; 1)vi/ oo .AyEtv, keeping silence when he 01ght to speak. Id. xviii. 1b9: cf. xviii. 191. Xpfjv yup (TE JL'IJT avT6v 'TfOT' EL<; Tpo[av jLOAtJI, ~JLOS T' d7rdp{'Etv, for you ought ?JOUrse/j nerer to have gone to 'f'Toy, aud you ought (now) to keep me away f?'om it. Sorr-r. Ph. 136:3. See AE<;CH. Ag. 879, Oho. 930; :SoPH. El. 1505. 6aVEZv, eavLV a-, 7rpeu(3v, XP~V trapo<; rKvw;;. EuH. And. 1208. T ixp~v JL' 7f0ttl'; JL1J 7rpoa-ayEw ypafat (Tovs 7rpeo-(3H>); what ought I to have done (u;hich 1 did not do)? Ought I not to have proposed (as I did) to invite the arnbassadors? DH:M. xviii. 28. 'Exp~v JLEl' ovv Kal otKa.wv 1JV TOV<;; TOV UTE<j>avov
Ol.Ofl-~JIOVS OE"V A~

)/

KaK<u> AEy<tv E7ft01) oE TOVTo 7rapVT'> EKHvo 'Tfotovutv, K.T.A., J.e. those who think they 01ight to receive the crown ought to show that they dese?ve it themselves, and not ve auus'ing me; but since now they have neglected the fanner nn<i do the latter, etc. Id . .li. 3. L;q)<pv 8', iJi TcKv', oils p.f.v ELK<h 1)v 7fOVtV TUOE, those of you who ought to be bearing these lauoun. SoPH. 0. C. 342. Tip~> T015Tov<; Tov dywl'U ICU.TUUT?Jl'U.t, ov<; ELKO<; 1ll' np JLEl' n8VWTt TtJLW[JOD<; YEVE(J" eat T<'; 8' E7f~t01'Tt f3oYJ8015<;, ?rho properly should have come fonvard to avenge the dead and to help the prosecutor. A;sT. i. 2. El il'TfO Twv 7fOAJL[wv JLEl' Juwel)JLEV, ov<; dKb<; ?JV OtaKWADtV JL?J (T(gEueai, i.e. who would natumlly have tried to Jwevent us frorn being sa'ved. LYs. xx. :36. See DEM. xl. :30. Kal JLaAuna ElK~> 1)v VJLUS trpoopaa-fJa,, avTa Kal JL1J JLUAaKw<;, WU'TfE(l vvv, ~VJLJLUXEtl'. THUC. vi. 78. (The orator adds, d..\..\ ov8' VjLEt<;; VVI' y 1rW oM' ol a..\.Aot E1rl TaVTa wpp-YJue.) l\1v<tv yap E~'fJI' r<{i l<amnopovvn TWV fi..\..\wv, he might have stood his ground (but really he ran away). DEM. iii. 17 : cf. xviii. 14, xxvii. 58; LYS. xii, 31. 1\)v Sw()~K'fJV 1)<j>uvtKan, ~ ?J> i) v l0vat 7rEpl 'Tfavrwv T~v &..\~8<tav, yo'u have concealed the will, j?-orn which we (now) rnight know the truth about the whole matter. DEAL xxviii. 10. T?)> 1JJLTepa> ;xepa<> ~JLfiS J<j>' ~JLWV aVTWV o[Katov 1JV T'Vv E~ETU<:TJLOV 7f0tt(T8at, i.e. we should justly settle up om quarrel by ouTSelves. Id. xviii. 16 : cf. 13,

~-\p-

HV' a~TOV~.-. a~LOV~ f.7rLU,l.~VVl'at. "'TOV'TOV,

t'

)~/)~I

fl'>} ~JLE

\3'

154

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[420

where oKatov ~v is understood with XP~u8at, he would justly have used them. IIp&:rrwv ?ToAv (3..\nov ~ u~ 7rpou~Kov ~v (se. 7rprirrnv), being much better off than you deserve to be. Id. xlv. 69. Ka2 fl-~V U~tov ?jv aKovuat, indeed, it was worth your while to hear them (J.ttws av fJKoDuan). PLAT. Euthyd. 304 D. The person addressed had just said ovK oios i' ij KaraKm5Hv. ''A..\..\qJ ~7rp7rV ..\yctv Cl. A~')'EtS, another would have becomingly said what you say (0...\..\os &v ;>,)'< 7rp<7rovrws). PLAT. Rep. 474 D. T6 Bvux<peurarov rwv ovoprirwv, 'TWV .p8ovoVV'TWV epyov ?jv AeyHv, J.)._)..' OV 'TWV 7rp0UTWTWV 'T~S rotaVTTJS 7rat8VuWS, the most disagreeable of names (Sophist), which the envious ought to use rather than those who stand at the head of the business in question. Isoc. xiii 19.

420. II. When this form is made the apodosis of an unreal condition (expressed or distinctly implied), it states that what the infinitive denotes would necessarily, properly, or possibly be done (or have been done) if the case supposed were a real one. The chief force of the apodosis here always lies in the infinitive, while the leading verb acts as an auxiliary (which we can generally express by ought, rnight, or could, or by an adverb), modifying the idea of the infinitive more or less in different cases. But when the chief stress is laid on the necessity, propriety, or possibility of the act, and not on the act itself, so that the real apodosis is in the leading verb, this takes av, like any other imperfect in such an apodosis (423). In some cases, however, even when no Civ is added, the force o the infinitive is so modified by the idea of the leading verb that the opposite of the apodosis (which is generally inferred) cannot be expressed without including both ideas (see examples in 422, 1). 421. In the following examples the infinitive represents the real apodosis, and its action is denied as when no protasis is added (419):El i7r' ~peas povvovs iuTparTJAaTa 6 IIpuTJ>, xp~v mlr6v 71'rivTwv 'TWV aAAWV a7rXOfi-VOV Uvat ollno J7rl 'T~V ~fl-ETEPTJV" Kat &v f.B~A.ov 7raut ws i7rl '.Sd8as f.A.avvH, if the Pe?"Sian were making his expedition against us alone, he should leave all others and be marching directly into our count1y ; then he would show eve1ybody that he was marching against Scythians. HDT. iv. 118. .6. e fv ( = Efi<t) 8, et7r<p 'ljv ovvaT6v, lfv<u TWV a.A.Awv avT6 ..\y<u 8av vvv OE ao-6varov. PLAT. Theaet. 202 A. Xp~v u', &rep 1ju8a p~ KaK6s, 71'e[uavrri Jl- yap<Zv yripov TOv8', d..\A.<i p~ utyfJ <f>[.Awv, i.e. if you we1e not base, you slwuld make this marriage with my consent, and not (as you do) in secret from your friends. EuR. Med. 586. Ei' TtVa (7rpOZKa) i88ov, dKO<; 'lj" Kal 'T~V oo8etuav V7r6 TWV 7rapayevf.u8at <f>auKoVTWV paprvpe'iu8at, ie. if he had given any dowry, it would naturally have been attested by witnesses. lsAE. iii. 28. See Id. iv. 18. 'Ef<~ d f<~V Jv lift.Aats rtuiv -Yjpf.pat> ~OtKTJUE Tt TOV'TWV lotWTr}V OV'T<I., lOE'f ~ai o{KTJV 7rpoufjK1> O.~Til 8toovat,

422]

"Eoe

ETC. WITH INFINITIVE WITHOUT

liv

155

i.e. in that case he would' properly have given satisfaction by a privat~ 1rpocrqdvTws lorc- OlKYJV O:v J08ov). DEM. xxi 33; see xxxiii. 25 and 38. Ov yd.p Jv.f}v p.~ 7rapaKpov(J'8evTwv vp.wv ( = d P-~ 7rapeKp0V(J'8YjTE) p.etvat <PtAt7r7r(jl, for Philip could not have remained (as he did) unless you had been deceived. Id. xix. 123. El ~(J'aV avopes, W(J"lrEp cpa(J'tV, dya&o, 0(J'tp aAYJ1rT6repot 1](J'aV TOts 7rEAas, TO(J'cjjoe cpavepwTepav J~.f}v avrow T~V apeT~V OEtKVVVat, i.e. in that case they 'might all the more plainly manifest their virtue (which they do not do). THUC. i. 37. El J{3ovAETO 0Kaws elvat, J~.f}v avTciJ p.t(J'Ow(J'at r6v olKov, ?] y.f}v 1rpufp.evos K TWV 7rpO(J't6vTwv TOVS 1ral:8as Tpe<f>Etv, i.e. he might have let the house, or have bought land and supported the child-ren from the income. LYS. xxxii. 23. 'Ev avTii TU 8[KYJ J~~v (J'Ot cpvy~s np.~<ra(J'Oat, l {3ovAov. PLAT. Crit. 52 C. (See Isoc. xvii. 29.) lloAAol:s 86~w, ws oi6s i lf>v <re a-c{lCEtv el i)OeAov &vaA<rKtV xpqp.aTa, &p.eA~<rat, many will think that, whereas I might have saved you if I had been willing to spend money, I neglected it. lb. 44 B.
~tUit (as if he had said

'

422. 1. In the following examples the idea of the infinitive is so modified by that of the leading verb, that the real apodosis (the opposite of which is implied) includes both ideas; but the chief force still remains in the infinitive, so that no av is added.
El yap v1r6 686vTos Tot il:1re reAevT0(J'etV p.e, XP?JV 80 a-e 1rotetv ra 7rOtEEtS' vvv 8 V'lrO alxp..f}s, for if the dream had said that I was to be killeli!by a tooth, then you would pToperly do what you now do; but it really said I was to be killed by a speaT. HDT. i. 39. (Here the real apodosis is not in 7roteetv alone, which is affirmed in Ta 7roteets, but in the combined idea you would do with prop1iety; and it is the opposite of this which is implied. Xp.f}v av, which might have been used, would throw the main force on the xp.fJv, with the meaning it would be your duty to do.) El p.ev ovv arravTES cilp..oAoyovp.ev <PAt7r7rOV TV 7r6Aet 7rOAep.el:v, ov8v aAAo 8et TUV 7rapt6vTa Aeyo V Kat a-vp.(.1 \ 1 " 1 > ../.. \ I l \ > I :.f h ,..,ov~~.evetv TJ 07rWS aa-..t'aA.E<TTara avTov ap.vvovp.e a, I.e. ~J t en we wme all agreed that Philip is at war with us, the speaker ou.ght to say nothing else and to give no other advice than this, etc. (but it is added that, as there is a difference of OIJiuion, it is necessary, dvayKYJ a-T[v, to speak on another subject also). DEM. ix. 6. (This imiJlies not he does speak, etc., but he is bound to speak, etc. "Eoet av would merely have thrown the balance of force upon the necessity, whereas now it falls on the speaking and advising.) El yap 1rap' f.p.ol h8YJ Td ypap.p.are'iov, v.f]v alna(J'a(J'Oat 'A1raTovpltp ci.ls f.yw ?}cpavtKa Ta> a-vv8?)Kas, joT if the account-book had been given me to keep, A. might possibly have cha1ged rne with putting the contract out of the way (implying that, as it was, he could not charge me with this). Id. xxxiii. 37. El p.ev J~pa. p.erap.eAov Tfj 7r6AEi TWV 1rE7rpayp.vwv, OVK a~tov ~V eavp.&Cetv ai>Tov, if J,e !.ad seen that the state repented of her acts, we should have no good reason for beiny surprised at him (imvlying we nlYW have good reason for suTprise, dgtws Oavp.&Cop.ev). Isoc. xviii. 21. The preceding examples confirm the reading of the best Mss. in

e '

156

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES
>I " a1ra.~<; En1

[423

' "' ~~ O"Vy')'VWO"'TOV TJV a-o~ 'TOW if you had remained still childless, you might pa1donably have become enamoured of this new 'll'Utrriage, the apodosis being equivalent to 1]paaB1j> av with an adverb meaning pardonably (if you had done what would have been pa1donable). This implies not you were not enamou1ed, but you were not pa1donably enamoured. If no protasis had been added, <T1!')')'VW{]''TOV 'l}v pafJ'6'l]vru (in its potential sense) must have meant you might pardonably have become enamoured (but you did not), and then av would have been required to give the sense it would have been pardonable (b1tt is not so). The other reading, <Tvyyvwrrr' &v 'l}v, would make the same change in the balance of force that x.p'l]v av, iioEt &v, ev'l]v &v, and li~wv &v ~~~ would make in the preceding examples.

.epaa-8~vaL AExovs, which Jnay be translated, for

' 'laE UR. Med. 4901 Et' yap .J: ()'

2. In concessive sentences introduced by Kai El, even if, ovo' El, not even if, or <l, although, containing unreal conditions, where the action of the apodosis is not denied but affirmed (see 412, 3), the real apodosis may be represented by an infinitive and a leading verb like ;sa, J~rjv, etc. combined. E.g. OvK e~'l]v aimji OtKa(Ea-6at 7rEpt 'TWV 'T6TE YEYEV'Y}fLEVWV, ov8' El 1rdvra ravr' ~v 7rE7rOLYJK<il> 3. 4''1JfJ'LV oi'!ro>, he could not maintain a suit
about what was then done, even if I had really done whut he says I did (implying OVK f!gwnv avr<p 0LKa(w6aL, but with the chief force on 8tKa(Ea-0at). Isoc. xviii. 19. Ov8' Ei yvfJa-wL ~a-av Ela-7raLYJTO~ 8, w> OVTOL ;cpaa-av, ov8' OVTW 'TI'poff''l]KEV avrovs EvK'TryfLOVOS" dvat, not even if. they were genuine sons and were afterwards adopted into anothm family, would they now prope1ly belong to E.'s house (implying they do not p1operly belong there). lsAE. vi. 44. See also Hnr. vii. 56 ; Dn:11. xviii. 199, xx.iii. 107. Ovo' El yap ?]v TO 7rpay/La fL'J BEfJAarov, aKa6aprov {JfLfis dd., ?]v OVTW'> eav, for even if the duty wen not IM"!Jtd upon you by a God, you ought not to leave the guilt unpurged as you do. SoPH. 0. T. 255. (Here the apodosis as a whole is affirmed, although the infinitive itself, not to leave, is denied. So in the two following examples.) KaA.ov 8' ~v, El Ka~ 1JfLapTaVofLEv, TOL(J'OE d~aL Tfj ~fLETEPif 6pyfj, ~fL'i:v 8' ai<Txp"Ov (se. i)v) (3Laa-afJ'Bat -n)v fLETpt6n]Ta, if we had eve11 been in the 1/Yrong, they rnight jctiTl:y have yielded to o1tr w-rath, while we could not have done violence to thei1 moderation without disgTace. THuc. i. 38. ''A~ tov ~ v, El K( 'fL']il'Ev avTUl:s 1rp6npov {J1rrjpxw d.yaBov, (Tavras) Tijs fLEY[<TT'Y}S owpd1s 7rapa TWIJ 'EA.A.l]vwv T1!XtV, i.e. these cities, even ~f they had had no other meTit to ul!J on, deserTed to nceive (ought to hcve nceived) the greatest nwa?d j1orn the (}1eelzs (which, it is said, they did not receive). Isoc. xii. 71.

423. ("EilEL av, etc.) The examples in 421, 1 and 2, show that the common rule for distinguishing (on etc. with the infinitive (without &v) from oH l:lv etc. with the infinitive,-that the former is nsed when the action of the infinitive is denied, the

425]

"EoEt /iv

ETC.-APODOSIS WITHOUT

/iv

157

latter when the obligation, propriety, or possibility is denied, -often cannot be applied, though as a working rule it can be used in the great majority of cases. While there are many sentences in which either form would express the required sense, the essential distinction is, that the form without av is used when the chief force of the apoJosis falls on the infinitive, the leading verb being an auxiliary (see 420); but the leading verb takes ({v when the chief force falls on the necessity, propriety, or possibility of the act, rather than on the act itself. The following examples will illustrate the form with El Jl-EV yap ey<il En EV ovvdfl-E! ~V 'TOV pr;.o[ws 7r0p15nr8a! 7rpds 'Td auTv, o~OEV a V (]" EOH Oevpo leva! &A...\' ~JLEtS liv 7rapa U"E Vfl-EV"

av :-

l'VV OE (]"{ XP~ 7rVKV6Tepov oevpo leva!, i.e. in that case there would be no need (as there now is) of your earning hither. FLAT. Rep. 328 C. T<IJ fJ-EV 1ra-rpt a~'TTJS, El 1rai:oes appeves fl-~ (yevov-ro, O~K liv e~Tjv Ci.vw 'TUVTY)'> O!a(}eu(}a!, her fnther, 'if he had had no nwle children, WMdd not have been allowed to leave her out of his will (implying &A.A.' e~Tjv). lsAE. x. 13. El ovv 7rapeKaAovf1-EV &A.A.qA.ovs e1rt Ta olKoOOJl-!Ka, 1r6Tepov E/lo &v ~Jl-as U"Kefau8a! ~JLas a~rovs Kai e~eramu el E7r,uniJ1-eea T1JV TEXVYJV j EO Et av ~ oll j i.e. in that case would it be needful or not to examine ourselves and inquire whether we understand the art? PLAT. Gorg. 514 A. See also DEM. iv. l, quoted in 410. A comparison of these examples with those in 422, 1, will show the distinction between the two forms and also the narrowness of the line which sometimes separates them. For a discussion of xv)jv and XPTJV av in DEM. xviii. 195, and of XP'JV and expT}v av in LYS. xii. 32 and 48, and for other remarks on these constructions, see Appendix V.

424. 1. The imperfect w<f>eA.Aov or &<f>eA.A.ov of d<f>eA.Aw (Epic of d<f>dA.w), owe, debeo, and the aorist /J<f>eA.ov or &<f>eA.ov are sometimes used with the infinitive in Homer like xpryv, EOH, etc. in the later construction ( 415 ). E.g. 'l'LfJ-~V 7rEp Jl-OL 5<jleAAEV '0A.1~Jl-7rLO<; eyyvaA.[~aL Zevs -Dtj;Lf3pef1-ETYJS. VV11 o' O~OE fl'E T1>r86v ETtU"ev, i.e. Zeus ought to hnve sec1Lred me honour ; but now he hM not honoured rne even a little. ll. i. 3 5 :3.
:Xvv 5<f>eA.ev Kara 1rdv-ras dpLu-rryas 7roveu8aL ALuu6Jl-evos, now ought he to be labouring arnong nll the nobles, beseeching them. Il. x. 11 7. 'AAA' iJq>EAEV d(}avaTOLU"tv evxeu(}u.L, but he ought to have pmyed to the (;ads. Il. xxiii. 546. For the reference to present time in ll. x. 117, see 246 and 734.

2. From this comes the common use of this form in expressions of a wish, in Homer and in Attic Greek; as /J<f>e A.e Kvpos (rjv, would that Gyrus were living (lit. Gyrus ought to be living),
XEN.

An. ii. 1, 4.

(See 734.)

425. Similar to this is the occasional use. of ef3ovA6Jl-'f}V (wit4-

158

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[426

out av) and the infinitive, to express what some one wishes were now true (but which is not true). E.g. 'E tJOVII.OfL'r)V JMV OVV K<U 'T'r)V tJOVII.T)V Kat 'T(t') EKKII.'f)rTta<; .op (}~ ~ \ ~ W<;
I ' .. \ \ \ ' ' ' ' \ I '

8totKe'i:rr9at Kai rovs v6p.ovs lrrxvHv, I would that both the Senate and the assemblies were 1-ightly managed, and that the laws were in force (implying the opposite of op9ws 8totKE'irr9at and lo-x,vew). This is analogous to /J<f>eA.ev elvat, would that it were, and ~OH elvat, it ought to be (but is not). AEsCHIN. iii. 2. 'Ef3ovA.6p.1]V fl-~V ovK Jp!Cetv v(M.8e, I would that I were 1wt contending here (as I am), or I would not be contending here. AR. Ran. 866. 'Ef3ovA6f1-1]V T~v ovvafl-tV roil A..iyetv Et itrov p.ot Ka 8 E<TT aVat Tfj o-vp.<f>op~. I would that powm of speech equal to my rnisfo1tune were granted me. ANT. v. i. 'Ef3ovA6p.YJV Kay~ TaA.YJ(}~ 7rp6s iJp.as ei11'eZv 8vvl]8~vat, I would that I had found the power to tell you the truth. IsAE. X. 1. 'Ef3ovA6p.YJV JLl]O' v<f>' Jv6<; a8tKe'io-8at TWV 71'0AtTWV, I would I had not be~n W1'0nged by'a single one of the citi~ens. Id. Frag. 4 (Scheibe): see Frag. 22. 426. 'Ef3ovA.6p.l]v &v, vellem, I should wish or I should have liked, can always be used as a potential indicative, like eoet av etc. (423):
see AR. Eccl. 151; AESCHIN. iii. 115. (See 246.)

427. (a) The aorist of Ktv8vvevw is used with the infinitive, as a periphrasis for the verb of the infinitive with av. E.g. 'H 7r6At<; JKtvovvevrre 1!'ao-a 8ta<f>8ap~vat El avep.os J'TI"ey~vero, the city ran the risk of being utterly destroyed if a wind had, a?isen. TRue. iii. 74. El p.~ J~e<f>vyop.ev els 6.eA.<f>ovs JKtvovvevifap.ev d. 11' o Arr (}a t, we 1an the rislc of perishing had we not fled to Delphi, i.e. we should ve1y probably hme perished if we had not fled. AESCHIN. iii. 123. For JKwDVvevo-a av see (b) below. So with Kfvovvos ~v: as in AND. ii. 12, el r6re 'T'tt E'TI"tT~OHa p.~ elo-~x8YJ, ov 'TI"Ept TOV (TWo-at Ta> 'A8~va<; 6 Kfvovvos ~V avroZs p.fiA.A.ov ~. K.T.A., i.e. they mn a risk, in case the supplies had not then been broLtght in, not so much about saving Athens, as, etc. (b) When the chief force of the apoilosis lies in EKtvovvev(Ta, even
though the meaning is not much affected by the distinction in form,

av is use<l (as with EOEt etc. in 423). So in XEN. An. iv. I, 11, el 11'Adov> o-vvd.eyl](J'av, htv8vvev<TV llv 7roAv 8w<f>9ap~vat Toil cnpaTvp.aros, if more had been collected, there would have been danger of much of the army being destroyed.

428. (a) The imperfect of p./..Aw with the infinitive may express a past intention or expertation which was uot realisPd, and so take the pla.ce of the Yerh of the infinitive with :iv. E.g. "H p.O.A.a o~ 'Ayap.ep.vovos <f>8<Teo-9at Ku.Kuv olrov ;p.eA.A.ov, el
p.~ . . . let11'E<;, i.e. l should ha-re pe?ished Ulce A. (lit. I 1vas to have perished), ~f thou hadst not spoken. Od. xiii. 383. M~AAev p.ev 'lron: o'lKoS oo' d.1wn0<;; Kat d.p.vp.wv EfJ-JLEVU.t' vilv 8' hipw<; f.[3oAOVTO 8w[, this house was to have bem 'rich and glorious; but now the Gods have willed it otherwise. Od. i. 232. 0~ v-vrrrpaTEV(J'EtV lp.eAA.ov, they were

432]

APODOSIS WITHOUT

/lv

159

not going to join him, or they would not have joined him (in that case). DEM. xix. 159; see xviii. 172. "'HTTov TO J))[K1JJLO. 1T'OAAwv ovcrwv ;JLeA...\e Sq>..ov ;cTfT(Jat, the offence would have been less plain when there were many (olive tnes). LYs. vii. 24. See Tau c. v. 38, JLEAAo VTE~ 7rpoT<pov, el Tavra E7rtfJ'av, 1T'Hpci(J'Hreat. Compare the Latin: Hoc facturi erant, nisi venisset, they were to have done this (would have done this), had he not come,l (b) A single case. of liv with EJLEAAev occurs in AND. i. 21 : d Ka2 ' '{3 1\ ( I \ ,.J,.I\ > ' '11'aTYJp E OVII.1'0 V71'0f.tEVEtv, TOVS 't'!II.OVS O.V OWT E E7rt1'pE7rEtV avr</), d...\>..' OVK ll.v 7rapatTEW8at Kat Oew8at dmevat 01T'OV Cl. V I" EA A V uw8~fJ'efJ'8at; i.e. tn depart to a JJlace whe1e he would have bee'll l-ihly to be safe. Most critics repudiate this liv; but it seems perfectly ana-logous to liv with ou, XPqll, etc. (423). ( 429. Similar is the use of ;</>YJV in Od. iv. 171 : Kaf. JLtV e<f>?JV ~A.86vro. <{>tA-IjfTEJLEV e~oxov O.A.A.wv, ei VWtV VOfTTOV i!ilwKEV (Zevs), i.e. I intended to love him (and should have done so) had Zeus gmnted us a return. 430. An analogous case is LYs. xii. 60: d7roA(J'o.t 7raperrKV&.CovTo T~v 7rOAtv cl I"~ ot' livopas dyo.8ovs, they were p1eparing to dest?oy the city (and would have dest1oyed it) had it not been for good men.
t\ ''

ToVT!f 8' Elf.t~ U)J.tOADyovv a OVTO<; f.{JovA<To, ov8Ef.tl'{ tYJJLl'{ <!vo xos ?j v, but if they had not acknowledged to him what he wanted, he was liable

431. A few expressions which have no dependent infinitive are practically equivalent to a potential indicative with :I.v, and so can stand as the apodosis of an unreal condition. E.g.

to no cha?ge (i.e. he could not have been accused). LYS. vii. 37. '.12s, d pv TO :71 avTo<f>Wp!fJL~ 7rpo(J'eyypo.7rTo, voxo~ wv (=i)v) Tfj a7raywyi), assunoing that, if the ords f..,f aiJTo</>Wp!f had not been added, he rnight pToperly have been t1ied by d1ro.ywy~. Id. xiii. 85. ITtfTnvovro~ "/UP EJLOV EJLO'I. eloeva.t a, A.eyw, Ka.Aw~ elx EV ?) 7rO.pa.jLV8ia., i.e.fm if I tmsted ( = el i:rdfTTEvov) to any knowledge of rny own about what I a1n saying, the consolation which you off~?' wo1.Zd encoumge rne (lit. your consolation was good on that supposition). PLAT. Rep. 450 D. (We might have had KaAov 1jv fTE 7raprtJLv8e'i.cr8cu in the same sense.) El TO KWAvfTo.t T?)v Twv 'EAA1)vwv Kowwv[a.v E1T'E7rpaKetv iyw hM1l'7r!f, fJ'o! TO f.t?J crt')'qfTa.t Aot7rOv 1]v, in- that case it rmnained fo1 you not to lceep silent (i.e. you should not have lcept silent). DE~f. xviii. 23. (The mticle with fTt')'qcro.t only slightly distinguishes this from the examples under
421.)

432. The same explanation applies to other cases in which a rhetorical omission of Ul' in apodosis is commonly assumed; as in
1 This use of #p.<'A'Aov with the infinitive corresponds precisely to the Sanskrit use of the past jutu1e tense in the sense of the Greek aorist indicative with llv. Thus" if he had said (avak~yat) this, he would have slain (ahanisyat) Indra" (Cat. BTahrn. i. 6, 310 ), where the two verbs are augmented past futures, meaning literally he was going to say and he was going to slay. See Whitney's Sanskrit Grammar, 950.

160

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[433

EuR. Hec. 1113, cl 8~ f1J <Ppvywv 1r6pyovs 1rT<)vras iJ<rfEV 'EAA~vwv OOp~, cp6(3ov 1rape<rXV o~ fE<rWS o8e KT67roS, but if we ha,d not known

that the Phrygwn. towers had fallen, this noise gave us cause fm terror in earnest (i.e. would ea,sily have tm'ified us).

8wJLa, for it had been a greate1 gain if Ulysses had rehwned (for Kepowv -i}Ev '08vcra vocrT~uaL). Od. :x:x. 331. Compare MATTH. Ev. :x:xvi. 24, KaAov fiv a~T~, <l ovJC y<vv0(Jry o dv&pw1ro<; eJCEtvos, it had been good for that man if he had not been bom (for KaAov -i}v a~nji 1;,1) yeVF1]BFjvat). El 8~ a7ro<f<6~eTat, Kp<fTTWV i)F o dy<~ll' f1l ye)'El'17fJ,EVOS (=cl P.0 yeyf.v1JTO ), but if he is acquitted, it we1e better that the iT1:al had neveT taken place (for Kpd:rrol' 1]v Tov dyw11a p.1) yEyev~<rB<u). AE~CHI;><. i. 192. This occasional suLstitution of a protasis does not indicate that the infinitive in Kpe'iTTov 1)1' a~T<fl lA.fJeiF, he had bette1 have gone, was felt as a protasis. We could suLstitute for this English it were better if he had gone, but only by a change of construction.
HoMERIC PECULIARITIES.

433. Occasionally a protasis takes the place of the infinitive in the construction of 419. E.g. 'E1rEt T60E Kepowv ~ev, d l'b<rTqrl 'Oou<T<~s Kat inr6Tpo1ros tK<To

434. In Homer the construction of the unreal conditional sentence is not completely developed. It is not improbable that in the primitive language the optative could express in a rough way both present and past unreal conditions, and in Homer the present unreal condition is still expressed only by the present optative ( 438). . 435. The aorist indicative in Homer, both in protasis and in or KE, is used as in Attic Greek j but the imapodosis with perfect is always past, never present. 1 E.g.

av

KE oi] ~t<fEE<T<T' a~Touxeo(w o~ra(OJ!TO, et Jl-1l K'!JpvKS they would have wounded each otheT, had not heralds come. ll. Yii. 273. "Ev&a KE Aotyus E>7P Kat d01/xal'a lpya yf.povro, cl JL>) llp' o~u J!01)<TE 7raT1)p aFOpWF TE B<<'vl' TE, tlum the1e would have been, etc. ll. viii. 130. So viii. 366. Kat v6 KE 01J 7rpcrpw er' f.pt> )'El'ET' dJL<Ponpot<rlJ!, cl p.0 'Ax,i\A.evc; a~TOS dvturaro Ka! KaTepvK.v. Il. :x::x:iii. 490. See Il. xi. 504; Od. :x:vi. 221, :x:xiv. 51.

'l A &o

Kr.d

vv

l',

1 Mr. Monro (Ham. G1. p. 236) doubts this statement, and refers to Od. iv. 178, Ka.l Ke Oaf.'' (p()ai5' <oPTes '~-'"''Y6J.'e()', ooM KEP f};da.s <L\t.i> otiKp<e, as a case in whicl1 ''the imperfect EJ.'L<Y"fOJ.'e()r;. takes in the present time, we should (from that time till llow) have been meeting." It seems to me tbat, according to the Homeri.c usage, we can find no more in Oa}-'a. fJ.'UT"fDp.E8a Ke than we should have hadjTequent meetings, and the rest comes front the context. In any case, this use is far removed from the Attic hropwowea /J.p ,,.4 fJacnAea, we should (no-w) be on our way to the King (410). A nearer approach to the later use perbaps appears in Il. xxiv. 220, El p.cv -yap r p.' af.f.os heA<VV, ij any otheT (had .1) commanded 11w. But see Il. ii. 80.

440]

HOMERIC UKREAL COXDITIOKS

161

Ka[ v~ Jl fln 1rA.ova> AvK[wv Krav< ow<; 'Oova-a-<v>, El !J-~ lip' &~iJ fJ-EJ'OS Kopv8ao/...os ''EKrwp, i.e. Ulysses would have killed still more, had 1wt Hector peneived him. IL v. 679. Ka v~ KEV ~ta 7ravTa Kar1>8tro Kat fJ-EPI dPopwv, El ~J-fJ rs !J-E 8Ewv &A.o<f>~paro Ka[ ~J-' a-dwa-EJ!. Od. iv. 363. But {},<f>EAov with the present infinitive may be present, even in Homer, both as a potential expression (424) and in wishes (734).
VO'l)O"E

436. We find the imperfect referring to present time in Theognis : see vs. 905, El fJ-~V yap KanoEw j3torov rA.os ~v, clKos &v ~v. See PINn. Nem. iv. 13. 437. In Il. xxiii. 526, Et K is found with tile aorist indicative in protasis, KE apparently adding nothing to the sense : Ei o K' i!n 7rporpw f'EVETO opofJ-OS d~J-cf>orepota-w, T!f KEV !J-<V 7rapEA.aa-a-' ovo' dfJ-cpljpWTOV f181)KEV. 438. (Optative in present unreal Conditions.) In Homer a present unfulfilled condition is regularly expressed by the present optative with El, alld its apodosis (if present) by the present optative with I<E or /lv.
The only instance of this form in both protasis and apodosis is Il. xxiii. 274, El fL~v vvv e1rt d.AA.<J:> d8AE~OtfLV 'Axawt, ~i r' <i.v eyw ra 1rpwra Aaj3ivv KAta-[,)vO </>Epo[fL')v, if we were now contending in honouT of any otheT (than Pat1oclus), I should take the jint pTize and bea1 it to my tent. Twice we have the optative with dv in apodosis with the regular imperfect or aorist indicative (past) in the protasis : Il. ii. 80, El fJ-EJ! ns TOV 8vap0ll uAAos EV0"7rV, tfEVOO<; K11 cpai:JLEV Kat voa-cf>tCot(LE8a fLUAAov, if any other had told the dream, we should call it a lie and mtheT tum away f1om it; and the same apoclosis after El: ,.[, 0' d.A.Aos JKEAl>EJ!, in Il. xxiv. 222. In Od. ii. 184, OVK &v roa-a-a 8w7rp07rEWJ! ayopEVES, OUOE KE TryAEJLaxov KxoAW!J-EVOV wo' &vH1)>, we have first the imperfect with dv as a past apodosis, (in that case) you would not have rnade this speech with all its divination; and then the present optative with KE as present, no1 would you be urging Telemachus on, as you now aTe; both referring to an unfulfilled past conditiou, if you had perished, suggested by Karacp(Ja-8at {},<f>EA> in vs. 183. 439. See the corresponding use of the present optative in Homer to express an unaccomplished present wish (739). In both wishes and conditional sentences, it must be remembered, the use of the optative in its ordinary future sense is completely established in Homer. See exa~nples in 455 and 722. 440. (Optative in past unTeal Apodosis.) Homer has four cases of the optative with KE (three aorist and one present) in the apodosis referring to the past, with the regular indicative in the protasis expressing a past unfulfilled condition. These areKat vv KEV f.v8' <h6A.otTO avag avOpWll Alvcias, d fL'J tip' &~v vo'l)a-< 6.tos 8vyarw 'AcppooT'lJ, Aeneas would have peTuhed, had 1Wt Aphrodite quickly peTceived him. Il. v. 311. Ka vv KEV Jv8' d1r6Aotro
M

162

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[441

HAp'YJS d'T'OS 7ro'Ap.oto, El /k~ 'H<pt(3o[a 'Epf-k~'{/ ~~~)")'ELAEV. Il v. 388. Ov KE Oav6vn 1r<p t':>o' dKaxo[f-kTJV, d f-k<Ta o'l:s hapoun M.lk'YJ Tpwwv vi O~f-k<p, I should not have felt so grieved if he had perished, Oav6vn ( = d EOavEv) being further explained by d ... 80./kTJ Od. i. 236. "EvOa KE pEta cppot KAvra ret)xm, El""~ oE ayauuaro <Poif3o> 'A?roAA.wv, he would easily have borne away the famous armour had not Phoebus Apollo g1udged him. Il. xvii. 70. Here dm.SAEro, dKaXOf-k'JV, and cpep would be the regular forms even in Homer, corresponding to the regular protases.

441. In the transitional state of the Homeric language we see that the past tense; of the indicative had fully established then1selves in the protasis of past unreal conditions, but not so thoroughly in the apodosis, where the optative occasionally occurs. In present unreal conditions, the optative alone is used in both protasis and apodosis.
442. Besides the full conditional sentences above quoted, we find in Homer many potential optatives with K~ or t1v which seem to belong to the borderland between past and future conclusions, and are not definitely fixed in the past (like the apodoses in 440) by a past tense in tl1e protasis. Such are especially cpaJTjs KE, as in Il. iii. 220, xv. 697, and of!o KE cpa[TJ'>, as in Il. iv. 429, xvii. 366, Od. iii. 124, I1. iii. 392. In the first four cases it seems most natural to translate them as past, you would have said, ?W1' wo1tld you have said; but in the last two cases it is more natural to translate nor would you say (future), and so with cpa[TJv Kev, Il. vi. 285. But in the fluid state of the language which allowed both d?ru)AEro Ke and ti?T6Aom5 KE to mean he would have perished, and cppot KE to mean both he would carry (fut.) and he would have carried, according to the protasis which was used with them, i.t is easy to understand how cpa[TJS Ke (without a protasis) might have a vague potential force, you might perchance say, which could be felt as either past or future as the context demanded. We must, therefore, hold that the optative with KE in such cases expresses merely what could happen, without any limitations of time except such as are imposed by the context; and according to the limitations thus imposed we translate such OIJtatives (with more exactness than they really possess) either as past or as future. In one case the feeling of past time is seen in the dependent verb: Il. v. 85, Tv8d'81Jv 8' ovK &v "Y v o [ 7J s 1rorpo ten f-k E TE [ 1), you would not have known to what side he belonged. (This occurs in the same book of the Iliad with both the examples of dmSA.ot76 KE for d1rt.sA.er6 Ke.) Other examples are the fol1owing : OvK &v ETrELr' 'OoviJ' y' f.pi(J'IJ'eHv (3por'Os O:A.Ao>, no other mortal could then vie with Ulysses (after a past verb). Il. iii. 223. ''Ev8' ovK O.v f3p{ovra roots 'Ayaf-kEf-kVOVa owv. Il. iv. 223. "Ev8' oll KEV pea t1!'17'os i11'(3al1J, 7r(Cot o f-kEvo[vEov El T<Afovuw (the connection with f-kfiVO[Vf.OV gives ~1]'(3a{'t) a past direction). Il. xii. 58. "Ev/1a K' etrELTO. KO.L a8avar6s 7rEp E7rEA86Jv BTj~O"UtTO loinv Kat rapcpfJdTJ cppeutv

H4]

SUBJUNCTIVE IN FUTURE CONDITIONS

163

y<nv. Od. v. 73. 'Ds o~K &v ~A1row v{rrpov dvna<Tav-ra, i.e. as you would not expect (?) a younger person to do. Od. vii. 293. 0~8 KfV ~P1J~ KlpKOS op.apr~<THfV. Od. xiii. 86. Further, compare Od. ix. 241 with 11. i. 271 and v. 303.
HOMERIC UsAGES IN HERODOTUS AND IN ATTIC GREEK.

443 . (a) Herodotus has a few cases of the potential optative with the same vague reference to time which has been noticed in Homer (442), and we may sometimes translate these, like those in Homer, by past expressions. E.g. Taxa 8 &v Kat o1 d1ro86p.vot A.yo tEV dmK6~vot Js "21r&pr1Jv ws d7ratp81)<Tav {nro 'Lap.lwv, and perhaps those who sold it (the cup) might come to Sparta and tell that they had been robbed of it. HDT. i. 70 (see Stein's note). All that the optative itself seems to express is that this would be a natural story for them to telL In vii. 214, d8d'YJ p.'Ev ilp llv Kat f.wv p.ry M1JA.tevs -ra{;T'YJY rryv d.-rpa1rov 'Ov~T1JS, d rij xc!JpTJ 1ro.A.AO. op.tA1)KWS E~1J, for Onetes, even if he was not a Malian, might know this path, supposing him to have had much acqu,aintance with the country, the optative in protasis (expressing no condition contrary to fact) shows that el8e[1) O.v is not felt to be past. See also vii. 180, r&xa 8' &.v Tt E7ra{;potTO; viii. 136, r&x' &v 7rpo.Ayot, might perhaps warn him; ix. 71, ravra llv d7rotev, they 1night say this. For f~'I}<Tav 8' llv O~TOt Kp~rfs, HDT. i. 2, and similar expressions, see 238. (b) In EuR. Med. 568, o~8' &v <TtJ <jlat1)S er (]"E P.TJ KvCot A.xos, the condition seems to be present and contrary to fact, like d JLTJ ~Kvt(ev. See also PLAT. Menex. 240 D, f.v ro{;r<p 80 &v ns yev6p.vos yvo [1) oTot &pa f.-r{;yxavov ovTEs, K.r . .A. Such examples are extremely rare in Attic Greek.

(b)
1. Subfunctive or

FUTURE CONDITIONS.
Fut~~re

Indicative in Protasis with a future A podosis.

444. When a supposed future case is stated distinctly and vividly (as if I shall go or if I go in English) the protasis generally takes the subjunctive with Uv, ~v, or llv (ii) (Epic r " or a~ 1a). The apodosis takes the future indicative or some other form expressing future time, to denote what will be the result if the condition of the protasis is fulfilled. E.g.
'E&v n .Aa(3w, 8w<Tw <Tot, if I (shall) receive anything, I will give it to you. 'E&v ,., .Aaf3n>, 86s p.ot, if you receive anything, give it to me. El 0 KEV ws ~P~TJ> Ka rot 1reifJwvrat 'Axawt, yvw<TTJ t1retfJ' os (J' ~yp.6vwv KaKos os r~ vv .Aawv, but if you shall do thus and the Achaeans

164

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[445

obey you, you will tlwn leam both which of the leaders and whi1h of the soldiers is bad. Il. ii. 364. Af K' avruv yv~w J!r'jfJ-Epr~a 7ravr' EJ!~7rOl'Ta, f(TITW fJ-W x.AaL'v&v TE xmvv& n, EtfJ-UTa KaAa. Od. xvii. 549. So aZ KE ow1n, Il. i. 128. Et fJ-EV K<V Mcvc.Aa.ov 'A.Af.~avopo> Kara7rE</>l''[l, avrus l7rH8' 'EAEV?]V X Er w Kat KT~fJ-aTa 7ravra, fJtJ-ELS o' EJ! l!1JECTITL VE~fJ-E ea 7rOJ!T07rbpounv El o K' 'A.Afavopov KT vv ~av86s McvEAaos, Tpwas ~7rtt8' 'E.Af.v?)v Kat Kr~)p.aTa 1r&v-i d1rooovvat. Il. iii. 281. Here f.xeTw, V<WtJ-eec~ (subj. in exhortation), and a1rooovvat (infin. for im})erative) are in the apodosis. AEKn r~vo> AT/ K<pa.uv Tpayol', alya Ti> .Aaffi. THEOC. i. 4. "Av of. TL<; Ul'BtcrT~Tat, cri>v vp.'iv 7rHpaO"bp.8a xnpowBat, if any one shall stand OJ)poscd to us, with your help we will try to overcome him. XEN. An. vii. 3, 11. K&v p.1] vvv f:Bf.AwtJ-EV EKE'i: 7rOAfoELl' avr0, v8ao' t(TWS dvayKarrB7]<rbp.()a rovro 7rOtEfv, and if we shall not now be willing to .fiyht him the1e, we shall pe1haps be jmced to do so here. DEM. iv. 50. (Here vvv refers to time immediately following t1Je present: if we a1e not now willing would bed P-0 vvv U)f.Aop.Ev.) ''Hv yap TaVra KaAW<; 6ptrrwp.cBa, /lp.nvov /3ov.Aevrr6p.d)a Kat 7rep2 Twv O..A.Awv. Isoc. viii. 18. ''Hv OE TlJV tlp~VYJV 1T'Ot?]O"~P,.E8a, Kai TOWVTOV<; '1tJ-a<; avrovs 7rap&crxwfl'EV, tJ-<ra 7roll)..~s dcr<f>aA.das r1]v 1r6Aw olK1J<TOfJoEJI. Id. viii. 20. 'Eav o:Ov fus vvv, 1r6re- gcr<' ofKot; XEN. Oyr. v.. 3, 27. Kat xpw allrol'>, f:av of.v TL, and use them, if there shall be any need. lb. v. 4, 30. "Hv p.~v 7r6AEtJ-OV a1p~cr8, fl-'JKETt 'lKET Ocvpo a!'V 37rAwv, d crw<PpO!IfVrE' ~V 8~ clp-f)ll'fJ> OOK~T< 8wBat, llvEV 07rAWV ?JKETE' ,t, o KaAws f~H Ta vp.f.npa, ~~~ <f>[A.o~ YEY1)<r(h, f.p.o2 p.tA?JfJ'EL. Ih iii. 2, 13. 'Ectv y&p T[ (Tf <f>avw KaKOY 7rE7rOL?]KloS, op.oAoyw UOtKElV' eav pf.vrot p.YJ8f:v <f>al'wp.at KaKuV 7rEtrOtl]I<WS fl-1JOE (3o1>A1J()<2s, ov Kat fTV ail 6p.o.Aoy~(TLS fl-Y)OEV v7r' f.p.ov dotKEwBa~; Ib. v. 5, 13. (Hel'e op.oA.oyw, I am ready to confess, refers to the future.) 'Ea1' fl-'l 1) o! </>tll.6uo<f>o~ (3autAcuuwcrtv ?) o1 (3arr~A.~s <PtA.orrocpl)trwcrtv, ovK ~rrn KaKwv 1ravA.a TnZs 7rbA<<r~v, unless either the ]Jhilosophen ~holl become kings or the kings philoso]Jhers, theTe is no escape from tloubles joT states. PLAT. Rep. 473 D. 6.[8wd ~KltlV KTfvLv avr6v, -i)v rao 1/;<urrBiJ A.yw1', he of!en himself willingly to suffer death in case he shall be proved false in this that he says. SoPH. Ph. 1342. M'JXO.l'YJTEov, f.av T xpvcr[ov TJp7ra.KUJ<; 7rOAV, 00 d7ro0</) TOVro, Eriv TE Bavarov /l~ta ?JOt KLK<os iJ, orrws P-0 U7ro8avE'iTaL, if he shall (p1ove to) have stolen much gold, we must contrive that he shall not 1estoTe it ; and if he sltall have committed crimes deserving death, that he shall not die. PLA'l'. Go1g. 481 A (for the perfects see 10:3). "Hv ue Tov AoL7rOV 7rOT d<f>A.wtJ-a.' xp6vov, KUKLfJ'T' a7rOAOlfMJV, i.e. may I pmish, ij I ever take them away. AR. Ran. 586. (See 181.)

ii

445. It will be seen that the apodosis here (444) may consist of any future expression,-the future indicative, the imperative, the subjunctive in exlwrtations and prohibitions, the infinitive in any future . sense, the potential optative with or the optative in a wish. It may also contain a present indicative including a reference to the future, like XP~ or oer or the verbal in Tos, or the present

av,

447]

FUTURE INDICATIVE IN PROTASIS

165

used emphatically for the future, like 6fLoAoyw above quoted (444) from XEN. Cyr. v. 5, 13, or 'lTav'Aa Jtrn in PLAT. Rep. 473 D.

446. The English, especially the colloquial language, seldom expresses the distinction between this form of the future condition and the present condition (402). Thus modern custolll allows us to use the inexact expre&sion if he wishes, not merely for cl f3ovA<Tat, if he now wishes, but also for Jav f3oi1AYJT<H, if he shall wish. The sense, however, generally makes the distinction in time clear. It is worth noting that the Authorised Version of the English New Testament never uses forms like if he does, if he. s, in either future or present conditions, even when tl1e Greek has ft1e present indicative with El; hut it has either the subjunctive or the future indicative in future conditions, and tl1e subjunctive in present conditions. The Revised Version, on the other hand, admits the present indicative (as if he is) in present conditions, but not consistently. See Luc. xxiii. 35, d oilT6~ trnv 6 XpttrT6>, A. V. if he be Christ, R. V. if this is the Christ; but in MAT1'H. vi. 23, cl oi'iv TO </Jw> TO v O"ol O"K6Tos JtrT[v, both versions have if therefo?e the light that is in thee be darkness. See also Cor. ii. v. 17.

447. (Future Indicative in Protasis.) The future indicative with Ei is often used in the protasis to express a future condition. This is a still stronger form of expression than the subjunctive, though it sometimes alternates with it in the same sentence. Both, however, correspond to the English if I shall do this, if I do this, etc. The future, as an emphatic form, is especially common when the condition contains a strong appeal to the feelings or a threat or warning. 1 It is thus a favourite construction with the tragedians. E.g. El yilp 'AxtAA<tJ~ olo~ t'lTt TpwEtrtrt fLax'iTat, oi8~ 0vvve' l~ovtrt 'lTOOWKm llry'AEtwvcL, if Achilles shall fight alone against the TTojans, not even a little while will they keep baclc the swift son of Peleus. Il. xx. 26. El 8~ trv y' (~ 7r6AfWV 'lTWA~trcat, ~ TE tr' Ow pty~trHv 'lT6A<fL6v y<, Kat cf x' ETEpwet 'lTlJeqat, if you shall mingle in the battle, ve?ily do I believe you 1oill shudder at the very name of battle, even if you hear it elsewhere (away from the war). Il. v. 350. El 8 (LOt Ttrovtrt f3owv E'lT,HKE' d{Lot(31]v, 8vtro{Lat <1> 'A8ao Kat iv vcdcO"U't <jJa<[vw, but if

ov

In "minatory and monitory conditions": see Gildersleeve in Tmns. qf This article contains an enumeration of all the cases of iav with the subjunctive in future conditions and of <l with the future indicative in the three tragedians. It appears that in Aeschylus there are 22 cases of the future and only 8 of the snbjnnctive; in Sophocles 67 futures and 55 subjunctives; in Euripides 131 futmes and 177 subjunctives. If we omit the futures which are equivalent to fJ-EAAw with an infinitive for which the subjunctive could not be substituted (see 407), we have in Aes~hy lus 15 futures in future conditions and 8 subjunctives; iu Sophocles 46 and 55; in Euripides 98 and 177. In Attic prose Thucvdides and Lysias have the largest proportion of futures; but in prose, as in Aristophanes; the subjunctives always preponderate.
Am. Phil. Assoc. for 1B76, p. 13.

166

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[448

they do not pay rJW a proper requital for my cattle, I (the Sun) will descerul, to Hades arul, shine among the dead. Od. xii. 382. Et 8~ 7rpds ro1houn 'I \ I \ {3' EV, OVTO<; EKE WO<; TOY CJ'V ~'Y)TE!<; 011. lOS '1' 't' f. " Jl' \{3 ET! TE II.EVT'Y)CJ'H TOJI tOJI KEKA'ijcr&at &gu5<; ~ern, and if besides he shall still end his life well, he is that happy man you are seeking. HnT. i. 32. 'AA.A.' d ere p.apfH frjcpos, /J.A,\.' JpEI:s rd.xa, but if the judgrJWnt shall lay hold of you, you will soon tell another story. .A.ESCH. Eum. 597. See Prom. 311, Sept. 196, Suppl. 472, 474, 924, Cho. 683. El ravra A.~o>, ix8ape'i: p.~v ~ Jp.ov. SoPH. .Ant. 93. See .Ant. 229, 324, 0. T. 843, 846, 0. C. 628, Ph. 75, El. 465, 834, 1004. El r.;Jo' dpdcret>, KaKd<; cpavL, if you aid this man, you will appear base. Eun. Hec. 1233. M~ (c{r']v, El p.~ cpacryavov cr1rd.crw. Id. Or. 114 7. See Hec. 802, Or. 157, 272, 1212, Med. 346, 352, 381. El p.,) Ka8~~ets yA.wcr(Tav, ecrrat crot KaKcf.. EuR. .A.eg. Fr. 5. El 8~ p.~ rovr' ~'lf'todtt, 1rws XP~ ravrv rfi 1rpoKA~crL 1rpocrexw i!p.a<; r6v vovv. DEM. xxvii. 52. El 8' vp.E'i> aA.A.o n yvr!Jcrwfh, 8 f'-IJ yvwro, rva. ornr8E aVr~V fvx~v :JgHv; but if you shall give any other judgment, etc. Id. xxviii. 21. (Referring to the same thing, xxvii. 67, Demosthenes had said Jav yap ar.ocp-6yy fJ-E of!ros, iJ P.,~ yevotro, T~Y Jr.w(3<Aav ocpA~(J'W.) "Hv J8Awp..EV a1I'orivyjcrKELJ! vr.ep 'T'WJI OtKa{wv, EiJOOKLP.,f](J'op.ev el OE cpof3"1(!'6p.-8a 'Tovs Ktvovvov<;, Els 'll'oAAas Tapaxas Karacrr~crop..v ~p.as a-6r01!s. Isoc. vi. 107. Here what is feared is expressed by the emphatic future as a warning, while the alternative that is preferred has the subjunctive. See also DEM. xviii. 176, where .l 7rpoatp~f3 , , , , (J'OfJ-E "Jf'-EL'i, EL Tt OVfTKOII.OV 'lrE7rpaKTa 8 1] atOtS 7rpv'> ?Jp..a<;, 'T'OVTOtt pp.v~cr8at, if we sha.ll prefer to remember every unpleasant thing the Thebans have ever done to us, is vividly stated by the future, as this is the cour'se which the orator spec~ally fears and wishes to warn the people against; wl1ile he pnts his own proposition into the milder subjunctive form, ~~~ p..~vrot 7r<t(J'8fjr' ip.o~ 1<at 7rp0s T<fi (J'I<o7rel:v &A.A.d. fl--'J cptA.ovELI<Etv y~vYJcr8E. See also Isoc. xv. 130. In other cases it is difficult to detect any distinction, as in DEM. xxvii. 67 and xxviii. 21 (above), and in Hnr. i. 71; cf. Il. i. 135 and 137. 448. The future in protasis is also appropriately used when a future apodosis is implied in a pa.~t tense ; as in SOPH. 0. T. 843, L AE~El 'T't)JI aBrov apt8p..ov, OVI< iyw 'Krd.vov, if he shall tell the same number (it will follow that) I did not kill him. So EuR. Med. 1249. 449. This use of the future must be distinguished from its use in present conditions (407), where it is equivalent to pEAAw and the infinitive and cannot be interchanged with the subjunctive.
.! ,.., \ \

e' , , ,

, ,

HoMERIC PECULIARITIES.

In the Homeric language the following peculiarities appear in this construction:. 450. By far the most common Homeric form with the sub-

454]

HOMERIC PECULIARITIES

167

junctive in future conditions is ei K, often El p,f.v KE, El of. KE, etc. (218). "Hv also is frequent, being the only Homeric contraction of El av. El o' av occurs in Il. iii. 288, and Ei 7rEp av in Il. V. 224 and 232. "Hv 1rep yap ,( MJEA.wcnv is found in Od. xviii. 318.

451. El KE or al KE is sometimes found even with the future indicative in Homer. E.g.
A't KEV &vw Jp}.f}Ev 'L\.[ou 7rE</>LO~CTE7'UL ovo' crat, icrTw Tovro. 11. xv. 213. (See 196.)
l8d.~O'EL

lK7rep-

452. The subjunctive with KE is sometimes used in the apodosis instead of the future indicative, thus making the apodosis correspond in form to the protasis. E.g. El OE K JL1J owvcrw, eyw Be KEV avTdS Uwp,at, and if he do not give her up, I will talce her rnyself. Il. i. 324 (compare i. 137). This
gives a form with two subjunctives analogous to that which has the optative in both protasis and apodosis (460). See 399. (For o in apodosis see 512.) For the Epic use of the future indicative with Ke or &v in apodosis, see 196.

86. El o' av TLS palvcrt e.wv fvt ol'V07TL 1l'OVTitJ, TA~IJOjLaL lv cr~8EO'CTLV exwv'TaAa7TEV8~a 8vp,ov. Od. V. 221. SoIl. i. 341, V. 258, xii. 223, 245; Od. i. 204, i. 188, xii. 348. Only these nine cases occur, and the more co:mmon use of the simvle d with the subjunctive in Homer is in general suppositions (see 468).

453. The simple El (without KE or civ) is sometimes used with the subjunctive in future conditions in Homer, apparently in the same sense as Et KE or ~v. E.g. El 7rEp yap O'E KO.TO.KTavv, ov cr' ET' eyti! YE KAaVcrop,at. Il. xxii.

r!lp' iyw, qov crTEpYJ8w. Id. o. c. 1443. So Ant. 887. El p.-~ q' h cp d. y w K r~cr8< r~> y~>, ov8i71'on (3twcrop,at. An. Eq. 698. So AEscH. Pers. 791; Eun. Or. 1534, I. A. 1240, d 1mcrOs (Mss.); all in dialogue. In Sappho 118, 1 we have a/: n> p'YJrat. 2. In Attic prose, this construction is extremely rare and always doubtful. The M~s., .however, have it in a few passages, as THuc. vi. 21: Ov vavnKf}S IJTpanas JLOVOV 0(~ aA.A.a Kai 'lrECov 7rnAtJV tvJL7rAi:v, /IA.)cws TE Kat El ~viJTwcnv ai 'IT'Ot\.t'LS <f>of37J8iuraL. (Here a few inferior Mss. read 1jv.)

454. l. Thib Homeric use of the simple El with the subjunctive in future conditions "as allowerl by poetic licensA in a few passages of the Attic drama, chiefly in tragedy, even in the dialogue. E.g. El yap Bavv> Ka2 TAE-v:r~cras cl<f>vs. SoPH. Aj. 496. ~vcna'Aawa

.r

168

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[455

2. Optative in Protasis and Apodosis.

455. When a supposed future case is stated less dis tinctly and vividly than the subjunctive would state it (as if I should go in English), the protasis takes the optative with l. The a1)odosis takes the optative with &v to denote what would be the result if the condition of the protasis should be fulfilled. E.g.
El V..Bot, 1rrivr' &v Zoot, if he should gu, he would see all. EZ <I ovrws ~BeAot <j;tAe<tv Kf]ootr6 n 8vp,rp, rip KEV ns KE[vwv I'' Kal iKA<A<iBotro yrijJ-OW, if she should be willing thus to love you, etc., then some of them would cease even to think of nut?'?'iage. Od. iii. 223. "H K]1 '}'']()~(]'at llplafi-O'> ITptd.fLOt6 T 7raL8Es, aAAOL TE TpwES fLE'}'a KEV Kexapo aro BvfL(j}, el (]'<Pww rd.oe 7rrivra 71'VBo [aro fLapvafi-EVOtW. Il. i. 255. 'AA.A' d Ji-O Tt 1r8ow, r6 KEV 71'oAil Kepowv d17. Il. vii. 28. EZYJ> </JopYJTOS ovK &v, et 71'pri(J'(J'Ots KaA(;Js, you would not be bearable if you should evm be in 1J1'0SJle1ity. AEBCH. Prom. 979. OtKo<; 8' avros, El <P8oyy~v A.af3o, (]'a</J~crrar' &v A.etHEV. Id. Ag. 37. Ov8~ yap &v M~ooK6s fi-E (3acrtAEils J71'atvoYJ, El itEA.a{Jvotfi-' roils <VEpyras. XEN. An. yii. 7, 11. Ovo' El 1ravns U Bo tEJI ITp(]'at, 7rA~8et y< ovx il71'<pf3aA.oJJ-EB' b'.v roils 7rOAEJJ-ov>. Id. Cyr. ii. 1, 8. Ov 7rOAA~ av rlA.oyta tl'], El <Pof3o'iro TOV BJ.varov 0 rowvros; PLAT. Phaed. 68 B. El 8 ns roils Kparovvras rov 71'Af]Bovs M rlpeT1JV 7rporpElfLEV, &.jJ-<f;orEpov<; av ovf]crEL<. Isoc. ii. 8. EZ TLS TWV IJOL crvv6vrwv J7rap8d'ij 71'0LELV (]'V rvyxavas d>.oywJI, 7fW~ oiJK <'tv aBA.ufY'raros er']; Id. xi. 47. IIr;ls of>v OVK av olwrp6rara 71"UVTWJ1 EYW 7rE7rov80s dYJv, d JfL lf'Y)</J[cratvro dvat ~vov; how then should I not have suffered (lit. be hereafter in the condition of having suffered) the 1nost pitiable of all things, if they should vote rne a fo1eigner ? DEM. lvii. 44. (See 103 for other examples of the perfect optative.)

456. This form of the conditional sentence in its fully develo1)ed use, as it a1)pears in Attic Greek, must be carefully distinguished from that of 410 ; the more so, as we often translate both d'YJ av and 1)v by the same English expression, it wo1dd be; although the latter implies that the suppoBition of the protasis is a false one, while the former implies no opinion of the speaker as to the truth of the supposition. We have seen (438-440) that the more primitive Homeric language had not yet fully separated these two constructionR, and still used the 01}tative in the apodosis of present, and sometimes of past, unreal conditions. On the other hand, the distinction between this form and that of 444 is less marked, and it is sometimes of slight importance which of the two is used. As it is often nearly indifferent in English whether we say if we shall go (or if we go) it will be well, or if we should go it wou'ld be 'Well, so may it be in Greek whether we say Jd.v tA.Bwfi-EV

av

460]

HOMERIC USAGES WITH THE OPTATIVE

169

KaAws e~H or d EAOotp.EII KaA(os &11 gxot. In writing Greek, this distinction can generally be made by first observing the form of the apodosis in English; if that is expressed by should or would, it is to be translated by the Greek optative with fl11; if it is exlJl'essed by shall or will, by the future indicative. Other forms of the apodosis, as the imperative, will present no difficulty. The form to be used in the protasis will then ap1)ear from the principles of the dependence of moods (170-178); the optative will require anothe.optative with El in the dependent protasis, while the future indicative or any other primary form will require a subjunctive with M.11 or a future indicative with El. 457. In indirect discourse after past tenses we often find an optative in protasis, which merely represents the same tense of the subjunctive or indicative in the direct discourse. See 667, 1; 689 ; 694. For the occasional omission of &11 in an apodosis of this kind, see
240-242.

458. The potential optative with &11 may stand in the protasis with El ; as in El EAOotp.t &11, supposing that I would go, easily distinguished from El f.AOotp.t, SU1JPosing that I should go. Such an expression does not belong here, hut is really a present condition. (See
409; 506.)

459. The future optative cannot he used in protasis or apodosis, except in indirect discourse to represent a future indicative of the direct discourse. (See 128 and 203.)
HOMERIC PECULIARITIES.

460. Er KE with the optative is sometimes found in Homer, and d 7rEp ;{11 occurs once.l This is a mark of the unsettled usage of the e[\rlier language, in which KE or :iv was not yet required with the subjunctive in protasis, and was still allowed with the optative or indicative (401). It is difficult to see any essential difference between these protases with d KE and those with the simple El and the optative. E.g. El &~ KEV "Apyos iKo[p.Ee' 'AxauK6v, o1;0ap dpo-6prys, yap.f3p6s Kf.v p.ot f.ot, and if we should-ever come to Achaean Argos, then he would (shall) be my son-in-law. Il. ix. 141 ; cf. ix. 283, and Od. xii. 345, xix. 589. ITws &v Jyw en ootp.t JLET' dOavaToun Ow'irnv, El KEV "Aprys OLXOLTO xpf.os JCaL &wpov dAv~as. Od. viii. 352. Twv KEJI TOt xap[a-aLTO 7raTTjp d:;n:pE[<rt' Cbrot.va., ti KEV Efl~ (wOv 1rE7rV()otT!J E1rt VYJV(]'LV 'Axatwv. Il. vi. 49. The distinction between these cases and those of 458 is obvious. In Il. i. 60, ,;: KEV with the optative forms a subordinate protasis,
1

ii. 597) ; besides 11. v. 273 ( = viii. 196) and Od. xvii. 223, mentioned in the text (461).

twenty-six cases of .t t with the optative in Homer, and one of

See the examples in Lange, Pa?-tikel El, pp. 185, 186.

er 7rp liv

There are
(Il.

170

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[461

with a remoter and less emphatic supposition than the main protasis El oap.i (future) ; JIVII ap.p.E 7rd.Aw 7rAayx8f:wras Mw f!.lj; d.7rOVO<TT~<Tetv, d KfJI e&vaTOV YE cp-6yotp.ev, el 0~ op.ov 7r6Aep.6s TE oap.~ Ko.l Aotp.ds 'Axo.w-6s, now I think we shall be driven back and shall return home again-that is, supposing us to escape death---if both war and pestilence are at the swme time to destroy the Achaeans. In 11. ii. 597 we have 7rEp Clv O.VTal Mov<Tat ddooHv. These constructions are never negative.

er

461. In the strange protasis, d To-6Tw KE >..af3otp.Ev1 Il v. 273 and viii. 196, the separation of el from KE might compel us to recognise a potential force, if we could (possibly) secure these; but the difference between this and the Attic examples of el with the potential optative and ilv (458; 506), and the difficulty of seeing any difference between this and El ToflTw >..af3otp.ev, if we should secure these, induced Bekker to read el To-6Tw ye >..a{3otp.Ev here, and also TOV y' d p.ot oo[YJS (for TOll K' El) in Od. xvii. 223. The Homeric use of the optative in present and past unreal conditional sentences has been discussed (438).

II. PRESENT AND P.AST GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS.

462. In present or past general suppositions, the apodosis expresses a eustornary or repeated action or a general t1uth_ in present or past time, and the protasis refers in a general way to any act or acts of a given class. Here the protasis has the subjunctive with after present tenses, and the optative with el after past tenses. The apodosis has the present or imperfect indicative, or some other form which implies repetition. E.g. ''Hv Jyy:Us v..ev eavaTos, ovods ,13-:>vAETat Ovrf<TKEW, if (or when)

eav

death comes near, no one is ( e>er) willing to die. EuR. Ale. 671. "Hv f'-~V aOYJ Kat V~cpov<Tt, x_piwvrat a:&rc{) ~V OE fk~ aOYJ, f'-ETtEUJ't. HDT. i. 133. 6wuAel: p.urwv, atiK ~v r{s n av,-uv &otKfj, &A.>..' Uv nva V7r07rTe>)<TYJ f3e>..,-tova ~o.vToil d'vat, he continues to hate, not if any one wrongs him, but if he ever suspects that any one is betteT than himself XEN. Cyr. v. 4, 35. "A1ras >..6yos, &v &1ri} ,.d, 1rpayp.aTa1 p.rf.Tatov Tt cpalveTat Kat Kev6v, all speech, if deeds are wanting, appears mere emptiness and vanity. DElf. ii. 12. 'Ed.v o o6~u Ta o[Kata E['Ka>..efv Kat l >.. Y/ TdJI oeopaKOTa TOV cpovov, ovo' OVTW dpw; y[yveTat Tov d..\.ov-ros-. Id. xxiii. 69 (so 74, 75, 76). 'A..\.X et 7't p.~ <f>tpotp.ev, b\,-pvvH cpepew, but if we ever stopped bringing him food, he always urged us to bring it. EuR. Ale. 7 55. El TtS d.vTE7rot, eti8:Us TE8v~KH, if any one objected, he was a tkad man at once (52). THUC. vi:ii. 66. Et' TtVO. 7r1!V8dvotTO vf3p(ovTa, Toifrov EOtKa[ev. HDT. i. 100. El o~ nvas 8opvf3ovp.~vovs aZcr8ot-

467]

PRESENT AND PAST GENERAL CONDITIONS

171

\ "' ' ,.., Q I ' \ .) "' To, TO ULTtOV TOVTOV I"TK07rWV kUTUI"T{-'VVVVU T'YJV Tapax1JV E7r tpaTo, whenever he saw any making a disturbance, he always t?ied, etc. XEN. Cyr. v. 3, 55. OvK a1r A.d11"To i!n avTov, d p.~ n &.vayKa!ov d'YJ, he never left him, unles.~ there was some necessity fo1 it. Id. Mem. iv.J, 40. "H V TOtS fLElJ ocf;BaA.p.oZs f7rKOVp1]fLU r'ljs xt6ros, d TLS p.~J..uv Tt i!xwv 7rp0 TWV ocpBaAp.wv 7r0pVOTO, TWV OE 7rOOWV d TLS Ktvoi:To. Id. An. iv. 5, 13. 'E7rt.Sh) 8 tF.toov avrov TaxurTa, rrvA.A.a{36vns ayovaw aVTLKpvs 6!s U1l"OKTVOVVTES, OV7rP Kat TOtJS aAAous aTre(J'cpaTrov d nva ArJ(J'T~v 1) KaKovpyov (J'VAAa{3ov, i.e. where they had been in the habit of killing any others whom they took. LYS. xiii. 78. 463. This optathe referring to past time must be especially distinguished from the optative in ordinary protasis referring to the future (455). El and Uv in this construction are often almost equivalent to OT or ora.v (which are the more common expressions), and the protasis has precisely the same construction as the relative sentences of 532. 464. The present and aorist subjunctive and optative here do not differ except as explained in 87. The future optative of course is never used here (128).

465. The examples in 462 exhibit the ordinary Attic usage. In Homer we find this construction in a partially developed state: see 468. 466. The gnomic aorist ( 15 4) and other gnomic and iterative expressions (162; 163) may be used in the apodosis of these general conditions. The gnomic aorist, as a primary tense, is followed by the subjunctive. E.g.
''Hv (J'cpaAW(J'LV, J.vTEA7r[rravTES aAAa.~7rA~pW(J'UV T~V XP[av, they fail, they always supply the deficiency, etc. THUC. i. 70. "Hv of. TLS TOVTWV T 1rapa{3avyJ, (YJp.[av avTots ~Tr~BHrav, they (always) impose a penalty upon evmy one who transgresses. XEN. Cyr. i. 2, 2. EZ TWS LOOLEV 7rrJ TOVS (J'cj;Tepovs ~7rKpaTOVJ!Tas, UV8ap(J'Yj(J'UJI av, VJhenever any saw their friends in any way victorious, they would be encoumged (i.e. they were m~couraged in all such cases). THUC. vii. 71. See XEN. Mem. iv. 6, 13, quoted in 162.

if

467. (Indicative.) The indicative is sometimes found in the place of the subjunctive or optative in these general conditions, that is, these follow the construction of ordinary present and past suppositions, as in Latin and English. Here the speaker refers to one of the cases in which the event may occur, as if it were the only one,-that is, he states the general supposition as if it were particular. E.g.
MoLpo:.t s> dcpcrravT}, r TtS Ex8pa 7r~Af.t OfLo'Ybvot.s, alOW KaAI.Jif;at, the Fates stand aloof to hide their shame, if there is enmity among kindred. PrND. Py. iv. 145 ; cf. Ol. i. 64. (See 406.) EZ ns ovo 1] kat TrAeov>

172

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[468

n> iJfh~pas Aoyl{;erat, f-U1'at6<; EO'rw, if any one ever connts upon two or even more days, he is a fool. SoPH. Tr. 944.. 'EA<v0pws ?ToAtnDofJ-<V, 0~ 6py~s TOV ?TEAas, cl Ka8' ?]oov1v 7't opfi, xovns, i.e. not (having a habit of) being angry with O!t1' neighbour if he ever ads as he pleases. THUC. ii. 37. (Here the indicative oplj, is used as if some particular act of one neighbour, and not any act of any neighbour, were in mind.) Et y&.p ns v BYJJ-1-0Kpctr[?- 'TETtfJ:rwvo<; 'TOAfhi fJoYJ8E'iv roi>;; 1rap6.vo/ha ]pa<f>ovuw, Ka'TaA1~t 'T~V ?ToAt'TE[av v<f>' i]s 'TETlfJ-YJ'Tat. AESCHIN. iii. 196. EZ Tls Tt E?TYJPWTa, d?TeKplvovro, if any one asked anything, they replierl (to all such). THuc. vii. l 0. 'Efh[O'tt O~K d 'TLS KaKWS mfuxwv ~f-VVETO, d'AX d Tt<; EVEPYETODfJ-EVOS axaptO''TOS </>a{vo t'TO. XEN. Ag. xi. 3. Here, without any apparent reason, the writer changes from the indicative to the optative. (See 534.)

HOMERIC AND OTHER POETIC PECULIARITIES.

468. In Homer the subjunctive appears in protasis in general suppositions (462) only nineteen times, and the optative only once. Here the subjunctive generally (in fourteen cases) has the simple El (without K~ or ltv ). E.g.
Er 1Tp yap TE x6A.ov YE Kat avTqp.ap KaTa?TEfYJ, dA.'Aa ')' /<0.2 jJ,E'T6?Tt0'8ev fXH K6Tov, o<f>pa TEAE(J'O'YJ, for even if he swallows his wrath for the day, still he keeps his anger he1eajter, until he accomplishes its object. IL i. 81. T wv ov Tt fJ-ETa'TpE?TOfJ-' ov8' dA.Eyl(w, d 7', E?Tt 8e~[' iwO't, d T' -;( dpurTEpa, I do not heed them nor care for them, whether they go to the right or to the left. Il. xii. 238. SoIl. iv. 262, x. 225, xi. ll6, xvi. 263, xxi. 576, xxii. 191 (the last four in similes); Od. i. 167, vii. 204, xfi. 96, xiv. 373, xvi. 98 (r 116). "Hv ?TOTE 8aufJ-bS ZKYJTa t, O'Ot Tb y~pas ?ToAV f-E'i(;ov, if ever a division comes, your prize is always much g1eater. Il. i. 1G6. So Od. xi. 159, qv P-0 ns EX'[) Besides these two cases of ~v, Homer has two of fi KE, Il. Xi. 391, Xii. 302 ; and one of et 1Tp dV, Il. iii. 25 (ftve in

all).
The single case of El with the optative in a past general condition in Homer is Il. xxiv. 768: d'AA' Ei Tls fh Kat O:'A'Aos v?T'Tot, &A.A.d. O'V Tov '}'E Ka'Tf:pvKei>, but if any other upbmided me, you (always) restmined him.

469. Pindar has only eight cases of the subjunctive in protasis. These all have general suppositions and all have the simple el ; 1 as ?ToAA.oi o fJ-EfJ-VavTat, KaAOv et 'Tt ?TO va Bfj, but rnany remember it if a noble work is done, 01. vi. 11.

470. The other lyric and elegiac poets show no preference for the simple d. The following cases may be cited: CALL. i. 13 el V (but ijv
1

rht.

profess to be complete.

2G6, 27:~ (perhaps also 263) ; Nem. vii. 11, ix. 46 J lsth. iii. 58, iv. 12; Frag. 171 (Bock,h), 5. The references to the otl1er poets in 470 and 471 do not

Jour. Phil. iii. p. 443.

The examples are 01. vi. 11 ; Pyth. iv.

472]

SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN PROTASIS

173

in 1 i) ; TYnT. xii. 35 d ,P{;y'[] (hnt ?JV xi. 16); SoL. iv. 30 d iJ 1 (hut i}v xii. 1, xiii. 29); THEOG. 121, 122 El AE>-..~817 .. iix17, and 321 d ?nraO"<r?J (hut ~v 93, 186, 379, 697, 929, 932, 1355, 1356, 1385); all (Uoth tl and ?jv) in general conditions. See Snf. AMORG. vii. 15,
69, 97 (1jv).

471. In the Attic poets we find a few cases of the siiDj)le El in general conditions. E.g. 'AAX avop(L, K Er 'TL" 1J <rorpos, TO fW.V8avf.JI m5A.X a.iO"xpcJl! oDOEV Kat TO fL~ TE[vnv IJ:yav. SoPH. Ant. 710. So Aj. 521; 0. T.198, 874; 0. C. 50[); AEscu. Supp. 91, Emn. 234. For the simple d in future conditions, see 453 ; 454. For the prolxtble relation of El to d KE, ijv, Edv, etc., see 40 I.
PECGLIAll FOJ:MS OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES.
Substit~d'ion

and Ellipsis in Frotas'is.-1'1otasis without a Ve1b.

472. Often the protasis is not expressed in itR regular form with El or Uv, but is contained in a participle, or implied in an adverb like oihws or OtKa[ws, in a preposition with its case, or in some other form of expression. \\"hen a participle represents the protasis (841 ), its tense is always that in which the verb itself would have stood in the indicative, subjunctive, or optative. The present (as usual) includes the imperfect, and the perfect includes the pluperfect. E.g. TovTo 1rowvFns ED 1rpa~ovO"tF (i.e. Jal' ;;-o l<VO" tJ!), if they (shall) do
this, they u-ill prospe1. TovTo 7rot,jO"aJ!TES ED 1rpa~ovO"tV (i.e. <iav 1ro (]"WO"l]!). TovTo 7rOWVJ!TES ED dJ! 7rpaTTOlEV (i.e. el 7rOlOLEV), if they should do this, they would prospeT. TovTo 7rot~O"a.vns ED aJ! 1rpaTTOtEV (i.e. tl7iot'l}a-attv). 'To.UTo 7rOtoVvTES' tD Uv g1rpa.:TTOV (i.e. El f.7ro{olll'), if they were doing this (or if they had been doing this), they would be in prospMity. To.VTo 7r0l1JO"<XJ!TES ED av E7rpaTTOJ! (i.e. El E7r0 c.,,(J'a J!), if they had done this, they wo-uld be in p1ospe1ity. Ilws 8-fjTa' 8Dcqs o1J0"1)S 0 ZEvs OVK dm5AwAEV TOV 7raTEp avTOV o,jO"as; i.e. how is it that Zeus has not been dest1oyed, if Justice exists? AR. Nub. 904. (Here 8KTJS OlkT'']S represents El o{K1) JO"T[v.) 'AAA.' El(]"(JfLE0"8a OOfLovs 1rapaO"TE {X o VTES (av 7rapaO"TdxwfLEJ!), but we shall know, ifweenterthehouse, SoPH.Ant.1255. 2:v o KA<iwJ! EiO"El Taxa (EdJ! KAV1J>), but yon n:ill soon know, if you, listen. AR. Av. 1390. So fh1J fLae..:)]!, unless I leam, for av fL'J fLaew, Nub. i92. Ka[ J<EJ! TovT' Wi>..o'fL' tu6s ye otooT'Tos dpO"Ba, (6,os OoovTos=El ZEvs otoo[lJ), and this I shonld like to obtain, if Zeus would only give it. Od. i. 390. TowvTa TaJ! yVJ!at~i O"vJ!va[wv f.xots (El O"Vl'v<dot>), such things 1could ym su.f}'er, if you should live with wom-en. AESOH. Sept. 195. 003' av t:rlW7r~O"UlfLl T1JJ! aT1)JI opwv O"TdxovO"aV aO"TOLS (i.e. El op<l)v). SOPH. Ant. 185. 'ABT}vaJwv OE Tb aDTo TOVTO 7ra8ovTwv, omA.a,o-{av a.v

'+

174:

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[472

T~v Mvap,w dKa&w-Bat (o'lp,at), but if the Athenians should ever suffer this (1ra&ovTwv =El 1ra8otev), I think it would be injmed that their powm wa;; twice as great. THUO. i. 10. (Here only the context shows that 1ra86vrwv does not represent El ~1ra&ov, if they had ever suffered.) llptv yv~cr&at ~1rlcrT7JCTEV ltv ns dKovcras (i.e. el ~Ko1xHv), before it happened, any one would have disbeliewd su~h a thing if he had heard it. Tauo. vii. 28. OD yap &v P,Ta1rd&w ilp,os JNra P-'J rotaVT1JS oiJu17s T~s 1nrapxovcr1]s -inroA.~tj;ews, for he would not be seeking to change your minds, if such were not the prevailing o-pinion (i.e. el p,1) row.VTYJ ~v). DEM. xviii. 228. ''Eo-rw ovv 07TWS TO.VT 1 <iv, JKEtVa 7rpoetp1]KWS, 0 aDros dv~p p,~ (hacp&apet<;; -roAfk1)<J'EV d1rel:v; is it J'o,ssible then that the same man, after saying that, would have dared to say this unless he had been corrupted (d fk'l otecp&ap1J)? Id. xix. 308. M~ KO.T'l]yop~uavros Alux{vov fi-1]0~V ~~w T~S ypacp~s oDD' <iv Jyw A.oyov ovo~va E1f'OW1~f1-YJV upov (el 11-~ KO.TrJyoprJrrEv). Id. xviii. 34. Ta avra <iv E1rpa~E Kat 1rpwrYJ r\axovrra (i.e. el 7rpWTYJ EA.axev), it (the soul) would have done the same, even if it had had the forst choice by the lot. PLAT. Rep. 620 D. Mafkp.av o' <iv alT~uavros i)Kov UOt cp~pwv <iv ilprov, and if you ever asked for something to eat, I used to corne bringing you b1ead. AR. Nub. 1383. (Here alr0rravros represents El ah~o-<ta'> in a general supposition, 462. For ~KOV av see 162.) Olire rr&Covrrt 1rAdw ~ ovvavrat cp~pnv, 8wppaye'i:JI yap &v oiJr' &p,cptEVVVVTat 1rAE[w ~ OYVO.VTO.t </>~.pew, a1r01rVtyei:ev yd.p &v, they do not eat more than they can bear, for (if they should) they would b1trst, etc. XEN. Cyr. viii. 2, 21. Avro~ av J7ropE-68YJUO.V 0~ &A.A.ot Ta o' -inrot..)yta ovK 1jv fiAATJ ~ TaVTTJ ~Kj3~vat, they would have gone thernselves wheTe the others went ; but the anirnals could not go otherwise than as they did. Id. An. iv. 2, 10. So ~ yd.p av A.wf30<J'ato, Il. i. 232. . 'HfktV 8' J~ 7TOAA~s <iv n-eptovrras vewv fkOAtS TOVTO il1f'~PX~ Ka'i fk0 dvayKa(op.vots, wrr1rep vvv, 1rao-ats cpvr\arrO'etv, but we sho1ld ha1dly have this advantage if we had a g1eat supmiority in nurnber of sh1:ps (=El 7roAA0v 1repwvuav etxop.Ev) and if we we1e not compelled (el fk0 1)va.yKa.(ofk<Ba), as we a1e, to use our whole fleet in guarding. THuc. vii. 13. 1 To p,f.v E7r EK<lv'l! 7rOAAaKtS av OtA-68Yjrra.v, if it had depended on him, they often would have been disbanded. Isoc. iv. 142. 6uf y< vp.as aD roils '1raAat llv a1roA~AetTE, if it had depended on yourselves, you would long ago have been T1tined. DEM. xviii. 49. (So sometimes Ka&' vp.a.<;.) ITaA.at yd.p <iv ~v<Ka ye 1{1]</>t<J'fkarwv Joeo~K<< 0tK1Jv, for, if dec1ees were of any avail, he would long ago havesujfe1ed punishment. Id. iii. 14. {Here the protasi,s is implied in v<Ka tf1JcpLO'fkaTwv.) Oihw yap OVKET rou r\ot1rov 7rr5.o-xotfkEV <iv KaKws, for in that case we should no longer suffer. Id. iv. 15. So WS OVTW 7TptyVOf1-VO<; av, XEN. An. i. 1, 10. 0-.lo' av O,tKdws ES KaKbV 1rEUOtpJ n. SoPH. Ant. 240. In such cases the form of the apodosis generally shows what form of protasis is implied. When the apodosis is itself expressed by an infinitive or participle (479), as in THuc. i. 10 (above), the form of the protasis is shown only by_the general sense of the passage.

Yi

475]

SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN PROTASIS

~

175

473. The future participle is not used to represent the future indicative in future co!l<litions (447); it may, however, represent the future in present conditions (407), where it is equivalent to JLEAAw and the infinitive; as in DEM. xxiv. 189, JL~ 7rEpt To-6,.wv DJLWV ol0"6vTwv T~v !ffi1>ov, ,.[ 81: TaVTa AeyovTa vox AEtv fU vvvt; if yov are not to give your vote about this, 1'-~ ol0"6vrwv representing El JL~ o!O", n =El 1'-~ JLEAAETE q,epEw. The present and 1wrist participles, when they represent the present and aorist subjunctive, express future conditions, thus making the future participle unnecessary. The aorist participle in protasis can always represent an aorist subjunctive in the sense explaineu in 90. 474. The verb of the protasis is suppressed in the Homeric El8' aye, come now I This is commonly explained by an ellipsis of f3ovA.et, if you will, come now I But it is probable that no
definite verb was in the speaker's mind in such expressions, even when we find it necessary to supply one. E.g. El 8' ayE, TOt KEq,a>..fj KaTaVEVO"OjLat, come now! I will nod my assent to thee. Il. i. 524. El 8' ayE fl~V, 7rdp'Y)O"at, rva yvwWO"t Kat ot8E, well! co'llJ;e now, try it. Il. i. 302. El JLEV 8~ 8E6s EO"O"' 8wi6 TE ~KAvE<; aiJ8~s, l 8' ayE JLOt Kat KEtVOV ot&vp?Jv KaTcJ.Ae~OV (the apodosis being introduced by El 8' aye, corne now, tell me). Od. iv. 831.

475. ('.!:h d.) There is a probably unconscious suppression of the verb of the protasis when dJs El or dJs d TE is used in comparisons (especially in Homer) with a noun or adjective or with a participle. E.g. Twv veEs cbKEuu ws El 7rTEp6v 1) v6YJJLa, their ships are swift as (if) a wing or thought. Od. vii. 36. '.Qs I riO"v1>YJAov ~pE~Ev 'Arpd8YJS w<; Ei' nv' riT[JLYJTOV JLETavciO"T?]V,for the son of Atreus insulted me like (i.e. as if he were insulting) some despised wanderer. Il. ix. 648. 'E1r AEOJLEV Bopeu riVEJL'f PYJL8ws ws 'TE KaTa p6ov, we sailed on with the northeast wind easily, as if (we were sailing) down shearn. Od. xiv. 253. In all these cases no definite verb was in mind after El, but the addition of El to ws shows that a conditional force was felt (at least originally) in addition to the comparison ; and this is the only difference between these examples and those with the simple ws or ws TE, as ~O"T~KEW &s ,.[, TE Aewv, he stood like a lion. 1 In .Attic poetry we find p,6.n7p WO" t ns 7rtO"Ttt, like sonM faithful mother, SoPH. EL 234 ; and 7rT1JO"a> WO" l T 8vO"jLEvij, spu1ning her ltS an enemy, .Ant. 653. With Od. vii. 36 compare Hymn . .Ap. Py. 8, 1rp6s "OAvp,1rov WO"TE v6YJJLa dO",, and 2 7 O, E7rt v~a v 617 I ~ s iLho 7rE'T0"8at.

er

1 See Lange, Partikel El, p. 234. Lange is at great pains to show that there is no ellipsis here, or indeed in any cases of <i without a verb like <! 1rep dva-yK?), if necessary. By" ellipsis" we often mean merely what one language finds it necessary to supply to translate an idiom of another. There are few ellipses of which a speaker is really conscious when he uses them. In this sense, it seems to me that, whenever we use if without a verb, there is at least a supp1ession (if not an ellipsis) of a verb.

176

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[476

'O>..o<PvpJJLEVOt ~. d eava:rovOE KLOVTa, bewailing him as if going to his death (in full as if they were bewailing him going), for which we say (changing the construction) as if he were going. Il. xxiv. 328. See also . rl,' ~' ' ' 't ' ~ ' ' ' Il , XVl, 1 9 2, V, 3 74. 'AJl-'t'L O K(J,7TVO<; ')'L')IVETat ' UVTTJ'> W<; Ey17TVpOS al&oJLf:vow, i,e. the smoke rises from it (the fountain) as if (it rose) from a blazing fire. Il. xxii. 150. So Od. xix. 39. What seems like a more natural construction with ws El or ws Et TE is that of the optative with the apodosis suppressed (485). In all these cases there is also a suppression of the verb of the apodosis (see 485). For the participle in such expressions se.e 867-869.

476. (El JL~-) El JL~ is used without a verb in various expressions to introduce an exception. 1. With nouns and adjectives. E.g. Tts y&p TOt '.Axatwv aAAOS 6JLOWS, d "'~ ILfTpOKAO<;; who is like to you, except (unless it be) Patroclv..s? Il. xvii. 4 75. See Il. xviii. 192,
xxiii. 792 ; Od. xii. 325, xvii. 383. Such expressions are like the tlJLewov, if this is better, Il. i. 116; d n6v 7TEp, xiv. simple el T6 125; et 7Tep dvayKTJ, xxiv. 667.

2. With participles.

E.g.

El JL~ KPEJLriU'as TO v6'1JJLa, i.e. I could never have done it, except by suspending thought. .AR. Nub. 229. So ovoev 7TOT' el JL~ ~l!v&avOVJLEV'fJV, AESCH. Ag. 1139 ; el JL~ KaTaot)(]'aVTES, THuc. vii. 38 ; Jd.v JL~ T~s doda<; oo8E[U''IJS, DEM. xxiv. 46. 3. In the expression el JL~ otd. TOVrO (or TOVTov). E.g. K(Lt d JL~ Otd TbV 7TpvTavw, EVE7TEU'V av, and, had it not been for the Prytanis, he would have been thrown in. PLAT. Gorg. 516 E. (Compare ota ye VJLa>, DEM. xviii. 49, quoted in 472.) Ov yd.p ws d JL~ otd. AaKEOULJLOv[ov<;, ovo' ws cl JL~ llpo~EVOV ovx V7T0E~avTo, ovo' El JL~ Oi 'H ')'~U'7T7TOV, ovo' ws el JL~ Otd. TO Kat TO, EU't!J(J'IJO'UY &v o1 <PwKEtS, ovx OVTW T6TE U7T~')'')'ELAV, for he did not then repmt that if it had not been for the Lacedaemonians, or if they had not refused to receive Proxenus, OT if it had not been for Hegesipp1LB, or if it had not been jo1' this and that, the Phocians would have been saved. DEu. xix. 7 4. 4. In the rare expression d JL~ except if, except in case that.

ws

et;

E.g.
'0 XP'IJJLUTLU'TLK6s T?)v Tov nJLaU'8at ~oov~v ry n)v Tov JLav&avew ovoev6s d~lav <P~U'H Elvat, El JL0 d TL UVTWV dpyvpwv 7TOL~ the money-maker will say that the pleasure of 1eceiving honour or that of learning is not worth anything, unless (it is worth something) in case either of thern produces money. PLAT. Rep. 581 D. In Prot. 351 0, yw yap AEyw, KafJ' 6 ~Of.a EuTLv, dpa Ko.Td. ToVro oVK J:ya80., fL~ Et 'Tt &,,r UUTWV &rrof3~U'Tat aAAO ;-fo'l' r aslc this: 80 fa1' as they a?'e pleasant, are they not just so jar good, without taking into account any other result (i.e. other. tban their pleasantness) which may come from them ?-JLfJ is not a mistake for El JL~, but it seems to imply a conditional participle like

479)

SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN APODOSIS

177

1xrroA.oyt(oJMVO<> (though no precise word can be supplied), very much as P.0 and P-0 01rwS imply a verb of saying (707). The meaning clearly is, Are not things good just so far as they are pleasant, if we take no account of any other (i.e. unpleasant) element in them ? This sense would hardly be found in the emended reading el p.~ n. In Tauc. i. 17 the Cod. Vat. reads el p.~ n, although el P-0 et TL can be under~tooa as in PLAT. Rep. 581 D (above).

on

477. Equivalent to <l P.0 el ( 4 7 6, 4) is 1rA el, except if or

1rA~v represents the apodosis. E.g. Ta ov6p.ara ol'6v TE O.VTWV elo~vat, 7r A~ V er Tt> KWJl-lf>OLO'TrOLdS rvyxcfv<t ~v, it is not possible to know even their names, except in case one happens to be a comedian. PLAT. .Ap. 18 C.

unless, in which
Ovo~

478. In alternatives, el o~ p.~, otherwise, regularly introduces the latter clause, even when the former clause is negative. Et o~ p.~ is much more common here than Jd.v o p.fJ, even when Jd.v p.~v with the subjunctive precedes. The formula el o~ p.~ was fixed in the sense of otherwise, in the other case, and no definite form of the verb was in mind. IIpils ravra P.0 dJ7rT d o~ p.0, <TaVT6v 1ror' alnd<T<t, therefore do not beat me; but if you do, you will have yourself to blame for it. AR. Nub. 1433. El p.~ eavovp.a[ -;. d 0~ p.~, OV Ae{tf;w 'TrOT~, if I do not die (I will leave the place) ; otherwise (if I die) I shall never leave it. EuR. And. 254. See SoPH. Tr. 587. II6Aep.ov ovK <twv 7rotel:v d 0~ p.~, KO.C O.VTOC dvayKa(l'e~ue<Tfiat ecpacrav cp{Aov> 1r0Lft<T8at oils ov f3o{,A.ovrat, they said that otherwise (El o~ p.~) they sho1dd be obliged, etc. Tau c. i. 28. El'1rov (ITav<Tav[\l) -rov K~pvKo> p.~ Ae7rerr8at el o~ p.~, 7rOAep.ov avr~ 2:7rapn6.ros 7rpoayope{,nv, they OTdered him not to be left behind by the herald: and if he should be (el o~ p.~), (they told him) that the Spartans declared war against him. Id. i. 131. M~ 'lrOL~<TV> 'TCLVTO.. d 0~ p.~, alr[av g~ELS. XEN. An. vii. 1, 8. 'Ed.v p.~v 'TL vp.l:v OOKW dAYJ8ES A~yELv, ~11VOJl-OAoy~<TCLTE. d 0~ p.~, 7rO.VTt A.6yp avnT<[vere. PLAT. Phaed. 91 C. So av p.Ev 7re[crYJTE, .. el o~ p.~, K.r.A., DEM. ix. 71. El o alone is sometimes used for el o( JL~ ; as in PLAT. Symp. 212 c, el p.~v f3o{,A.et, . . . el o. So el o' ovv (se. p.-IJ), SOPH. Ant. 722, EuR. Hipp. 508. The potential optative and indicative with av, so far as they are apodoses, might be classed here; bnt these have higher claims to be treated as independent sentences. See Chapter IV., Section I.
S1tbstitution and Ellipsis in Apodosis.
479. The apodosis, in any of its forms, may be expressed by an infiniti1re or participle, if the structure of the sentence requires it.
N

178

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[48()

l. It may be expressed by the infinitive or participle in indirect discourse, each tense representing its own tenses of the indicative or optative, the present including the imperfect, and the perfect the pluperfect. If the finite verb in the apodosis would have taken av, this particle is used with the infinitive or participle. E.g.
'H yovftat, El TOvTo 7rotei:Te, miv-ra i<a..\ws ~ xo v, I believe thut, if you a:re doing this, all is well. 'H yovftat, av -rovro 7rot~Te, 1nfvTa KaAws E!~uv, I believe that, if you (shall) do this, all will be well. 'H yovt-tat, El Tov-ro 7rotoZTe, 1rav-ra KaAws &v ii X et v, I believe that, if you should do this, all would be well. 'H yovftat, el TOVTO E1f'Ot~o-a.n, 1rav-ra KaAw> &v l X EL v, I believe that, if you had done this, all would now be (or 1vould have been) well. Oloa vt-tiis, av -rovro 7rotqTe, 1r pagovras, I lmww that, if you do this, you will prospe1. IIws yO.p oteo-th ovo-xepws aKo-6etv '0..\vvetovr;, El Tls Tl Aeyot KaTa 'PtA[7r1f'OV KaT JKeivovs To-ils xp6vovs; how unwillingly do you thin!c the 0. heard it, if any one said anything against Philip in those times ? DEM. vi. 20. (Here dKovew represents the imperfect 'lJKovov, and el .\~yot is a general supposition, 462.) For examples of each tense of the infinitive and participle, see 689. For the use of each tense of the infinitive or 1)articiple with av and examples, see 204-208; 213-216.

ev

2. It may be expressed by the infinitive in any of its various

out of indirect discourse, especially by one depending on a verb of wishing, commanding, advising, pTeparing, etc., from w_hich the infinitive receives a future meaning. Such an infinitive is a common form ef future apodosis with a protasis in the subjunctive or indicative. E.g.
BovAe-rat JA()e'iv Jav -rovro yv']Tat, he wishes to go if this shall be done. IIapacrKeva(6fJ-eea a7rd.()e'iv ~V OVVdJftEea, we an preparing to depa1t 1j we shall be able. KeAevH ere a7re.\()eZv el (3ovAet, he bids you depaTt if you please. (See 403 and 445.)

con~tructions

d7roeavel:v, whereas he might easily have been acquitted (dcpeUJ'l} av), if he had done any of these things even in a moderate degree, he chose to die. XEN. Mem. iv. 4, 4. LKEftftaTa TW]J pq.olw; a7rOKTlVVVVTWV Kat dva.{3tW<TKOftEVWV y' O.v, el oio -re 1)crav, considemtions fm those who readily put men to death, and who would bring thern to life again too if they could. PLAT. Crit. 48 C. (' Ava{3tw<rKOftEVWV tl.v = dv<j3u~o-KovTo tl.v.) '!ls ol6s T 4v o-e <ri{>Cetv el ijfJe..\ov dvaMcrKel!l XP~ftaTa, whereas I might have saved you if I had been willing to 8Jlend money. lb. 44 B.

3. The apodosis may be expressed in an attributive or circumstantial participle. E.g. 'P?-Mws av dcpe()ds El Kat ftETpws n TOV7'WV J7rof1)<TE, 7rpoeAeTO

480. A verbal noun may take the place of an apodosis. E.g. '!h OVT &va<TTTJT~pa KaOftE{wv xeovos el ft~ eewv TlS f-jl1f'OOWV

485]

SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN APOIJOSIS

179

~CTTYJ 8op[, as one who would 'have laid waste ( = avECTTl](]'<V &v) the Cadrneans' land, if some one of the Gods had not stood in the way of his spear. AESOH. Sept. 10 15.

481. Other forms in which an apodosis may appear, as a final clause, need no discussion. (See 445.) In indirect discourse, after past tenses, an optative in the apodosis often represents an original indicative or subjunctive. (See 15 and
457.)

482. The apodosis is sometimes omitted, when some such it is well or it will be done can be supplied, or when some other apodosis is at once suggested by the context. E.g. 'A'AX d p,~v 86J(]'OV(]' ypas p,eya8vp,ot 'Axawl, ap(]'aVTtS KaTd
~xpression as

8vp,dv, 07rWS dvragwv ECTTa1 - el 8E K Jk~ 86Jw(]'V1 Jyw OE KV EA1upat, if they give me a prize,-well; but if they do not, I shall take one for myself. Il. i. 135. (Here we must understand something like e\3 ~et, it will be well, after ecrrat.) EZ 7r<p yap K' EB>-.:ycrw 'O'Avp,1rws dCTTep07r1Jn)s ~ 8wv crrv4>eM~at -6 yap 7roAi> 4>prar6s icrnv. Il. i. 580. (Here we must understand he can do it after the protasis. The following yap refers to this suppressed apodosis.) El p~v f.yw ilp,as tKavws 8toacrKw olovs 8EI: 7rp'Os dAA~Aovs Elvat -l 8~ p~, Kat 1rap?i rwv 7rpoyeyv1Jpevwv p,av8avere. XEN. Cyr. viii. 7, 24. ~e'ivot 7rarp6Jtot evx6p,dJ' i{vat, l 7rEp T yepoyr dpl]at E1rA8wv AaepTlJV, we boast that we are friends by inheritance, (as you may know) if you go and ask Laertes. Od. i. 187. ITpO(]'l]yopv81JS ~ Llt'Os KAnv~ 8ap,ap JLEAAovd E(]'(T8', t TWVO 7rpocrcravn ere T .AESOH. Prom. 834.
a~r'Os

483. Sometimes the adverb C:,v, without a verb expressed, represents an apodosis in the indicative or optative, when the verb can easily be supplied. E.g. Ot olKeTat peyKov(]'tv dAA' ovK &v 7rp'O rov (se. ovrws tppyKov), but they would not have been sno1ing at this late hour in old times. .AR. Nub. 5. (See 227.) So 7rWS y?ip av; (se. dlJ), how could it be?
484. there is apodosis wcr1rep.
In 6J(J'7r<p &v d with a noun, as 6Jcr7rp av el 7raZs, like a child, originally a suppression of the verbs of both protasis and (227 ; 485) ; but in use the expression hardly differs from (See 868-870.)

485. ('52s d and wcr7rep d.) There is an unconscious suppression of the verb of the apodosis when el, EZ TE, and 6xr7rep el are used in similes and comparisons. E.g. Aaol E7rov8', ws d re fLETd KTDwv E(]'7!'To p:ljAa, the hosts followed as if sheep followed a ram. Il. xiii. 492. (No definite verb is understood here, either with ws in Greek or with as in English, but the origin of the expression is the same in both.) <i>1aAav ws eZ ns 8wp+ crerat. PrND. 01. vii. 1. Ka p< <j>[A'Y)d ws <Z T< 7rarTJP 8v 1rai:/la 4>tA~crv. Il. ix. 481. Oi 8' ap' i:crav ws eZ TE 7rvpl x&wv m'icra V~JLOGTO, i.e. their march was as if the whole land should flame with fore (originally

ws

ws

180

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[486

as it would be if, etc.) Il. ii. 780. B-lj o' tftEV, 7raVTo<T xerp 6p~ywv ws cl nwxos mD.at d1J, holding out his hand as if he had long been a beggar (438). Od. xvii. 366. For other optatives with ws cl, see Il. xi. 467, xxii. 410; OJ. ix. 314, x. 416, 420. "f!rnrep 1d 7rape~rTa,-w;, as if you, had dwelt near by. AESCH .Ag. 1201. ''Ottota W!T7rep et ns 1roAAa J~r&iwv ft1JOE7ron Jft7rL'Tf'Aat-ro, jnst as if one should eat much and neve1 be filled. XEN. Symp. iv. 37. There is the same suppression of tl1e apodosis in the examples in 4 7 5, where the protasis also is wanting with cl and similar expressions.

ws

.Apodosis C()ntained in the Protasis.

486. A protasis may depend on a verb which is not its apodosis, the real apodosis being so distinctly implied in the form of expression that it need not be stated separately. 487. 1. This is found especially in Homer, where et Ke (ai: Ke) or ijv (without an expressed apodosis) often seems to have the force of in the hope that/ as in 1rarpos ttov KAo<; tterpxottat, ~v 1rov dKo.Ua-w, I am going to seek tidings of my father, if I shall chance to hear of him, i.e. that I 1nay hear of him if perchance I shall, or in the hope that I shall hear of him (Od. iii. 83). Here the protasis carries with it its own apodosis, which consists of an implied idea of purpose. 1 The whole sentence (both protasis and .apodosis) is thus condensed into the protasis; but the apodosis is always felt in the implied idea of purpose or desire which is inherent in the idiom. As we have seen (312, 2) that final clauses with /{v or ~~ and the subjunctive originally included both a conditional relative clause and a final sentence, so here we have both a conditional and a final force included under a single conditional form ; and this double force is felt also in the English translation, if haply, in the hope that, in case that, etc. E.g. Aurap a-ol ?rVKwws im-oe~a-ott<&', aE KE 1rl&1Jat, but we will make
you a wise suggestion, jm you to obey it if you will. Il. xxi. 293. (Here the protasis aE K 'Tf'[(J'f)at with its implied apodosis seems like 7rd8oi av d 7rBo,', you can obey if yov. please, AESOH . .Ag. 1049, and xapotf aJI El xapotr', Ib. 1394.) So Il. i. 207, 420, xi. 791, xxiii. 82; Od. i. 279. IT~fi-fW 8' ES L7rapT1]V v6(T'TOV 7rV(T6ftVOV mnp'Os <f>>..ov, ~v 1rov rlKo.Ua-v, 1}8' ha ruv 1<Aeos ~xva-w, I will send him, to Sparta, to aslc about his fatheT's nt11.rn, in hope that. he may hear of it, and in order that glOTy may possess him. Od. i. 93. (Here the
1 The English translation of certain conditional clauses in the New Testament wl1ich have this peculiar construction preserves the sense of purpose or desire with the original form of protasis. Thus, that they should seek the Lord, if haply they might feel afim him and .find him, Acts xvii. 27 ; and he came (to the fig tree), if haply he might find anything iheTeon, MARK xi. 13.

487]

APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS

181

added final clause shows th; distinction between this and the protasis ~V 7rOV aKOVCTV.) So Od. i. 281, ii. 216, 360, iii. sa. El7rE pm, at KE 1ro8 yvww TowvTov MvTa, if haply I may recognise him. Od. xiv. 118. Ba.AA' ovTws, at KEv n cp6ws Llvaoun yJ!'Y]a, if haply you may became (i.e. in hope that you may becorne), etc. IL viii. 282. So Il. xi. 797, 799, xiii. 236, xiv. 78, xvi. 39, 41 (cf. 84), xvii. 121, 692, xviii. 199. Ka of v7ro<rx(T8a ovoKa[oeKa {Jovs t(pevCTEJLEI', a[ K' EAE~<T1) fiuTv, aZ KEV Tvo&os vluv dm5a-xu 'IA[ov Zp~s, let lie? p1omise to sacr~fice twelve oxen (to Athena), in hope that she may pity the city, . . . if haply she nwy lceep the son of 1'ydeus f1om sacnd Ilios, etc. Il. vi. 93. (For at: Kev dr.6axu Aristarchus read ws KEJ'.) Evcf>YJp/fjcrai TE KEAEcr8e, 6cppa [l,i Kpovloy ap1)crop.e8'' ai t<' Ae~a-y, in order that 1ve ?nay pray to Zeus tp pity us if he will M haply he shall pity us). Il. ix. 171. So Il. vi. 281, 309, xvii. 245, xxii. 419, xxiv. 116, 301, 35 7 j Od. xiii. 182. See also et: KEV 7rWS (3ovAETl AOl')'bV apvva, Il. i. 66. llaTp6KA<p ecj>E7rE Kpanpwv1>xas l7r7rOV,, at KEV 7iW<; pw Ayr>, owv of. TO eiixos 'Ar.6.\.\wv. Il. xvi. 724. So Il. xv. 297; Od. xxii. A ~ ' ' 'c I / ' r' 76. Ll<Vp' KOJL 8' , a,, KI '710 El!'> Es0'11<TW 'lrtp 7rUVCFrJ 0~VOS. Od . iv. 34. So Od. i. 379, ii. 144, xii. 215, xvii. 51, 60, xxii. 252. 1 ' EKTopos opa-wpev KpaTep~v fhEV0<; 1 ~V TWa 7rOV Llavawv 7rpoKaAecr<TTa. Il. vii. 39. 'Yf6cr o' avyYj ylyveTa a[m:rovcra 7rEpKn6ve<T<r locr8at, at KEV 'lrW> <Tt'V VYJWiv dp~s aAKT~p<s l'KWVTU. Il. xviii. 211. El o K' i!n 7rpOTEpW 'lrfJpav~~OfhCJ., i)v 71'011 cpe1ipw 1/~6vas, odow, K.T.A., but if I shall swim, on still jct1ther, to find a shore if haply I ?nay, I fear, etc. Od. v. 417. (Here ~v rrov Jcp<vpw depends on an ordinary protasis, which, however, is not its apodosis.) 'AA.X &yeT', at Kiv 1rws- 8wp1]tOJl,EV via> 'Axatvv, i.e. let us Mm tlwm if we can. IL ii. 72 (so 83). "2Ke1l"TEo vvv, a.E K< i8rya (wov / 'AJ!Tl.\oxov, if haply you may see. xvii. 652. 2:0 'oEKcp Swpov 7rOT0E')'jJ-EliO<;, aE K 7r6pTJITV, expecting a gift, if haply he shall give one (i.e. in hope that he will give one). Od. ii. 186. So Od. xv. 312. 'AAX ov yap a-' UJ.\w (3a.\f.ew ToovTov J6vm .\d&py dr.7l"cVrTO.S, d.\X apcpa86v, er KE TVXWJLl, if haply I may hit you. Il. vii. 242. NvJ! o.DT yxd17 7rELp~a-opat, ar K TVXW!J-L, I will t?y with my s2Jea1, if haply I may hit you. IL v. 2i9. '!Js OTE ns Tpoxov KEPUfhE:Vs 7rHp~<rETa, ar K (:)f.?JCTV, i.e. tries a wheel, in case it will mn (i.e. to let it run if it will). 11. xviii. 600. (The analogy of the two l)receding examples shows that there is no indirect question.) llapCw Kai .\af3 yovvwv, aK KEv 'lrws WAy<Ttv ~1rl Tpwecra-v ap~~a, i.e. clasp his knees in the hope that he will aid the 1'1ojans (that he may aid them ih case he will). Il. i. 407. So Il. vii. 394, x. 55, xiii. 743, xviii. 457; Od. iii. 92, iv. 322. For these last examples, see 490, 2. For al KE in the common text of Homer, here as elsewhere, Bekker and Delbriick write er K (see footnote to 379).

e z'

n.

2. In alternatives with two opposite suppositions, this construction implies that the subject is ready for either result, though the former is hoped for or expected. E.g.

182

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[488

'II:Ii>s cj:>~peratJLEVct, i]v Ttva 7recf:>vTJ dv8pwv ~ ailT0s cj:>l:i{ETat 1rp<fmp Jv OJLOvp, i.e. he (a lion) rushes on, ready to slay or to pe1ish. Il. xx. 17 2. In Od. xxiv. 216, the common text has mtTpb> 7r!p~U'O}Lat, at KE (or Et K<) / hrtyvwv . . . ~ KEV dyvotfiU't, I will try my father (ready for either result), in case he shall recognise rne or shall not know me (where Kev alone in the second clause is very strange). But La Roche reads i] Ke / J7rtyvwu, as an indirect question, one ll1s. lutving 1] K: see also Orl. xviii. 265. 'Emyvwu is Hermann's conjecture for J7r,yvo{YJ or yvo[YJ. 488. The optative with el (rarely d K<) is sometimes used in Homer like the subjunctive after primary tenses in sentences of this class. It is also very common after past tenses, representing a subjunctive of the original form, though occasionally the subjunctive is retained in indirect discourse (696). E.g. 'AA.A.' en TOv 8-6U'T1JVOv dtoJLat, d 7raBEv f.A.Bwv dv8pwv JLV1JO"T~pwv U'Ke8aU'w KaTa 8wJLaTa !:Id?), but I am still expecting the poor man, if haply he should come and scatte1 the suitors. Od. xx. 224. So Od. ii. 351. 'A,\,\a ns d1J 'AyaJLEJLVavt, el 7rAdovas 1rapa vavcj:>tv J7rOTpvvH< ve<U'I:Ia,, let some one go to A., in hope that he 1nay exhort, etc. Od. xiv. 496. See also 491, below. BovA.evov 07rW!) ox' aptU''Ta yevotTo, d nv' ~TapotU'V l:lavaTov AVU'tV EDpo[JL1)v, i.e. if haply I might find some escape. Od. ix. 420. 'A,\,\' Jyw oil mi:IOJLYJV, ocj:>p aV'TOV 'T t8o'JL' Kat El: JLO' g.na 8o'1}, but I disobeyed them, in order that I might see him (the Cyclops) and in hope that he would show rne hospitality. Od. ix. 228. (The final clause and the protasis are here again clearly distinguished: see Od. i. 93 under 487, 1.) Ilo,\Aii 8 T ayK f.mjA.()E JLeT dvepo> t:xvt Jpevvwv, .r 7ro8w E~<vpot. Il. xviii. 321. n.,p~()YJ 8~ .:o aBTOV EV <ivTEU't, .l ot cj:>apJLOU'U'H Kal EV'TPEXO' a yA.aa yvi:a, i.e. he tried himself in his armour, eager for it to .fit him and joT his limbs to pluy fTeely in it (if haply it should fit hirn, etc.). Il. xix. 384. (See the cases of the subjunctive after 7rHPWJLaL in 487, l. Here there is no indirect question, for Achilles can have no real doubt about the fit.) 'Ev 8~ 7r{()o, oZvow fU'TaU'av, et 7rOT' '08vU'U'EV> otKaoe voU'T~U'H<, i.e. the caslcs of wine weTe waiting joT the return of Ulysses. Od. ii. 340. "'HU'TO Ka'TW op6wv, 7rOTt8EyJL<VO!) EL Tf JL'V dm),, i.e. he sat looking down, waiting for Penelope to spealc. Od. xxiii. 91. To8' 1]vwy., El7retv E7ro>, .Z K' 8AYJTE 7ravU'aU'ea, 7rOAEJLov, he bade me say this word, if hwply you might be willing to stop the war. Il. vii. 394. (This appears in vs. 387 as d KE yevotTo, and the direct form of the command in vs. 375 is Et K' f.()A.wU'tv.) In Il. xiv. 163165 We have d 7rW!) [JLdpatTO . , , Tt{; 8~ X<V1J after a past tense. N~XE 1rap~~' d 1rov cj:>d;pot 1JtOvas. Od. v. 439. (Compare vs. 417, d 8 KE 7rapav~~o}Lat, ~v 1rov cj:>Evpw, under 487, 1.) See also Il. ii. 97, iii. 450, iv. 88, x. 19, xii. 122, 333, xiii. 807, xx. 464, xxiii. 40; Od. i. 115, iv. 317, ix. 267, 317, 418, x. 147, xi. 479, ~28, xii. 334, xiv. 460, xxii. 91, 381. 489. This construction (487; 488) with both subjunctive and

490]

APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS

183

optative is found also in Attic Greek and in Herodotus, but with less variety of expression, and at the same time with some extension of the usage. Especially to be noticed are the protases depending on verbs like f3o6A.op.at and OEA.w in Herodotus. E.g.
e~f3a~ ~p.fis 7rEp.fov, Uv 7rWS 8taKwA:6o-wp.ev l6vTa <j>6vov 1'0t(]"V ~p.aip.ots, send us to Thebes, to prevent, if haply we 'ln!J,y, etc. SOPH. 0.

1769.

Ti]s ep.i]s "(VWflXJS aKOl/<TOv, 1JV -r O'Ot BoKW Aeyetv, hear my

c.

judgment, in the hope that you may thi7UC the1e is something in what I say. EuR. H. F. 2 78. 'E8ovTO 'TO V 'Apunay6pew, KWS a,)TOUT 7raplf<rxot 86vap.v Ttva 1<ai l<aT~AIJouv e<; T~V wvnov, they besought A., if in any way he might supply them with an armed force and tkey might be restored to tkei1 own land (to do this). HDT. v. 30. iPpov~<TaVT<; eZ Kws ~v yvotTo TO 'E..\A.1]vtK6v, having it at heart that, if it were in any way possible, the Hellenic race should be 'ln!J,de one. Id. v:ii. 145. BovA.ofJ-El'YJV er KWS dp.cp6npot yevoiaTO f3aO'tAES, i.e. wishing that both might be made kings, if in any way this could be done. Id. vi. 52. 'EfJovA.evero OEA.wv d KWS 'TOlJTOV~ 7rpwTovs i!A.ot. Id. ix. 14. IIp61Jvp.ot ~o-av mXEPEE!V (se. Tfjcn V>]Vcrt), eZ KWS i!A.otev aimf.s. Id. viii. 6. IIp.favns 7rap' 'Afhjva[ovs 7rpEO'f3w;, 7f(J)~ 1l'eio-etav JL~ O'cf>wv 7rEpt VEW'Tep(etv P-~78f.v, to persuade them if they n~ight, etc. TRue. i. 58. IIopwop.evot is ' ' O'!UV 'f3 ' ' Et ' ''.r.ll .lb/3'' T'JV A ' WS UO'tii..W.," 7rWS 7rEtO'Eta.V f.t1JTOV1 JO OWe~o~ J OVII..OfJ-EVO 1rei:o-at aiYTov, el ll6vatvTo, O'TpaTevO"at, in nea1ly the same sense. Id. ii 67. ITvvOav60evot TOtJ~ 'A8YJvaovs ES -r~v Kap.cfptvav 7rpCrf3eVor8at, 1/'W~ 7rpOO'ayayotVTD aiJToD<;1 that they Went on an embassy to 0., to bring the town over if they could. Id. vi. 75. (Compare J.s 'AKpaya.vTa. LtKa.vov &rrcrTEtAav, !hws 1nra.yayotTo T~V 7r6Aw el 06vatTo1 vii. 46. This might have been ei: 7rWS fJ7rayayotTo TTJI' 7r6Atv, and in vi. 75 we might have had omJls 7rpD<TayayowTo aiYToi>s el 8vva.wTo, with nearly the same force, but with different constructions.) See v. 4, e~ 7rw~ . . Stao-wO"etav. '1KETat 7rp'Os cr~ 8evp dcpyp.e0a, d nva 7r6A.w <j>p6.crnas ~p.rv e-!Jepov, we have come hither to you as suppliants, in the hope that you might tell m of some city soft as a fleece (to have you tell us, if perchance you might do so). An. Av. 120. "AKovO'ov Ka~ f.p.ov, M.v crot TavTct lloKfj, listen to me too, in the hope that you 'ln!J,y think the same (in case the same shall seem. t1ue to you). PLAT. Rep. 3 58 B : so 434 A. ''Opa ovv Kat 7rpo0vp.ov KG.Tt8efv, eav 7rWS rrp6TEpo~ f.p.ov i:llns 1<at J.p.ot cf>paO"n>, i.e. for the chance that you 'ln!J,y see it first and tell vw. Ib. 432 C: ~o 618 C, Theaet. 192 C, Soph. 226 C. See also XEN. An. ii. 1, 8, av T o6vwvTat, and AR. Nub. 535. On this l)rinciple we must explain An. Ran. 339, ovKovv &rpjl e~ns, ~v n Kat xopo~~ A.af3ns, will you not lceep q1tiet then, in the hope of getting some sausage too (i.e. to have some sausage 1j you chance to get any) ?

er

er

er

490. 1. The apodosis may, further, be suggested by the context, even by the protasis itself, without implying that the protasis expresses a purpose or desire of the leading subject. This gives rise to a variety of constructions. E.g. KTavefv EJ.Lot vtv ~8oO"av, ei:TE JL?J KTavci!v OD.. otp.' /J.y~O"IJat 1raA.tv :._

184

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[490

'Apye[av x06va, they gave her (Helen) to rne to slay, oT, in case I should prefer not to slay her but to ca?'TY her back to the land qf A rgos (for 'l'iw to do this). EuR. Tro. 87 4. ''Hv (r~v ~vpp. axtav) y< ovK 1rt TOL~ cpA.ots E7T'Ot~IJUIJ0e, TWV 8~ x0pwv ~V TtS cp' .,)faS ru, i.e. you nwrle it (to use) in case any of your enernies should come against you. TRue. vi. 79. llpos r0v 1r6A.tv, .t E1ft{3oryBouv, Jxr!Jpovv, they marched towa?'ds the city, (to be 1eady) in case the citizens should ?'ush out. Id. vi. 100. Ta.AA.a, ~v ;n vav0axdv o 'AfJTJva'iot roAp:quwtJt, 1rapetJKevaCovro, they rnade othe?' p1eparations, (to be ready) in case the Atheni1ms should venture on fuTtheT sea-fights. Id. vii. 59. Ko)pvyfLa 7!"oLOi!vnu .. -rwv VYJtJtWTwv d ns (3ovA<Tat br' A.evBepf!- ws O"cpas d7l"tevat, they maJw proclamation, in case wny of the islanders wishes to come over to them with promise of f1eedom (joT him to do so). Id. vii. 82. OvoefL[a (3A.af3TJ -rwv 1rpos -rtl.s 71"6AHS Ota7rOf7rWV !is n KaratJKo7r0v Kat i)v Tt &A.A.o cpavryrat mr~oewv, theTe is no harm in the envoys whom we have sent to the various cities, paTtly for inquiry, and also in case any othe1 advantage may appear (to secu1e this), i.e. to secure any other advantage that may, appear. Id. vi. 41. So Kat d nva 7rpiis aAAOV 8ot, Id. v. 37. 'Aptl.s 7rotovvrat, d Tt~ EmK']pvKeverat IT~ptJats, they invoke curses, if any one (i.e. to fall on any one who) sends hemlds to tlw Persians. Isoc. iv. 157. if>tAoTLfLEWBat !J.']O' evt Jcp' lf.;\AI(l i) E1ft XP'lfLaTWV KT~O"H Kat Uv 'Tt lf.A..Ao els rovro cpf.pu, i.e. for anything else that may lead to this. PLAT. Rep. 553 D. See ARISTOT. Eth. x. 9, 2 : EXELV (-r0v Jpm}v) Kat xpf)uBat 7r<tparov, ~ d 7l"WS li.A.;\w; dytBot yw6fLeBa., 1ve must tTy to possess and employ vir6ue, o1 if then is any other means of becoming virtuous (to use this).
2. In the Homeric examples in which the protasis consists of an infinitive depending on Wf.A.w (487; 1, end), the apodosis is sugge~ted by the infinitive rather tl1an by Jef."Aw. This shows that a.l K lfJEA.utJt in itself has no final force. See also Od. xxii. 381, 7rd1T'T'}Vev 8' 'OovO'EVS Kar' 0v 06fLoV, TtS ;r' UI!Opwv (wos -&7roKA07rEOtTO aAVIJKWV K{jpa p.f.Aawav, he peeTed through his house, in case any man might still be alive and hiding himself (i.e. to find any such man), where no desire or hope is implied, and the construction is like that of THUC. vi. lOO (above). In PLAT. Rep. 327 O, oBKovv !in JA.A.e7rETUt Tb ~v trdO"WfLEV -&jLaS WS XP0 ~fLU~ Jcpel:vat; the subject of v. A.d7CETUt is a protasis introduced by r6, into which the apodosis has been wholly absorbed. The construction is, is there not still left the SU]J1Josition of our 1Jenuading you that you nw,st let us go ? But the meaning is, is it not left for us to pmsuade you that you must let us go, if we can (i.e. 7rELO'at ?)1' 7rELO"WfLEl') 1 This is an important example for explaining this whole class of sentences (486-490). The cases in 490 malce it plain that the final force often ascribed to ei or i)v comes from the suppression of an apodosis containing the idea of purpose or desire, since the same form of protasis which is sometimes called final has no final force when a slightly 'different apodosis is implied (as in Tnuc. vi. 79, 100, vii. 59).

er

491]

APODOSIS CONTAINED JN THE PROTASIS

185

491. Sometimes a clause with d K or ~v (rarely ei) and the subjunctive, or with Er KE or El and the optative, in Homer is the object of o'loa, i8ov, or a verb of saying, expressing in a conditional form a result which is hoped for or desired. These clauses have the appearance of indirect questions; but the analogy of the preceding examples (487-490) shows that all are based on the same idiom,-a protasis which involves its own apodosis so that it would be useless to express the latter separately. The examples are these:Ts o'lO' d KE Kat a1h6s iwv KoO'YJ' J?Tl VYJ'Os -r~AE <j;[A.wv d?TOAYJ Tat, who knows the clwnces that he too rnay perish, etc. '! or wlw k1wws the chances of his peTishing, etc., if ha11ly he 'rnay? Od. ii. 332. (We may
translate colloquially: who lcnows ? supposing he too slwll peTish ?) Ts o'lo' d K 'AxLAEVS <jJB~v EJL0 {nro 8ovpt 1'V'11"t> d?To evJLOV OAerrrrat; who knows the chances that Achilles may fint be struck (the cha%ces of his , being jiTSt sbuelc, if haply he shall be)? ll. xvi. 860. (We should naturally express this by a different construction, whetheT he 1nay not be fwst struck.) Tt, oi8' d KEV o1 ITVV 8a[f.LOVL 8vf'OV op vw 7rapH7rWV; who knows the chances of my 1ousing his spiTit by persuasion, if haply I shall do so ? IJ. xv. 403. In Il. xi. 792 we have Nestor's advice to Patroclus, r> olo' Et1 KEV 0~ <TVV oa[JLOVt (Jvf'OV op[vaL<; 7rapet7T0v j who know> the chances that you could ?'Ouse his SJYi1it by persuasion ? (op[vats K being potential), Ov JL1JV o'lo' El a:OrE K~Koppa<f;YJ> aA<YHV~> ?Tp0rYJ 1ravp1)aL Ka.{ rr< 7TAlJn)rrtv !JLa<T<T(tJ, I mn not sure of the chances of your being the first to enjoy youT own device, etc., i.e. I am not so sure tlwt you may not be the fint to enjoy it, ~f it shall so chance. Il. XV. 16. ZVS ydp 7T'OV r6 Y" olo<: Ka1 d8dvaTOL Owt aAAoL, Et Ke f'LV dyy<{AatJLL l8wv hrl ?ToA.A.il 8' d>..~81)v, Zeus and the other i?nmoTtals (alone) lcnow this, the chance of my bringing news of lvim, if haply I have seen him and so might do this. Od. xiv. 119. El o' <fy< 8~ }LOt TOVTO, 8a, VYjf'PT~> vmrt>, d 7TW<; T~V oAo~v JL~V {J?T K7T po <jJvyo LJLL Xapv{38tv, n]v o K opvva{f'YJV OT JLOL <TvotTQ y' hapovs, i.e. tell me this without fault, the chance of 1ny escaping Cha1ybdis if haply I should do this, and of my then lceeping Scylla off if I could (lit. tell me this, supposing I should escape ChaTybdis and could then lceep Scylla off). Od. xii. 112 (this translation supposes K' to be potential, affecting only df'vvaf'1JV). "H JLEV1' Tpwas <TX<8ov f.A8JLV, o<jJpa Z8YJ-r' aZ K' 15JLJLLV V7rEP<TX?J xdpa Kpovwv; are you waiting f07' the 1'rojans to come 1teaT, that you vwy see the chances of the son of Cronos holding his hand over you ?-or that you 1nay see hirn hold his hand ovm you, if haply he may do this ? Il. iv. 247. (We might say, is it that you 1nay see it,-supposing the son of Cronos to hold his hand oveT you?) Twv <T1 a:Ons JLV?j<Tw, Zv' &:7roAA.?J~vs J:;rarawv, O<jJp' fo17s ~V 1'0. xpa {<T }L'{/ <jJLA6T1JS 1' Kat eiJv~, i.e. that you rnay see the chances of youT device availing you, or that you may see it if pe1chance your device shall avail you. Il. XV. 31. See also Il. XX. 435, dAA' ~ TOt f'~V ravra 8WV iv yovvaU"t KEtTat,
0

186

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[492

ai: KE ; xnpoTpos 7rp Jwv &7r0 evJLOV E>.. wJLa!, i.e. this rests qoith the
Gods, for me to take your life away, wealce1 though I arn, if perchance I may. The conditional construction is more obvious here than in Il.

iv. 24 7 and xv. 31 ; but in all three we naturally fall into an indirect question when we attempt to express the thought in English. 492. A comparison of these peculiar conditional constructions (491) expressing hope or desire with clauses with JLfJ expressing anxiety and desire to prevent a result, both depending on ol8a or el8ov, is suggestive. With Od. ii. 332 and Il. xvi. 860 (in 491) compare Il. x. 100, oii8E T! tOJLeV, JLfJ 7rWS Kal VVKTa JL<VO!v'ljcrwcn xecr8a!, nor do we ktWw any way to prevent thei1 being impelled, etc., and PLAT. Phaed. 91 D (quoted in 366); and with Il. iv. 247 and xv. 31 (491) compare Od. xxiv. 491, tOO! fL'l 01J crxeoov i!Jcr! K!OVTES (366). This comparison shows that el8eva! (or 18e'i:v) d KE -rovTo yevYJTat means to know (or see) the chances of gaining this (object of desire); while d8vat (or l8efv) JL0 TOVTO yEVYJTat means to lc1ww (or see) some way to p1event this (object of fear). The idea of desire or anxiety belongs to the dependent clause, and not at all to the leading verb. 493. These Homeric expressions (491), in which nearly all the force is in the ]Jrotasis, so that the apodosis is not only suppressed but hardly felt at all, helps to show how the ]Jarticle el came to be an indirect interrogative, in the sense of whethe1.- But in Attic Greek, where the interrogative use is fully established, only the simple el (never ~V or eav) can mean whether, even when the verb j~ subjunctive (6~0).

&a

/La

El

AFTER ExPRESSIONS oF WoNDER, INDIGNATION, ETC.

494. After many expressions of wonder, delight, contentment, indignation, disappointment, pity, and similar emotions, a protasis with el may be used to express the object of the emotion. When the supposition of the protasis is present or past, a causal sentence would generally seem more natural. Such expressions are especially ()avfi-at;w, alax6VOf1-at, arya7rw, aryava/CTW, and 0VOV anv. E.g.
ealfMi{;w 8' eywye l JLYJOEtS VJLWV JL0T ~vevw'Vrat p:q! 6py{;eTat, opwv, K.-r.A., I wonder that no one of you is either concer1wd or angry, when he sees, etc. (lit. if no one is either concerned or angry, I wonder). DEM. iv. 43. , AAA' he'i:vo eavJLO.[w, El AaKEOa!JLOVlOtS JLEV '!rOTE &vT0paTe, vvvt 8' 6Kve'i:TE J~teva! Kat JLEAAeT elcrcpepew, but I wonder at
this, that you once opposed the Lacedaernonians, but now are unwilling, etc. Id. ii. 24. (The literal meaning is, if (it is true that) you once opposed, etc~ then I wonder.) OiK &ya-;r~ e l JL0 0KYJV OEOWKEV, &AA' l f'-1 K<fl xpvO'cj) O'T<<{>av'f! O'TE<f>avwfh)crETU.L ayavaKTEL, he is not content if he has not been punished; but if lw is not also to be crowned with a

497]

El

AFTER EXPRESSIONS OF WONDER ETC.

187

Kat 6ls riATJ8ws riya.vaKTw, e l ovTwU"t il vow JL0 oi6s T, dJLt el-Irei:v, I arn indignant that (or if) I am not able, etc. PLAT. Lach. 194 A. Ov 01) 8avfLaU"T6v EU"Ttv, el U"Tpanv6JLevos Kat 7Tovwv EKel:vos a1hos {>JLWV p.eAA6vTwv Kat frJ~t(op.f.vwv Kat 7Tvv8avop.f.vwv 7T<ptyyv<Tat, it is no wonder that he gets the advantage of you, etc. DJM. ii. 23. MT}o~ p.f.J,TOL TOVTO p,e'tov ~'t. ,, ) ( K llpEWL 7Tp0U"OEV U"VV 1)p.LV TO.TTOfLEVOL l'VV O.'I',. I fl ' t ,., ' " ',.J,. OOt;TJT EXELV 1 L OL U"T1KaU"LJ11 i.e. do not be discontented, if (or that) the Oyraeans have now Alvw U"e, d Knvei:s OUJLapTa U"~v. withdrawn. XEN. An. iii. 2, 17. EuR. Tro. 890. Llewuv &v EtT} 7Tp-qyp.a, d LaKaS JLEV oovAovs ~XOftEV, ''EAATJI'O.S of. oD TLJLWPTJU"6f'e8a. HDT. vii. 9. AlU"xp6v EO'nv, El yti> ftEV Ta pya V7TEftHva, Vftei:s 8~ ftTJOE Tovs A.6yovs dvf.~eU"8e. DEM. xviii. 160. Llewov av EtT], el oi JLEV EKdJIWV ~{,p.ftaxot o-&K d7TepoVO'LV, 1JJLELS o oDK &.pa 8a7TaV~O'op.ev. Trruc. i. 121. Tpa> Af.yn>, el .. oDK ll11 MvatJ!To Aa8el:v. PLAT. Men. 91 D (see 506). Llewov d oi aDTot ftd.pTvpes TOVTOLS fLEJI llv p.apTvpoVJITES 7TLO'TOt ?)<:rav, Jp.ol o p.apTvpovvTES a7TL<TTOL ;<:rOJ!Tat, it is hard that the same witnesses testifying for them would have been trustworthy, and testifying for me an to be unt?ustworthy. ANT. vi. 29. See AESCHIN. i. 85. In all the preceding examples the protasis belongs under 402, the futures expressing present suppositions (407). For d oD see 386 and 387, with examples.

golden crown, he is indignant. AESCHIN. iii. 14 7.

495. The same construction is sometimes used when the leading verb is past. E.g.
KaTEfLEfL~ETO awdv Kat TOVS <:rtJJ! avTtj), el o1 &A.A.ot riKp,ct(ELJ! p.fiAA.ov avTwv 86 KovJ!. XEN. Cyr. iv. 3, 3. But generally such sentences are affected by the principle of indirect discourse, and have either the optative or the form of the direct discourse : see XE;N. Cyr. ii. 2, 3, ~x8rr&YJv El: n p,etoJ! ooKo tEJ! gXHV (where OoKov<:rt might have been used). See Eun. l\1ed. 931, d<:rqA.B p.' olKTos, d yeJ!~<TETat, and XEN. An. i 4, 7' <fKTELpOll El aAW<TOLVTO. For such sentences see 697.

496. These expressions may also be followed by 8n and a causal sentellce, as in PLAT. Theaet. 142 A, f.Bavfta(oJ! on ovx oT6s T, ~ eypi:J!. The construction with el gives a milder or more polite form 6f expression, putting the object of the wonde?' etc. into the form of a supposition, instead of stating it as a fact as we should do in English. They may also be followed by protases expressing ordinary conditions, which have nothing peculiar: see Isoo. xv. 17, dya1rTJTOv (se. E<:rT[J!) ~J! KA.af3etJ! 8vvTJ Bw<:r t UKawv, they must be content 1j they a1e able (cf. xix. 20); and PLAT. Prot. 315 E, DEM. ii. 23 (d 7TcptqftE11).

ro

497. This construction must not be mistaken for that in which el is used in the sense of whethe1, to introduce an indirect question; as /jpWTwv el1]A.8ev, I asked whether he had come.

188

CONDITIONAL SENTgNCES
MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS.

[498

498. The forms of protasis and apodosis which are contained in the classification above (388-397) include by far the greater number of the examples found in the classic authors. Many cases remain, however, in which the protasis and apodosis do not belong to the same form. Especially, the weat wealth of conditional expressions which the Homeric language exhibits in both protasis and apodosis (399) allowed great variety of combination ; and the early poets used much greater freedom in these sentences than suited the more exact style of Attic prose.

I. Optative in P1otasis, with Futu?'e or Present Indicati1'e or an equivalent form in Apodosis.

499. (a) In the earlier language a protasis with the optative is not infrequently followed by an apodosis with the future indicative or impera.tive or (in Homer) with the subjunctive. The subjunctive or future indicative in Homer may also take KE or lfv (452). E.g.
Eg 'r[~ fWt O.vljp &Jl ho tTo Kat lL\A.os, fhaAAov BaA.1rwp1j 11.~ Bapa-aAH!Jnpov iia-Tat, if any other man should follow with me, there will be mare corrifo'rf and gnater couraqe. Il. x. 222. (The want of symmetry in the Greek is here preeisely what it is in the English; and d'Y} fiv is no more required in the apodosis than would be is, though both are 'the conventional forms.) , See Il. ix. 388, and xxiii. 893, 1rOPWfhEV, d UJEAot<;. Tov er 7rWS a-v o.UvatD AOX'YJO'dJLEVOS AeAa{3e(]'Bat, or; K~V TO cb1rTJ(]"t o86v, he will tell you, etc. Od. iv. 388. See Il. xi. 386, d 7rHp'YJ8E['YJS, OVK fiv TOt xpu{rJ'fl'TJ(]"L {3t6s j alld Il. ii. 488, XX. lOO, Od. xvii. 539. Elo~ oa[fh<iJV -ycvf.BA.ws ep7rot, 62 Tovl 'Evva;\{itl T' EKO<!Ja-ofhEV 1rpWnTtv. PIND. Ol. xiii. 105.1 So in an old curse, cl ns TUO 7rapuf3avot, eva-y~s ~U"TW, AESCHIN. iii. 110. See SOPH. 0. T. 851, d n KaKTpe7rotTo, ovTo< TOV y< Aut'ov cpovov cpa Vet OtKalw<; op86v.

500. (b) A present indicative in the apodosis with an optative in the protasis is sometimes merely an emphatic future expression. E.g. IlavT' :ix<ts, er (]" TOllTOJI/ f.LOip' f.q>f.I<OtTO Ka.A(tll', Y01 have the
whole, shonld a share of these ulmies fa.ll to your lot. PIND. Isth. iv. (v.) 14. So Katpuv d cp8y~aw, fhdwv E7rETo.t fhWfhO'> Ul'()p07rwJ!, i.e. should you spealc seasonably, you are sure to be followed by less censure of men, Py. i. 81. In THee. ii. 39 we have Ka{Tot el paBvfht\t JLaAAoJ! ~ 7TOJ!WV fhEAhTJ (jf.J..otfhV KtVOVVVHV1 7rcpt-y{yveTa.L ~}LtV, K.T.A.,
1 For the cases iii. p. 444. ill

Pindar here and in 500 and 501, see Am. Jour. Phil.
.

502]

MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS

189

and now supposing that we should choose to meet dangers with a light he(lfft rather than with laborious tmining, we secure the advantage, etc. This sentence is loosely jointed, like the others which have this combination; the condition is stated as a remotely supposed case, in the vague future form, but the apodosis, we at once gain this advantage, etc., is adapted to a present supposition. 'fhe optative is generally emended to UJD...oJMiV, although it is one of the best attested words in Thucydides, being in the hest Mss. and also being quoted by Dion. Hal. as a faulty expression. The criticism of Dionysius (de Thuc. Idiom. 12, 1) is instructive: ev"Tav8a yap 'TO JL~v J8AotfLEV p~fLa Tov JLEAAov"T6s E(J'T xp6vov 01JAWTtKOv, TO OE 1T'<ptyyve'Tat 'TOV 1T'ap6v'TOS' aK6A.ov8ov o' ltv ?JV el (J'VVe(ev~e 'T<{i e8eAOtfLV 'TO 1T'EptE(J''Tat, i.e. the future expression el J8AotJL<V should have a future form like 1T'epd(J''Tat to correspond to it. In DEM. xviii. 21, <l yap it:va n ooKo[1J -ra JLJ)-..tu'Ta Jv TOV'Tots ao[K1JJLU, OVOEv f(]''T 0~1T'OV 1T'p0S f.JLE, the apodosis refers to the real protasis if theTe is any apparent fault.

501. (c) In most cases, however, the present indicative in the apodosis precedes, containing a general statement, and the optative adds a remote future condition where we should expect a general present supposition. E.g. Ov JLOL 8JL''> ~(J''T', ovo' d KUK[wv (J'Eeev U8ot, ~ELVOV UTLJL~ (J'at, it is not 1ight for me-even supposing a more wretched man than you should come-to dishonour a stmngm. Od. xiv. 56. 8ap(J'aAeos yap dv~p ev 1T'a(J'tv aJL<[vwv ~pyot(J'tV HAE8H, d Ka[ 1T'08<v ClA.A.o8<v U8ot. Od. vii. 51. So v. 484, viii. 138; Il. ix. 318. Ov-r' ovv ayy<A.tv ~n 1T'd8oJLat, .r 1T'o8<v A.8ot, ovT< 8<o1T'po1T'[1J> EJL1T'tl(oJLat, ~v nva JL~T1JP E~<PE1J'Tat, neitheT do 1 any longeT put t1ust in reportsshould any one come-noT do I 1ega1d any divination which my mother may 1 ask. Od. i. 414. (Here the remoteness of the supposition in .l (>..8ot is contrasted V.ith the greater vividness of that expressed in e~<pE1J'Tat). 1 1 ' ' ' A '~' r/ f ( '(3 '1 ''t_ 't L.J.HVOV 'T, tit K E'f' UJLUt;UV V1T'tip WV ax O<; O.Hpa.<; t;OVa KUVKO.t;;L') "Ta o <j>opn' aJLavpw8d?J, it is hard, . . . supposing you should break your axle and your load should pe1ish. EEs. Op. 692. lGpoos <j>A.-ra"Tov, EKOV'TOS Tt'> EK o6JLWV <j>epo!., it is the dearest gain, if one should bring it from the house of a willing givm:. Pnm. Py. viii. 13. See Isth. ii. 33. So SoPH. Ant. l 032. In most of these examples a general supposition with the subjunctive (or present indicative) in the protasis would have agreed more closely with the thought. If the protasis had preceded, so as to determine the character of the sentence, the apodosis would naturally haw had the optative with K~ or Clv, or some future form (as in the cases under a).

e ''

.r

oe

502. (d) The optative in protasis sometimes depends on the present of a verb of obligation, propriety, or possibility with an infinitive, the two forming an expression that is nearly equivalent in sense to an optative with :l.v. E.g.

'190

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

[503

El yd.p d1J(J"O.V ovo nv~s ~va.wdot v6pm, ovK dJL<f>o-r~pots ~vt lh)7ro11 1f'fJ<f>tra.tr8a.t, for if thme should be two laws opposed to each other, you could not surely vote fm both. DEM. xxiv. 35. This is analogous to the apodosis formed by i!oct, xpijv, EV?JV, etc., with the infinitive (415). There, for example, vijv a-lri} VdhZv, he could ha've gone, is nearly equivalent to 1jA8cV av, and here ~VEITTW <J.VTi) JA8e'iv, he could go, is nearly equivalent to i!>c8ot av. This use of the optative is more common in the corresponding relative conditional sentences (555),

II. Indicative

01'

Optative

Subfunctive in Protasis, with Potential 01' InAiicative in Apodosis.

503. (a) A present or past tense of the indicative in .the protasis with a potential optative or indicative (with &v) in the apodosis is a perfectly natural combination, each clause having its proper force. E.g. El 8~ ns JOavarwv ye Ka-r' ovpavov ELA~Aov8as, OVK av iiywyc
OwZtrtV E7rovpavfottrt 0a X o JL?) v, but if thou art one of the immmtals come f10711 heaven, I would not fight against the Gods of heaven. Il. vi. 128. lloAA~ yd.p av EVOatp,ov[a et1'} 7rEpt -roD<; VEOVS, el eis fJ-EV JLbVor; Vrous 8 t a 1> E [pet' ol o' aAAOt w EA 0 VIT t 11' for there would (naturally) 1> be gnat happiness, etc. PLAT. Ap. 25 B. Er n 8tr<j>arov 1ra.-rpl XP'fJ' (J"JLOUJLV ( K V E 1:8'' WITTE 7rp'o<; 7ro.owv 8aveZv, 'ITWS av OtKa{ws -rovr' 6 V EL 0 0 t S EfJ-Ot i if a divine decree canoe fo my father through Oracles that he was to die by his sonrJ hands, how can you j~;stly 1eproach me with this ? SOPH. 0. c. 9 6 9 ; so 9 7 4-9 7 7. ,, iltr-r' er p,ot K<J.t JLEITW<; ~yov JLEVOt JLfi).. >cov E-rpwv 7rpotrdvat a-&ra 7rOAEJLEtV E7rtltr8qn, OVK av elK6rws vvv -roil ye dotKdv al-rtav <f>po[JL1JV, if you we1e persuaded to make war by thinking, etc., I should not now justly be cha?ged with injustice. Tnuc. ii. 60. El yd.p ov-rot 6p8w<; d7r~trT1'}trav, VJLeZ> llv ov XPEWv /1. p X o LTE, for if these had a right to secede, it uo,uld follow that your dominion is unjust. Id. iii. 40: see vi. 92, and DEM. xxi. 37. Ka[rot TOTE TOV 'Y7repe8'1Jv, d7I'p J>c'fj&ij JLOV vvv Ka-rqyopE~ JLUAAOV av elJ<o-rws ~ -r6vo' f.OwKev, and yet, if he is now nwJcing tYUe chMges against me, he would then have p?osecuted Hypereides with ?JLuch more reason than (he now has for prosec~dinq) this man. DEM. xviii. 223. El yd.p yvvaLKE<; tls r68' ?J~OVITtV 8patrovs, . .. 1I'ap' OVOEV av-raZs ?JV <iv 6.\>cvvat 7rbtrHs, for if women are to come to this height of (tudacity (407) it would be as nothing for them to slay thei1 husbands. Eun. Or. 566. Tov-ro, El Kat ra>cA.a 1rav-ra &7roa'-rEpovtrtv, &1ro8ovva.t 1rpotrijKev, even if they steal all the 1est, they ought to have 1esto1ed this ( 415 ). DEM. xxvii. 37.

504. (b) An unreal condition in the indicative followed by a potential optative seldom occurs and is not a strictly logical combination. E.g.
El 'ToVr:l 1rexeipovv AEytv, oVK
~a-8' Ocrrtr; oVK &v lK0Tws

505]

MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS

191

E7rt-np.~o-H~ p.ot, if I were undertaking to say this, (the result would be that) eveTy one would censuTe me with reason. DEAL xviii. 206. (Here

many Mss. and Dion. Hal. p. 1054 read E7rerJLYJ0"1 the ordinary form in such an apodosis.) See [LYs.] xv. 8.

505. (c) When a subjunctive or a future indicative in protasis has a potential optative in the apodosis, there is sometimes a distinct potential force in the apodosis (as in 503), and sometimes the optative with Clv is merely a softened expression for the future indicative (235). E.g.
El fJ-EV KEV 'lraTpO<:; (3oTOV Kat VOO"TOV aKOVO"W, ~ T &v TPVXDfJ-VO<; 7rEp en TA a[?] V EVWVTOv, if I hear of rny father's Z.ife and 1"et1<Tn, wasted as I am, I can still enduTe it fo1 a year. Od. ii. 218. (See the next verses, 220-223, El OE K n8vWTO<; aKOVO"W, with future forms in the apodosis. See also the corresponding verses, Od. i. 287-292.) 'AAA: (n fJ-EV K Kat /},c; KaKa 7rp 7rUO"XOVT<; tKOto-8, ar K' f.eEAl)<; O"bV 8vp.ilv JpvKaKew, but still even so, though suffeTing evils, you 1nay come home, if you will curb youT passion. Od. xi. l 04 ; so xi. 110 and xii. 137. See Il. xxi. 556. El 8 KEV of' ap6o-v<;, TOOE KEV TO~ <foapp.aKOV dry, but if you plough late, this may be your Temedy. REs. Op. 485; so 665. 'AAA' i)v <fo1/> pol, .. A.talp.' &v opOws, i.e. I would fain speak. SoPH. El. 554. So 0. T. 216, Phil. 1259 ; Eun. Hel. 1085. 0{,8~ yap &v 1roAA.a ycj>vpa~ ilio-tv, f.xotp.ev &v o7rot <jovyovnc; ~p.EZs o-wOwp<v, for not even if thme an (shall be) rnany bridges, could we (in the case supposed) find a place to fly to and be safe. XEN. An. ii. 4, 19. El yap Tt AE~Et<; (/i xoAc!Jo-Tat O"TpaTo<;, &v Ta<jJE[YJ 11"0-tS oo' OtKTOV T1)xot, fo1 if you say anything by which the aTmy shall be made angry, this child cannot be buried or find pity. EuR. 'rro. 7 30 ; see i.J.>povpwv d 'lrOt~O"Ol'Ta~, r~s p."Ev Y~' Suplll. 603, Oycl. 474. f3 AU7rTO tev Ci1' Tt [Lf.pos, ov fJ-El'TOt L<m,ov YE ~o-Ta t KbJAVEW 1)pJis, K.r.A., if they (shall) build a fort, they might peThaps injuie some paTt of ou1 land; bu.t it will n.ot l!e s11ficient to prevent us, etc. Tauc. i. 142. In the following examples the optative with d.v seems to form a future apodosis to the future protasis ; though in some of them it may be tlwught to be potential : El of. KEV EV7rAOt'Jv oc!Jv KAVTb<; dvoo-[yaw<;, ~fLaT KEJI Tpmh'{' i.J.>8ryv p(3wAov 1Kop.?Jv, i.e. on the thi1d day I shall arrive. Il. ix. 362. (The reference to this in PLAT. Crit. 44 B shows that tKo{p.,)V dv is a mere future.) See Il. xiii. 377, xvii. 38 ; Ocl. xxi. 114. 'AotKO[?JfJ-EV &vEl fl-'J a7rOOW<TW, I should be guilty o..f wrong, should I (shall I) not restme her. Eun. Hel. 1010. See Imi. :~74, Suppl. 520, I. A. 1189, Oycl. 198. ''Hv ovv p.ae 17 , fLOt rov u.o~Kov roi!Tov A6yov, oBK &v U1rOOo[ryv ov8' &v o(3oA6v OVOv[, if you (shall) learn this cheating reason fo1 me, I will not (or I would not) pay even an obol to any one. AR. Nub. 116. Kal oVTwc; &v OHJIDTa.Ta mivTwv 7ra8otEl',

ow'

ow'

Tat. LYS. xiii. 94.

l oVTot Ofk6i.frr:f>ot KaT' JKElvwv rWv dv8pWv rot's rpt.d.Kovra y<Cv1jcrov(Here we should expect El yf.vo~VTO.) Twv aT07r<u

192

COl\-rniTION AL SENTENCES

,[506

TChwv 1dvl &v tt'l), el, & vvv &votav 6cf>A.trrKavwv 8p.ws iKAaAd, Tavra 8vv'IJB<'is p.~ 1rpa~<t. DEM. i 26.

III. Potential Optative

OT

Indicative (wm;, Cfv) in the P1otasis.

506. A potential optative (with av) in the protasis may express a present condition, and a potential indicative (with :i.v) a present or past condition. E.g.
El p.ryo~ OOVAOV dKparij OE~atp.d)' av, 7rWS O~K ll~wv a~TOV ')'E cf>v,\6.~a<T8at TOWVTOV yEvea-8at; if we would not tuke even a slcwe who was internperate, how can it be other than fitting to guanl onf,self against becoming so? XEN. Mem. i. 5, 3. Kal y!iJ, drrep /l,\,\tp rtp J.vBpwrrwv rrtt8ofkrJJ! av, /(Ut <TOt 7rd8op.at, and I, ~f I would trust any 'l1um, tr1ut you. PLAT. Prot. 329 B. OvTOt 7r((,J!TAW>, d ft1J 7r0L~(TO.LT' a ]I TOVTO ws E')'W')'E <I>'Jfl-L OEtJ!, UKQTa<j>poJ!1)TOJI Ea-TLJ!, this (preparation) is not wholly to be despised, even if you would 11ot do this as I say you ought. DEM. iv. 18. Notice the difference between this supposition that you would not do this if you could (i.e. o~K &v rrot~a-atre TOVTO) and the ordinary et Jl-0 rrodwatTE Tov1"o, supposing you not to do this. El Tovvv TovTo l<Txvpov i]v &v To.Ur\u TEKf<ryptov, Kopo'i y<J!e<TBw TEKf<~pwv, K.T.A., if then this would have been a st1ong proof for him (se. had he had it), so let it be also a p1ooj for me, etc. DEM. xlix. 58. Ei , , , , 1\ 'c,, , , , , f<') Via TO TOVTOV<; f3 OVA(T at <TWo-at, Eq;WA')S 0.1f"OA0Lft'JV KQL 7rpOWNI}S > \ (3 I > ,, ' / / \' \ / (3 EV<Ta, H 7rp01TA<l WV Y a V apyvptOV 7r((,JIV 7r0AV ftETa TOVTWJI 7rpE<T had {t not been jot rny wish to save these (captives), nwy I pmish uttmly and befme my day if I would have gone on an embassy with these men eve1~ for very high pay. DE:~iL xix:. 172. (Here the protasis to which the apodosis d7roAo[p.1)V refers is really the whole expression ei E7rpa-{3v<Ta O.v el f<~ . <rw<Ta.L, if I would have gone except to save these, Jrrpf.<T(3ev<Ta, av in the protasis being itself the apodosis to et f<~ <TW<Tai.) In DEM. xviii. 101, K((,t T[s OU/( &v arrEKTELJIE ft OtKa,{ws, d Tt Twv ~7ra,px6v-rwJ! T1l 7roAn KaAwv ,\6yp f<6vov KQTata-x.UJ!HJ! E7r EX E [ PYJ a-' a V;-if we retain the final U]l (strongly supported by Mss.), we must translate if (it is hue that) I would (under any circumstances) have undmtalcen, etc., and not simply if I had unde1talcen (tl E7rXdPYJ<Ta,). (See 557.) 507. It is obvious that such forms (506) express simple present or past conditions, the real protasis always being if it IS (or WAS) the case that sornething would now be (or wo'uld have been), or if it IS the case that something would hereafter be undeT ceTtain einurnstances. (See 409.)

ouo'

~,

'

IV. I1ngula1 Oornbinations.-Present or Past with Future in one P1otasis.

508. In a

few irregular constructions, which are only cases

510]

SEVJmAL PROTASES IN ONE SENTENCE

193

of anaeoluthon, the speaker adapts his apodosis to a form of protasis different from that which he has actually used. E.g. 'Eyw fLf.v liv, tl <Ixo~fL~, w> 'TaxrTa <hrAa J7row6fLYJV 'll"acr~ IHpcrat>. XEN. Cyr. ii. 1, 9. (Here f.7roW{,fL'JV &v is used as if d elxov, if I wme able, had preceded. We should expect 1rowfL'7V &v, which is found in one J\Is.) El oDv d8EI:ev O'Tt fJEaTaL allToiJs, i'V'T"O av
f_7ri ToiJs 1rovovs . Kai KaTEpya(otvTo Civ a'lh,)v, if then they knew that she (virtue) sees them, they would rush into labours and would secure he1. XEN. Cyn. xii. 22. Ei JLEV yap els yvva'iKa crwcppovecrTf:pav ~[cpos fLE8EtfLEV, ovcrK)w]s Civ ~V cpovo<;. EuR. Or. 1132. (Here we

should expect d1J.) 509. The same }}l'Otasis may have one verb in the indicative referring to present or past time, and another in the optative referring to the future. E.g. 'Eyw oilv onva Civ r'Y)V Elpya(TfLEVO>, el, OT fLEV ;u o iipxovus
ETO.T'TOV, TOT fLEV ffJ-EVO v, TOV of. 8wv TaTTOVTO<; _,\[1J"OLfLl T1JV 'T<L~~v, I should thenjo1e (pTove to) have behaved outmgeously, if when the state auth01ities stationed me I stood my g1ound, b1;t (if) 11ow when God stations me I should deseTt my post. PLAT. Ap. 28 E. (Here the snp}}Osed combination of the two n,cts is the future condition to which the future apodosis refers.) 'E1re{,xofLa' 1racrt Tof,Ttns, d a/..;78~ 1rpos BfLaS td1fOLftL Kai El1J"OV Ko.i ToT' 0evs EJ! 'TrfJ Mwif, EVTvxav pm oovvat, i.e. if I should speak the t?uth and if I did speak it then, etc. DEM. xviiL 141. El OE fL1JT EITTt fL~TE ~V fLYJT av Ei1fELV i!xo fL1J0eLS fLYJOE7rW Kat rs)fLepov, T[ 'TOV tTvfLJ3ov/..ov Jxp~v 7TOte'iv; but if there neither is nor ~oas (any such thing), and if no man yet even at this day could possibly tell of any, what ought the statesrnan to have done ? Ib. 190.

V. Seve?al P?otases in one Sentence.

510. Two or more protases, not co-ordinate, may belong to the same sentence; but one always contains the leading condition, to which the rest of the sentence (including the other conditions) is the conclusion. Here several protases may belong to one apodosis ; or the leading condition may be followed by two subordinate conditions, each with its own apodosis. E.g.
Kat yap ilv oDTO> TL 1J"a8y, Taxew<; VfLEtS npoll .P/..t7T7rOJI 'll"<n+ uen, ilv1rep ovTw 7rpocrxrJT -roi:s 7rpayfLa(Tt TOv vovl', for if anything shall lwppen to this Philip, you will soon CTeate anothm if this is your way of attending to the business. DmM. iv. ll. So xviii. 195, 217 (two cases in each). El o' ~ fkV J!EOL ois Kai ypoJ!TES, Et Tt<; f~'Y} fLrlpTave, Ot'li"AOV j3ov A.ax6vTE> ~wp8o{,fLE8' aJJ, if 'We we1e twice young and twice old, in case any one of 1ts was in fault we should seC?re a double life and set ou1selves right. Eun. Supp. 1084. See AR. Ran. 1449. El ~EVO'i f7{,yxavol' ~v, ~vveytyv<VITKET ory7TOV &.v fLO~ el EV EKELVTJ Tij cpwvij Te Kai 'Tii Tp07T'f} EA.eyo v v oi<J7rep !n8p.iJLfL'fJV, i.e.
0

194

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

J511

if I were a fo7eignm, you would pardon me if I spoke in my oum dialect, etc. PLAT. Ap. 17 D. Et -rs u dvEpo tTo ToVTo, rl uTt a-x~P-a j
d7r<; OTl t:npoyyvAoTYJS, d (J'O d7rV a1f'P iyliJ, l1f'<; av OTl crx~JLcl Tt. Id. Men. 74 B. El JLEV 7rcpt Katvov nvos 7rpayJLaTos 7rpovT8To A.~ycw, i1f'tCJ'XdJV av EW<; o1 1f'AfLO'TOt TWV clw8oTWV YVWJLYJV a7rcp~vavTo, d JLEV i)pcrd T JLOL TWV inro TOVTWV pY)O~vTwv, 1)crvxav llv ~yov, cl 8 JL~, To! av dTO> i7rctpWflTJV YLYVWCJ'KW A.~y<tv, i.e. if the subject of debate were

d avT(/)

0~1f'OV

mw, I should have W(tited for othen to speak; and then, if I liked any-

thing that was said, I shonld lcee2J qniet, and if not, I should try to say something m,yself. DEM. i v. 1 ; see also xxxiii. 25.

511. It will be noticed that when the leading condition is unreal (as in Erm. Supp. 1084, PLAT. Ap. 17 D, and DEM. iv. 1, above), this makes all subordinate past or present conditions also unreal, so far as the supposed case is concerned, without regard to their own nature. Thus, in DEM. iv. 1 and xxxiii. 25 we have two directly opposite suppositions both stated as contrary to fact, which could not be unless the leading supposition had made the whole state of things supposed in the sentence unreal like itself. It is obvious, therefore, that such a subordinate condition may refer to a case which is not in itself unreal, although it is part of a supposition which as a whole is unreaL This can be seen more easily in English. '\Ve can say, if he had been an Athenian, he wonld have been langhed at if he had talked as he did; hut we Hr8 far ftom implying that the latter supposition (the subordinate one} is contrmy to fact, although it would be expressed in Greek by cl EAcyEv. Still it is ]Jart of a supposed unreal state of things. This explain~ an apparent incousistcncy in respect to sentences like dKo<; ~v er TovTo 7ra8E'i:v, yott ought J1l'O]JeTly to have wffend this, when the opposite of the infinitive is implied (415), the expression being practically equivalent (as a conditional form) to TOVTO E1f'a8e:; av cl TO clKO<; !hra&cs. As TovTo and To clKo<; are here identical, tl1e apodosis is denied in the denial of the protasis. But if a new unreal protasis is added, the opposite of the infinitiYe is not necessarily implied (see 422, 1); and if we add a concessive protasis an<l say Ka1 cl JLYJO~v ~8wrJcra<;, ElK6<; i}v CJ' TOVTO 7ra8c'i:v, even if yot had done nothing unjttst, you ought (still) to have suffered this, TOVTO generally represents wl1at actually took place (see 422, 2). Here a new chief protasis has come in and changed the whole relation of the apoclosis to the sentence. This offers a satisfactory ex1Jlanation of the a1)parent anomaly in SoPH. 0. T. 221, oD yap aJ! JLUKpav rxvvov avT6s, JL1J OV/( i!xwv Tt 0'1~JLf3oAol', where p,~ oDK exwv is ohviously equivalent to the condition l JL1J clxov, while there is yet no such opposite implied as but I have a clue. The chief condition lies in the emphatic avTo>, which is especially forcible after ~evo<; JLEV and ~evo<; 8, and involves cl JLDVO> Zxvvov. The meaning is, for I shonld not be very fa1' on the track, if I weTe atternpting to trace it alone without a clue. Thus without a clne becomes part of the unreal supposition without being itself contrary to fact, while JL~ in fl~ ovK

514]

ll., :\:\a,

AND a{rrap IN APODOSIS

195

xwv shows that xwv is conilitional, and not merely descriptive (as if it were o~K xwv). For p.~ o~ with the participlc, see 818.

ll., :\Xa,

AND avTap IN APODOSIS.

512. The apodosis is sometimes introduced by ~. dcf, or a-imf.p, but, as if the apodosis were co-ordinate with the protasis, and were not the leading sentence. This occurs when the apodosis is to be emphatically opposed to the protasis. It is especially common in Homer and Herodotus. E.g. El ~ KE p.~ ~w, ~yw KEV all-Tos 1.wp.at., but if they do not give it to me, (then) I ~oill tc::e one myself. IL i. 137. El 'lf'Ep yap T' <'ioL YE 'lf'EptKTEWWp.EOa 'lf'aVTES V)/vulv ~Tl 'ApyElwv, vol 8' o~ os VT' d'lf'ovOat. IL xii. 245. El 'lf'EP Ka.Ta'lf'frl, da TE Ka.l p.ETO'If'tvOEv lxn KoTov. Il. i 81. El OavovTwv 'lf'EP KaTa.-?Oov.f Elv 'Alao, a~Tilp yw Kal KE0t tf>[ov p.Ep.v{pop ralpov. Il xxii. 389. El '11p.v VTt TovTo p.~ uvaTov 'lf'ot1j<Ta.&, 'p.Eis Tt Ka.l vvv K Tov p.vov '?p.:v lCEvOE. HDT. ,iii. 22. 'A'K El p.YJ8'1. ToVTo f3ovu d'lf'oKptvavOa&, a-V 81. To~VTEvBEv ye. XEN. Cyr. v. 5, 21. 513. This apodotic cannat be expressed in English ; as our averbs tlu:n, yet, still, etc., neccssarily fail to give the force of the Greek , which is always a conjunction. The expression d. viiv, now at least, is elliptical for fi p.~ 'lf'poTEpov d vvv (with apodotie d<f); as v TO lKawv d vv UHYJTE 8pv, if even now (thoztgh not befme) you 1oill do what is riyht, .AR. .Av. 1598. Sec DEY. i. 33. Sometimcs da alonc seems to imply El p.>/ TL <'io; as in Aa. Nub. 1364, Kwv' a~ov d p.vpptv'Y/v a{3oVTa TWV Alvx6ov ~at -rl p.ot, I bade kin~ at least (if nothtg more) take a myrlle ranch and give me a bit of Aeschylus. So 1369. In PLAT. Rep. 509 C, El p.'? Tt d . . 8LEgLwv, if fm notMng (else), that yoz' 'TIULY at least dcseribe, ete., a iutroduces an apodosis after El P.'? Tt (sc. <'illo~ For 8 use in the samc way to introduce the sentence UIJon which a relative clause depends, see 564.

SECTION VII.

Relative and Temporal Sentences.

514. Relative sentences may be introduced by relative pronouns and pronominal adjectives, or by relative adverbs of time, place, or manner. They . includc thereforc aU temporal sentences.

196

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[515

Clauses introduced by [w;, 7rptv, and other particles meaning until have many peculiarities, and are treated separately (611-661).
515. Relative sentences may be divided into two classes:First, those in which the antecedent of the relative is dejinite; that is, in which the relative pronouns refer to definite persans or things, and the relative adverbs to definite points of time, place, etc. Secondly, those in which the antecedent is indejinite ; that is, in which no such definite persans, things, times, or places are referred to. 516. Both the definite and the indefinite antecedent may be either expressed or understood. E.g.
(Definite.) Tailra xw ~P~>, you see these things which I have; or <xw ~p~>. "On ~f3ov<ro >]J...B.v, (once) ~chen he wished, he came. (Indefinite. ) llavra v f3ovwvrat l~otxnv, they will have everything which they may want ; or v f3ovwvrat l~ovcnv, they will have whatever they may want. "Orav By, ron rovro 1rpa~w, when he shall come (or when he cames), then I will do this. "On f3ovotro, roilro rrpacnnv, whenever he wished, he (always) did this. 'ils v .rrw, ovrw> rrotwp.v, as I shall direct, so let us act.

517. The relative may be used to express a purpose (565), or in a causal sense (580). The antecedent may then be either definite or indefini te.
518. When the antecedent is indefinite, the negative of the relative clause is p.'lj ; when it is definite, o is used unless the general construction requires p.i, (as in prohibitions, wishes, final expressions, etc.).
A. RELATIVE WITH DEFINITE ANTECEDENT.

519. A relative with a dejinite antecedent has no effect upon the mood of the following verb; and it therefore may take the indicative (with o for its negative) or any other construction that can occur in an independent sentence. E.g.
"EE~av

Ayw oloa, I say what I lcnow. Ayw ~KoV<Ta. Agw K~Koa. ~KOVCTaV. llavra yEL y<v~CTETUL. llpaCTCTOV<TLV .

{3ovovrat (or 6Js {3ovovrat), they are doing what (or as) they please. (On the other hand, rrpagovCTLV v {3ovWVTat, or W<; v {3ovwvrat, they will do what they please, or as they please; the antecedent being

520]

CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SE:-ITENCES

197

iiHldinite.) Ayw a OlJK dyvow, I am saying that of which I a;m not ignorant. 'AA. X on 8~ p' ~K Toto ovu)oed,-"7 y v, ,-' ~~s, Krti ,..5,.. 8~ 1rpos ~'OA.vp.1rov Zcrav 8wi alEv 6vns, but when now the twelfth day from that came, etc. Il. i. 493. Ts cr8' 0 xwpos O~T', EV r[i (3e(3~KafLEV, SoPH. 0. 0. 52. ''Ews ECTTt Katpos, &vnA.d(3ecr8e TWV 7rpayfLdTwv, i.e. now, while there is an opportunity, etc. DEM. i. 20. (If the exhortation were future, l1e woulJ say i!ws av Y1 Katp6s, so long as there shall 0\ l (~ \ <I ' (.! I 9 > \ ~ be an O)JJ101"tUnt"t y. ) '0 UE ava{Ja<;, EWS fLEV {JaCTtfLU 'f) v, E'TfL TOV L1f7rOV ?)yev hrd OE li(JaTa 'q Jl, KaTaAt7rWJI TOV l7r7rOJI ECT7rEVOE 1re(f7. XEN, An. iii. 4, 49. So Il. i. 19:3, Etos wpfLaLVE. 0l7rEp OE KO) TWV &7ro(3atJ16vTWV TO 1rAoJ1 '"rfJs a.l-rias EgofLEV, oVrot J(at KaB' ~a-vxfav Ti avnoJI 7rpotllwfLEl', we who we to bear, the greatm J'art of the blame, etc. THuc. i. 83. ''08eF S' o-Dv pfi<rnt fLafh}<re<r8e 1repl aVTwv, Jvnv8ev VfLaS Kai Jyw 1rpwToJ1 7retpd<rofLat 8tllacrKetv. IlEM. xxvii. 3. (Here EFnv8ev refers to the point at which he intends to begin.) "H ll0 Ao[yw <py', OTE fl <x8ob07r~<raL f_<j>~CTELS ''HpYJ, of &v fl pf.81)CTLJI .dFHOe[ots E7reecrrrtv, sunly theTe will be sad work, when you shall impel me, etc. Il. i. 518. (Here on refers to some time conceived as definite ; Whereas OT' av EpE()1)CTLV, 'tdten (if eve1") she shall p1avoJce me, is indefinite ; see 530.) Ni'~ 8' i!rrmt oTE 01) rrTvyep'Os yafLos dvn(JoA.,]rro ovA.o(J-EV'f)'> fLWEF, n)s TE Zevs IJA.(Jov d7rYJ1)pa. Od. xviii. 272. (The time is conceived as Jefinite.) 'l'')VLKavTa, OTE ovo' 0 Tt XP'J 'TfOLEi:JI fi~ETe, then, when you will not even be able to do what you ought. DEM. xix. 262. ''Ap~OfLaL 8' EJITEV8EJI o8w Kat {,"'''' tkicrf a]l fL68otTE Kayw 'TaxLrrT' av OLOa~aLfLL. DE~f. xxix. 5. (With the potential optative compare the future indicative in DEM. xxvii. 3, above.) Nvv 8~ TOVTo ovK E7ro,]rrEJI, Jv iS TC)]I 07)JhoV eTfh')CTEJ' tlv, but he did not do this, in which he might hd'Ce honoured the people. Id. xxi. 69: Els KCLAC)]I -DfLZv 'Avmo> oOE 7rapeKa8(eTo, ip fLETaOWfLEV T7JS ('l)T~rrews. PLAT. Men. 89 E (sulJjunctive in exhortation). OvKoVJI li~tov Toi:s TWJ' Ka.T')"/6pwv A6yots 'TftCTTEVCTat fLUAAoJI i) TOt<; lpyoL<; Kat T0 xp6v'{l, /)]1 l'fL''' CTacpErrTaToJI A.eyxoJ' Tov &A.'78ovs JIOfLlcraTE. LYs. xix. 61. (Here the imperative vofL[rran is used in a sort of exclamation after oF, .where ordinarily llei: JIOfL[rrat would be used. See 253.) "AF yap &1rocpvyv /U OVTOS, 0 !"0 yvo LTO, n)JI E7rW{JEAlav o<j>A.~rrw. DE)f. xxvii. 67 (optative in wish). So in fLEfLFYJfWt on and similar expressions. E.g. Ov fLEfLl'17 OTE ,.' eKpEfLW -Dfo8ev; do you not 1emem.ber (the time) when you hung aloft? Il. XV. 18. El fLEfLII')CTat OT' eyw IJOL d'TfEKptvap-')V. PLAT. Men. 79 D. Oirr()' OTE Jcpav'). EuR. Hec. 112. (See
<1

913.)

B.

RELATIVE WITH INDEFINITE ANTECEDENT.-00NDITIONAL RELATIVE.

520. A relative with an indefin-ite antecedent gives a

198

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[521

conditional force to the clause in which it stands, and is called a conditional 1elative. The conditional relative clause stands in the relation of a protasis to the antecedent clause, which is its apodosis (380). The negative particle is JL~ Thus, when we say & vopJ(ct rawa A.yn, he is saying what he (actually) thinkS, Or a ev6p.t(E TUVTU V'-EJ1'1 he WaS Saying What h~ thought, the actions of vop.(E and f.v6tu(e are stated as actual facts, occurring at definite times ; but when we say & Clv vop.[(y (Tawa) A.yn, he (always) says whatever he thinks, or & vop.l(ot (ravTa) ~A.cyev, he (always) said whatever he happened to be thinking, vop.(-g and vop.(ot do not state any such definite facts, but rather what some one rnay think (or rnay have thov,ght) on any occasion on which he may speak or may have spoken. So, when we say & vop.(a ravra A.e~EL, he will say what he (now) thinks, vop.(et denotes a fact; but when we say & av vop.t(v A.~et, he will say whatever he happens to be (then) thinking, vofkt(YJ denotes a supposed future case. Again,-to take the case in which the distinction is most liable to be overlooked,-when we say & 01lK oioa ovK oi'op.at lovat, what I do not know, I do not think that I know, ovK oioa, as before, denotes a simple fact, and its object a has a definite antecedent; but when Socrates says & p.~ oioa ovo~ dop.at el8vat, tbe meaning is whatever I do not know (i.e. if there is anything which I do not know), I do not even think that I know it. In sentences like this, unless a negative is used (518), it is often difficult to decide whether the antecedent is definite or indefinite: thus & oloa. oZOfkUL eio&vat may mean either what I (actually) know, I think that I know, or whatever I know (if there is anything which I know), I think that T know it.
521. The analogy of these indefinite relative clauses to conditional sentences will be seen at once. The following examples will make this clearer : ''0 n f3ovA<Tat 80r:rw, I will give hirn whatever he (now) wishes. EZ n f3 oDAETai, owr:rw, if he wishes anything, I will give it. (402.) "0 n if3o-6AeTo ~8wKa liv, I should ha1'e given hirn whateve1 he had wished. ''0 n 1'-YJ EJEVETO OVK av el7rov, I should not have told what had not happened. Et n f.(JovA.ero, ~owKa. U.v, if he had wished wn'Jthin[t, I should have given it. Er Tt 1'-'J lyev1"0, OVK av l7rov, I should not have told anything if it had not happened. (41 0.) "0 Tt Clv (JovAr]Tat, 130r:rw, I will give hirn whateve1 he shall wish. 'Eav n (JovA'fJTat, 80r:rw, if he shall wish anything, I will give it.
(444.)

''0 n f3ovll.otTo 8ofYJV liv, I should give hirn whatever he rrvight wish. 'Ei' n f3ovAotro, oo[r]V av, if he should wish anything, I should give it. (45 5.)

525]

PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS

199

"0 n &v (3o-6A'fJ'Tat 88wp.t, I (always) give him whatever he wishes. ''0 n {3o1)Aot'TO e88ovv, 1 always gave him whatever he wished. 'E&v n (3o-6A-r]Tat, 08wp.t, if he ever wishes anything, I (always) give it. Et n (3o-6A.ot'To, iotoovv, if he ever wished anything, I (always) gave it.
(462.)

522. The particle (Epic Id) is regularly joined with all relative words when they are followed by the subjunctive.
With ore, d7rO'TE, E7rEL, and E7ret81, fiv forms 8rav, 01rOTav, E7rd)J or (Ionic E7re&.v), and E7retO&.v. In Homer, where KE is generally Ke), also o'T' &v, where used for &v, we have O'TE KE, E7rEL KE, etc. (like in Attic we have orav, o1r6rav, E7ret8&v. 'E1r~v, however, occurs often, and 1rd &v once, in Homer. Both e1r~v and e1rav are rare in Attic.
E1r~v

av

er

523. The classification of common conditional sentences, with four classes of ordinary conditions and two of general conditions, given in 388-395, applies equally to conditional relative sentences.
I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES.

524. The conditional relative sentence has jou1 forms, two of present and past (52 5 and 52 8) and two of fnture conditions (529 and 531), which correspond to the four forms of ordinary protasis.
(a)
PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS.

525. When the relative clause simply states a preseut or past supposition, implying nothing as to the fulfilment of the condition, the verb is in one of the present or past tenses of the indicative. The antecedent clause can have any form of the verb, like an ordinary apodosis. (See 4 0 2 .)

E.g.
"A p.i) oloa, ovo oZop.aL elo~vaL (like er 'TLVa p.?] oioa). PLA'l'. Ap. 21 D. (See 520.) Xp+r&wv on {3ovAovraL, let them deal with me as they please (i.e. T (3ovA.ovraL). AR. Nub. 439. 'E7r<rrap.at opav 8' Oft p.<, Ko:Ux opav <lp.1J 7r p 7r EL' I know how to see anything which I ought to see, and not to see anything which I ought not. EuR. Ino, Fr. 417. ("A 8ei: is nearly equivalent to eZ nva oef, and <lp.1) 1I'pE7rE to d nva p.ij 7rpE7rEt.) To0s 7rAEl<rTOV<; gvea7r<p g1rE(J'OV EKci(J'TOV> geafav oils o !'-~ evpt(J'Kov, KEvonfcpwv aV'TOL> E7rO['fJO'av, i.e. they raised a. cenotaph for any of them whom they did 'f!Ot find (like d nvas p.0 <vpLU'Kov). XEN. An. vi. 4, 9. T yap; oU'ns oa1ravrypos ~v p.1) a-DrapKYJS e 2v, <lA.>.: (J'T &et TWV 1rAIJU'[ov Oft'Ta t, Kat A.ap.f3avwv p.ij o-6va'TaL U1r0000VaL, p.ij

er

200

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[526

AafLf3ri.vuJV 8 TG!J Jl-1J OLODVTO. punt:, OOKEl U'OL Kat OUTOS xaAE7rbS cp[Aos eCvaL; (i.e. SU]Jposing a case, <t ns , . . p1) aimfpKYJS JiTrlv, K.r.>...). Id. Mem. ii. 6, 2. So 1)ns fl-'18apov ~vf-paxet:, 'l'Huc. i .. 35. "A yap ns fL~ 7rpoU'E00K'Y)IJV, ovo~ cpvAa~arrfJaL eyxwpe, for there is no opportunity even to guard against what we did not expect (like d nva fL~ 7rpOIJEOOKT)IJ~ ns). ANT. v. 19. Eis rd.. 1rAoia rolls 1' drrOevovvros Jvef3f:3rumv KoJ TWV (TKfVWJI ocra fL~ dvayK'Y} l}v ~XEtV (like d nva TW!J CTKm;;v }"~ dvriyK'Y} 1)v ;XEw), i.e. any which they did not need. XEN. An. V. 3, l. 'Av0pw7rOVS odcpfJHpEV (0 ea>..arrcra) OCTOL JL1J io1lva J!TO cpOrjvaL 1rp6s rd.. JLErwpa dvaopafLOvnr;, i.e. if any weu unable to escape soon e1wugh to the high land, so many the sea destToyed. 'l'HUC. iii. 8 9. Ois f-EY oXptrrLs y<yevryra' rll>..>..a. drvxovrr, 7fOAA1J lfvoa 1T"OAEfL~cra EL o' dvayKatOJ! ijv, K.T.A., for any who have had the choice given them, while they are p1osperous in other respects, it is gnat folly to go to wa1 (i.e. Et TLrTiV atpHns yeyvqra). Id. ii. 61. IIdvTES rrr}"EV Xaf3ptav oVrE T117fT011TU. oVO' O.p7r&(o!ITa rOv a-rf<jJa.vov oiJ8' OAwr; 7rpoCYt6v6' f!nrot f-'J 1rporrqK<V a1lT<(J, nor going anywhen at allwhen it was not lawful for hirn (i.e. d 1fOi P-0 1rpocn}<ev). DEM. xxi. 64. IIws oDF oi dyaOoc 'Toi<; dyaOoZs cJ>O...o< EiTOVTa<, oi' fl-~T< d1r6vns 1rofJuJ1ot dA.A)Ao<<; I"''JT 7rap6vn<; xpdav airwv (xovrrL; (i.e. El fL1J iixovU'i). PLA'r. Lys. 215. 13. ~ <K{>YJ ll' n 1racnv {,yZJJ JJ-EAA o-wo[a-etJ' (i.e. n fLaA<), may any plan prevail which will ben~fit you all. DEM. iv. 51. 526. Care must be taken here (as in conditional sentences) not to include in this class general suppositions which require the subjunctive or optative (532). On the other hand, the examples falling under 534, in which the incticative is allowed, might properly be placed here, as they state a general supposition as if it were a particular one.

ov

er

7rap~iTra, each rnan felt that all progress was at an end in any affai1 in which he was not persona.lly to take !?ad. THC'O. ii. 8. The direct form was v rourtp KEKWAvrai (51 ; 122) ~ 1~1) 1rapf.iTo}"aL. Oi'> 8~ aA1Jeda<; ns dTVX1)a-Et, 1rOTE T01;TOV J1fLCTT1JfJ-WV EiTTUL; b7tt if one is to miss the tntth of anything, 1vill he ever understand it? PL.AT. 'l'heaet. 186 C. So probably XEN. Cyr. i. 5, 13, o n yap fl-'l rowvrov a1fof3~(TET(~b 7rap' VfLwV, <ls ~}"E TiJ V .. Amov g(TTaL, i.e. if there is to be any failure on your paTt to come ~LP to my expectations, the loss will jaU on me. This is the only form of conditional relative sentence that regularly takes the future indicative. (See 530.)

527. A conditional relativQ clause (like a clause with El, 407) may take the future indicative to express a present intention or necessity. E.g. 'Ev TOVT!p KEKWAviJea, JooKEi EKclO""T!p rd.. 7rpay{LaTa .p 0~ TLS O.VTO<;

528. When a relative clause expresses a present or past

condition, implying that it is not or was not fulfilled (like a protasis of the form 41 0), the verb is in a pa.st tense of

the indicative.

528]

PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS

201

The antecedent clause generally has a past tense of the indicative with &v ; but it may have a past tense of the indicative in an unreal condition, in an unaccomplished wish, or in a final clause. E.g.
"A fLfJ Jf3ovAETO 8ovvo.L, olJK al' ~0WKV, he would not have given what he had 1wt wished to give (i.e. d Two, fh'l /JovA.ei-o 8ovva, ovK &v (8wK<V). '01r6npov TOVTWV J'Tro{Yjrr<v, oiJOEVOS &v ljTTOV 'ABY)va{wv 1rAovrrw 1]crav, whicheve1 of these he had done (he did neither), they would be as ?"'ich as any of the Athenians. LYS. xxxii. 23. OvTE -yap &v avTot E'Tr<X<povfLEV 1rpd.Trnv fh'l 1J7rLcrTrip.,<Ba, ovT< ToZs &A.IIms E1rETp7rOfLEV WV i)pXOfJEJ! dAAO TL 7rpaTTELV i) 0 TL 7rprf.TTOVTES 6p{)ws (p.,EAAOJ! 7rpa~ELV' TOVTO 8' 1JV av ov E7T'Lrrn)p.?J1! Eixov, joT (if that wme so) we should not /,e undeTtaking (as we a1e) to do things which we did not undentand, nor should we pennit atny othe1s ~oho1n We Were 1uling to do anything else than what they wete lilcely to do propeTly j and this would be whatever they had knowledge of. PLAT. Charm. l 71 E. (Here il fL~ 'l7rLCTnip.,E8a = d TLVa JLij >}7ra:rnip.,<8a, if there were any things wlu:ch we did not know,-iliv ijpXOfLEV = Z TLVWV >JPXOfJ-EV,-0 'TL Jp.,EAADV = ot Tt f.p.EAAov,-and oi5 f.mcrT~fl-YJV <lxov = d nvos dxov. It is implied that none of the cases here supposed ever actually arose. "!Jcr1r<p TOLJIVV 0:.\A.wv TtvWv TET-rO.pwv, ti Ev Tt f.(YJTOVjl-EJJ a?YrWv 1' &rq.>oVv, 01r6T 1tpWTov lKdvo g-yvwp.,H, lKa.vws a1' EiXEV ~p.Zv, El 8 TU Tp[a 7rpoTEpov -yvwpcrap.,Ev, aVT\0 all ro!JT'f:' f.-yv<f>puno TO C?JTOi!w:vov. PLA1'. Rep. 428 A. (Here the antithesiH of ,l1f6n 1rp.wrov EK<Zvo 1!-yvwp.,w, in (whatever) case we had ncoguised this first, and E i -ra Tp[a 1rp6np01' f.-yvwp[rrap.,v, if we had recognised the thTee sooner, makes the force of the relative eBpecially dear.) 'E(3acrd.Fo(ov av fLEXP' ov aVTOts E86 KE ,, they would have questioned thern (undeT to1tun) so long as they pleased. DEM. liii. 25. El 8 otKo Elxov f/((L(J'TDt TUS 8Ka<;, TD!JTOV> av a1rwAAV(J'O.l1 o!'nll<; </>LAOL p.,aALCTTa ~rraJI 'AB17vawv T0 o,)p.,'{J, if each had theiT t?ials at home, they would ~uin any who wme especially friendly, etc. XE:<:. Rep. Ath. i. 16. (Here otTLV<<; ~(J'av, = EL TWES ~crav, forms a second protasis to the apodosis d'TrWAAvcrav tiv. See 511.) Kd 67r>)V[Ka f.<j>aiv<TO Tavnt 7r1T'OL?JKC;;s, WfLOAo-y<Z-r;' al' ~ K<lT7J"iOP[a TOt<; p-yoos aVTOV, and if he ever appeaTed to have done this, his form of accusation would agne with his acts. DEM. xviii. 14. El ~vas hv-yxavov <l'w, t1)Jieytyv<brrKETE 80rrov dv p.,ot el El' JKdl!TJ <j>wvfj TE Kat T<{i Tp<\7f'{J iiAE-yov Ell oTcr7rEp ETeBpaJLJLYJV, if I happened to be a foreigner, you would surely ]Jardon me, if I '!l'M'e (now) addnssing you in both the language and the man1wr in which I hc!d been bro'!tght up. PLAT. Ap. 17 D. 'fls So) -yw -y' o<j>EAOJI p.,aKapo> v.U TEV ffJ-fJ-EVUL Vto> dvipo~, 3v KTEancrcrLv o!c; br, -y~pas ETETfJ-H, 0 that I weTe the son of some fortunate man, whom old age had found upon his own estate (i.e. if old age had found any snch man, would that I had been his son). Od. i. 217. SoIL vi. 348 and35l. So when tl1e relative sentence depends on a past indicative in a iinal clause (:333); as in DEM. xxiii. 48, TavTa -y< 307rov rrpocr~K

-rii

202

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[529

ypafat, rva. orcr 1ror~ rol!pyov pri x 01), ro-Drcr ra eK rwv vofl-wv il1rijpx 0Kata, he ought to have 11Yritten it in this wa.y, in order that any one by whom the deed had been done might have his rights according to the laws. (This implies that the law was not so written, so that the case supposed in OT!f:' enpaxOYJ never arose.) So DEM. liii. 24, tv' aKo-6(]"0.VTES h rovrwv ffYJ<f>la-a.a-Oe a1rot6v rt VfJ-tV J86KH, tlw.t you might have voted whatever seemed good to you. All examples of this form fall equally well under the general rule for assimilation (559).

e1r

(b)

FUTURE CONDITIONS.

529. (SubJunctive.) When the relative clause expresses a future condition of the more vivid form (like a protasis of the form 444), and the verb of the antecedent clause also refers to the future, the relative is joined with /Iv (or KE) and takes the subjunctive. .E.g.
TU:wv ~V K UJEA.wfkt <f>lArtV 7r0t~O"Ofl-' tl.KotTtV (like KE nva UN~ AWfJ-t), whomsoeve1 of these I may wish I shall make my wife. Il. ix. 397. 'E yap '0p<O"T(J.O 'TtO"tS EO"O"ETO.L :>ATpowao, 07r7rOT ay 'fJ f3 'f)O"'{J T K(U ' ,f.~ ' ' ~K :fjs lfkdpeTat a.Zl)>, i.e. vengeance will come from Orestes, when he shall grow up, etc. (like Uv 1roTe 1}f3~a-v). Od. i. 40. Ton B' a.On p.axr)a-E'rat, o7r7ron Kf.v p.tv evJLo> evt a-r~Oea-a-w dvwyv Kat Beos /Jpa-17. Il. ix. 702. 'AAA' llyeB', ws av ywv d'1rw, 7retBwJL<Ba 1ravns, let us obey as I may direct, i.e. if I give any direction (av 7rWS d1rw), let us obey it. Il. ii. 139. 'Hp.ei'> avi dMxous T <f>[A.as Kat v~ma TEKVa tl.~OJLEV Jv v~ea-a-w, E7r~v 7rToA[d)pQV lAwJLEV, U'he7~ we shall have taken the city. Il. iv. 238. So VT av 1ri7rTWO"tY, Il. i. 242. OvKovv, orav 01) p.~ a-Bvw, 7r7ra.-6a-op.at, therefore, when I shall have no more strength, I will cease. SoPH. Ant. 91. 'l'avra, E'lretOd.v 1rept Tov y~vovs d1rw, TOT epw, I will spealc oF this, when I shall have spoken about my birth. DEM. lvii. 16. (See 90.) 'E7rELOdv Ota7rpd~Wfk<Lt (l OEOfJ-O.t, ~~w. XEN. An. ii. 3, 29. T!va oiw-&e avT1JV !fvx~v :tgew, OTO.V Efk~ rov -rwv 1rarp<{lwv d7rea--rEpYJJLEVOV; what feelings do you th~1tk she will have, when (or if at any ti1lle) she shall see me, etc. 1 DEAf. xxviii. 21. Tovrwv 8~ 'AB'f)valovs </>1)JL2 Oetv el'vat 7rWTUKOO"[ovs, E~ ~ .. av nvos VJLfV ~AtK[a., Ka.Aws lxew 8o Kij, from. whatever age it shall seem good to you to take them. (i.e. if from any particulctr age, etc.) Id. iv. 21. Twv 7rpayf1-drwv , ' / ~ ~ ~ ~ TOVS f3 01JAUOfi'EV018 Yj')IELO" at Oet, tVa a ay EKELJIOLS UOK'{J TO.VTa 7rp<iTT1)Tat, in mder that whatever shall seem. good to them shall be done. Ib. 39. Oil fl-Ot q)6f3ov p.A.a0pov EA7rtS JL7ra"rtV, EWS av a [ Ov 7rvp <j>' Ja-T[as p.'ljs Afyta-Bos, so long as Aegisthus sha.ll kindle ji1e upon my hearth. AESCH .Ag. 1434.
1

er

1/

'

1\

c'

') " , " , /

530. The future indicative is very rarely used in conditional relative clauses, as it is in common protasis (44 7), in the place of the subjunctive; as it would generally be ambiguous, appearing as if the ante-

531]

FUTURE CONDITIONS

203
O!TOI

cedent were definite. Some cases of oO"o<; with the future, as f3ovA~U"ovro.t, THuc. i. 22, are perhaps exceptions. (See 527.)

531. (Optative.) When the relative clause expresses a future condition of the less vivid form (like a protasis of the form 455), and the antecedent clause contains an optative referring to the future, the relative takes the optative (without av). The optative in the antecedent clause may be in an apodosis with Clv, in a protasis, in an expression of a wi<Jh, or in a :fiual clause. E.g.
MaAo. KEV Opa.(]"l!Kapows Ei~l, Bs TOT 'YTJ(}1)(]"tEV lowv 'll"OVOV o1l3' dKa x o tro (i.e. d ns ;rle~(]"o<, pAA.a Kev Bpa(]"vKapow> dTJ), any one who shonld then Tejoice wonld be veTy stout-heaTted. Il. xiii. 343. BovAo[p.qv K' f7rapovpo> Hvv eT)TEV~fLEV dA.A.t/) 0 fl'J f3oTO'; 'lrOAVS e !.'"I, I should wish to be a smf attached to the soil, smving another man 1uho had not much to live on. Od. xi. 489. z'lJ''"'' OVK &v ([(]"(]"01! iKOLJLrJV, dTE fi'J avTo<; -ye KEAoiot, unless he should himself bid 1ne. 11. xiv. 247. SoIl. vi. 329 and 521; and O(]"Tt<; K a AEO' te, AR. Nub. 1250. 01lK &v 001 Bpf.lj;at<; avop(t, ocrn<; f_(}A.ot T Ka.l OVJIO.LTO (I'OV a7rEpVKHJI TOV<; inxetpovJ!Tas d8"K<cv (1'; wo1dd you not suppOTt any 1nan who sho1tld be both 1oilling and able, etc. I XE:'l. l\1em. ii. 9, 2. ITcwwv q>ayo" &1' 07roTe f3o1!Aotro, 1vhen he is hungry, he would eat wheneveT he might 1vish (like Er 7roTE f3ovA.o"To). lb. ii. l, 18. So i. 5, 4; i. 7, 3; iv. 2, 20. llw> of>v aJ! doELYj> 7rEpi TOlJrOV TOV 7rpa-yj.LO.TO> oil 'lrO.VTa'ffO.U"LV a'lrEL{JOS E ( T} S; how then COUld you know abou.t that thing of Which ymt, had no expe?ience at all? PLA'l'. Men. 92 0. .,.Ap' (lp ~-yoL'o TO.VTO. era ElJJat, (]'Ol E E [ 'Y) Kai d7roOocr8a.t J<ai 8ovva.t Ka.i ever at OT<p f3 0 vA 0 L0 BED)]'; ~ Id. Eutllyd. 302 A. T av 'ffaBdtJ (8vvatTo), 8 fL1J Kai vf avrov 7ra8o L; what could he suffeT, unless he should suffer it also j1om himself? (i.e. El /L'l 7ra8ot). Id. Lys. 214 E. ''0 0~ fL'l dya.'ff0TJ, ovo' &v </> tAOL (i.e El Tl fL'J d-ya.7r0rl, ov/3' dv <:/JtAoL' 'TOUTO.). lb. 215 B. 'Iol.av EKO.(]"TOS &v KO.T(.HTKV0v KO.TQ,(]'KEVa{;otro, ;;ns EKUCf'TOV apE(I'J<Ot. Id. R.e]J. 557 B. "OO'<p ol 7rp<cr/3{JTEpo<; y fyvo LTO, fLUAAov ad acr7ra{;o lTO aJ' (XP~fhara), the oldeT he shonld !JTOv;, the more he wonld always cling to it (i.e. d n 7rpecrf3unpos y[yvotTO, TOCf'OVT<tJ fl-UAAOJ! dcr7ra{;otTO av), Ib. 549 B. So 412 D. .P,)uofl-EV jL?)OE'ffOTE fLYJO~v 8v fLEZ(,ov fL'l}O~ EAO.TTOV -y<vcr8at, i!ws tcroJ! EL?/ ai!r6 avT<j), so long as it should Ternain equ.al to itself. Id. Theaet. 155 A. El8 f3ovAoto TWJI ,pA.wtl 'TlVa1rporp~fa.cr8at 01l'OTE a7rOO'ijfLO[T)S E7rtfLEAEr:(l'ea, TWI! crwv, TL &v 1l'Ot0LT)S; XEN. Mem. ii. 3, 12. ElK6rws v Kat 7rap0. BEWv trpaKTtKWTEpos Ei 1], Oa-TI.S fJ-1) Orr0TE Ev d7r6pots r1} TOTE KOAaKdiot, aAA OTE Ta aptO'TO. 7rpaTTO TOTE fLrlAt(I'TO. rillv 8EWI! fLEfl-ViJTo. Id. Cyr. i. 6, 3. '[1., a7rOAOtTO Kai G.A.A.os:, 0 TL> Totavnf y< p~ {; o ', 0 that any othe, rnan might likewise perish who shonld do the like (i.e. Ei: ns Towvru f)f.{;ot). Od. i. 47. El yrip JL<I! 8av6.Tota

~04

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[532

O'T p,w p,opos atvos iKdvot. Il. :s:viii. 464. 6.wpa 8wv IIxoL, oTTL ~t8oi:v, rnay he have gifts of the Gods, whateve1 they rnay give. Od. xviii. 142. 'Eyiyvwa-K<: DEtV TOVS D1r7JpETOS TOVTO U(]"KfLV, ws 'lrcfvTa vop,i(oLEV 1rpi7rELV avTo'is 1rprlTTEW o<ra 6 llpxwv 1rpo<r-rcfTTOt. XEN. Cyr. ii. 1, 31. For KE or liv l.n these 1elative sentences in Homer, see 542. All these examples fall also under the general rule for assimilation (558).
II. GENERAL CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES.

~VtT1Jxios iDBe Bvva [p,'Y) V votr4>tv b:;roKp{;fat,

532. A conditional relative sentence may express a gene?al supposition, when the verb of the antecedent clause denotes a customary or repeated action or a general truth, while the relative clause refers in a general way to any act or acts of a given class. Here the subjunctive with Sc; fhav, etc., follows primary tenses, and the optative (without &v) follows secondary tenses. (See 462.) E.g.

av,

'Ex8p6s ycfp JlOL KEtVOS 6p,tJs 'Atoao m)A1)<TW, os x' ETEpov p,~v K{;()17 e11i <f>pE<rtJI, liJI.A.o 8~ d7r1J, joT that vwn (i.e. any man) is hated by ?ne like the vmy gates of Hades, who conceals one thing in his mind and speaks anotheT. Il. ix. 312. N EJLEtTtTWJLaC ')'f JLEV ovbEJI KAa[Ew os K uvv <T L f3poTWV Kat 7rOTfLOl' EJl t<r7rJ), I am nevm at all indignant at weeping for any 'nwrtal who nwy die, etc. Od. iv. 195. Oivos-, os n Kat liAAavs j3Acf7rnt, os lill f-tLV xaJIOOJI H 17 fLYJ0 ai'a-tjLa 1r [ VJ). Od. xxi. 293. Kd yap trVJLJLa)(E'iv TDVTots JBI:Aov<rw &1ruvns, oils a11 6pw<rt 1ra(JE<TKVa<TjLEJIOvs, for all men ate (always) willing to be allies to those whom they see prepand. DEIM. iv. I\.a1rp rwv dFBpw7rwv, 11 l{i f'~l' av 'lrO AE fLW<T t, TOV 7rap6vm (11'0AJLOV) dd fLE')'L<TTOV !((JLV6vTWJI, although men always conside? the present wa1 the g1eatest, so long as they aTe engaged in it. Tauc. i. 21. IlopE{;OVTU.[ T yd.p at dyEA.at V av avTOS ev8{;Jiw(J"[,V ob vopErs, v~p.owra.t T xwp{a Ecp' 07rofa &v aVTds E<j:aW(JtV, > / '<' ,\ ) \ ) ' \ "' /" a1rEXOJITULI TE WV aJ' a1nas a7rupyw<TL" Kat TOtS Kap7roLS fW<TL 'TOVS l'OJLEUS XP~<r&at OVTWS 07rWS' QJI aVTOt j3o0AWVTUL' av8pw11'0! 0~ e7r' ov8vas fLUAAov <Tvv<rTavrru 1) f7rt TOVTOVS ovs a]! aZ<r8wvTaL ap)(LV aDTwJI mxtpovFras. XEN. Cyr. i. l, 2. NoJLCw 1rpoa-TaTov lpyo11 El'v(u o?ov Oef, Os Civ OpWv ToVs cjJ[Aovs E~a-n-aTwp..fvovr; f-1-?1 1rtT p f1r1], i.e. such as one onght alwa,ys to be, wlw, etc. Id. Hell. ii. 3, 51. KaTa<f>pov-IJ<TLS o~ (yyyF<To.t), os a11 Kat ')'VWJLTJ 7r wTdlJ TWJI f.vavT[wv 1rpo~xw, ~fLi:v D1rapxEL. THuc. ii. 62. (Here the ll refers to all that precedes, as a definite an teced en t.) Ov JL~v yd.p JL<i:Cov KAos dvepos, Jcppa K' ;TJ<Ttv, i) on 7ro<r<riv T< p~~17 Kat )(Ep<rv. Od. viii. 147. ("O<f>pa K' EJ)<TLV, so long as he lives.) (8w-D>) 7rapaTpW7rW<T' avBpw7rOL AL<T<TOfLEJIOL, OT KEV TLS V7rpf3~17 Kat; a{LcfpTTJ. Il. ix. 500. ''HJLL<TV yO.p T U(JfTfjs J:rroaivvTaL <{,p{;o7ra z.i>, J,,.~pos, eii-f av fLLV Ka'ra oovAwv ~fLap i!A[)<TLV. Od. xvii. 322. .Pt'An 8 Kws 7rpo<r7JJ"a{vHv, dh-' <lv JLgAYJ fL<yaA.a. KaKa i} 11'oAt i}

6:

)A

'

633]

GENERAL CONDITIONS

205

8vei" EO"E0"8at. HDT. vi. 27. .Pevyo110"t yap TOt xol 8pa.O"El<;, OTO.V 71"EAO.<; TOJI "AtOrJV elO"opwO"t TOV (3ov. SOPH. Ant. 580. 'Hv[K'_ av o' ofKot yevwvTat, opwaw OVK dvaO"XETa. AR. Pac. 1179. 'E7rHOav 0~ ~ hq)opd. fl, Aapva.Ka<; ayo110"W &jka~at. THUC. ii. 34. 'E7rlOav 0~ KpvfwO"t y{j, dv1]p UPrJJkEVO<; inro T1j<; m5A.ew<;, o<; llv yvw!k17 T OoKfj }k'} d~1jJ1ETO<; elvat, A.f.yet i'll a.ljTo'is E7rO.WOl' Tov 7rpE7rOVTa. Ibid. "Ew<; &v 0"0trJTO.t TO O"K!fcpo<;, T6n XP~ 7rpo8vp.ovs elva.t i1retoaJI o~ ~ 8aA.aTTa imepO"xYJ, JkaTaws 1) O"'Tro11o,). DEM. ix. 69. So EO"-r' O:v OeLO"WO"tv, XE:{. Mem. iii. 5, 6. "Ov o' av 01JfL01! avopa tOOt (36wvTa T' Jcpevpot, TOJI O"K~7rTp<p VviO"amv, whatever man of the people he saw and found brawling, he dTove hirn with his scepbe. Il. ii. 198; see ii. 188. Ov Two. yap T[eO"Kov E-nx8ovwv dv8pw7rWJI, ov KO.KOV ovo~ jk~V E0"8A.<w, 0 T[<; O"cpeas eLO"!LcpKo t To, i.e. they were never in the habit of honouring any one who came to them. Od. xxii. 414. ''On Jk~V O"KtpT</iev, . . . 8eoJI. ll. xx. 226; so 228. See Od. xx. 138. Kai ovs jkEJI tOot EVTrLKTw<; Kai O"tw7rfj l6vra.s-, 7rpoU"EAaVvwv aVroZ~ r[l,Er;. TE ElEv '~fpWra, Ka'i E7rt'i 7rV8o t.TO E7rrJl'H. XEN. Cyr. v. 3, 55. (Here 1]pwTa and hrz)vet denote the habit of Uyrus.) Ka.i To 'is jkEJI 'A8rJvaot> rJV~eTo TO JlavnKOJI d1ro T1js Oa7raVrJS -i)v EKElJIOL ~11jkcpEpotev, avToi OE, omhe d7rOO"TaZev, &:rrapaO"K110! Kai a11"etpot E<; TUV 11"6AEjkOV Ka80"TO.JITO, and the Athenian navy continued to inc;ease jTom the money which these contributed (pres.), and they, wheneve?" they 1evolted (aor.), al;ways found themselves unprepared and inexperienced for war. THuc. i. 99. 'E7ri Mo[pws (3wnA.os, oKw> EA.8o t o 7roTaJkO> 7r' OKT:iJ 1r~xws, apOEO"K Aty1111"T0l' T1JV vep8e Mjkcpws, i.e. whenever the river rose. HDT. ii. 13. Tov o xovv Tbv EKcpope6}kevoJI, OKws yf.votTo v1,~, Js -.(w T[ypw J~ecp6peov, i.e. they carried it away every night. Id. ii. 150. Oi o (KO:pes), OKW<; M[Pw<; oeotTo, E'71"A~pow ol Ta<; JIEa<;. Id. i. 171. 'E7rH01J o dvotxfJdrJ, elO"iJHJkEv 7rapa Tov L.wKpaTrJ, i.e. each moming, when the prison was opened, etc. PLA~'. Phaed. 59 D. "On ~w TOV OHVOV yevoLVTO, 71"0AAot avTOll d71"EAH71"0l', rnany used to leave him when they were o'ut of dange1. XEN. An. ii. 6, 12. (If yvovTo had been used, the whole sentence would refer to a particular case.)
~01)

533. The gnomic aorist and the other gnomic and iterative tenses (154-164) can be used in the antecedent clause of these general propositions. The gnomic aorist, as usual, is a primary tense, and is followed by the subjunctive (171 ). E.g. ''Os /( 8eaZs E11"L11"E8rJTO.t, jkrLAa T' EKAVOJI avrov, whoeveT obeys the Gods, to him, they an ready to listen (EKAVOJI is aoristic). Il. i. 218. "OTaJI TL<; W0"11"Ep oVTO<; 10" X VO"YJ, 1) 7rpWTrJ 7rp6<j:>aO"L<; &1ravTa d veX a[. rtO"E Kai OL~AvO"ev. DEM.ii. 9. '011"6Te 7rpo0"{3A~IfELE T!Jia<; TWV iJI TaZs TrL~EO"L, el7rEJI av, 6) avopes, K.T.A., i.e. he used to say, etc. XEN. Cyr. vii. 1, 10. Ovl aAAOTE 71"W71"0TE 7rpos xaptv dA.6jk'f}JI A.eyHv, 0 Tl. Clv fJ-11 Ka2 uvvo{rrl..JI 7(7rEUTft~VOS m, I have neveT on other occa..c;ions prefernd to say anything to please which I have not been convinced would also be joT your !tdvantage. DEM. iv. 51. (Here eiA.6p]v has a sense

206

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[534

approaching that of the gnomic aorist, and is followed by a subjunctive. See 156.) Homeric examples of relatives with K~ or and the subjunctive in general conditions are here included with the others, because this construction is fixed in the Homeric usage. In the greater number of general relative conditions which have the subjunctive, however, Homer uses the relative without KE or as he prefers the simple el in the corresponding conditional sentences (468). See examples in 538.

av

av,

534. (Indicati?Je.) The indicative is sometimes used instead of the subjunctive and optative in relative sentences of this class. (See 467.) Here one of the cnses in which the event may occur is referred to as if it were the only one. This use of the indicative occurs especially after the indefinite relative ocnts; as the idea of indefiniteness, which is usually expressed by the subjunctive or optative, is here sufficiently expressed by the relative itself. E.g.
'Ex8po<; y<fp fLOt KEtFos dJlJ;J, 'A8c.w 1n)A.yyrw ryvTctL, O<; 1fEV[YJ ELKi!)V rho.Tf)Ata (Jri(o. Od. xiv. 156. Compare this with I!. ix. 312, the first example under 532. 'EI',o~ yd.p oa-n<; 1raa-av d8uvwv 1fOAW M~ rwv dp[rrrwF d7rTETat (JovA<VfLUTwF, 'AA.A' f.K <f>o(Jov rov yA.wmrav iyKA.da-as EXEt, KriKurTo<; dFat vvv TE Kat 1raA.ru 8oKEZ Kal fLd(ov' oa-ns dvrl r'lj<; O.VTOV 1fchpas NA.ov VOfLi~EL, TOVTov ov8o.fLOV .Af.yw. SoPH. Ant. 178. (Here we migllt have had ;)<; av . . fL'l d1rT1JTILl, rlA.X . . . EXT/ and Ss &v vofLt(IJ, without auy essential difference in meaning.) OZTLvEs 1rpo> rd.s ~vfL<f>opd.s yv<JfLYJ fLEV 'JKlrrra Almovvrat, ~PY'' 8 fLd.AW"Ta d vr X ovrr LV, o-DTot Ka~ 'lfOAEwv Ko.t latwrwv KpaTLrrTo[ eirrtv. THuc. ii. 64. So in the same chapter, orrrts Aa.fLfJ ri VEL. ''OrrTL> ~, ,~ ~ ~ , f3 Q.(l"l/\.EW$ 1rpos Q.VTOV, 1fQVTO.S OVTW Ui!LTL Et<; ', , ,, , ., " U IL'f'tKVElTO TfLlJ! 1rapa d7rE71"EfL7rETo, whocve1 came to him, he alwctys sent away, etc. XEN. An. i. l, 5. ''07roll 3 XLAO<; rr7rd.JitO'; 1fUV1J er,], ILVTb<; 8' 8uva,To 1rapafJKE11UfJO.(J"8at, 8ta7rfp7rwv EKEAEVE rovs <f>[A.ovs t'lr'lrots ip(Jri'AA.Etv rovrov.

e,

Ib. i. 9, 27. (In the last two examples there is some Ms. authority for the more regular rl<fnKvo"Vro and 8vva.tro.) 535, This use of the :indicative (534) is rare in tempoml sentences. See, however, the following : IIEpt ,-wv &A.A.wv rwv dotK011v,-wv, orE a.Ka~ovra, aE;; 1ra.pa ,-wv 4WT1Jy6pwv 1rv8f.a8at. LYs. xxii. 22. Eixov fLa.xaptov, rp rr<f>aTTov
G>v KpaTEZv 8Uvawra, Kat a1fOTEfLVOVTES av TdS KE<f>aA.as ~XOJITE<; E1f0(lEUOJITO, O'lfOTE o[ 7r0Afptot o:vrov<; otj;Errea.L EfLE A.A.ov. XEN. An. iv. 7, 16. So 01fO'T d<f> [rrraro, ii. 6, 27 .

.All these examples fall under the first class of conditional relative eenten_ces (5 25 ). 536. The Greek generally uses the indicative in relative clauses

538]

HOMERIC PECULIARITIES ETC.

207

depending on general negative sentences, where in Latin a subjunctive is more common. A general negation is really particular. E.g. Ilap' f.p.ot OE ov8ds JJ-LCT8ocpopel:, oa-ns Jl-1J lKav6s EO"TLV Zero 7TOIJtV JJJ-o, i.e. no one who is not able (no one unless he is able), nemo qui non possit. XEN. Hell. vi. 1, 5. Ovods yap OV0J!t wpy(ero OCTTLS JJ-1J ,PE TO d7ToAZcr(hu, for no one was angTy with any one who did not think that he was abont to peTish (i.e. d Jl-1J 0To). lb. vii. 4, 37. Ovoafl-OV 1rc!J1To8', /hot 7rpcr(3VT'f}S E7TEfJ-cp 81] V vcp' V(J-&'w f.yliJ, 'lTT1Jed, d7TijA8ov T&'Jl! 1rapa cp,,\.{7T7TOV 7rpcr(3wv, nowhere, whither I was sent as arnbassador, did 1 ever corne ojj' WO'l'Sted by Philip's ambassadors. DEM. xviii. 244. Here the leading sentence is particular, on no single occasion was I wo?'Sted, so that E7TEfl</;BfJv is regular; if tbe ncal'ly equivalent universal affirmative on every occasion I pToved supeTior had been intended, we should have l1a<l 7TEflcpBdryv. See xviii. 45, 7rpovAEyoJ Ka.i OLEfLapTvpbfJ-YJV Kat 1rap' VfLtV dEt gat o1rot 7TEfL<j;Be,Jv; and the following in 244, iv ois KPD-T'}BdEv ol 7rpcrf3Hs avTov T0 A6y<tJ, TavTa Tots o7rAots E7rt~JV KaTEcrTpE<j;ETO. Notice the imperfects in tl1e two affirmative examples, and the aorist in the preceding negative example.

537. 1. The indicative is generally useu in Greek (as in Latin) in parenthetical relative clauses, like o Tl 7TOT, rnv, whatever it is (quidquid est), ocrns m)/ ECTT[v (or E(TTat), etc. E.g. Zevs, ocrns 7TOT' E(TT t V) El TbO' a-f,T0 <j;[Aov KEKA1JfLEV<tJ, TOVTb VLV 7rpocrevv~7Tw, Zens, whoever he may be, etc. AESCH. Ag. 160. 6otAnlofLEV Owi<;, 0 Tl 7TOT' d(J"tV ew. EuR. Or. 418. 'Hfll'J' ye KPE(T(TOJo . . . 3ov"Ary1]v V7TOfLEZvat ?)ns ECTTa t, b1d it is bette1 jo1 us to submit to slavery, whatever it may be. HDT. vi. 12. Soon 8~ KOTE Ea-Tt, vii. 16. 2. But ocrns in such expressions can have the construction of an ordinary conditional -relative, so that in future and general conditions it may take the subjunctive. E.g. . 'AA. A' 0 7rpocralj;Jpevos a.VTWV, OCTTlS av if, A.oyov 7rapxH, but each one uho has to do with thern, whoever he may be, gives his own account of them. AESCHIN. i. 127. 'AA.>.: v<j) VflWV EOH KEXHPOTOV1JfLEJ!OJI ELva.t TovTov, OU'TL<; &v J, but this officer ought always to be elected by you, whoever he may be. DEM. iv. 27. See THEOG. 964.

Horneric and othe1 Poetic Peenlia1ities in Conditional Relative Sentences.

SuBJUNCTIVJo; WITHOUT

KE

OR

tfv.

538. In general conditions which take the subjunctive, Homer commonly uses the relatives without KE or tfv. This corresponds to his preference for the simple el in general conditions ( 468); but relative clauses of this class are much more frequent with him than the clauses with El. E.g.

208

RELATIVE AND TEMPOHAL

SE~TENCES

[539

"OTTt p.a..\' ov 01Jvat'Os os &8av&roun p.d.xrrrat. Il. v. 407. 'Av8pcfnrov<; l<f>opi, Kat rvvTat O<; Tt<; ap..<fpTTJ Od. xiii. 214.. Zd.><; ~' ' ' ' "' R ' ' ' AOt<; '' " <J <I.VTO> l'f1-Et OlltJOV '0' ' ll1!f1-7rtO<; av {) pW7rOUrtV, ECT {)' " 1)U KO.KOLCTLV, 07rWS UJE>-.. ncr t V' eKaCTTlp. Od. vi. 188. Ov p.iJv (TO{ TrOT t(TOV lx(j) ypas, 61r7ror' 'Axawt Tpwwv lK7rEp(Tw(T' <vvatop.<vov 7rToA[E8pov. I!. i. 163. So also Il. i. 554, iii. l 09, xiv. 81; 0<1. viii. 546, xviii. 1:34. Here the meaning is essentially the same as when KE or llv is adde<l, as in the examples under 532. The greater development of the general relative condition in Homer, especially in the use of the optative, compared with the less developed general condition with El, has already been uoticel (1 7; 400; 468).

r~p.a(T()' os ne; llpt(TTOS dv,jp Krtl 7rAt(TTa 7rOP'[I(TtJI, (tell her) to marry whoever may be the /,est man and may offer the most. Ocl. xx. 335. But in vs. 342, refening to the same thing, we have y~p.a(T8' 0 K' Wf.A.1J, to 'I'IJ;a?'?'Y whom she may please. ITd8eo o' ws . . . EV </>p(TL w. Il. xvi. 83; so Od. vi. 189. Ov p.;)v yap 1ror </>'f}(Tt KaKov 7rd(Te(T8a~ 07rt(T(TW, o<f>p' dpeTfJV Tra.pexW(Tt 8wt Kat yovvar' f>ptiJp'[l, he says he shall never su;{fer evil hereafter, so long as the Gods >hall supply valoUJ, etc. Od. xviii. 132. SoIl. xiii. 234.

53;). The relative (like El) is sometimes found in Homer without KE or av in future conditions. E.g.

e. [

540. "Av may GOmetimes be omitted in relative conditions with the subjunctive in lyric, elegiac, and Jramatic poetry, as in HoD;J.er, chiefly,in general conuitions. A few examples occur in Herodotus; and even in Attic prose exceptional cases are occasiopally found in the manuscripts. (See 469-471.) E.g. Mya. :.ot KAeos a.iei, ~nvt (T'ovypas t(TTr'f}T' dy..\aov, great alway8 is his glory, whom thy illustrious honour (Olympia) follows. PrND. 01. viii. 10. So 0!. iii. 11, N cm. ix. 44. ITavras l7ra.v1wt Kat <jnAew EK<iJv O(J'TtS ~p01J fl-l)OEV a1crxpov. SD10:-l. V. 20 (but Ss av p.r) KaKO<; ii in the same ode). , See TYR1'. xii. 34 ; SoL. xiii. 9 and 55, xxvii. 3 ;
Snwx. lviii. 5, lxxxv. 7 (o<f>pa ~X'[!, but orav fJ in vs. 10). repovra o' op8ovv <f>Aavpov, os JIEOS 7rEa''[l. SoPH. 0. C. 395. Twv o 7f''f}fJ-OVWV p.d.A.una Av7rovo-' ai' cpavw(T' av6aperot. Icl. 0. T. 1231. SoAESCH. Sept. 257, Eum. 211, 661, and probably 618 (o p.1j K<AEW'[I, for :Mss. KEAEV(TEL, after <t11"ov denoting a habit). Tot'<n yap p.'qrE 'i' '<' )/ a(TT0. J1.1)7'E TE<XEU IJ EKT~<J'fi-EVa, . , KWS OVK av EL>]CTO.V OVTO ap.axotj HDT. iv. 46. So i. 216, ii. 85, iv. 66. 'E1rtxwpwv 13v 'lfJ.tv ov p.v {3paxds dpKW(Tt p.fJ 7roAAoZs XPYi(T8at, it being our national habit not to use many wmds where few suffice. THuc. iv. 17. (Here p.v 7roAAo~s make five feet of an iambic trimeter, and the words are probably quoted from some poet. See Classen's note. Tl1e sentence continues, 7rAdo(T~ o ~JI 0 &v Katpo> V> K.T.A.) See also PLAT. Leg. 737 B, oi> Vand OCTOL'> fl-('1"0, In SorH. El. 225, orj>pa lx:o is particular. 541. In the lyric and elegiac poets, as in Homer, the form with or K~ was in good use in these sentences. See PIND. Py. i. 100 (os
3/ ' /

I'

.....

)\

,,

ov

av av

544]

HOMERIC SIMILES

209

tyKvprro), v. 65 (oTs &v UJf.A.u); MrMx. ii, 9, iii. (i1r~v 7ro.pap,E[lf'Ero.t); 75 ; THEOGN. 405, 406 (8. p,~v i'i KaKd, .. & 8' llv fi (For ordinary protasis see 469 and 470.) In the dmmatists the relative with l1v is completely established with the subjunctive as the regular form (like M.v, etc.) in both general and particular conditions.
SoL. xiii. XP~IYLJ.w).

(See 4 71.)
RELATIVE WITH

"

OR

lfv

AND THE OPTATIVE IN CONDITIONS.

542. In Homer the conditional relative (like El) sometimes takes Ki Or QV With the Optative, the particle apparently UOt affecting the sense. E.g. 'H oe K' t1TetTa yq{'at8' os KEV 1rA.d:O"'Ta 1ropot Kai p.6prrtfOS A Bot,
and she then would marry whoever might give the most gifts, etc. Od. xxi. 161. ''its KE 13olYJ ~ K' J8A.ot, that he might give hm to whomsoever he pleased. Od. ii. 54. In these two cases lls- 1r6pot and ~ JBf.Aot would be the common expressions. In Od. iv. 600, however, owpov 8' O'T'Tt KE p.ot 00 LYJS', KHJJ-'IJAWV EfTTW, whatever g?jt you might choose to give me, etc., may be potential. Nvv yap x' ''EKrop' i!A.ots, E7rd av p.aAa 'TOL (jxf.l3ov UOot. Il. ix. 304. "Os 'Td KaTaf3p6gELEV E7r~ V KPYJT~PL fLYELYJ, o-15 KEV i<f>YJp.Eptos YE f3aAOL KO.'Td OrtKpv 7raptWv, whoever sho1tld drink this when it was mingled in the bowl, uould let no tear fall down his cheeks on that day. Od. iv. 222. So f.m]v . . . d1JV> Il. xxiv. 227. One ca.~e occurs of OTE Ke with the optative in a general relative sentence of past time : E7r1J0op,E8a . . . OH KEV im{a<j>eAos XOAO> 1Kot, Il. ix. 525.

nv

HOMERIC SIMILES WITH

'Sls

ETC.

543. In Homer similes and co!llparisons may be expressed by the subjunctive with <ts oTe (rarely <ils otron), as when, sometimes
TE, as. Except in a few cases of ti!s o-! by ti!s or nor Ke is found i11 these expressions.

ws

av, neither av

544. With <ils ore or <ils D7r07e the subjunctive clearly expresses a general condition, and the meaning is as ha:ppens when, etc. E.g.

oTE KLV~fT'(J Ze<J>vpos f3afFv A.r)tov i."A&wv, \ 'f3 If ' ~ I ' 1 Aa pos etraL')'L~wv, e1rt/ T '7fhVEL afTTaxvefT<TLl', .:Is TWV trafT' ayop~ KwfJBYJ, and as (happens) when the west wind comes and move. l~ deep grain field, and it bows with its ea1'S, so was their whole assembly ?noved. Il. ii. 14 7. 'its 8' or 01rWPLVOS BopEYJS <f>opE7JfTLV aKaJJfias ilf 1rEOLov, 1TVKLVat 0~ 7rpos aAA?]Arww EX 0 vra L, J}, 'T~V ap. 7rEAayos avep.ot <J>f.pov ev&a Kat EJ!ea. 'Od. v. 328. See IJ. v. 597, vi. 506, viii. 338; Od. ix. 391, xix. 518; for ws (mon, Od. iv. 335, xvii. 126.
'its 8'
J

210 'lls

RELATIVE AND TEMPOHAL SENTENCES

(545

o'

a-r~B<a-a-tv dv<a-r<vaxtt' 'Ayaf'-EJI-vwv.

Bi &v &a--r pli7rTTJ 7r01TtS "Hpl]S Il. x. 5.

~1JK6p.oto,

W;;

trvk[v'

So Il. xi. 269, xv.l70;

Od. v. 394, xxii. 468.

545. With ws or ws n the conditional force of the subjunctive is not so obvious, especially as it depends directly on the verb of the antecedent clause, which is always particular and generally past. Here we should expect the present indicative, whicl1 sometimes occurs (548). We may suppose that the analogy of the far more frequent (544) 1 caused the same construction to be used clauses with ws also in these, in which the meaning is clearly the same. E.g. 'g, o yvv~ KAa [TI(T t <f>lA.ov 7r01Ttl' dfL<f>t1r1TOV(Ia, os -re ~~s 1rporr8<v 1r6A.w<; A.awv n 1rEr:TYJITtv, ws 'Oour:reDs A.mvbv {,7f r3<f>pvr:rt oaKpvoJJ df3eJJ, i.e. Ulysses wept as a wife weeps, etc. OJ. viii. 523. tn <;:'<\ \ 1 f3 OVr:Tt opWJJ O.VXEVO. O.TJ 7ropnoc; 7)E f3' 'e \ :!.c_ ) r )/f. I )\ oS OE 11.WV EV OOS, ws -roils dJL<f>orpovs J~ t1r1rwv T voeos v16s f3~r:r<, and as a lion leaps (tmong the cattle anrl breaks the neclc of a heifer or wn ox, so did the son of 'l1Jd eus dismount them both frorn thei1 chariot. Il. v. 16 L So Il. ix. 3 2 3, X. 183, 485; Od. v. 368.

on

546. In all the cases of 0s n the pronominal article oi or -rovs precedes, referring to the subject Ol' object of tl1e antecedent clause. E.g. Oi o', WS r' dJL'lJT~PE'> f.va.vrlot dA.A.~A.otr:rw (}YJLOI' EAO.VJ)(J)(Ttl', (},,. Tpwe>; Kat' Axawi f.-i dAA'qAotr:rt 8op6vre;; o1)ovv, and they,-as reapers again.st each othe1 drive theiT swaths,-so did T1ojans and Achaeans leap upon each other and destroy. Il. xi. 67. So Il. xii. 167, xv. 323; Od. xxii. 30~.

547. When a simile has been introduced by the subjunctive with ws or ws ore, it may be continued by verbs in the present indicative, which seem to be independent of the original construction. Even the aorist indicative may be used to add vividness to the description. E.g. 'lls B' aTE r> 7 f.Ae</>aJJra. yvv') <f>oJJtKt {Lt~v17 MTiovlc; ,j( KaHpa., 1rap~wJJ EJLJLEVat Zmrtp
Ke'i:rat TOto v 8aA.ap.~l, 7r0AE',; TE JI-W ~ p~(Ta wro h1r~es <f>op~ew (Ja.r:rtA~t o Ke'i:rat ll.yaAJLa.'
TOt,

o'

n, .S' or' &.<fl ilfYJA~> Kopv<f>qs opws {1-<yaA.ow

KtV~r:TYJ 1rVKtli~JJ ve<f>~A'lJV f1'TEf01rlJY<p~ra.

MEVDca.e, fLMiv8'Yjv a.'tJLaTt JL'Yjpo. I1. iv. 141.

Zds

EK r' :! cp a.,, e v 1ra1Ta.t ITKo7rta.2 Kat 7rprflopes ll.Kpot Kat Frf7rw 01lnavo8eJJ o' iJ1reppay'l) ar:T7rETOS a.i81jp &s L}al'O'Ol vt1WJJ fLEV d1rw1Ta{LeVOt oijtal' 1rvp TVT8bl' d.vi7rvevr:rav 1/'0AEfLOV 8' ov yfyv<r' epwf]. I!. xvi. 296.
1 Delbriick, G01ij. u. Opt. pp. 161, 162, cites 63 cases of this construction {49 in the Iliad, 14 in the Odyssey), of which 35 have ws IYr, 10 ws ai i!.v, 3 Ws 01r6-re, 8 Ws, and 7 Cbs 'Tf,

551]

HOMERIC SIMILES

211

'ils 8' bTE Ka:rrv6s lti>v els o-&pavov ei>p:Vv tK'f}Tat aunos ai&oJLEVOto, 8EWV OE J JL0VtS av~KEV, traut o' 1Ke mivov, tro>..>..orm 8~ Kf/M <f>~Kev, ws 'AxtA.evs Tpwnnn trovov Kat w!JU ;e1JKEJ!. Il. xxi. 522.

w,

548. Sometimes the first clause of the simile has the present or aorist indicative. E.g. ~> > I (./ 0 ' r" " I H> o aJ!ajLatjLaft fJa E ayKea eutrwaes trup, ws o ye traVT'YJ Bvve. Il. XX. 490. ns 8' otr6TE 7rA1}Bwv 1rOTafLOS tr0ov0E Ka'TEtUtv, 1rOAAOS 3~ opv> JuqJepeTat, i),s f<{lEtrEJI. IJ. xi. 492. '1 HpttrE c' liJs b'TE n> opvs ij pmev, and he fell as when ttn oak fttlls (once fell). 11. xiii. 389. 'ns 3' b'TE 'T{s 'TE 3paKOV'TU lowv traA.lvopcro<; atreCTT1). Il. iii. 33 : so ws n A.wv Jxti.p1J, iii. 23. 549. Another form of Homeric simile consists of ws with a noun, followed by a relative with the subjunctive, which may be followed by an indicative as in 547. E.g. '0 o' El' KOJ!L2)CTL xafLat 'll"EU"EV, ai'yetpos lils, 1) pd. -r' Jv EtaJLEVfj i!A.ws JLEycfA.oto trE rpvKTJ A.e1], &rcfp -r o1 B{ot J-ff &Kpo-rcf-r17 1rerpvacrtv T~JI p.f.v (J' app.aT01r1JYO> dv~p aWwvt crt3~p<p thaJ.L', Brppa l-rvv KUJ.Llf17 trEptKaA.A.t O<j>p<p' 1J J.LEV T d{OJ.LEVYJ KElTaL 1rOTaJ.LOlO 1rap oxBa.s ~ " ~. 'c t 'TOtOV ap"AV(} EfLW'f}V ,, ~LfLOEtUtOV Et;EVaptc;EV AZac; Otoyev~<;. Il. iv. 482. For w> el or ws d TE with the optative in Homeric similes, see 485.
t{\

en

>l

"0 n

/L~

and 81Tov p,?] without a Verb.

550. "0 n ,.~ and oa-ov fL~, like el 0~ (476), are used in the sense of except, unless, with no verb expressed. E.g. ~o TL yap JL;1 'AB~vat, 1JV OVO~JI aA.A.o 1rOALCTfLO A.oytfLOV, for except Athens (what was not Athens) there was no (Ionic) city of ttny ttccount. HDT. i. 143. So i. 18, ovOaJ.LO' (', n JL~) X;;ot JLOVVOl. Ov ylip ,')v Kp-!Jv~), on 0~ J.L[a iv a-&-riJ TU dKpo11"6Aet, for them was no S]JTing, except one on the veTy citttdel. TRue. iv. 26 : so iv. 94, vii. 42. 0{)-r' Etrt 0wpav it0A.Oes b 'Tl ,~) atrat d<; 'IcrB,.<w, OVT aAAocrE OVOO.Jl-6()" et. Jl-'1 1ra. <npaTevu6,.evos. PLAT. Crit. 52 B. So Phaed. 67 A, Rep.
"lcre, ylip OOKWV J,.ot Ka' ~VJ.L</>VTEVCTat Tovpyat' elpyacrea, 8', bUO'JI J.L~J xepa-~ Kavwv, i.e. and to have done the deed too, except so far as you did not slay with ymu own hands. SOPR. 0. T. 346. 551. Homer once has o n fL~ or o-rE 0~ in the same sense : oiJ T~ Te<p cr1revSecrK< 8ewv {) TL f-1'~ 6.tt tra-rpi, i.e. except to Zeus (o n Jk~ = El JL~), Il. xvi. 2 2 7. Here Lange (p. 161) reads JL~
405

c.

on

212

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[552

Special .Fonns of Antecedent Clause.

552. A conditional relative clause (like a protasis with El) may depend on an infinitive or participle (with or without ~v), on a final clause, on a protasis, or on a verbal noun representing the antecedent clause (or apodosis ). E.g.
See D1<:M. xxi. 64 (quoted in 525); PLAT. Ap. 17 D, DEM. xxiii. 48 (quoted in 528); AESCH. Ag. 1434, DEM. iv. 21 and 39, xxviii. 21 (quoted in 529) ; PLAT. Euthyd. 302 A, Theaet. 155 A, XEN. Mem. ii. 3, 12, Cyr. i. 6, 3, ii. 1, 31 (quoted in 531). 'Opw (TOL -roDTwv oefj(To V OT<J.V E1rL81'JL~(jr;s <fnArav 7rpos nvas 7fOtfL(T8at. XEN. M em. ii. 6, 29. Kai Jp. 8Et: &m1 >..>..axBat KaTii .. <rvvB~Ka>, 7roo~ ..0 1!'epi Tov ITpwTayopov Myov TEAo<; (TXO[YJ, i.e. I ought to be released accotding to what we agned to do when the discussion of the doctrine of Protagoras shou.ld come to an end. PLAT. Theaet. 183 C. '

a.,

553. After past verbs of w,aiting or expecting in Homer d'Tl'OTE with the optative sometimes has the meaning of until, like ws. E.g. Oi 8' laT' . . . 7ron8~yJLEVOt crtr7roT' &p' f.A.Bot 'I8a2os, and they sat waiting until (for the time when) Idaeus should corne. Il. vii. 414. So iv. 334, ix. 191, xviii. 524. (See 698.)

.klixed Conditional Constructions.

554. The relative with the ~ptative sometimes depends on a present or future tense. This occurs chiefly in Homer, and arises from the slight distinction between the subjunctive and optative in such sentences. E.g. Alrrv oi JovEcTat v~as vt7rp'lj(Tat, 8n JL?J aVTos YE Kpovwv JJLf3aAot
af()6jLVOJI oaAu!' l11JE<T(Tt, it 1JJill be a M?'d task for him to ji1e the ships, ?tnless the son of K1o1ws should himself hurl a flaming bmnd upon the ships. Il. xiii. 317. (I{egularly on KE JL0 ~JLf3aA.17, unless he shall huTl.) So Od. xix. 510. Ka~ S' (}),A.v VEJLHTW 1} ns Totav-ra YE p~Cot, and I am a.ngry with any other woman who says (should say) the like. Od. vi. 286. (This resembles the loosely jointed examples in 500.)

TowvT\u oE: iiotKas, E'Tl'EL Aova-atTo cpayot

TE,

<vop.<vat JLaAaKws,

and you. seem like such a man as would sleep cornjmtably (like one likely to sleep corrifmtably) aftm he had washed and eaten. Od. xxiv. 254. (This resembles the examples in 555.) The optative regularly follows an optative in a wish (177).

555. In Attic Greek an optative in the relative clause sometimes depends on a verb of obligation, propriety, possibility, etc., with an infinitive, the two forming an expression nearly equivalent

557]

MIXED CONDITIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS

213

to an optative with :lv, which would be expected in their place. (See 502.) E.g. 'AAA: ov 'll'OAIS (J"T~O'HE, rov8e xrn] KAvew, we should obey any one
whom the state might apJJoint (if the state shonld appoint any one, we onght to obey him). SoP H. Ant. 666. (Xp~ KA-6nv is followed by the optative from its nearness to 8tKa.[ws &1:' KAvot ns.) 'AAAa rov p..ev avTov A-yELv f'J <Ta.<j>Cis d8e,7 <j>e[8e<T&<u 8ei:, i.e. 1Ve ought to abstain, etc. ; like <j>e[8otTO TLS. XEN. Cyr. i. 6, 19. Oils o 'll'Ot'q<TaO'()a{ TLS (3 o (; Ao tro <Tvvepyovs 7rpo&0p.o?JS, ToioTov> '1l'U.J1Ta7raaw 'fp..otye ooKE'i d.y<t&oi:s &Y)paTEOV dvcu (&1Jparov Elvat= &J]pav oEZv). lb. ii. 4, 10. 'Y7repopav ov 8vvaTOV vp.Civ 0.v8pt os etoe[J] Kvp[ovs ~vTaS o Tt (Jo,)Aw-(JE avr<iJ XPTf<T6at. Id. Hell. vii. 3, 7. So Ib. iii. 4, 18. '2wfp6vwv EO'T' fl-')OE el p..tKpa Ta 8w<j>f:povra f f'l) 'll'OAep..ov avatpitcreat. lb. vi. 3, 5. So after 7roAv pfj6v (f.a-rt), lb. vi. 5; 52. '2wfp6vwv EO'TLV, el fh'YJ aOtKOLJITO, ~O'vxa(nv, i.e. it is ]Jroper for prudent men, etc. THUG. i. 120. 'A7ro8oTEOJI o-&8' 67rwa-novv TOn, 6JToTE ns fL'l <Twcpp6Fws a1latTOL. PLAT. Rep. 332 A.

av

556. An indicative or subjunctive in the relative clause may depend on a potential optative (with ~v ), sometimes when the potential force is felt in the apodosis, and sometimes when tho optative with &v is treated as a primary tense from its nearness to the future indicative. E.g. OVKoVv Ka2 Tb {ryut[ve~v Ko.i TO vocreZv, Oral' &:ya8oV T~vos- air~a
-ytyJI'I)TU.t, dya.8u, av E?-IJ, thmejO?e, both health and disease, when they prove to be the causes of any good, wonld natumlly be goad things. XEN. Mem. iv. 2, 32; so ii. 2, 3. "OTaJI 8 TLS 8EWV (3 A U'll'TTJ, 8uva.tT' aJI ovo' &JI i.<Txvwv cpvy<i:JI, when one of the Gods does rnischiej, not even a st?ong man could escape. SoPH. EL 696. "fl<TT a'll'o<j>vyot<; av ~VTL!I' av (3 o (;A r; OfKYJV, so that you can (could) get off in any S'<Lit you please, AR. NuL. 1151. o;:TLJIES roi:s f'-oEJI LO'OLS fh'J dKoVa-t, roi:s 8 Kpe[O'O'OU'I. IW.ACic; 'll'(lOO'q)epovTat, 7rpds 8 Tot>s ~<.TO'OVS p..hpw[ d<Tt, 'll'AEL<TT' av op0o2VTO. THUC. Y. 111. "() 8 f'):Sv KU.KOV 7!'0 i z, ovS' &.}I 'TLVOS el'ry KaKov ai'-nol'; and what does no harm could not be the canse of any harm at all, conld it? PLAT. Rep. 379 B. 'Eyw o TaDTY)J! f'-EV 'T~V elpqvqv, EWS av El> , A(Jl]Vatwv Ad'll''I)'Tat, OVOE'll'OT av O'llfhfJovAEVO'U.Lfhi 'll'Ot+ <Ta<r8at TlJ m5AEt, I wonld never advise the city to make this peace, so long as a single Athenian shall be left. DEM. xix. 14. (Here i!ws AEi'll'otro, so long as one shou.ld be left, would be more regular.) "0TaJI 8' acpaF[<Tas -r~~ TdKpl.{3'fs A6f'<t> f.a7raTfLv 1rttpCirat, 1rW~ &v 3tK.alwr; 7Tt<rre-6otTO ). Id. xxxiii. 36. (See 178.)

557. A conditional relative clause may contain a potential optative or indicative (with dv), which has its proper meaning. E.g.
~Eg Wv iiv Tl.S' 15 AEf'Wll 8ta(3d.AAo~J, eK To-Drwv aVTo.Os 7uda-U"Bat (ifcprJ), he said that they wonld form their opinion upon any slanders which any good speaker might chance to utte1-. THUO. vii. 48. "Ovnv' av vp..dc;

214
H'>

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

Jl .

[558

, '\ 'f / 1' .... , 'i' " TC1V1'T)I! Tl)il Ta,;LV KaTHTT1)CTC1TE, OVTOS TWV !CTWV atTto'> 1)11 av KaKu)v oCTwv1rep Kat oVTo>, any one soeve1 whom yot! rnight have appointed to this post wo tdd have been the cause of aB great calarnities as this rnan has ueen. DE,1. xix. 29. (Without av, SvTLJIC1 KC17'1TT~UC17'E would be equintlent to Ef TLJ!Ct flAAOV KC1T1TT0CTaT1 if YOU had appointed any One else (which you did not do). With av, it is a potential indicative.) See 506, and for the optative with KE in conditional relative sentence~ in Homer (probably not potential), see 542.

'

Assim,ilation in Conditional Relative Clauses.

558. When a conditional relative clause referring to the future depends on a subjunctive or optative referring to the future, it regularly takes by assimilation the same mood with its Jeadiijg verb. The leading verb may be in a protasis or apodosis, in another conditional relative clause, in an expression of a wish, or in a final clause. E.g. 'Eav nve<; oi' &v OVJIWVTa rovro 7T'OWCT, KaAws iifEL, if any who shall be able do this, it will be well. Et TWES ol' 8vvatvTo TOVTO 'l!'owiev, KaA.ws &v l!xot, if any who should be able should do this, it would be well. EZBe r.aJITes oi' 8v vat vTo TovTo 1rowZev, 0 that all who rnay be able would do this. (Here the 1)rinciple of assimilation makes oi ovvatvTo after an optative preferable to ol' llJI BvvwvTat, which would exprfiSS the same idea.) T eBJia[rJV Sn pm fH]KET TaVTa fL A o t, may I die when these n1e no longe1 rny delight. MrMN. i. 2. So in Latin : Si absurde ~anat is qui se haberi velit musicum, turpior sit.-Sic iujurias fortunae quas ferre nequeas defugiendo relinquas. For examples see 529 and 531. 559. When a conditional relative clause depends on a past tense of the indicative implying the non-fulfilment of a condition, it regularly takes a past tense of the indicative by assimilation. The leading verb may be in a. protasis or apodosis, in another conditional relative clause, in an expression of a wish, or in a final clause. E.g. EZ TLJIES oi' UhhavTo To1ho ~7rpa~av, Ko.Aws llv eCTxev, if any who had been able had done this, it would have been well. EZBe 7ravn<; ol' ~8vvavTo ToVTo 7rpa~aJ', 0 that all who had been able had done thio. So in Latin : Nam si solos eos diceres miseros quibus moriendum esset, neminem tu quidem eorum qui viverent exciperes. For examples see 528.
560. It will be seen tl1at this principle of assimilation accounts for the unreal indicative and the optative in conditional relative sentences, which have been already explained by the. analogy of the. forms of protasis. (See 528 and 531.) In fact, wherever this assimilation occurs, the relative clause stands as a protasis to its antecedent clause.

564]

ASSIMILATION

215

Occasionally this principle is disregarded, so that a subjunctive depends on an optative (1 7 8). For the influence of assimilation in determining the mood of a dependent sentence, see 176.

561. The indicative in the construction of 525, referring simply to the present or past, cannot be affected by assimilation, as this would change its time. E.g. 'Yp.-ets S' VwurfJe 0 'TG Ka~ 'l"ii 7r6AH Kat d:rra(rt O"Vvo{o-Hv vp.rv p. A A et, and ~nay you choose what is likely to benefit the state and all
of you. DEJvi. iii. 36. Compare this with DEll!. ix. 76, 3 n 8' {;1-'l.v 136~eH (so L: originally), TovT', iJJ 1rd.vTes Owi, o-vv<veyKo~, whatever you rnay decide, rnay this be fm our good. In SOPH. Ant. 37 3, os ,.&.8' epOH would belong here ; but 8s ,.6,8' i!pl3ot (Laur.), =d n<; Tall' i!p8ot, falls under 558.

562. The principle of 558 and 559 applies only to conditional relative clauses. If the relative refers to a definite antecedent, there can be no assimilation, and the indicative or any other construction required by the sense is used. E.g. El TWV 1l"OA!.TWV oTo-~ vvv 7r to-T do p.<v, TOv'To~s ri'll"teTT~<ra.tp.<v, ol<; o' OV xpwp. TOV'TOtO"~ XPTJO"Q{j-terJ'fJ', rU'WS O"WfJ<'ip.EV &.v. AR. Ran. 1446. EW' 1)(]'fJa. ovva.Tos Spav d<Tov 1rp68vp.os <l, 0 that thou couldst do as much as thou art eager to do. EuR. Her. 731. (With ?JU'Oa for <i the meaning would be as much as thou wert (or mightest be) eager to do.)

e(t,

563. Conditional relative clauses depending on a subjunctive or optative in a general supposition (462; 532) are generally assimilated to the subjunctive or optative; but sometimes they take the indicative (534). E.g. Ovo', e1rnoO.v wv &v ;.p[YJ.,.at Kvpws yvTJTat, ,.0 1rpo06TT1 o-vp.f3ovA.<p '7l'ep~ 'TWV AOt1l"lOV gn xpryrat. DEM. xviii. 4 7. See PLAT. Rep. 508 C and D (reading illv o 1)A.ws KaTaAaj-t7rEt); Charm. 164 B. '0 8~ r6T j-tUA~o-Ta i!xa.tpev, orr6n Taxwra Tvx6vTas wv OEOtVTO
a1l"01l"EJ-'1t'Ot. XEN. Ag. ix. 2. Alr[a f'EV yap o-nv, omv ns l{tA.{ XPYJ<rd.p.evos A6y<p p.i'J 7rap6.<TXYJTO.t 1r<rnv wv A.y, eAyxM 8, 3Ta.v 0v &v ei'1r77 ns Ka.~ nlA.YJOf.s 6j-tov OE [~YI DEM. xxii. 22. (Here 0v A.y and tilv &v d1r'[/ are nearly equivalent.) 'EKaAEt of. Kat ETLj-ta 071'61' nvd.s root TOWVTOV 1l"Ot~<ravTas 3 1ravras f3ovAE'To 1l"O~EL'v. XEN. Cyr. ii 1, 30. (Here f3ovA.ot'To for f3ovAe'To would correspond to 8owTo in Ag. i:x. 2, above.)
~~

in the Antecedent Clause.

564. The conjunction Be sometimes introduces the clause on which a relative depends. Its force here is the same as in apodosis (512). E.g. 0 ?YJ 1rep cpvAA.wv YEVE~, To{YJ of. Kat &vopwv. Il. vi. 146. 'Erret

216

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[565

n 7rOA<p..o> KaTECTTYJ, 8 cpatv<Tat Kat ev T01JT<p 1rpoyvoi>s T0v Mwap..w; and when the war broke out, (then) he appears, etc. THuc. ii. 65. / ' 'l' c/ 'l' ' ' 1\1 EXPt p..<v ovv ot' TO,oTat HXOV TE Ta (3' \ avTO!<; Kat owt TE ?)CTav 1\.Yj XP~cr8<u, o1 8 dvTEtxov, so long a8 thei1 aTche1s both had thei1 a?Tows and weTe able to ttse them, they held out. Id. iii. 98. 'E7rHD?J o acptKOfJ-E!IQt p..axu eKpanwav . . cpa[vovTat 8 ollo' evTav8a 7/'acru Tfj ovvap..tt XPYJCTUfJ-EVOt. Id. i. ll. "flcr7r<p oi ,hAtTat, OVT(d o Kat oi 7rEATaCTTa[. XEN. Oyr. viii. 5, 12.
0 ' ' "'

FINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING PURPOSE.

In Attic Greek a relative with the future indicative often expresses a purpose, Iik~ a final clause. It~ negative is fM). E.g. ITp<cr(3dav o 7I'EfJ-7rHV, i)ns TavT' ep< 'i. Kat 7I'apf.crTa t TOtS 1rpa yp..acrtv, and to send an embassy to say these things, and to be pTesent at the tmnsaction. DEM. i. 2. PYJp..t 01) OEiv ?Jf'J1s 7I'pos 8<TmAovs 7rp<crf3dav 7I'Efh7rEtV, ?J TOVS fhEV &06.~1 TO.VTa, TOVS o 7!'apo~VVL. Id. ii. 11. "Eoo~E TcjJ O~Jh<p TptaKOVTa avopas f.Acr8o.t, oi' T01',S 7rUTp[ovs Pop..ous ~vyypatfov<n, Ka8' oils 7roAtT1Jcrovcrt, the people voted to choose thi1ty men, to compile the ancestml laws by 1vhich they were to govern. XEN. Hell. ii. :3, 2. EZcrw OE 7rEp..tfat (EKEAE11<T) nvas, OtT!VES aimj! Ta v8ov 18ovns d7rayyAovcrtJI. XEN. Oyr. v. 2, 3. ~avnKov 7rap<ctK<va(ov o n 1rf. fh tj;o vert 11 es T?JV Af.cr(3ol', Kat vo.1!apxov 7rpocrf.Taav 'A,\K[oav, 8s EJ-h<AA<v em7rA<vcrEcr8ac Tauc. iii. 16. See DEjf. xxi: 109. Ov yap ern p..ot XP0P..aTa, o1r68v eKT[crw, joT I have no nwney to pay the fine with. FLAT. Ap. 37 0. 'Pl:tj;6v f'-< yrj, EK T{jcr8<, o1rov 8vYJTWv cp a 11 o {j fh <H f'-')O<vos 7rpocr'Jyopos. SoPH. 0. T. 1437 ; so 1412. Mf.AA.ov<Tt yap et' eJ!mvea r.ifhfnv, :!J!ea fh'J 1ro8' ~Atov cpf.yyos 1rpocr6tj;o, (wcra 8' VfhJI~cros JWt<a, they are to send yo1t wheTe you shall neveT behold the sun's light (to some place, that there you may 1wve1 behold, etc.). Id. :El. 379. So Aj. 659; Tr. 800. 566. The antecedent of the relative in this construction may be either definite or indefinite ; but the negative is always 1'-~ hecause of the final force. ']'he future indicative is regularly retained after past tenses, as in object clauses with o1rws (340) ; but see iJ7:3 aud 57 4. 567. A past purpose may be expressed JJy the imperfect of f'-EAAw. See 76; and Tauo. iii. 16, quoted in 565. 568. (Subjunctive and Optative in HorneT.) In Homer these final relative clauses have the subjunctive (generally with K) after primary tenses, and the present or aorist optative (without K~) after secondary tenses. Eg. K.al-11.;1 ~Y<fh6Jl JcreAilv &1ra<T<Tov, os K fhE KEur dyJ,yu, and also send a good guide, who shall lead me thithe1 (to lead me thither). Od. xv. 310.

565. (Ftd'lt1'e Indicative.)

572]

FINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES

217

Avro<; J!VJ! ovo/ e{ipw, 0 'Tt KE Ofjat 7rat8o<; 7rat8l q,fA<p, find a name to give the child. 0<1. xix. 403. Teov oi'wofLa el1r~, Zva TOL 8w gevwv. <{i KE <TV xafplJ'> Orl. ix. 355. AvTfKa fLrlV'Tt<; EAEl~fTE'Tat, o<; KEJ! 'TOt d7rlJ<TLJ! o8r!v. Od. X. 538. ''EAKO<; 8' r~Jn}p E7rLfLrl<T<TETaL, 1)8' E7rt01)<Tet q,ripfLax', & Kev 1ravo-no-t fLEAruvawv 68w6wv. Il. iv. 191. 'AAA ayeTE, KA7JTOV<; 6TpllVOfLEV, oZ KE nixLo-Ta ~A0w<T' E<; KALo-[~]V TilJA:rwio<w 'AxtA~o>. Il. ix. 165. ''EKooTE, Kai np,1)v drronvEfLEV 1)v nv' EOtKev, 1) 'TE Kat f.o-o-OfLEVOL<Tt fLET dvOpr/moLo-t 7rEA'f)Tat. Il. iii. 459 : this verse (al~o in iii. 287) and Od. xviii. 336 are probably the only cases of the subjunctive without KE in these sentences. "AyyeAov ~}Kav, o<; dyydAoE yvvatK[, they sent a messenger to tell the ~voman. Od. XY. 458. ITarrT>JVEV 8' dva rr1~pyov 'Ax<uw,, et nv' r8ot'TO 1JyEf10Jwv, rfs oi dp1]v hapot<TW Uf1VVat, Il. xii. 333. This optative is rare.

os

569. Tl1e earlier Greek here agrees with the Latin in using the subjunctive and optative, while the Attic adopts a new construction with the future indicative.

570. The futme indicative occurs in Od. xiv. 333, WfLOCTE vi}oc KaTEtpvo-Oat Kat f.rrapTEa<; Ef1f1EV f.m[pov<;, 84 p.tv 7rE fL fo VfT t <j>[A'f)V e<; 7raTp[8a yaiav. The potential optative with Ke may take the place of a fnttJre form; as oi>8f. oi aAAot err/, oZ KEV KaTa 01JfLOV aAaAKOttV KaKoTJ)'Ta, Od. iv. 166. So TWV K' emf3a'f)v, Il. v. 192 (cf. xxii. 348). In noue of the Homeric examples of this comtruction is the relative clause uegative.

or

571. A final force is seen in a few Homeric temporal clauses with OTE (or' av, OTE KE) or 07r0TE with the subjunctive, which are chiefly , expressions of emphatic predidion ; ''E<T<TE'TO.t ?JfLUp or' &v 'TrOT 6A0Au "lAw<; ipry, Zevs OE o-<fotv aVTd> E7r t o-<Te [ lJ<T t v EfJEfLV1JV aly[oa 1rao-tv, a day shall come v:hen sac1ed Ilios shall fall (ie. a day for the fa.ll of Ilios) and when Ze?cS shall shaJce his tmiule aegis b'fore them all. ll iv. 1 G4 ; so vi. 4<18. See Il. viii. 373, xxi. 111. See IIIomo, Horn. G1. p. 209.
572. 1. In Attic Greek the subjunctive is not used in final relative sentences as it is in Homer (568). A few expressions like EXEL rt trrv, he has something to say, follow the analogy of ovK EXEt o rt drrv, he knows not what to say, which contains an indirect question (G77). E.q. TowvTov i!Oos 1rap8oo-av, wo-re EKa.Tipov<; i!xew l<jo' ois <j>tAortf1'78wo-LV, that both may have things in uhich they may glmy. Isoc. iv. 44. (Here there is really no indirect question, for the meaning is not that they may know in what they are to glory.) Q,',8v ETt ow{o-EL avr\o, Jav f1DI'Ol' ~Xl/ OT'f OtaAey'f)Tat, if only he shall ha~:e smne one to talk with. PLAT. Symp. 194 D. ToZs fLfAAovo-tv i!~etv el<T4>pwo-tv. XEN. Oec, vii. 20. Compare drropEt<; n Ayvs and n!rropeZs n A.yvs in the same sentence, PLAT. Ion. 536 B. 2. The subjunctive and optative may be used with a deliberative force, even when the relative has an antecedent, provided the leading clause expresses doubt or perplexity. E.g.

on

218

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES.

[573

0?! yd.p &Uov oi8' OT<:? >..f.yw. SoPH. Ph. 938. ODK EXW u6cptup.' OT<[l 1f"fJf1-0vYJ'> a'/l"aAAayw. AESCH. Pr. 470. 0?!8/.va ixov OUTL'> E'/l"LUTOAas 7rEJLlfH. EuR. I. T. 588. So iKavovs ot<; ilw, XEN. An. i. 7, 7 (cf. 677). See Soru. Ph. 281. 573. The present or aorist optative occurs rarely in Attic with a final sense, where there is no deliberative force. E.g. Kpvifau' avr~v (vBa JL~ TL'> du{ilot, (Jpvxaro. SorH. Tr. 903. So oun<; Aci.Kot, AR. Ran. 97 .. See PLAT. Rep. 398 Band 578 E. For the constructions of 572 and 573 see Appendix VI (p. 411).

574. The future optative also occasionally occurs, as the natural correlative of the regular future indicative, which is generally retained after ]JaSt tenses (566). E.g. ''EcpEv-yov evfJa fl'l7r0T' dtfofl'JV 6J!E[01) TEAD1!p.Eva, I fled to (some JJlace) where I might never see the disgrace accomplished. SoP H. 0. T. 796. 'EuK07rEL 07I'W'> a-otro a-lm{i oa-ns (wJ!Ta y')poTpocf>1)crot Kat TEAwrf)a-avra B&tfot aVTUV Kat TU VOfLL(OJLEVa avT<fi 7/'0L'r)a-ot. ISAE. ii.10. AipefJvre; cf>' ([jTE ~vyyp&tfat JIOflOV'>, Jw.()' ova-nvas 7/'0ALTEVCTOLJ!TO,
having been chosen with the condition tit at they should compile laws,. by whid they were to govern. XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 11. (See lb. ii. 3, 2, quoted in 565, where KafJ' oils 7rOALTEva-ova-t is used in the same sense.)
CoNSECUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSIJ:\G RESULT.0AUSAL RELATIVE.

575. (Indicative, with negative ov.) The relative with any tense of the indicative can be used to denote a nsult, in the sense of wa-re with the indicative (582). ' The negative here is ov. This occurs chiefly after negative clauses, or interrogatives implying a negative. E.g. Ts ovrw fla{veTat oa-ns ov (3o0Aera{ a-ot cp[Ao> elvat; who is so mad that he does not wish to be your jTiend? XE;:;~. An. ii. 5, 12. (Here !:la-TE ov (3otJAETat might be used.) 'AKova-a<; Towvf1' (l TUV rovo' oV 7rOT EVcppa veZ (3ov. SoPH. 0. 0. 1352. So Hm. vii. 46. T> ovrws ev~fJl)S f(TTtJ! VfLWV, OCTTt<; ayJ!oE L TUJ! EKEtf1EJI '/l"DAEfLOV oevpo ~~OJ!Ta, av UfLEA!ja-wp.ev; i.e. who of you is so simple that he doP-S not know, etc. '? DE~!. i. 15. (Here WCTTE ayvoei: might be used.) Tts OVTW 7roppw rwv 7/'oAtrtK(~J! 1)F 7rpayfL&rwv, oa-n' ovK -yyv' ')vayKaa-0?] yevia-f1at TWJ! a-vJLcpopwv; Isoc. iv. 113. T{, ovTW'> prj.fJvJLo> Ja-nv, oa-n<; ov fLETaa-xi:v (JovA!ja-erat Tavr'l' T~'> a-TpaTEia>; Id. iv. 185. So also with the potential optatiYe ; as OVOEtl) av ')'EVOLTO OVTW'> doap.aJ!Twos, o<; &v fLdJIELEV Jv TJ) OtKawa-1;J!1), no one would ever become so adamantine that he would remain firm in justice. PLAT. Rep. 360 B.
576. (Future or P1esent Indicative, with negative
p.~.)

The relative with the future (sometimes the present) indicative may denote a result which is aimed at, in the same general sense as JuTE with present or aorist infinitive (582), but with more exactness (577). The negative is p..~. E.g.

579]

CONSECUTIVE RELATIYE CLAUSES

219

Evx<ro fLYJO<pJav ol a-vvrvxYJv roLaVTYJV y<v~a-BaL, ~fLU! 1ravcro Karaa-rpefaa-BaL r0v E-&pw7rYJV, i.e. no such occurrence as to prevent him from subjugating Europe. HDT. vii. 54. (We might have wa-r< JUV 7raVO"aL. Compare EL<; TOO"UVTY)V l)A.Be fLTaf3oA;}v wa-B' a7r<iO"Y)'> rfj> 'Aa-[a<; yevf.a-()aL 8ea-r.<JTY)>, Isoc. v. 66.) 'Av6?)TOV E7rt rowvrov<; li.vat iSv Kpan}a-as fL'~J Ka-raa-x~a-EL n>, it is absuTd to attack men of such a kind that if we ovenome them we shall not hold them. TRue. vi. 11. (Here wa--re p.1} Kara.a-xeZv, so as not to hold them, could express only the general sense of the construction.) '0 i'P<i</><tlV !8[?- n XaptOIJfL<p TOWVTOV 0 v0 7rU,O"L Kat -&vl:v EO"Ta L. DEll{. xxiii. 86. Tow vi dmxyj'e)I.OVCTL E~ iSv JLq8' av onovv i7 K Ll'Y) ();)a-o VTO. t. Id. xix. 324. T, OVK av OE~O.LTO TOWVTYJ'> 7r0Atn{a<; p.erf.xew, El' {j fL?J 0LaA'iJO"L XP'~)O"TO> wv; Isoo. iii. 16. 0-&8~ rowvm A.f.yew (rrp1rn) ~ iSv f3o> JL?)OEV ir.towa-et r<~v Traa-ef.wrwv. Id. iv. 189. Totavra (YJT?)a-w; Aeyetv E~ iSv v!Jn aVTU<; xepwl' e{JI(.U 86~os JL~T TOV$ fLLJLOVJLEl'OV$ Avp.al'<L. Id. xi. 49. BovAY)Iid> rowvrov fLVYJfL<LOV KaraALTr<'i:v, 8 JLV rfjs &.vBpwnivYJ> <j>vcr<w> a-r tv ( = wcrre JLV eTvat). Td. iv. 89.

577. The construction of wcrr< after rowvro> (584), which best corresponds to this relative expression, is not common, as ovnu> is the natural anteceuent of wrrTE, while rowvro> is naturally followed by oios or os. The relative clause with the future is a much more Je:5nite expression, with its power of designating time, number, and person, than the infinitive. (See Trn;c. vi. 11, under 576.) 'l'o~ovros may also be followed by oios and the infinitive (7 59). 578. "01rws as a relative is sometimes used in this construction m a way which illustrates its me as a final particle. (See 313.) E.g. lio[a /S ovrw oJ< ws TWl' a-t:il' J F3e~O"H fL?)OEI', and act so that the1e shall be nothing wanting on yonT pMt; lit. act in that wmj by' 1ohich, etc. HDT. vii. 18. To OVTW> E7i"LO"Ta<rBa~ aJI8pw7rWV aAA<IlJI 7rpocrraTVELV
01rwl) E~ovcrt 1r6.vra rd.

11tT1]8ELa,

ToVro Oavp.a(J"rOv

cpC!-vero,
So

i.e. in such a way that they should have, etc. XEN. Cyr. i. 6, 7. Cyr. ii. 4, 31.

579. (Optative.) The relative in this consecutive eonstruction does not take the subjunctive. The optative occurs occasionally depending upon another optative. \Ye find the future optative in PLAT. Rep. 416 c, <j>aLl) aJI Tt$ OEtV IWL TCJ.S olwqrrEL<; Kat T?JV aAAYJV ova-[av 70t.a{JTYJV aVrors- n-apo.U"J<Evd.craueo.t., 1}rts p-'~}TE ToVs qnJAaKos Ws &ptrrrov<; Elvat rra lJO"O ~ U.VTOl>, KO.KOl'P')'EtJI TE fL?J E7rap 01: 7rep1 TOV$ aA.Aovs r.oA[ras, with which colllpare 415 E, rowvru<; oi'as XE<jLOJJIOS re a-rJIELV Kat 8pov> iiWJ'a> <lvat. The aorist occurs in DEM. vi. 8, TJJ ~fLtTEpq- 1r6An oV8J' Clv Jv0E{~at..ro -rocroVrov o.US 7T"Ot/t}O"Et.Ev, 1x/J' of1 r.eta-Bevres r<Fas 'E.\.\qvwv EKLV<p 7rpoZa-8E, i.e. nothing so great as to persuark you to sncTifice any of the G"reelcs to him ( = wa-7e VfLOS 7r~a-ev ras 1rpof.a-8at). The practical difference between the vure optative here and the potent.ial -;rpo<irrBE (;..,, like 8s &I' p.Eiva<v in PLAT. Rep. 360 R (quoted in 575), is slight; but it would be seen if we had wa-r< 1rpoa-Bat here (so great as to mal;e you sacrifice) and wa-re fLdveuv llv there (so finn that he would nmain).

220

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[580

580. The relative may have a causal signification, being because, and a personal pronoun or demonstrative equivalent to word. The verb is generally in the indicative, as in ordinary causal sentences (713); but it may be in the potential optative or potential indicative. The negative is oi; but when the relative clause is conditional as well as causal, the negative is

on,

fL~

E.g.
8aVfiUITT~F 7rOtEL';,

os 1JfLlF oBOEV otows, YO'II, do a strange thing in giving us nothing (like on ITV oiOEF o[ows). XEX. Mem. ii. 7, 13. fl.6~as dfia&f.a d'vat, ils . . . hf.AcvE, believing him to be unlearned, because he commanded, etc. HDT. i. 33. T0,, fiYJTepa (eJiaKaptCov), ol'wF TEKVWF EK{; PYJ IT (like OTl ro[wv). Id. i. 31. Elloa{p.wv e<j>a[vETO, 6Js docws Ka2 ycvva[ws ercAc-6ra, i.e. beca1tse he died so fearlessly and nobly (ws being equivalent to OTl ovrws). PLAT. Phaed. 58 E. TaA.a1rwpos d, 0 fL~TE 8wt 1rarp~ot diTt p~8' tepa, you are 1iYretched, since you have no ancestral God8 (if you really have none), etc. Id. Euthyd. 302 B. ITws &v 6p8ws epov Karaytyvr.(,(J'KOtn, <P ro 1rapa1rav 1rpos rovrovt fLYJOEV 1Tvpf36Aat6v EITTtV; i.e. since I have no cont1act at all with this man (or if I have no contract). DEM. xxxiii. 34. ~01rov ro[vvv fiYJOElS rer6AfLYJKe Tl;;V olKdwv ro-6rttJ Ji<XprvpqiTat, 1rws oBK 1K6s eiTTlV 1~fJ.oaS >)ye'i~T8a[ pe niA>]fHj Af:yew; whereas then (or if then) no one has da1ed, etc. Id. xlix. 38. So lv. 26. 'Om5TE a1 pe.,v ~ apx~> 1Tvv8~Kat >)<j>av{IT(JYJITUV fTEpat OE p1j eypa<f>'IJ<Tav, 1rW'> 6p8ws &v epot OtKaCotro, Ka8' oi5 fJ'l EXH 7T'apa(J'XEIT8at ITVJ'8~Kas; whefeas the original agreement disappewed and the other was ?Mve? written, how can he Justly go to law with 1ne, when (or if) he cannot bring foTwmd any ag?een,wnt against me? Id. xxxiii. 30. So SoPH. 0. T. 817, 1335, 0. C. 1680, Ant. 696, Ph. 178, 255; AR. Ran. 1459; HDT. i. 71 (row ye fL~ EITrt fLYJOEF); THUC. iv. 126 (oi: ')' fLYJO~ . . . ~Ken). The potential imperfect occurs in ANT. V. 66, fL~ TOGVVV epot V[fLYJT Tb a7ropov TOVTU, EV 0 fLYJO' &v aVTOL eV7T'ope'iTE, do not then bring ~lpon me this perplexity, in which you yourselves would not know what to do (half causal, half conditional).

581. In the last examples with p~, the causal and the conditional forces are united, but in English we can express only one of them. Thus <P fL~TE 8eot 7T'arp<fo d(]'t, besides its causal force, implies a condition; so that we might translatt~ equally well if (as it appean) you have no ancestml Gods, you aTe wretched. The same combination of cause and condition is seen in the Latin siquidem..
CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH cp' OR cp'
!J>O"T

OR

o/

rpr. 1

ro<;

AND WITH

582. A consecutive clause expresses a eonsequence, that

See Gildersleeve in Am. Jour. Phil. vii. pp. 161-175; and Seume, De Sententiis Consecutivis Graecis, Gottingen, 1883.
1

584]

CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH (jy!YT :ETC.

221

is, the effect or result (actual or potentia]) of something that is stated in the leading clause. Such a clause is introduced by some relative word, generally by (jy!Yn, so as, so that. (See 57 5.) The consequence may be either one which the action of the leading verb aims at and tends to produce, or one which that action actually does produce. This is the fundamental distinction between (jy!Yre with the infinitive (with /k~ for its negative) and (jy!Yre with the indicative for its negative). E.g. (with

ov

ITav 7TOWVO'LV WO'Te MKYJV fh~ oto6Jiat, they do e11erything in such CL way as (i.e. so as) not to sujJe1 punishment, i.e. they aim, in all they do, at not being punished; it is not, however, implied t:hat they actually escape. FLAT. Gorg. 479 C. On the other hand, m:Lv 7TOWVO'LV WO'T< 0Krfv o-& oto6aO'tv would mean they do everything in such a way that (i.e. so that) they are not punished.

583. Though this illustrates the fundamental distinction in thought on which the distinction in form is based, there are many examples in which wO'Te with the infinitive and WO'TE with the indicative seem to amount to essentially the same thing, although the processes by which the meaning is expressed in the two constructions are essentially different. Thus we can say ovTw~ EO'Ti oetJiu~ wO'Te 0KY)JI fh~ oto6vat, he is so skilful as not to be punished, and also OVTWS EO'Ti oewus OOT 0KYJV o-& o[owO'tV, he is so skilful that he is not punished/ and though we should receive the same impression from both statements, so that both might be made of the same man under the same circumstances, yet the two constructions (one stating a tendency and the other a fact) are very different, and they seemed far more so to a Greek than they do to us. 584. ''IJO'Te is properly a relative particle of comparison, meaning as. Its correlative so may be expressed in a demonstrative like OVTW~, or implied ; as OVTW<; EO'Ti Oetv0s wrne 0' 7Tt()'at, he is so skilful as to persuade you, or 1] 7T6Ats nTelxtO'mt ~\an tKav~ elvat <r0(Ew Toi>,- Jvo<Kovvras, the city is walled so as to be able to keep its inhabitants safe. (See TO<OlJTovs Kat oilTw Tpf.<{oEtJI Kuva,- wTE mxetp~rra<, PLAT. Rep. 416 A ; and compare Towi!Tos olos with the infinitive in 7 59.) These expressions in Greek state no more than he has the skill to persuade you and the city has walls enough to be able, etc. ; the further ideas that he does persuade and the city is able are inferences, which are strongly suggested and generally felt when t.he expressions are used, but they do not lie in the words. 'Vheu the Greek wishes to express these facts definitely and not to leave them to inference, it uses the indicative with

222

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[584

<firrT; as OVTWS JrrT~ Snv6s &rru IT 7rd eH, he is so skilful that he persuades you, or ~ 1r6At> TETEiXttJTat WfYTE iKav~ Jrynv. But here the use of a finite verb compels the writer to make his expression more definite than it was before; for, whereas wtJTE 1re'irrat and WfJTE iK<w~ elvat meant only (so) as to persuade and (so) as to be able, without limiting the expressions to past, present, or future time, he cannot use a tense of the indicative without fixing its time, that is, without making a definite statement. So long as the infinitive has no subject and can be translated by our simple infinitive (as above), we can generally express its force without putting into our translation more than we find in the Greek ; the formal distinction between so skilful as to peTSuade and so slcilful that he persuades being apparent even when we mean substantially the same by both. When the clause with wrrTe is negative, a marked distinction appears in Greek to show the different point of view taken in the two expressions, and we have wa-Te fh?J 1re'W-at and wa-n oB 7re[8t. This is of course lost in English with our single negative. But when the infinitive has a subject, it must be translated by a finite verb in some definite tense, number, and person, that is, by a statement and not by a mere expression of tendency, although the force of the infinitive in Greek is the same as before. Thus we generally translate tJxoA.a(ets, wa-n &av!ha(av Efh~ (EuR. Hec. 7 3 0 ), you delay, so that I mn astonished, as if it were wrrTE &avfLa(w y1v, simply because we cannot use our infinitive with a subject expressed. If, however, we substitute an equivalent form which avoids this difficulty, like so as to astonish me, we see that there is really no such definite character in wa-n 8avJLa(Ew EfLE as we impose upon it, and that it no more expresses a statement than wa-n tJe 1l"ta-at (above) does. The same difficulty of translating the Greek infinitive with its subject has doue much to obscure the force of the tenses of the articular infinitive and of the infinitive with av. (See also 603.) In many uses of the infinitive with wtJTE it is not even inferred that the result towards which the iufiuitive expresses a tendency is actually reached. Thus, in clauses with wo-rE expressing a purpose or a condition, and where the infinitive is generally used without WfYT<, we cannot su bsr.itute the indicative for the infinitive (see the examples under 587, 2 and 3, and 588).1
1 Shilleto (in the Appendix to his edition of Demosthenes de FalsaLe_qatione) thus illustrates the distinction between W<JT oOK [3ouAeTO an<1 W<ST JJ.'r] [3ou\.<S0at. "The difference seems simply to be this: oDTws tl<f>pwv 1jv w<ST o{nc e(3ovATo, he was so foolish that he did not v>ish (expressive of the 1eal result or consequeiwe); oiJTws tl<jJpwv -Jiv W<TT wh [3ov/..w0a<, he vas so foolish as not to wish (expressive of the natu.1al consequence). . . . Now it is olwious that an energetic speaker, wishing to express that the result (was not only of a

587]

. CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ourre

223

585. In Homer CxrTe (or rather ~> TE) is found, with two exceptions (589), only in the sense of as, like Cxrrrep. See its use in similes, as ~" TE .Aewv Jxdp?J, Il. iii. 23. 1:'he TE here is like that commonly added to relatives in Homer (as in os TE) and to J1re in Herodotus. The Attic poets are the first to use ~uTE freely with the infinitive. In Sophocles we first find o;O"TE with the finite moods; this seems to have arisen from a desire to express definitely the accomplishment of the result, which the infinitive expressed only by inference. 586. '!!,, originally of the same meaning with ~> TE, was seldom used in consecutive sentences except in certain authors. (See 608.)
'' fl(J'TE WITH THE INFINITIVE.

587. ''il(J'TE with the infinitive, with a demonstrative expressed or implied, means so as; but when the infinitive has a subject which must be expressed in English, we are generally obliged to translate the l)article with its antecedent by so that. The expression properly means only that one action or state is of such a nature as to be followed by another as a consequence, hut it is often implied also, apart from the words, that the second action or state actually does follow. l. The consequence may be simply a result which a previous act tends to produce. E.g.
'AfLcpt 8~ KvKAovvTo 1rauav v~uov, wuT' &fLTJ x a ve Zv o1rot Tpa7rowTo, and they encircled the whole island, so that they (the Persians) lcnew not whither to tum (i.e. so as to perplex the Penians, etc.) AEBCH. Pers. 457. TouovO fLLO"EtV WO"TE 'T~V o[KYJV 7Ta'TE Zv, to hate so violently as to trample on justice. SoPH. Aj. 1335; so 1325. Z:il 0~ uxoA.a(w;, WO"'T eav1'-d(ov EfLE, but you delay, so that I am astonished (see 584). EuR. Hec. 730. ITavTa> oVTw owTtBd> d7TE7TEf'-7TGTo wun a1mjJ fLaAAov cf>Otov<; E'lvat i] T<jj (3autAEL XEN. An. i. 1, 5. D.vuKoAa Kat fhava 7ToAAaKt<; els 'T~V Otavotav p7T7rTOVO"LV OVTW<; WCI7E Kat 'TOS hwT~fLaS EK{3 a AAELv. Id. Mem. iii. 12, 6. "Hv 7TE7TatOEvfL~vos ovTws wuTE 1ravv fLtKpa KEKTYJfLEvos 1ravv p)!-oiws ~X Et v ripKovv-ra, he had been so educated as very easily to have enough, although he possessed ve?'Y little. Ib. i. 2, 1. <Pvvat o 0 Kvpo<; AEYETUL cjHAOTtfLOTUTO>, WO"'T 7TaVTa fLEV 7rOJ!OJ! d J!aT A~ J!aL 1ravTa 8~ KvovvoJ! i!7TofLEZvat. Id. Cyr. i. 2, 1. 'A1rxpry yap &v ToZs yvwu8EtO"LJ! JfLfLEVELJ!, wo-T E fL?JOEfL[aJ! ~fLtV E 'lv a L 1rp'Os TOVTOJ!
nature to follow, but) actually did follow, would employ the indicative:

whereas in ordinary and unimpassioned language the injim:tive would imply all that was necessary, the natural consequence supposing the real."

224

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[588

ow<j>opd.v, for we sho?tld be content to abide by the dec-ision so as to have no difference with him. DEM. xxvii. l. IloAAas iA1l[oas xw apKOVVTWS epei:v, ~<TTE Vjl.as Jl.~T U7roAo<f>80vat T(OV 7rpay}l-aTWV Jl.YJT dyvo0<Tat. ::.Y.A. Id. xxvii. 2. TowvTov 8os ~Jl.Zv 7rapoo<rav, ~<TT <nrn<raj1.vovs <rvveA8eZv ls Twhov. Isoc. iv. 43. So iv. 42. El TOWVTOV d11 <ro<j>a, ~<TT EK Tov 7rAYJpe<rTpov el<; rov Kevwnpov pe'iv ~Jl.wv, of such a nature as to flow. PLAT. Symp. 1 71i D. IIe[<TOf.Wt yap ov TO<TOVTOV ovo~v ~<T'TE 1'-'l o-6 KCCAW!> 8avdv, for I shall suffer nothing so terrible as to prevent me j1mn dying gloriously. SOPH. Ant. 96. (For Jl.'l ov see 815, 2.)

2. The consequence may have the form of a stipulation, condition, or limitation. E.g. ITowvvTat 6JI-oAoyav 7rpo> TIJ.X'fJTa, ~<TT 'A8YJvaots f.~ e Zvat f3ovAevmu 7rep1 Twv M vnAYJva[wv, they make a treaty with Pnches, to the 4fect thnt the Atheninns shnll be permitted, etc. THUO. iii. 28. 'Ava<TT~ <ra> avToDs ~<TT jl.~ aOtK~<Tat, having removed them on condition of doing them no harm. Ibid. So i. 29, vii. 83. So Id. iii. 114, ~VJ1.jl.a xu.v E'ffOt'q<TaV'TO E'ffi 'TOt<TO<, W<T'TE Jl.'l <TTpan?Jnv. 'E~ov avTOtS 'TWV Aot'ffWV apxnv 'EAA?JVWJ!, W<T'T' al,ITOVS V'ffaKOlJEtl' f3a<rtAeZ, it being in theh power to mle the rest of the Gnelcs, on condition that they shonld themselves serve the ]{ing. DEM. vi. 11. 3. The consequence may be aimed at as a purpose, the consecutive clause becoming also final. E.g. ITav 'ffOWV<TtJ!, W<T'TE o[K?)V Jl.'J OtOOvat, they do everything in such a wcty ns not to suifeT punish1nent, i.e. that they may not suifm. PLAT. Gol'g. 479 C. (Here [va Jl.'J with the subjunctive might be used, but it would express only the final element.) 'Ef3ovA.~()YJ<Tav 'EA.ev<rt'va f.~Jhw<ra<r8at, ~<TT E < l:va L <r<j>a't KaTa<j>vy~v El O<?J<TELE, they wished to appTopTiate Eleusis, so that they might have a Tejuge if they should need it. XEN. Hell. ii. 4, 8. l\1'7XaJ!at 'ffOAAa[ el<rw, WO"'T ow<j>evyetv 8d.JtaTov, theTe an many devices joT escaping denth. PLAT. Ap. 39 A. (Here we might have O'ffWS Ota<j>w~dTa[ 'TLS.) M'lxav6s evp~<TOJl.EV, wrn' ,- TO 7raJt <T< Twvo' d7raAAa~at m5Jtwv, we will find devices tojTee you, etc. ( = O'ffWS <T a'ffaAArl~Ojl.<V). AESCH. Emu. 82.

588. The infinitive with ~<T'TE sometimes follows verbs of wishing, commanding, etc., which regularly take a simple infinitive of the object (7 46), less frequently verbs which take an infinitive of the subject (7 45) ; and sometimes adjectives and nouns which regularly take the simple infinitive (7 58). E.g. Kv7rpt> yap ~8E:>: w<r'T< yyve<r8at T<ioE,joT the Cyprian Goddess wished this to be done, i.e. had (such) n wish (as) that this should be done. Eun. Hipp. 1327. C.tKatwJt W<rT' EJl.OV KAVHJ! Aoyovs, asking that he (Polynices) should heaT my woTds (to the effect that he should heaT). SoPH. 0. C. 1350. Tovs <r'Tpa'~"'fJYoi>s Twv 7rOAEwv f.88acrJ<"EJ! W<TTE oovm XP~f'oanJ. a1,Tov 7rEZ<rat, he instn<cted him to gi1:e money and persuade the genemls. THuo. viii. 45. Tu Jl.~v 6vvu.<reat, ,1) <Pat:opE, w<TT

589]

CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ~O"T

225

dywvto-Tryll TEA011 ye11eu8at, the ability to become a finished disputer (i.e. having such power as to become). FLAT. Phaedr. 269 D. 'E.\86vu<; 7rpo<; awovs 7Te8ovrnll WO"TE JJ-ETa u<f>wll" ApyEL E 'X op~o-a t. TRue. 7T iii. 102. (In the same clJapter, 7rd()Et 'AKapllallaS (3 OYJ e~a-a t Nav7C'UKT<p.) ''E7rnua11 TOVS 'ABY)va[ovs wo-TE J~ayaye Zv EK IH.\ov MEO"UYJV[ov<;. Id. V. 35. 'Y]</>to-aJJ-VOt avTot 7TpWTOt WfTT 7TUO"TJ 7rpoBvJJ-[r;. dJJ-VVHV, having voted to defend them, etc. Id. vi. 88. Els dvayKYJV Ka8uTafJ-EII wo-TE Ktvovvevetv. Isoc. vi. 1>1. (See 749.) So ovvaJJ-W wuTe iyyevf.u()at, power to grow up in it, FLAT. Rep. 433 B. El Tt ()f.o-<f>aTOV 7TaTpt XPYJUJJ-OUrtV iKveZB', WfTTE 7Tp0<; r.a.[owv ea VE Zv' i.e. if my jath er was warned by omcles that he should perish by his children's hands. SoPH. 0. C. 969. ITavv fJ-Ot EJJ-EA:'Juev wuTe eloe11at, it concerned me very much to know. XEN. Cyr. vi. 3, 19. 'Ai%vaTov VjJ-tV WfTTE IIpwTay6pov Touoe o-o<f>wupov nva A.u()at, it is imtJossiblefor ymt to choose any one. wiser than Protagoms here (you have not such power as to choose). FLAT. Prot. 338 c. So XEN. Mem. i. 3, 6. !E:vv(3r, ev8v<; JJ-ETU T;)l' p.ax'fJV WfTTE 7ToAf.p.ov JJ-EV JJ-YJOEV ETt a>fao-Oat JJ-YJOTEpovs, 7TpOS OE Tryv dp~VfJV JJ-fi.AAov Tryv yv<ilp.YJV et' X o v. THuc. v. 14. (Here the construction changes suddenly to the indicative in elxov.) ~ Ap' unv (~a-TE KciyyvOev ()f.av A.af:Je'iv; is it possible for me to have a sight of it near by? SoPH. Ph. 656. IIws yap TtS tKU.VDS YEIIOtr' av WfTT det 7Tf'OUTUTT<'LV TO 7rpou~ KOV ; for how could one become capable of always giving the proper command (so capable as).? PLAT. Polit. 295 A. IIorepa 1raZos elo-t <f>povtJJ-wnpot WUT JJ-U.Beiv TU <f>pa(OJJ-EVU. ~ avOp<s; i.e. are they wiser than men in learning, etc.? XEN. Cyr. iv. 3, 11. Not wuTe rouovTo -Jrpay}J-u. Ot<AEuea,, too young to decide. FLAT. Prot. 314 B. So ypwl' WUTE a-' ~</> AE 'iv, EuR. Andr. 80. 'Jfl,xpov (f:o-Tt TO vowp) W(TT Ao vo-auOat, the wate1 is too cold to bathe in. XEN. Mem. iii. 13, 3. (Cf. AovcrauOa! >fvxp6npov and B<pp.onpov 7TLEtv, in the same secLion.) In many of these cases it seems impossible to belieYc that wuu added anything to the sense, even as it was felt by the Greeks. The expressions were probably stereotyped in usage, and their origin was forgotten. Indeed, wun and ws (608) sometimes seem to have no more meaning than our to with the infinitive, which in some cases we can use or omit at pleasure, though with some change of sense, as in I dare say and I dare to say. Compare I command you to go and I bid you go. The examples show that there is hardly a construction in which the simple infinitive was used where wr.rTE is not occasionally prefixed to it. It is important here to remember that wo-n means only as (or, including the antecedent, so as) ; never so that, except in the construction with the finite moods, although this is often a necessary makeshift in our translation. For wun or ws with the infinitive after the comparative and i), see 764 (b). 589. ('.Qs TE in Honu.r.) The only two Homerie examples of WUTE (ws TE) with the infinitive are 11. ix. 42, El OE o-oi avT<f BvJJ-OS
Q

226

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTJJ:NCES

[590

JtreO"O"VTat 6:,s T ve0"8at, ~pxw, but if your own mind is eage?"ly set upon returning, go; and Od. xvii. 20, ov yctp hr2 O"ra8{'-otO"t fJ-EVHV ln TYJAtKos eZf'-2, ([,, r' irrtrHAafJ-EI'lp O"rwavropt 7ravra 7rt8e0"8at, for I am no longeT of a fit age to abide at the sheepfolds, (and thme) to obey in eveTything a rnasteT's command (this comes under 581', 2, above). These cases seem to show that the usage was already established ; although Lehrs (de A1istaTchi St1<d. Ham. 1). 157) proposes to expunge 6:,s r ih both. In HEs. Op. 43 we have pryt8ws yap Kev Kat Jrr' i)P-an ipydO"<rato., wl) Ti (]" KEl'; (=Kat Els) EJit.avrOv X f [,V Kal rlEpyOv EOv-ra, i.e. so as to have enough for a yea1", even without wo1"lcing.

590. (Tenses.) The tenses of the infinitive most frequently used with o':crre are the present and aorist, with their usual distinction (87). See the examples above. The perfect is sometimes used to express completion or decisiveness of the action (109; 110). E.g. ~EWO"T" drr0 vocrov {:Jpaxv Tt AeAwcpYJ1Wf1-V, WO"T Kal XPYJf'-aO"t Kat :ol:s O"wp.aO"w YJV~:)cr8at, i.~. we ha~e ncoveTed, u little, so a,s to, have
~ncreased. THUG. v1. 12. Aoywv Kat {:JovAEVfJ-arwv Kotvwvov av O" 1rowZvro, wcrr fl-l]D~ :!v O"E AeAry&evat wv {:JovA6f1-''()a eZ8vat, so that not a single one of the things we wish to know shonld have escaped you. XEN. Cyr. vi. 1, 40. Towvra 7roAtTEIJ{tara A0"6at (Jp.o2 v1r~p~ev) wcrr 11"oAAaKL> EO"TEcpav<~O"eat, Ka.i fl-YJD~ rovs x&povs ~7rLxupE'iv AeyELv, K.r.A., so as often to have been cTowned (perfect), and so as not even to have my enemies undertake (present) to say, etc.. DEM. xviii. 257. See Id. xxiii. 68 ; LYs. xxxii. 27 ; Isoc. iii. 32, iv. 45 ; IsAE. x. 1; and th.e examples quoted in 109 and 110.

591. 1. The future infinitive' with WO"T is common only when it depends on an infinitive in indirect discourse and represents a future indicative of the direct form: SO eis TOVT' dvaLDeta') aVTOV ?J~ELJ! dKovw, WCTT ilaK<DaLf1-0Vwv KaTrJyopYjcrHv, DEM. xix. 72. So LYs. v. 2. See other examples under 594.
2. Elsewhere it is rare and perhaps doubtful. In DEM. xxix. 5 and 5, ([,er()' VfJ-US a?ravras ei:crecr8at is found in all .Mss., and it is no more objectionable than other exceptional uses of the future, as that after {:Jo,!Ao{tat and 8f.of'-aL (see 113), or than wcrre with the infinitive with av not in indirect discourse (211; 502). In DEM. xvi. 4 we have, ern ro[vvv v nvt TOWVT<J! Katp<;j Ta 7rpay{tara vvv, .
XXX.

WO"T e,){:JatoL> f'-~JI dO"()EJ!EtS y1!ecr8at, ilaKDO.Lf'-OVov<; 8', El 11"0LYJCTOVTUL r0v 'ApKa8!av vcp' JavroZs, 7rdALV lO"XVPOlJS YV?Jfrcr8at, the change of time making the change of tense natural. In Tauc. iii. 34 we have, 7rpoKaAO"dfJ-EVO<; Aoyovs 'I7rrrav, WO"T, ~V f'-YJD~V &.peO"KOV Aeyu, 11"aALV avrov Karacrr0cru 11 is T0 nZxos O"WV Kat vyta, on the condition that, if his jJ1"0jJOSals shonld not be satisjactoTy, he would 1esto1e H. to the fmt safe and sound. Here KaTacrr~a-<tv represents KaTacrr10"'w in the words of Paches ; but the future is still exceptional in its use (see 113), In THuc. i, 29, iii. 28 (two passages) and 114,

es

594]

CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH tJu?e

227

vii. 83, where there was the same ground for the :future, we find the present or aorist infinitive with wO"n.

592. The infinitive with /J.v (not in indirect discourse) can follow WO"Te to express a consequence in a potential form, corresponding to the potential optative or indicative. E.g. 'A7rOTTHXLO"fLEVOL av i]O"av, WO"T JLYJ8' d fLTE7rfL)tav 6p.ows llv auTovs w<f>eAtv, they would have bee?~ aheady wallecl in, .~o that, even if they had sent jo1 them, it would not any longe1 have been of as much use to them. TRue. vii. 42. Twv olKdwv p.oL 7rpayp.aTwv -row1rrwv O"vp.f3ef3rt K6-rwv WITT ilp.as av dKOVO"O.liTO.S ~A~(J"(tt, such (tS 'Would rnake you, pity me if you should heaT them. DEM. L. 59. 'A7roA?]</>BvTo<;, wO"n JL~ av 3vvauBat E7rO.VABi:v oi'Ka3, so that he would not be able to Teium. Id. viii. 35. See also the examples under 211, and the cases of indirect discourse with wO"T O.v under 594. (The translation of the infinitive here is necessarily inexact. See 584.)

en

593. Herodotus often writes ovTw WO"T together, o-llT<u refening to the whole leading sentence, and not (as it generally does) to a siugle word or expression. E.g. 'A1rEOpYJ E'> 'l'YEYJV, ra<; p.f.v 1'1~KTUS 1rOpevop.evo<;, TOS s~ ~p.pa~ KUTa.8vvwv E<; {;)VfJV, OVTW WCTT T(JtTll evcfJpovv yevicrBat Ell T.yf:n, he eswped to Tegea, t?1.welling by night and hiding in the 1coods by day, (in such wise) as on the third night to arTive at 1'egea. HDT. ix. 37. So iii. 105, viii. 2 7, ix. G1, 7 3. For the same usage before a finite verb, see 601 (end).

594. ("SluT with Infinitive in Indirect Discours~. ''.QO"T ov.) When a clause with C::crT depends on an infinitive in indirect discourse, and is itself a part of the quotation, its verb representing a finite moo<l of the direct form, it regularly has the infinitive, in the tense of the direct discourse, eYen wl1en on other grounds a finite verb would seem more natural. Here the future infinitive and the infinitive with llv may be used, as in other indirect discourse (135 ; 204). The negative ou of the direct form is generally retained with such an infinitive, E.g. "Ecf>aO"O.V TOV<; O"TpUTLWTO.<; d<; TOVTO Tpv<f>~s JA.B.'i:v wO"! o.VK ~ Bf: A<t. V 1rvnv El fl-'l dv&oO"p.[a<; drJ (they said et> TOVTO rpv<f>~<; ~A8ov w<TT< ofK
~B<Aov 1r!vnv), they wid that the soldie:rs becwme so Jastidious that they would not drink any wine uule.<s it had a siTong bouquet. Xmo~. Hell. vi. 2, 6. 'Yp.us eiof.vaL ')yovp.at To:rov ovrw crKa.t~v elvi.H W<TT 8vvaCT8aL p.aBe'i:v Ta Aey61uva. LY;;. x. 1.5. OiJTw 8 di<:l1rovs nvas Jv -rfl 1roAEL dvat wcrT< oiK alCTXVVEO"Oo.L Aotnopovp,f:vovs aim{i (i.e. OVTW<; aT07rOL WO"T O~K aiux{wovnu). l>EM. xix. 308. So xviii. 283, xix. 152. ElJ'O.L 8 TroAAot:> 0.,\A.ovs ('c. f!cf'YJ), oils (3ovACTBat Kotvw-

ou

vebv T~S a-vvTcf~ews, ::.(rre oi;re XfYt]fi-G:rwv oVre crrpaTtwTWv Ea-ecr()at d1ropav (i.e. llA'Aot. Eio-~v, o~s- jJo{,Aop-at (sec 755) KOt.VWYt'F, Wa-re oiJK

EO"TUL u1rop!a). AESCH:". iii. 96 : so i. 17 4. ToCTOVTOl' </>povTjO"aL </>1/> avTOV> WO"T ovx ~~~O"a<TBat O"<f>a> CI.VTOU<; J.~[ov<; .tvaL C~v, K.T.A.

228

HELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SEXTE"\CES

[595

(i.e. 'TOO'OV'TOV e<j>pOVYJO'UV WO'T ovx '}-y~O'avro). Isoc. xii. 255. El'vat 8~ (se . .Af.yaat) TUXVT~Ta ov8Evt fTEP'f Vfl-DLOV, OV1'W <0<rTE, JL1J7rpoAaJLf3d.vELV ToD> 'Iv8oD<; T~<; ooov v (/i TOlJ'> /J..1Jflfl')KO> <rvAAEyEIT(}a,, ovof.va av IT<j>EwV a1T'OITlf{w{)at (i.e. d JL'J 7rpoAop(JavoLEl' T~<; OOOV EV ([) 1TvAA.yotVTo, ov8Et<; av a1TOO'~!(otTO). HDT. iii. 105 (see 755): so

'

i. 189. TotauTa EVOfLi{ETO TU V7rapxovTa awl{) Ei'v<u, W(J'TE OVK av 7roB' fTEpa<; E1T'L(}VjL~(J'(H 7r0Atnta<; (i.e. OVK av .'rr,(},;JL'J(J'H). LYS. xviii. 6 : so xxi. 18. See alBo TRue. v. 40, viii. 76 ; IsAE. iii. 39, xi. 27 ; PLA'r. Ap. 26 D, Euthyd. 305 C, Leg. 806 A, Alcib. ii. 143 D.

595. ''Q(J'TE JL'), however, as the ordinary- form with the infinitive, may be used in indirect discourse (594), even with the future infinitive or the infinitive with av. E.g. TYJALKU1JTYJV 'JYEt(J'Bat 7TOAtV oi.KE'i:v TO JLEYEBo>, W(J'TE JL '7 8' av onovv fj 8nvvv 1T'ElCJ'E(J'(}at. DEil1. ix. 67. ''Q'JLYJV OVTW<; ~p.q>mn)> Etl'at TOt<; d.Aa{ovEVOJLEVOL'> 7rOAEJLWV, WO'TE JLYJOEv' av 1T'OT YEJ'E(J'Bat 'lrL(J'TOV 'TWV AEyovTwv. Isoc. xii. 20: so xii. 144. In IsAE. iii. 51, w(J'TE /L')OE JKoovvat would have been the same in the direct form. 596. Cases of wO'TE with a finite verb in indirect discourse are rare, but sometimes occur; as o!:oJLa[ (J', dva1T'El(J'Et.v, (/J(J'u ')'E o{,8v <hTEpE'i:<;, AR. Nub. 1342. So EuR. Tro. 97:3; PLAT. Leg. 692 D. 597. 1. Occasionally wiTTE ov with the infinitive :re1wesents a finite mood with ov of direct discourse, even when there is no preceding infinitive to assimilate it (as there is in all the cases in 594). E.g. 'EvVO'](J'UTW OVTW<; 1J0'7 TOT 7roppw T~~ ~ALK[as ~V WO'T', EL Kat f11JToTE, OVK av 7T'OAAcjl V(J'TflOV TEAEV'T~O'ai TOV f3ov, let him Tejlect that he (Socrates) was then al1eady so ja1 advanced in life that he would have ended his days not 1nltch lattr, etc. (i.e. OVK av 1TOAAcjl VO'TEpov enAd>TYJO'Ev). XEN. Mem. iv. 8, l. (Seume classes this with the cases in 597, 2 because of ov 1roAA~!. But the infinitive depends directly on a clause with in indirect discourse.) So in AHISTOT. Pol. ii. 9, \' ' ~ \ ' " , ' ' 17 ; 'AE'jOV<JL W'i fETE 8'8 OO'UV T'J'> 7T'O/\.LTEW'i, W(J'T' 0 V 'jLV0' (} Oi TOTE ' L TYJV o..\.;yuvBpwrrwv. 2. Sometimes ov is found with W(J'TE and the infinitive when the negative belongs to a single word, as in ov 1ro.A..\.o for o.Ayot. See Isoc. viii. 107 : ovTw KaKw> 7rpov(J'TYJITav Twv 7rpayJL<lTwv w(J'B' ~JLa> ov 1roA.AoZ> ETE(J'tv VO'TEpov 1rd.Aw errt7roAa(J'at. So IsAE. ix. 17.

on

on

598. In a few cases, however, W(J'TE ov is found with the infinitive where none of the preceding explanations (594; 597) will apply. Such are the following : "Q(J'-1 ovTE vvKTOS V7rvov ovr ~ ~JLpac; EJLE uny,ftnv ~8Dv, d..\..A' 6 7rpO(J'TUTWV XPOl'O<; 8t~ye JL' a1v ws eavOVJLEV1)V, so that neitheT by night noT by day did sweet sleep SJYread heT wings oveT me. SOPH. El. 780. (Here there is an easy transition from the infinitive to the following indicative.) Ov fLaK pal' yap 'rax.<wv '1rft7T"TVXat, /:,ur o.J X tl7ravTJ. ff El8f.va; Ttt OpWJLEVa, not SO laTge that you do not knoW all (i.e. the city is so 81/tall, that you know all) that is done. EuR. Ph. 13~>7. "!liTr o&o'

601]

CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH iJcrT

229

rxvos YE THXEWV ELJIO. cra<j;Es, yes; so that not even <X i7'ace of the walls is to be seen. Id. Hel. 107. Nvv & -rrepdrrTYJI<Ev ds -romo, wrrn -r6v lo1'. KtVOVVEVOVTO. o{, q><Ao-rroAtV &A.A.a cptAo-rrpd.yp.ova OOKEtV ElVat. LYCURG. 3. Ovo' a.v OVT<us hopo> ~V oN!' &cptAO>' wrrr' OVK av ~ev piv ruv U7royp&.lfovra., noT, moreoveT, was I so helpless or friendless that I could not find one to ming an a-;roypa<j;fJ (OVK av E~n!potp,t). DEM. Jiii. 1. Ovrw 8' apxatws dxoJI, fLaAAov 8 1fOAtnKws, W(TT ov8 XP>JfLd'TWJI Wvficr8at -;rap' ov8evu> ov8v. Id. ix. 48. (This may be explained as oratio obliqua, on the ground of d.Ko1)w a11d the infinitive in the preceding clause. But I agree with Seume in thinki11g this connection too remote to account for wa-n ov. Here there is neither an assimilating infiuitive, as in the examples in 594, nor a leading clause with on or w>, as in those in 597, 1. In fact, wrrn 01l gives the only ground for calling the clause with d'xov indirect discourse.)

599. The examples in 598 have one common character : in all of them the thougl1t could be expressed equally well by wa-TE with the infinitive or wrrrE with a finite verb, for even in EuR. Ph. 1;357 and DEM. Jiii. 1 a fact rather than a mere tendency is expressed. \Ve can, therefore, easily suppose a mixtme of two constructions by which, for exaUJple in Eun. Hel. 107, instead of wcrn JL1J dvo.t or wrrn: 01lK !!a-nv, either of which would express the seu~;e, we have wcrn ovK Elvat.l This occasional confusion would be made easier by familiarity with wrrrE o{J and the infiuiti ve in indirect discourse. 600. In a few cases wcrn seems to be omitted, even when its antecedent is expressed; as iu AESCH. Ag. 478, -rCs 6!8E 7ratov6s ~ cppEvwv KEKOJl.fJ.f.vo;;, cf>A.oyos -rrapayyEA.www viots -;rvpw8vra Ko.po[av E7rEd &A.A.ayi;t A.oyov KO.fLELV; who is so childish, etc., (as) to be inflamed in heaTt, etc., and then to M-<:tfe-r .f1on1 a change of Te)JO'rt? See also HDT. iii. 12, OVTW la-xvpat, {LOyts av A.i8<p 1fa{o-a<; 8tapp~~nas, so st-rong, you could haTdly bTeak them with a stone.

''Do-n

WITH THE FINITE

MooDs.

601. ''iliTu with the indicative means properly so that, and expresses the actual result of the action of the leading verb. E.g.
1 The explanation of w11n ou with the infinitive on the ground of oratio obliqua was first made, I believe, by Shilleto in the Appendix to his Demosthenes de Falsa Legationc (1844). It is also given by Madvig (Synt. 205, An1n. 3), who eonfines wrJT ou to clauses depending on the infinitive of oratio obliqua after verbs like <{11JJLl, oiJLa.<, etc. (i.e. like the examples in 594). Shilleto's faith in his own explanation was somewhat shaken hy finding that four of the passages quoted in 598 could not be brought under his canon. Under the influence of Shilleto's essay, I originally suggested the mixture of two equivalent constructions given above, as applicable to all cases of wrru ou, not appre.ciating the wide influence of the principle of oratio obliqua upon the constructiOn.

230

RELATIVE AXD Tl>::lfPORAL SENTENCES

[602

OvTw~ rlyvwfLol'w~ i!xen, 6JrrTE EA7r(er avTa XPYJrTTa yev~cnrr&at, K.T.A.; we you so senseless that yo1~ expect, etc.? DEM. ii. 26. (Here 6JrrTe eA.1r(etv, so senseless as to expect, would express the senselessness of expec.~ing, w~tho,ut ,ne;essarilr imp!.Ying that yo~ do expect.) Bf3YJKev, wrrT 7rav ev >)rTVX'Ih r.u.Tep, E~ErTT t <j>wvHv, he has gone, so that we can say everything in quiet. SoP H. 0. 82. So Ph. 75, El. 1204. OVTws- ?]ft'LV OoKEL 1ravr~~ li~La tiva.t, WCTTE 1rd.vTES "r~~ KaTaAt7rE'i:v aVTd. fLUAti.JTa q> d y o fL V, so thut we all especially avoid, etc. XEx. M em. ii. 2, 3. 00x ijKEV' w(l'&' ol "EA.A.ryvE~ i<j>p6vn(o11. Id. An. ii. 3, 25. Eis Tour' a71XfJrTTlU.~ ~)>..eov, W(l'T' oDK E~1JPK(1'JI aDTOlS i!xEtv T0v KO.Ta y'>}v apx,)v, d>..>..O. Kai T0v KuTa 86.AaTTU!I ovvup.tv OVTWS E7re8fr. jLYJlfO.V A.af3EZv, wrrTE Toi>s lfVjLfLdxovs TOD~ 'lfLET(povs d<j>[lfTalfav. Isoc. xii. 103. TavTa 'ffE'ffOlYJKO. QKOJITWV 'AfJYjJIO.{ulV, wcr!, eZ7rep V <j>povErrE, TOVTov~ fLEv f.xBpov~ 1moA.~fw8E, EfLoi o 7r trrHVlfen. DEM. xviii. 40. OvTws f.vapys Elfn, ~rrfJ' e{,prylfE7E. AEsCHIX. i. 128. "fl(l'T' Jd.v TETTapa> fLOvov 1roA.w; 7rE{lfTJ>, Kat Tas &A.A.as 7ro.\A.wv KuKwv d7ra.A.>..U:~ets. Isoc. v. 31. (Examples like 61(1'! . . . 7rt<TTEVlfETE in. DE1f. xviii. 40 might be punctuated in this way.) So oVTw WcrTe jn Herodotus (see 593); as (r;; 1rf11' KaKoV &.tr:KaTo, ovTw WlfT< JvalfTaTot iy!vov'To, Yii. lit<.

a.

602. As wcrTE in this construction l1a3 no effect upon the mood of its verb, it ma.'' have any coustruction that would l>e allowed in an independent senten~:e. It may thus take a }Jotenti~tl optative or mdicative with &v, a prohibitory subjunctive, an imperative, or an interrogative. E.g. "_q(l'r' oDK d.v o.D~v yvwp[(l'utfL' d.v EZlftOwv. EuR. Or. 379. ITa8wv jL'EJI avT8pwv, WlfT, < <j>povwv E7rp0.(1'(J'OV, ou8' d.v wo' f.ytyJI6fLYJV KaKO<;. SOPH. 0. a. 271. ''f!.(l'r', El jLO.Kpa 'J 7r<p[o8os, fL'l 6avjLct(l'IJS PLAT. Phaedr. 274 A. 8v>]70S 8,' 'OpilfTYJS' "-(TT fL'l A.[av lfTEV. SoPH. El. 1172. ''f!.lfTE 1r66ev tlfarTtl'; so how do they bww? DEM. xxix. 4 7. So oD p.,) and the subjunctive (290); ov-rw<> J7nT6l~fL'JKa aKovlfat, wlfn . ov fl-'l lfov a7roAetcp6w, PLAT. Phaedr. 227 D (see 29 6, aboYe). 603. Occasionally there is a change from the infinitive to a fmite verb in a sentence after w<TTE, with a corresponding clmnge in meaning; as in THuc. iii. 21, <:_(l'TE r.apo8ov fL~ dvat 7rapa m!pyov, d>..A.U. aDTwv jLElfWV 8'1J E<J'a v, i.e. !he towe1s were built so AS to ullow no passage by a tmve1 outside, but so THAT the men passed through the inside nf them. (See 584.)

ot'

604. A few cases occur of a peculiar assimilation of a clause with wcrTE to a preceding optative in 11rotasis, wlfT having apparently the force of a conditional relative. E.g. Er Tt<; T~V yVJ!alKU. 'T1JV lf1JV oi\Tw OcpcL';rO~(l'<f.V WCT"T cptAE'i:J' avTi)v jLaAAOV 7rOt~(l'EtEI' ~u.vT0V ~ lf~, ctp' av lfE cv<>pava.t i if one should court your wife so as to m.alce her m.ore fond of himself than of you, etc. XEN. ayr. Y. 5, 30 (two 11:ss. l1aYe 7rotryO'nv). So v. 3, l7 (etlfOtTo). Et 'TLS xp!.fro r.p dpyvpt'f OJ<TT r.pt<LjLEJIO<; oiov ETa{paJI Otl.~ TU.VT1)V KaKtOV

607]

CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH IJJtTTE

231

JL'Ev Tb (jWfLa ~X o "' KaK~ov 8~ T~v fvx,)v, 1rWs- ltv d>cp~Atj-tov t:ZTJ j Id. Oec. i. 13. Karay<AaO"r6npov El ~JLEts Els -roO"oi)Tov p.tKp01fvxCas
EA8otp.<v, wO"TE rd. 7rpDO"Tayp.aTa Tovrwv inrop.dJ'atp.<v (so Cod. Urb. ; other M;;s. inrop.<'ivat). Isoc. vi. 84. 605. A few cases occur of WO"T< with the optative in indirect discourse. E.g. 'E,.\oy{(oVTO OE Kat Td ~'ff'fftKdY, ws Td JLEV avTm:tAov 'ffOAV, Td 0~ a'lirwv 6Myov Et'YJ, Td o JLE)'LO"TOY, on o1 Y<Kpoi {nrd -riJ T<fxn EKHVTO, WO"T ovo KpdTTOO"tV OVO"L P<f.owv Etr/ avEAE0"8a.t. XEN. Hell. iii. 5, 23. See also Isoc. xvii. 11. 606. As the regular negative of the infinitive after WO"T< is p.~, so that of the indicative and potential optative is ov. In DEM. xix. 218 we have WO"TE JL0TE . JL~T< . . p.0re dA.A.a Kat ,/fra -r~v Eip~VlJV hro t~O"a0"8E dya'lr'Y)Tws, where the force of a preceding El seen)s really to govern the verb, that of WO"T bei11g wasted in the eight lines which separate the verb from it. In DEM. liv. 15, p.'l)ll' 6novv eO"ra.t can be taken with d. In SoPH. Tr. 575, EO"Tat Tovro K'YJA'YJT~pwv, WO"T< p.~ n v' ElO"tO~v O"Tip[n ywat'Ka KEtvos dvri a-ov 7rA~ov, i.e. a charm to prevent him from loving more than you any other woman whom he may see, WO"TE p.~ seems to have a finai sense with the future, like a final relative. Compare WO"TE.JL~ with the infinitive in PLAT. Gorg. 479 0 (quoteu in 587, 3).
'' fitTTE

WITH THE

p ARTJCIPLE.

will not do whatever he does, he too refuses to do anything (i.e. ouods ovrws dyv<bp.w1' eO"rtv wO"TE ov cpaO"KEL). DEM. x. 40. Ta 8 1rpayp.ara (6pw) Eis rovro 7rpo~KovTa, wO"TE o1rws p.ry 7rELO"OJLE8a. avTot 7rpoTEpov KaKws (]"Ketfa0"8a.t Mo v, but I see things have come to this, that we must (WO"TE OEt) consider how we may not ou?selves suffer hann fint. Id. iii. 1. 'E7rtOE{fw 'AO"rvcptAOV oihw (]"cpoopa. JL!O"OVVTa Tov'rov, WO"TE 7rOAV dv 80.nov 8w8ep.Evov JL1J'6eva 1ror~ rwv ~avrov olKEiwv owAEXe~vat K>cwvt, p.O.A.A.ov ?} r6v rovrov VLdV 1ro t'Y)O"ap.Evov, I will show that Astyphilus so hates him, that he would much sooner have ordered in his will that no one of his relatives should ever speak to Uleon, than have adopted his son as his own (7rOAV av fJaTTOV OtEBETO). IsAE. ix. 16. Other examples are [DEM.] Erot. 3; Isoc. iv. 64; PLAT. Rep. 519 A. (b) In two cases there is a like assimilation to a participle not in indirect discourse : -

607. (a) As a clause with w<rTE depending on an infinitive in indirect discourse is generally assimilated to t~at infinitive, so one depending on a participle in indirect discourse may be assimilated to the participle. E.g. Ov8' OVTWS O.yv<bp.ova ovo' ClTO'IrOV o-6ova (se. op["J ovra) WO"TE, El JJ-0 1iOL~a-ova-tv O:;ru.vTES O(r' llv aln~Os, oV tpria-KOVTa 7rot~a-etv o..UOEv ouo' avTov, nor do I see that any one "is so unwise or absurd, that, if oR

232

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[608

Twv Bwrwv O"vp.</JtAovHKoflvrwv EK<[v<p KCLt p.uroflvrwv rovrov, WfJ"T TWV xopwv TOV p.ev E7l"C! 'J!O flvTWJ!, 'TOV 8' dKporia-ua-But O~K JB<Aovrwv. A:-lD. iv. 20. ~vyyvtiJp.T)v i!xHv <l; 7rpo<A1JAvBws ds 'TOV'TO WfJ"T V1l"O 'TWV Ef'-CLV'TOV oo-6Awv {; f3 p ta- 8d s, ov ovvup.ut KCL'TaO"XE;;V, K.T.A.. DEAL xlv. 83. The last examples Reem to show that clauses w:ith wa-re can be assimilated to a preceding participle as we hav'e seen them assimilated to an optative (604). Compare with this construction Isoc. iv. 21, ovods yap llv JTpav 1r0Atv E1l"t8[~m TOfYOV'TOJ! EJ! T<i) 7rOAEp.<f.J T0 KCLTU y-fjv V1l" p EX 0 va-a v, oa-ov 'T~J! ~f'-Ttpuv EJ! Toi:s KLVOVVOtS Toi:s KaTa 8aA.arTav 8w<f;pova-uv.

fis-

USED LIKE /JJCTT.

608. In their original use <ils and ws Te are related precisely as os and os Te in Homer. But in consecutive sentences ..:irru gradually gained almost exclusive control, so that<~> here became very rare. 'Qs occurs chiefly in Aeschylus, Sophocles, Herodotus, and Xenophon, where it is used in the same constructions and in the same sense as wa-n E.g. (With Intiu.) ''HKova-w EK</Jvyovre;; ws (TTEvetV 1roAtv IIcp(TWJI. AESCH. Pers. 510. IlorwKws y', ws Bpa(TVJI(T()a, p.<'iAAoF, j3poTwv aTp.a., Kwp.oc; EJI oop.ot> f'-EJIH, having dTunk of .moTtals' blood so as to be ?noTe emboldened, n band of nvelleTs abides in the house. Id. Ag. 1188. So Pers. 437, Ag. 546, Eum. 36, 427, 7!19, 8!15. :iup.p.<rpos yap ws K Av<t F, for he is nem enough for us to heaT. SoP H. 0. T. 84. Ov8' inro (vy0 Ao<f;OJ! OtKa.f.ws dxov, ws (TTpyetv Jp.. Id. Ant. 292. So Tr. 1125. Ovl< ES TOUTO d<f;poa-UVYJS d7rtKOp.EVO<;; ws 86~at n)v wvrov 81;vup.w 7r<pte(na-8at Tqs j3a.(nA.f.os. Hm. iii. 146. 'YflJAuv oe ovrw 8~ n A.y<Ta.t, ws Tas Kopv<f;Cis a.vrov oi!x oia T< dvut lOa-fJ,u,
and it (the mountain) is said to be so high, that it is not possible to see its snmrnits. ld. iv. 184. '0 1rorap.u> TO(TOVTOS TO f36.8os, ws p.YJOE TU 86paTa V7rpexetv 'TOV f30.Bov>. XES. An. iii. 5, 7. So ii. 3, 10. <PpovTa.t ~<wBwva., ws d1r6 Tov 1rorap.ov dpva-a(TBat. Id. Cyr. i. 2, 8. 'Ev Tcf aa-q)a.A1: ~Ol) E(TOp.at, ws P.1J8v llv ETt KaKOV "ff<~Be'iv. lb. viii. 7, 27. See iv. 2, 8. OvTw yap OOKOVfLEJI 7rO.pE(TI(VU(TfJCLt we;, ~V p.'iv &A."Y)fJEVYJTE, iKavol Et va' vp.as ED 1l"Ote'iv ~V 8 ~~0.7raTaTe, OVTW vop.[(op.ev i!xew uls ovx ?7p.ac; </;' vp.'Lv ga-,(TfJa,, a>..A.O. p.aAAov vp.as J<f;' ~p.'i:v yev~(TelfBat. lb. il'. 2, 13. (In the last clauses we have ws in indirect discourse, like W(TTE in 594, the direct form beiug ovx 7Jp.ci:s a-6p.eBa, a>..A.a p.aA.A.ov vp.ei:s yev~a-ea-fJe. Most Mss., however,

<T7eve '- AEscH. Pers. 730.

ws l:ov(Twv p.ev a(TTv 1rav K<va.v8piav OvTws <x' y' i] 7rlfTtS, ws To p.f.v ooK<tv EVE(TTt, 1reip'f 8' ov 7rpo(Twp.[A1Jrra 1rw, so stands my confidence, that belief is in it, while I have had nothing to do yet with testing it. SoPH.
(With Indic.) 'IIpo> "Ta8'

l1ave yEVea-But.)

610)

' CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH wr;,

,~,

't'

? cp,

'A..' f' E:'t' qJT

233

Tr. 590. Ovrw 8~ T KA.tv0 eyevETO WS Kat OL 7r&.vns ''EAA>JVES 'Poowmos TO ovvop.a U.p.a8ov, i.e. BO that all the Greeks came to know well the nam.e of Rhodopis. Hm. ii. 13 5. To~Ttp 7rpocr<f>tAEES OVTW o>] n eyevOVTO ws cr<f>ms heAEVE T0> avrov xwpT)> olKqoat, HDT. i. 163, So iii. 130. OvTW p.ot -rrpo8Vf1-WS e(:Jo~e,was W<; 1 UI' TO fl-EV e-rr' EfJ-0~ oExofl-at, TO o' br2 CTOt CTECTWCTfJ-at. XEN. Cyr. V. 4, ll. TocrovTtp -rrAEOVEKT~cra ws -rrav~cras Twv ~Ucrrwv crtT[wv TEvfeTat. lb. vii. 5,
1

So Hell. iv. 4, 16. 609. Besides the authors above mentioned, Euripides has one example of w> with the infinitive like wcrn, Cycl. 64 7 ; Thucydides vne, vii. 34 ; and Plato one, Rep. 365 D. We have ws with the indicative in PLAT. Men. 71 A ; and with the participle in XEN. Cyr. vii. 5, 46, and PLAT. Tim. 56 C (ws here having both the participle and the infinitive). For w> with the infinitive after the comparative and .Yj, see 764.

81.

'Ecp'

cp AND

cp'

cpT WITH THE INFINITIVE AND THE

FUTURE INDICATIVE.

610. 1. 'E<P <[> and <!>' ~n, on condition that, for the pU?pose of, take the infinitive, like wcrre in some of its senses. E.g. El-rrEV OTt cnrdcracr8at (:JovAotTO, e<f>' 0 Jl-YJT ftVT<JS' TOllS' "EAAYJV<X<;
('I aOtKtl' fl-T)T EKHVOV<; K<XiEtl' T<t<; OlKW<;, Aafl-/"UV11' TE T<X7r!T'Y)OEW. ocrwv 8otvro. XEN. An. iv. 4, 6. Ilws- av ovros- 8.\.ot To. J.AA.6rpta &-rrocrnpEtV e<f>' 0 K<XKOOO~OS' dvatj Id. Ag. iv. 1. 'A<f>:EfJ-fl' ere, E7rt TOVTC[l fJ-EVTOi, e<f>' 0n fl-T)KETL </>tAocro<f>eZv, on condition that you will no longer be a philosopher. PLAT. Ap. 29 c. Alpe8f.vTE<; e<f>' 0re ~vyy pafa L VOfJ-OV<;, Ka8' ovcrnvas 7rOA!TVCTOWTO,f01' the purpose of cornpiling laws. XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 11. (For 7roAtTn!crotvro, see 57 4.) l1tWf1-0AO)'~(JT) avT~ U1f'OCTTllA~CTCT(Ja, 'A8>]va(E TOV fl'tllVTOV EKd.CTTOV fJ-VUS d'Kocrt, i<f>' ,PrE f:JoTJ(J~cr!1' TOtS 'AfJ-<f>tcrcrevaw, AESCHIN. iii. 114. (For the future infinitive, see 113.)
) I'

'

(./

'

2. Herodotus and Thucydides sometimes have f.</>' .f or i<j) 0Te, on condition that, with the future indicative. E.g. 'E-rr2 TOVTl[l of: V'TrE~[crraJl-<Xi T0'> J.pxq,, f.<P' 0T V7r" OV01'0S VfJ-fWV ap~OfJ-at, I withdraw upon this condition, thctt I shall be ruled by none of you. HDT. iii. 83. TovTO!CT! o' wv -rr[crvvos EWV KllT~yayE, f.</>' <pT oi ci-rroyovot avTov ipo<f>avrat Twv (Jewv crovrat. Id. vii. 153. Kal T0v BotwT[av ~At-rrol' 'A(h7vaiot -rracral', cr7rovo6s 'Tf'OtT)CTd.fJ-EVot i<P' 0 TO~S avopas KOfJ-LOVI'T<Xi. THUC. i. 113. {$vve(:Jrycral' J<j) 0T J~[ acr t I' EK ITeAo-rrovv>Jd-?v v-rr6cr-rroi'Oot Kat Jl-'Y)OE'Tf'OTE e-rr t{3~cro I'Ta t avrqs, they rnade an agnernent with the condition that they should depart from Peloponnesus under truce, and never again set foot in it. Id. i. 103.

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENC:ES

[611

Temporal Particles signifying Until and Before.

1 ",!.. A ''E W<;, 1 o't'pa,

' ~<;

I o OR

' I " HTOICE, CJ"T,

" axpL,

I ~J-EXpL,

UNTIL

611. All of these worlls are used also in the sense of while, so long as, and have the constructions of ordinary relative clauses (514). In common with dum,, donee, and quoad in Latin, and while or whiles in Elizabethan English, 2 they mean not only during the time when, but also up to the time when. As relatives, in the former sense they can have an antecedent like niws, so long, Eols etc. meaning as ; in the latter sense they can have one like JLEXPL TD15Tov, down to that time, i!ws etc. supplementing this by at which or when. The idea of a clause with until is that the action (or negation) of the leading clause continues to a time at which th:tt of the dependent clause takes place. That tl1e former action then certses is an inference generally made, but not positively implied in the language, and not necessary. Our word until thus includes what the Greek may express by p..xpt 'To1!Tov lws or (omitting the antecedent) by lws alone. T.!ws is occasionally used like lw;, as in DEM. x:x:L 16. 612. A clau,;e with until referring to an actual past occurrence ( 613) is simply a temporal clause of this peculiar character, with the construction of a rehtive clause with a definite antecedent (519 ).' But when it refers to the future, it becomes a conditional relative clause, and p.axovp..at EWS av 'T~V 7TOAV I!A.w, I shttll (con~inue to) fight to the time at which I shall tal.:e the city, has the conditional force whicl1 comes from the indefini1;e antecedent; for even if p..xpt 'TD1J'TOV were inserted here. it would denote no definite period, but only one limite<l or conditioned by the future capture of the city. The actual apodosis to the condition is not p..axovp.u.J. alone, but rather the whole implied idea, I shall go o1t fighting to the future time, the limit of whi<Oh is set by EWS av EA.w. It has been seen ( 486 ; 490) that ordinary conditional clauses may condition not their expressed leading clause, but one which the context implies; as tvp..p..ax[av ?TowDp..Ev, ijv 'TLS 4>' ~p..as tu, we are making an alliance, (to be ready) in case any one shrdl attack us. Again, a conditional clause may refer to an object which is aimed at in the action of the leading verb; as ITarpoKAov <f>7TE Zr.1rovs, Er KEv JL'V f!A.vs, turn your horses on P., if haply you may take him, i.e. that you may take him, if haply you may (487, 1). In like ma.nner a conditional relative clause with until is
1

In Homm, where the form

~ws

would seldom suit the verse, eYws or <Tos

i~

is con1monly written.
2 "

note."

He shall conceal it whiles ("' until) you are willing Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, iv. 3.

shall come to

613]

CLAUSES WITH

gwr;,

ETC.,

until

235

very apt to refer to an object aimed at, and thus to become at once final, relative, and conditional : thus in Il. iii. 291 (see 613, 3), it is distinctly implied tl1at the end of the war (r{A.os 'ffoA{JLow) is a condition which is to limit the time of fighting, and also an object at which the fighting aims. The same is true in general of the other forms of conditional relative sentence which the clause with until may take. It will be seen (614, 2) that in the Odyssey i!ws develops a peculiar force in this direction, which makes it almost a fina1 particle.

613. ("Ews-.) 1. When ewr;, until, refers to a definite past action, it takes the indicative, usually the aorist. E.g.
N'qxov ?TaAw, ios e?T~ A. 8 o v cls ?ToTatJ-6v, I swam on again until I ?TE(O> OvvE &a 1rpo0 axwv, came into a 1iver. Od. vii. 280. AtiTap EZws cp[A.ov wAEO' OvtJ-OV. Il. xi. 341. So Od. v. 123. Ol0wY'J KUTE,X 7TEAay[av 3.A.a, EWS KEAaLV~S VVKTO> OtJ-tJ-' acpd ATO' until the eye of daTlc night intmupted. AESCH. Per.s. 426. ITv<L i!ws 8ptJ-YJV' aVTOV UtJ-cpif3aO'a cpA.u~ OtJ!OV. EuR. Ale. 758. ''EtJ-EiVQV i!ws acp[KOVTO o1 (TTparY)yoL XEN. Hell. i. 1, 29. Kal Tovi e?To[ovv ws EK n)> xwpas U?T~ v. Id. Cyr. iii. 3, 4. 0-& ?TpoTEpov E?TQtJ(]'QJITO, EW> T1JV 1r6Atv El> O'TaO'ets Karf.O'TYJO'av. LYs. xxv. 26. Mf.xpt rovrov cpAos wvotJ-a(ETo, i!ws ?Tpov8wKEV''OA.vv8ov. DEM. xviii. 48. In the last two examples ?TpoTEpov and tJ-EXfJL TovTov are antecedents of ws, unW, as rwr; often corresponds to ewr;, while.

2. When a clause with wr;, until, refers to a result which was not attained in past time in consequence of the non-fulfilment of a condition, it takes a past tense of the indicative, like a conditional relative clause in a similar case (528). E.g. 'How<; av TOVTlfl ETL OtAEYOtJ-1)V, i!ws mh0 T1JV TOU 'AtJ-cp[ovo<; d?TOWKa p~O'tV avTt Tij> TOV Z1}8ov, I should gladly ha1:e continued to talk with him, until I hnd pctid him back Amphion's speech in nturn for Zethus's. PLA1'. Gorg. 506 B. OvK av E?TUVOtJ-YJV, EWS d7TE7THpcffh]lf T~S a-oq;[a, TO.VTT)O'L Id. Crat. 396 c. 'E?T~a-xwv av, i!ws OL 7TAELO'TOt TWV Elw&orwv YVWJLTJV d?TEqJ1)vavro, . . . ~0'-ux[av av i}yov, i.e. I sho?tld have waited until most of the 1egula1 speaken /wd declaud their opinion, etc. DEI~f. iv. l. (For av here, see 223.) So AR. Pac. 7 L In LYS. xxii. 12 we have EW> J?TEAL7TE after exp~v cpa{vE0'8at. The leading verb must be an indicative with dv, or some other
form implying the non-fulfilment of a condition. (See 559.)

3. When a clause with ew~ refers to the future, and depends On a Verb of future time (not an optative), eW') has llv or K and the subjunctive, like a conditional relative clause (529). E.g.

236

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[613

Max0cro,uat a:08t ,uf.vwv, Etw> KE Tf.Ao<; 7rOAe,uow Ktxdw, I shall remain here and fight, until I (shall) find an end of the war. Il. iii. 291. So xxiv. 183. "Ew<; 13' av o:Ov 7rpos TOV 7rap6vTO<; K,u&Bvs, >,1roa, until you learn the whole j1'01n him who was present, continue to hope. SoPH. 0. T. 834. SoAR. Nub. 1489. Mexpt yap TOVTOV vo,u(w XP~Vat KaTryyopEtV, ws &v 8avaTOV o6~YJ T<!> cpEvyovn a~ta clpyacr8at, for so jar do I think I ought to proceed in my accusation, until it shall appear that deeds deserving death have been done by the defendant. LYs. xii. 37. LlEZ ,u~ 7rEpt,uevav ws av e7rtcrTwcrtv, we must not wait until they a?e upon us. Isoc. iv. 165. OvK dva,uevo,uEv EOJS av ~ ~,UETfpa xwpa KaKWTat, We a1e not Waiting Until OU1' land shall be Tavaged (i.e. until the mvaging shall be going on). XEN. Cyr. iii. 3, 18. The present subjunctive is rare ; but when it is needed, it is unobjectionable: see THuc. i. 90 (quoted in 614, 1).

ex'

4. When a clause with ewe; refers to the future and it generally has the optative depends on an optative with (without &v) by assimilation, like a condiLional relative clause (5 31 ). .E.g.

av,

El 0~ 7ravv CT7rOvoa(ot cpayEv, Et7rott1 av OTl 7rap!i Tats yvvat~iv <fws 7rapaTdvat,ut TOVTov, but if he should be veTy eager to eat, I should tell him that his dinneT is with the women, until I put him to to1'tu1'e. XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 11. Kat TO ,uv av ~~aAE[cpotEV, TO o 7raAtV f.yypacpotEv, ws on ,uaA.tcrTa dv8pw1rEta ~811 8EocptA~ 7rot0crEtav, and they would blot out one thing and again put in another, until they made i~uman chmacters as pleasing as possible to God. PLAT. Rep. 501 B. ncraVTWS av OtOo[rys (A.6yov), EW<; ~7r[ TL iKavi:.v ~A.8otS. Id. Phaed. 101 D. So after an infinitive depending on an optative; as of.otT6 y' av atiTov ,uf.vav !!ws d1rf.A.8ots, he would ask him to 1emain until you departed (should depart). XEN. Cyr. v. 3, 13. In Od. ii. 77 we have EWS KE with the optative (542) : T6cppa yap av KaTa &crTV 7rOTL7rTVCTCTO[,UE8a ,u-68'1! XP0,ual a7ratTf(ovns, !!ws K' a7rO m:fvTa oo8dYJ. In PLAT. Phaed. 101 D, ws av CTKetfaw re})resents ws av CTKf.tj;w,uat of direct discourse (see 702). The optative with ws is most common after past tenses, in the construction of 614.
~crnv,

5. When the clause introduced by ~wr;, until, depends upon a verb denoting a customary or repeated action or a general truth, and refers in a general way to any act or acts of a given class, it takes &v and the subjunctive after primary tenses, and the simple optative after secondary tenses. (See 532.) .E.g. ''A /3' av a~-6vTaKTa fj, avtlyK"} TaVTa aEl 7rptlypn.Ta 7rapexetv, ifws
(},y

xc!Jpav AU/3'{), they must always rnaJce trouble Until they aTe put in order. XEN. Oyr. iv. 5, 370 ITowv,uEv Tav8' EKUCTTo8', EWS av avTOV Jp,f3aA.w,uev Js KaKov, we always t1eat him thus, until we cast him into

614]

CLAUSES WITH

gwr:;,

ETC.,

until

237

trouble. An. Nub. 1458. ITEpt<fLEVOfLEV ovv ~d.(]"TOT, w<;; avotxBdlJ -rO 0Ea-p.wrl}ptov, we waited e'very day until the prison was opened. PLAT.. Phaed. 59 D.

614. (Final use of lw.,.) 1. It will be seen by the examples under 613 (see the first under 3 and the first three under 4) that the clause with lw<;; very often implies a purpose, the attainment of which is aimed at or expected. When such a clause, implying a purpose which would originally be expressed by a subjunctive, depends on a past tense, it generally takes the optative; but the subjunctive also may be used, to retain the mood in which the purpose would be originally conceived, as in final clauses (:318). E.g. Ovo' ETAYJ 'JTO(]"W\i Erpv(]"Bat p.-ya owp.a OtO.fL7Tpes, t0S i:KOtTo, nor
did she dare to g11ard her husband's great hmwe constantly until he should come. Od. xxiii. 150. 'HO"vxa(E rep O"Tprhrp, ews Tots 'Ap.?TpaKuilTats oeot f3o,)8EZv, he kept quiet until it should be necessmy to help the Ambmciots. TRue. iii. 102. (The present optative is rare.) So LYs. xiii. 25, 2:?Tovoas E'JTOt~(]"aVTo, ews a?TayyEABdr; TU AxBv-ra ds AaKEOa[_ p.ova, they rnade a t1uce, (to continue) until what had been said sl~<mld be announced at Sparta. XEN. Hell. iii. 2, 20. (Here ews &v a?TayyEA.Bii might have been used, as in the following examples.) ''Ews 8' ap TavTa 8w1rpa~wvTat, rpvAaK-I]v Kat p.tO"Bov ToZs rppovpoZs ~~ p.7Jvwv KaTEAt'lTE. lb. v. 3, 25. 'A'A'K E7fwxEZv (Tovs 7Tp(]"f3as EKEAEvEV) p.xp~ TO(]"OVTOV, EWS av TO TEixos LKO.VOJ! a!pwO"tV <ihTE ri?Top..rix0"8at, but he bade them detain the ambassado1s until they (the Athenians) should be getting thei1 wall high enough to defend. THUC. i. 90. (Most editors emend a!pw(]"tv to the aorist apwcnv, which with lws would mean until they should get the wall high enough, the former being less definite and exact in its time, and therefore more appropriate here.) For the intermediate form of EWS av with the optative in such sentences, see SoPR. Tr. 687, AND. i. 81, Isoc. xvii. 15 (in 702).

2. In five passages in the Odyssey lws with the optative after a past tense has an unusually strong final force, so that it appears almost like a final particle. llep.?T ll p.w 7Tpbs owp.aT' '08vO"m)os, LWS ITr;vA67Taav oovpop.EV't)l' yooWO"av ?TaVO"HE KAavBp.oZo, she sent heT to the house of Ulysses, (to the end) that she might cause Penelope to cease heT lamenting. iv. 799. "!Jp(]"E o' E7Tt Kpat?TVOV Bop~r;v 7Tpb of. dp.aT' gagEv, Ews 0 YE <Pat~K(]"(]" rptAr;pTfLO~O"t p.tyE't), and she ro1tsed swift Bo1eas and bToke the waves before him, that Ulysses might come to the oar-loving Phaeacians. v. 385. MoxA.ov il?To (]"?Tooov ~AaO"a ?ToAA.~s, Ei:ws 8Epp.avotTo, I pushed the club under the deep ashes, that it might be heated (to remain until it should be heated). ix. 375. So 0WKV Vo.atov, d'ws xvrAif>rral.'f'O, vi. 79; and apJ.JLVOS e'fos tKOtTO, xix. 367. In none of these cases will until express the final force of the clause with lws. It appears as if ~ws here began the same course by

238

RELATIVE AND TEMPOHAL SENTENCES

[615

Which ocppa., WS, and 07rW<; became final particleS (312-314), but did not complete the change.

615.
E.g.

("Ocppa.) In epic poetry ocppa., until, is used like lws.

"Us JLEV Elp~I.KOS &.vopa.s ~7r0XETO Tvoeo<; vi6s, ocppa. 8vw8eK' E7rEcpVEV, until he had slain twelve. Il. X. 488, "'Hpx' [p.ev, ocpp' acp[KOVTO KaTa (TTpaTov, if p,tv dvwyet. Il. xiii. 329. ., HtEV, ocppa p,eya o-7rEOS LKETO. Od. v. 57. (See 613, l.) 'AA.Aa p.f.v, ocppa KE TOt f.J,EAtlJOEa olvov vEKw, but wait, until I shall b1ing you honey-sweet wine. Il. vi. 258. Tocppa o' J1rl TpwEa-a-t T[flet Kparos, ocpp' av 'Axawl v1ov EfLOV ro-wo-tv, O<pf.AAwcrv TE J Ttf-J-ll I!. i. 509. So Il. xv. 2 32. (See 613, 3.) NwAep.ws 8' EXOJLlJV, ocpp' ~Ep..Eo-1! o7ro-crw l(J"TOIJ Kat 1'p07rV ai'ins, I clung steadfastly, until she (Charybdis) should ~;omit j01th again the mast and keel. Od. xii. 43 7. (See 614, 1.)

616. (Els- 0 K and Js o.) Homer uses els 0 KE (or elcr6Ke), until, like w., KE, with the subjunctive, and once with the optative. - Herodotus uses ., oand ., o:O, until, like ws, with the indicative, and <s o av with the subjunctive. E.g. Mp.veTE Els o KE aCT1'V p.ya I1pitfp.oto eAwp.Ev, waituntilwecapture Priam's great city. Il. ii. 331. ''Yft o' 7r' EVVU(JJV opfL[o-crofLEV, Et, 0 KEV f. A. en vu~ dp.f3p6rYJ, and we will rnoor them jar out by stones, until
divine night shaU corne. Il. xiv. 77. In Il. xv. 70 we have dr; o K' 'Axatoi ''IAwv tAoEv, depending on an oi)tative with av (613, 4;
54:l).
1 ' \ \ 1

" 0\ ' '>' 'O' ' " "\ a \ 0 V1'o<;' oE avryKOU0"1'EE TE K(H ~~.oyov HXE ovoeva, er; o e11.a~e Tl)V OLKYJV, bnt he disobeyed and paid 1io attention to me, nntil he got his Jnmishment. HDT. i. 115. '0 D.YJtOKYJS 1)v 1roAAos alv,6p.evoc;, E<; o 1'0VTov Ka1'atveoucrt {3o.CTtAa crcptCTt elvat. Id. i. 98. So i. 158, 202; v. 92; vi. 75. 'AnZxov 1'~<; J~evpeo-to<; ov8v Ao.O'UOV, ES ov 01J AxYJ> aVEUfl Id. i. 67. (Many editOI'S change Js oi> toE<; o.) In ii. 143, EW<; oi'J U7rEOE~av U7rUIJa<; avrar;, until they had shown them all, ilwr; OD of the l\fss. is generally emended to ES o. 'AAA.' avra yw Tc{> ''EAA1JVi ~ELV'{J </>uAa~w, <s 0 <'lv avro<; f.Aewv EKELVO<; a7/a.yay(]"eat WU..n' I shall keep them until he comes himself and wishes to take them, away. Id. ii. 115. A singular case of r; o occurs in Tm;c. v. 66, s ep,EJLVlJIITO, as far baclc as they remembered (Scho1. JLETa n)v TWV avOpw1rWV jLV'IJJLYJV),

617. ("ECTTE.) ''ECTn, until, is not found in Homer, but is used like ws in tragedy, in Attic prose (especially in Xenophon), and in Herodotus. E.g.
Xp6vov Tail' ~v ToO"ovrov, lla-i f.v alf}f:pt p.iCT'{J K<J.Teo-1'1) Aap.7rposijAovK{wAosKatKav, ileaA1rc 80PH.Ant.415: soEl. 753; AESCH. Prom. 457. /E:vveZpov U7rt6vTEc;, ilcrv-e E7rt 1'a.'i<; o-KYJVat<; yvov1'o,
they marched away without stopping, until they canoe to the tents.
XEN.

Cyr. vii. 5, 6 ; so An. iii. 4, 49. T~v 1rapova-av dvrA>}a-w 1'DXYJV, a-i &.v D..tos cpp6vYJp.a. Awcf>0a-v

620]

CLAUSES WITH gw~, ETC.,

until

239

xoA.ov. AESCH. Prom. 375; so 697. ''Acj>Boyyov ElVat Ti'>v 7raAaf-vafov VOf-O>, iicTT' i'lv a-cpa.yai Ka8at(1-d~wa-t, it is the law that the rnuderer shall be S]Jeechless until streams of blood have been J>Mtred upon him. Id. Enm. 448. Avov 1/oe JLEVEOJLEV i!u-r' &v Kai rd.evr~a-Wf-EV. Hnr. vii. 141. llqnp.ev<r< a-r liv -yi:J f!ABw. XEN. An. v. 1, 4. 'EmJ-tet:vat KEAEl~mwres- EO"'TE {JovAel)a-atvTo, l.Bvovro, bidding them wait 11ntil they had consulted, they made sac1iji.ce. Id. An. v. 5, 2. ("Ea-r' O.v {JovA.ev<rwvTaL might have been retained from the direct form, as in the next example.) 'ATrEKpvaro cpvAdTTELV auTa, :!a-r' av a&6s AfJwv A.af317 Ta owpa, until he should cmne and take the gifts. Id. Hell. iii. 1, 15. So An. vii. I, 33 ; HDT. viii. 4. t07rDTE Wpa EL17 dp[crTov, dJ'Ej-tEVEV alrroV~ Eo-Te EprjJO.yotf.v Tt., ~s f-1J (3ovAt(1-0ev, he always waited until they had etten something. XEN. Cyr. viii. 1, 44. 618. (Axp and f-EXPL) "AxpL and fl-EXp, until, are used like w>, bnt chiefly in prose and in later Greek E.g. Kat rauTa hroiow J-!EXP (]"KOTO<; E/'El!ETO, until darknes.~ came on. XEN. An. iv. 2, 4; so iii. 4, 8. EL<rr~KEL fl'EXPL w<; -yf.veTo. PLAT. Symp. 220 D. Mexp o' QV Jyw i)Kw, ai (J"1TOV0at fl-E!!OVTWV, but until! come, let the truce remain. XEN. An. ii. 3, 24 ; so i. 4, 1 3. Ei7re Tot:<; 1rpocpvA.a~L KAVE/.J! TOV<; K~pvKa<;; 1TEptf1-EVHV iixp av a-xoAda'yJ, to wait 1tn.til he should find leisun. lb. ii. 3, 2, Mf.xpt o~ TaVTa rowf-ev, fJ-EVEOfW' Trap' ~JLiv mhoi<rL, but until we see this, we shall remain by ounelves. HDT. iv. 119 (for the omission of av see 620). Herodotus prefers the form with ov (619). "Axpt is much less common in tlds sense than fkEXpt. The forms liXP'' and fJ-EXP'' are not used by the best writers. 619. "A XP ( o{) and (1-E XP L o{) are used like axpi and f-EXPt.. E.g. Twv OE TClVTa 7rpa~avrwv, aXP t ov 00 6 A.oyos iypa<f>ETO, 1\a-[cpovos 7rpw-(3vTaTOS wv TWV doeAcpwv T~V apx~v eixe. XEN. Hell. vi. 4, 37. So Cyr. v. 4, 16; TRue. v. 26 ; HDT. i. 187, vii. 60. Tov<; "EA.A.')vas U1TEAVa-aTO OOVAE[w;;, wa-r' JA.evBipov<;; dvat fl'EXP 7TdAW avro~ a{,Tov<; KaTEOovA.wuavTo. FLAT. Menex. 245 A. Ilapao[ow{ht ivTHAdf-EVOS Beiva[ JUV E<; EP'fJJLOV opos Kat cpvA.ria-a-nv llxp' ov TAEvn}a-u, to watch him until he dies. HDT. i. 117 (see 614). KaTaT8ETai J, Tveoov fl-"-XP OV TOt<; 'A8'1va[OLS Ti o6~v, until the Athenians shall pass sorne vote about them (see 620). THuc. iii. 28. 620. (Omission of /lv.) ''Avis sometimes omitted after i!ws and the other particles meaning until (including 7rptv), wl1en they take the subjunctive. This is most frequent in tragic poetry, but it occurs sometimes with is o or s oil in Herodotus, and with f-EXP and fl-EXP (or llxpt) ov in Herodotus and Thucydides. E.g. "Ews Ti'> xoJpHv Kat TO Al!TrElO"Bat (1-df)YJ'> SOPH. Aj. 555. 'Ap~"(ET ([,TT' ~yw (1-EAr/iw. lb. 1183. So 0. C. 77, Tr. 148, Ph. 764. 'Es ov d7ro8avwa-t ~ a-cpt 7rapevpe8fj n llO.Kov, fl'EXP Tovrov. Hm. iii. 3l. Mr1ova JK(J~va f-EXP TrAov> yv')Tat, that nobody should leave the ship

ov

240

RELATIVE. AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[621

The only case in Homer of this omission of Ke or &v is the doubtful one, EXH K(JrOV o~pa TEAErTrT'{)J Il. i. 82, where iJ~pa may perhaps be final. (See 468.) For 1rpv without av with the subjunctive, even in Attic prose, see 648.

before she sailed. THuc. i. 137. Avrovs (~ ~vAaK0v ouK6p.trrav, p.expt ov 'A8~vatE 71'EJL~8wrrw. Id. iv. 46; see iv. 16 and 41, and iii. 28 (quoted in 619). See also p.expt o TOVTO lowp.Ev, HDT. iv. 119, and axpt OD n:AVT~rry, Id. i. 117.

B.

ITpiv, BEFORE, UNTIL.I

Meaning and General Use of 7rplv.

621. llp[v was originally a. comp:trative adverb ( = 1rp6npov and 7nfpo>), formed from 1rp6 and meaning before. It appears in the usual adverbial relations j as np[v p.ot iJ7rerTXETO, he once promised me; 7rptv wv, having been of old; EV r<f 7rptv xp6vp, in the former time; and it once takes the genitive like a preposition in PIND. Py. iv. 43, 7rptv wpas, before its time. With the infinitive it originally expressed a simple temporal relation, 1rpv A.8w being the equivalent of the later 7rp'o rov A.8i:v, before going. \Vith the finite moods 1rpv always expresses a limit of time and means until, like ~ws, having' become a conjunction, not losing, however, its original meaning of before. From this original comparative meaning, 1rpv has a negative force, implying that something does or does not happen before (i.e. in the absence of) another event; so th'at oll1rw or p.~1rw with a temporal participle may generally be substituted for 1rpCv and the infinitive. Thus, in vau 8~ II~8atov 1rpv EA.8iv vias 'Axatwv, Il. xiii. 172, for 1rpv >..fJEZv, before they carne, we could substitute ov1rw .\.8ovrwv, etc. So 7rptv tl.v with the subjunctive is often interchangeable with ,]v p.~, and always implies it; thus p.~ J1rA8[/'> 7rptv av aKOJJrT'{/S, do 1Wt depaft Until yoU heCLT, implies ~V JL0 <iKovo-vs, without heaTing. One result of this negative character of 7rpi.v is its strong affinity for the a01ist, the tense which denotes simple occurrence. (See Arn. Jour. Phil. ii. pp. 466 ff.) 622. In Homeric Greek 1rpv generally takes the primitive construction with the infinitive without regard to the nature of the leading verb. In lyric poetry, Herodotus, and Attic Greek, 7rpi.v takes the infinitive chiefly when the leading clause is af!irmative ; otherwise, it takes one of the finite moods, like w<;, having the sense of until. But, while the indicative may sometimes follow 1rpv, meaning until, when the leading clause is affirmative, the
1 Gesckicktliche Entwickelu.ng der Const?uctionen mit llpl>, von Josef Sturm: Heft 3 of Schanz's Beitriige.

624]

CONSTlWCTIONS WITH

7Tp/v

241

subjunctive and optative are never used unless the leading clause is negative or involves a negative idea.

Development of the Constructions with 'TT'ptv. 623. The Attic uses of 1rpv with the indicative, subjunctive, and optative, are seen in a primitive stage of development in Homer. The construction of 1rpv itself with the indicative was yet unknown; but four cases of 1rptv y' on with the indicative show a tendency in this direction. Six cases of 1rpv (without av nr Ke) with the subjunctive and one with the opta.tive (in indirect discourse) mark the beginning of the later usage with these moods. On the other hand, 81 cases of 1rpv with the infinitive show the prevailing Homeric construction. Here, as in all per orls of the language, when 1rpv takes the infinitive, we have sirnpiy a statement of fact, that one thing precedes another ; in vatE o~ II~oatov 7rptv eEt:v vias 'Axatwv, and he dwelt in Pedaeum before the coming of the sons of the Greeks, 1rplv A6EZv implies no more than 1rpo ucp[~EW> or the later 7rp0 'TOV JA6ELV, Any further idea that may be implied comes from the context, and is not found in the words. This use of 7rpv has little analogy in Greek syntax, its nearest parallel being the later use of w<Tn or w> with the infinitive. The simplest theory, which best suits the Homeric usage, ~eems to be that trpv has a "quasi-prepositional" relation to the infinitive, which is a verbal noun, a relation the same in effect as that of 1rp6 in 1rpo Tov JA8EZv in the later Attic construction. (See XEN. M em. ii. 6, 6, and DEM. xix. 7 3.) A similar use .,f dvT with the infinitive in a few cases in Heroclotus (see 803) shows a tendenty to go further in the same direction. 624. The Homeric language was gt>uerally contented with the ~imple 1rpv and the iufinitive, even when it was implied that the clause with 1rpv set a limit to the action (or negation) of the leading clause, i.e. when 1rpv could be expressed by until. So in IL xxi. 100, 1rplv IIaTpoKAov r.to-7rEtv aun1wv ~fl-<Lp, T6cppa 'TL fl-O' 7rEcptt)i<T8a, cpATEpov ~Ev Tpwwv, i.e. 1mtil the death of Pat?oclus I preferred to spare the Trojans (which he will no longer do); aJJd xix. 312, OVOE n euP-0 TEP'IT'ETO 7rplv 7rOAEfJ-OV <TTbfl-a OVfJ-EVO.L, i.e. he felt no pleasure until he entrwed the battle, in hoth cases the Attic Greek might have used 7rp[v with the indicative. So also when the clause with trp{v is future ant! conditional; as in Il. xix. 423, ov A~~w 1rptv Tpwa> aO'I'}V JM.rrru 7roAfJ-oto, I will not stop until] have given the Trojans enough of 1va.r. It was in cases like the last, where the mere temporal trplv f.Aa<Tat expresses the future condition very imperfectly, that the need of a more exact form was

v.

242

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[625

first felt. The need existed only after negative sentences, as here only could such a future condition be expressed by r.p:v consistently with its original meaning before. I shall not cease fighting until (before) I see the end of the war contains a future condition ( = ~v Jl-~) which 7rpv can properly express; but the equivalent affirmative, I shall go on fighting until I see the end of the wat, could not be expressed by 7rp[v, as we cannot substitute before for until, but it would require ws, which is until with no sense of before. The forms of parataxis suggested a simple and natural way of meeting this want, through the adverbial use of 7rpv. In a sentence like oilo~ jl-tV dv<TT~<T<t>' r.ptv Kat KaKOV aAAo m:i(}7JIJ"(}a, nor will you recall him to life :-sooner than this will you S'U;f[er smne new affliction, Il. xxiv. 551, we have only to remove the colon and make r.p[v a conjunction to obtain the regular construction of r.p[v with the subjunctive, nor will you recall!iim, to life before (until) you suffer snrne new affliction. This result could not have been attained with an affirmative leading clause; for while oil ToVTo r.ot~]IJ"w' r.p[v Jl-E KeAeVIJ"'[J>, I shall not do this :-you shall command me first, gives the meaning I shall not do this before you command rne, the paratactic affirmative, Towo r.wljiJ"w 7rpv Jl-E KEAEV<TTJS, would give only you will command me before I do this. I shall do this before you command me would be TOVTo 7l'ot.~<Tw 7rpv <TE KEAEv<Tat, which is not the result of any form of parataxis. The six cases of 1rpv with the subjunctive in Homer are all without dv or K, and all follow negatives. The primitive character and the rarity of this construction S\'lem to show that we are nearer the original parataxis here than in any other form ; while the change of the subjunctive to the optative after n past trnse in Il. xxi. 580 (see 639) shows that the dependence of the clause with 7rp[v is thoroughly established (cf. 307). An attempt to arrive at the same result in a more awkward way appears in two cases of 7rp[v y' o-T dv with the subjunctive in the Odyssey (641 ), where 7rp[v introduces the subjunctive with o,.' av very much as it introduces the infinitive.

625. No case of 7rp[v with the indicative occurs in Homer; but the want was supplied by r.p[v y' oTE 8~ with the indicative, which resembles r.pv y ~; av with the subjunctive just mentioned. As this construction is not the result of parataxis, and there' is no such obstacle to com hining the ideas of until and b(ifme in statements of past fact after affirmative clauses as was felt in with the indicative future conditions (624), we find r.p[v y' after both affirmative and negati\e sentences (see the examples in 636). It thus appears that r.p[v was not sufficiently established as a conjunction in Homer to take the indicative without the

on

627]

CONSTRUCTIONS WITH

7rpiv

243

intervention of on, although 7rpv with the subjunctive had become a fixed construction. The history of the uses of 1rpv after Homer will be found below. (See 627; 632-634; 637; 642; 643; 645.)

IIpCv

WITH THE INFINITIVE,

626. (In Horner.) In Homer the infinitive regularly follows 7rptv after both affirmative and negative sentences, often where the .Attic Greek would have the finite moods.

E.g.
NaZe 8~ II18atov 1rpiv V..Bet:v vTas 'Axatwv. Il. xiii. 172. Tov 8' e<PBYJ dpe~aJLEVOS 7rptv OVTarra '' ovo' dq)aflapnv. ll. xvi. 322. "2:<P~:nv 8~ 1rpv 1rep TPDJLOS ~A.A.a(3e cpa[DLJLa -yvta,, 7rp~v 11"DAJLDV T' l 8H v TroAJLoL6 Te fl-EpJLepa ~pya, before they saw the wa1, etc. Il. viii. 452. (See 657.) <I>dyn 7rptv Trep OJLLAov doAAtrrB?)JLEVat dvopwv. Il. XV. 588. "'H K' en 7rOAAo1 -yatav 68a~ eiA.ov 7rptv ''IA.wv Elrra<PtKErrBa<. Il. xxii. 17. 'AA.A.O. ol avT<i) Zevs dAEITHE f3YJV 7rp~v 1JJL'iV Tr~fl-a cpvTEvrrat. Od. iv. 668. AEB' wcpeA.X aA.A.oB' 6A.rrBa, 7rptv JA.Be'iv. Od. xviii. 402. Ollo' d7rOA1)yn 7rptv xpoos dvopDJLEOW OLEABe'iv. Il. xx. 100. Ov A.~~w 1rpiv Tpwas aDYJV HO.trat 7roAEfl-ow. Il. xix. 423. Ou "'' d7roTpfw> 7rptv xaAK<iJ JLaxf.rrarrBa<. Il. xx. 257. Ovo' 5 ye A.otyov dm.Jrra 1rpv i dTru TraTpi <PA.'I? 86JLevat KOVPYJV. Il. i. 97. In the last three examples the subjunctive would l)e regular in Attic, and even Homer uses it in a few such cases (639). In I!. xx. l 00 7rptv &fjA.chv would have been the common Attic form. In the other
examples, in wl1icl1 a mere temporal relation is expressed, tl1e infinitive would be requirell in Attic Greek. Hesiod has one example (Scut. 40) and the Homeric Hynms one (V en. 151) of Trp[v with the infinitive, hoth after negative sentences.

627. (After Homer.) The lyric poets, Herodotus, and the .Attic writers use the infinitive after 7rptv chiefly when the leading sentence is a.ffirnwtive. But the infinitive is always required when 7rp{v means simply befon, not until. E.g.
IIp<v f. KTEAirrat KaTef3YJ ODJLOV ''Atoo<;. THEOG. 917. "lrrTaJLat aJLTrvf.wv 7rp[v n <{)a0ev, I stand taking b?eath before I spenk. Pmn. Nem. viii. 19; so Py. ix. ] 13. IIptJI iJiv 1rapdvat iKeivov is T?JV 'ATTtK~v, VJLEas Katp6s irrn 7rpof3oYJB~rraL f.s T~V BotwT[av, bejoTe he comes into Atticn, etc. HnT. viii. 144. IIp2v vvv Ta TrAe{ov' 1rrTopet:v, f.K ~rro' f!opa> e~eA.B', befme seehingfmtheT, etc. SoPH. 0. C. 36. 'A7ro7rEJL7rOV!TLV ovv avTov7rp~v aKovrrat. THUC. ii. 12. So ii. 13, 7rptv rr(3a"Aet:v el<;T?JV 'A-rnK~V. 'Acp{e<TavT<i(3f.AYJTrOAlJ 7rptv f.~tKVEt rr Bat. XEN.Cyr.iii. 3, 60, 'HJLELS To[vvv Merrrr?)V?)V et:AoJLEV 7rp2v IIf.prras

244

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[628

\ " ' \ ' ' "' ' ' ) Aa f3 HJ! T'YJV f3 a<TtAtaJI Kat KpaT'YJ<Tat 'T'Y""> YJ1rtpov, Kat 7rpt1! OtKt J' ' , <T 8~ va [ nva<; rwv TrOAEwv rwv 'EA.A.>]vl8wv. Isoo. vi. 26. Kat 1rptv ~ f'~Va<; ')'Eyovvat, d7rEOWK. PLAT. Prot. 320 A. 'A7rwAUf1E<T8' ap', d KaKOV 7rpO<TOi<TOf'V VEOV TraAat<{J, 7rptv roo' i~YJVTA1)KEVat, we are ruined, then, if we shall add a new calamity to the fo1"rner one, before we shall have exhausted this (109). EuR. Med. 78. In the following cases the infiuitive is necessary, even after negatives. IIplv w<; ''A~of3ov ..\BE!v l'tav ?Jf'Epav ovK ix~pEv<TEv, she was not a widow a single day bejo1e she went to Aphob1s (where until would be ahmrd). DEM. xxx. 33. Ov8~ yd.p 1rptv ~TT?)B~vat T0v 8tK"Jv ElxEv iSv 8uw(ovE8a, i.e. he did not have it even bej01e he lost the suit (much less afterwards). IsAE. v. 21. So AR. Av. 964 ; THuc. i. 39, 68. See also Isoc. V. 70, orav 8fi)w<Tt !'0 7rponpov Tt m5.8ns 7rptv TEAOS ETrt8El.vat Toi:s 7rpaTTOf.LEVOt'i, when they feaT lest you may rneet with some disasteT before ym~ finish what you me doing (not until you finish). Indeed, v-1 after a verb of fearing does not make a negative sentence so far as the sense is concerned, what affects the dependent clause being the positive idea in 1ra8v>: see SoPH. Tr. 632. 628. An infinitive with 1rpv sometimes depends on a negative clause, where a finite mood might be. allowed, becau8e the temporal relation is still so prominent as to determine the construction. This may happen when the clause with 1rptv precedes, so that the dependence which until expresses is obscured by the position. E.g. "01rw<; f.LJJ 7rpoTEpov vil~ f<TTat 1rptv 7rv8<T8at a1raJITa<;, i.e. lest night should co1ne before they had hemd them all. AND. i. 43. IIptv T0v vavp.axfav VtK~(]'at ~vfis, y~ OVK ?]v dA.A' ~ xwp8wv f.LtKpov, befO?e we gained the naval victory, he had only a little piece of land (the argument tries to l)l'OVe that he d'ied l)Oor). LYS. xix. 28. Ka[ f.LOL v0 8opuf3-IJ'TIJ f.L'JOEL<;; 1rptv d.KOV(]'at, and let no one interTupt me brifoTe he hears (where 1rplv &v d.KOV(]'Y/, until he hears, would suggest the wrong idea). DEM. v. 15. IIpiv 8~ ro.vra 1rpa~at, tJ-0 <TKOTrEVTE Tfs cl1r(;JJ1 rd. f3ATt<TTa d1roA/::<T8at (3ovA~<TETat (where the iruny of the question would mnke until absurd). Id. iii. 12 : so 13. IIptv v~~~ yap rovro 1rpa~at AEwKpar?)v ll.o?JA.ov ?jv o1ro'io TtvE> &vrE> iTvyxavov vuv 8~ 7ra<TL ~avEp6v (where the temporal relation in 7rptv f.LEV and JIVV 8 is the only important one). LYCURG. 135. See also AESCH. Sept. 1048, Ag. 1067; SoPH. Aj. 1419; XEN. Cyr. iv. 3, 10. 629. The infinitive sometimes follows 1rpv after negative sentences where we might have the optative, which for some reason was not common after 1rpf.v. E.g. OvK av tJ-dJEI.To 7rptv Ka8' ~oov0v KAVELv, he would not give it up until he should heaT (before hearing) what he desi1ed. SoPH. Tr. 197. (We might l1ave 1rpiv KAvot : cf. Tr. 2, otK &v alwJ' tKf'aBots (3porwv, 1rpiv &v Bd.vu Tt>, where 1rpiv 8avot might have been used.) So AESCH. Supp. 772. Ovo' av ow.{3ovAEv(]'a(]'8at <n ;;q,~,, 1rplv ,.pis .ivve<1. ~fkf.pas tu'ivat, until he shmtld wait, etc. THuc. vii. 50. 'IKenvov flo1)0apJ;,, d1roTpE7r(]'()at, 7rptv Jvf3aA.iv eLS T0v xJJpav, until they should invade

633]

CONSTIWCTIONS WITH

7rp{v

245

the country. XEN. Hell. Yi. 5, 23. 01lre a-l>To~ 7T'OTE 7rp2v iSpwO'at OEt7rvov iJpEtTo. Id. Cyr. viii. 1, 38. (Here 7rp1v iSptiJO'EtE in the geueric sense wonl1l be the natural expression ; but it is doubtful whethe1 this construction was ever used with 7rp{v. For An. iv. 5, 30, see 646.)

630. There remain some cases of 7rpv with the infinitive after negative clauses where the older usage seems to he retained in place of tlJe more exact later uso of the indicative or subjunctive. E.g. Ovo 7rp~~ OtKarnryp~) OVOE f3ovAEVTYJpr.p w<t>fhJV OV0E7T'tiJ7T'OTE, 7rp2v 'l'o.{mfl' T~v O'VJJ-<f>opav y Evcr8at, i.e. neve1, until this calarnity befell me. LrK. xix. 55. 'E7rtt01J 8' ovK oTov T' iO'Tiv al0'8a-8at (Tov~ 7T'Ov1)povs) 7rp2v KaK(O~ nvo. 7ra8E'iV v7r' m)Twv, but since it is not possible to ncognise them 11.ntil sornebody is hU!'t by (he7JJ, (for 7rptv av mJ.817 n~). Isoc. xx. 14. In such cases the temporal relation seems to exclude the other in the writer's mind. 631. ("H 7rpv.) We sometimes find 1} 7rpv, than before, with the infinitive, a past verh being understood after rj. E.'l. Oi 7T'OAEJJ-'ot 7T'oAv JJ-Ev 1\.aTTov~ EZ1nv vvv 1) 7rpiv 1JTTYJ8~vat, 7T'OAv ,)' EAUTTOVES 1} OTE a7T'E0pao-av 1JfkO.S, they an nwch je?I!CJ' now than (they weTe) br;fme they we1e beaten, etc. XE:-<. Cyr. v. 2, :36. So vii. 5, 77. IIapaA.af3wv 7'fJV m:lA.tv XELp01' p.ev </>povovo-av 1) (se. <j>povi) 7T' p lv KaTao-xE'iv 71JV dpxf]v. Isoc. viii. 126. This ellipsis occurs first in Xenophon.

ilp{v

WITH THE INDICATIVE.

632. (Ea?ly Poets.) Ilp[v with the im1icative does not occur in the Iliad or Odyssey, except in 7rp[v y' oTE (see 636). The first case of simple 7rp{v with the indicative is Hymn. Ap. P.r. 17 8, 8s Tfj y' dvnao-HE, 4,f.peo-K y fk'V ai'o-tJJ-OV 1jJJ-ap, 7rpv y oi lov <j>1')Ko 'Am)A.A.wv, i.e. e?;eTy one W(ts slain, until Apollo sent an aJTow at the monster. Three cases occur in Pindar: 01. ix. 57, xiii. ()5; Nem. iv. 28. The last is the first case of 7rpv with the iuJicative after a negative sentence. These are the only cases before the Attic writers. 633. (Attic Poets.) Aeschylus has one example, after a negative : 1JV dll.~wl ov8ev, d/1.11.0. <f>apfkUKWV XPE{~, KaTEO'KEAAOVTo, 7rp{v y' J'/w rr</>tO'tV i!Set~a Kpao-Et~ 1}7rwv dKeo-JJ-a7wv, until I showed them, etc., Prom. 4 79. So likewise A1istophanes: 7rporepov 8' ot'K 1)v yvo<; d8avaTWV, 7rplv :!pw<; ~VVEJJ-i~EV a'lT'aVTa, Av. 700. Sophocl('S has one, after an affirmative : 'J/'DJJ-YJV 8' aVIJp ao-Twv JJ-E/'io-To~, 7i'pv fJ-Oi TVXYJ Tota8' E7T'ErrT1), until this j01tune befell me, 0. T. 77 5. Euripides
Ol>K has seven examples, all (according to Sturm) after affirmatives, as follows:'Ev ,i,S['f 8~ 71'W<; EO'T'YJ, .,.plv 8>) n<; ~<f,(}f:.'Y~a.To, And. 1145. A<f>pwv vEo<;! ijv, 7rptv io-E'ioov otov ijv, I was a 'Witless youth, untill saw, etc. I. A. 489 (where there is a negative force iu a<j>pwv). 'Avw-

246

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[634

AOAV~E, 7Tpv y' op{j,, she shouted, until she saw, etc. :M:ed. 1173. (Here the contrast of etT' 1JKEV pf:yav KWKVTOV in 1176 gives the idea that she did not begin the loud wailing until she saw the foam.) 2:7rovoa2 -t}U'av r(]'at, 7rptv il.aEpnaO'l}<; 7rE {eH (]'Tpanav. Hec. 132. The others are Ale. 128; Rhes. 294, 568. These are all the cases of 1rpv with the indicative which precede those in prose. It will be seen that the idea of until is always conspicuous, even when the leading verb is affirmative ; and in the earlier stages of the construction little regard was paid to the character of the leading sentence. With prose a new and stricter usage begins (634).

634. (Prose.) In Attic prose and in Herodotus, 71'pv, until, referring to a definite past action, regularly takes the indicative after negative sentences or those implying a negative, very rarely after affirmative sentences. E.g.
Q{(n KW crvpf3oA3]v E7r0t~ETO 7rpv f'E 0~ aVTOV 7rpVTaV'l}'l} eyheTo, he did not yet rnalce an attack until his own day of conwnand caille. HDT. vi. 110. So vi. 79, vii. 239, ix. 22 ; an with 7rpfv ye 0~. TovTOU TOV ~7rEO<; Aoyov ovova E'lT'OtEVVTO 7rptv 01J E7rETEAEfre'l}. Id. i. 13. For 1rplv i) in Herodotus see 651; ai1d for 1rponpov ~ in Herodotus and Thucydides, see 653. Ov np,oTEpov E7rawavro ev 6py lxovn<; a!Jr6v, 7rptv i.C1JfL[WU"aV )(p~paU'tv, they did not cease to rega1d him 'with wrath until they .fined him. TRUC. ii. 65. Ovo' 1J~[(JJ(J'(J.J! J!EWTEpov n 7I"OtEtV ES Q.VTOV, 7rp[v {'E 01J avToZs dv1)p 'Apy[.\ws fL'l}VVT~<; y{yw.Tat, i.e. until he beconus, etc. Id. i. 132: 01JTE TOTE lvat ~eEA, 7rptv 1J yvv~ avTOV i!'lrttcrE. XEN. An. i. 2, 26. Ov 7rp6Tpov 1)eA.1)U'f.V d1rEAeErv. 1rpiv avr6v i ~~A.acra v f3'f. Lcs: iii. 7. MCTU"'f}Vtovs 'ITOA~opKovvns ov 1rponpov e7ravU"aJITo, 7rptv J~{3aAOV EK TfJS xwpa<;. hoc. xii. 91. (Isocrates lms the formula ov 1rponpov i1ravcravro 1rpv with the indicative nine times.) OvK 1jv EV 8-f]f3at<; drrcpaA~<;, 7rptv T1JV Botwr[av a7r~OWKE Kat TOV<; PWKEa<; dvELAEv. DEM. viii. 65. ITaA.w rovro TEfLVWv otJK 7rav'ijKE, 1rplv J.cpevptiJV U"Kat6v TtV pwra Uoto6pYJCT paX EV o[JC[J. FLAT. Phaedr. 266 A. (This is the only case in Plato ; but he has three indicatives in unfulfilled conditions. See 637.)

635. The only exam])les in prose of 1rpv with the indicative after strictly aftinnative sentences are these three : 'E7rt 7rOAiJ oc")yov T'fj<; 1)ppw;; 7retpwpevot &A-A.~A.wv, 7rplv 0~ , ApfU"TWV 1rd8et rov<; CipxovTas. THuc. vii. :39. ITapa7rA~crw 1racrxov, 7rpiv YE o-? 0~ '::::vpaKOCTWt Erp1fav TE TOV<; 'AB1)Vafov<; Kat KaTeofwKOV ls T1)v y'ijv. Id. vii. 71. ITpocrE1roApet 'AptcrTocpwvn, 1rpiv a1m{i n)v avr1)v TaVTl)V 1)1rtfA'l}(TEV f.1rayyeA.av iv T<{j O'tlfl-<t' 1)v1rep y0 1'tpapx<tJ Jm}yyEtAa, he continued to attack Aristophon, 1mtil A. threatened him before the people with this same kind of summons (to OOKt}hacr[a) which I sened on TimaTChus. AESCHIN. i. 64. In these cases the force of until in 1rptv is made especially emphatic by the continuation of the state of things described by the leading imperfects. There seems to

637]

CONSTRUCTIONS WITH

7rplv

247

be a feeling implied like that in ov 7tp6rEpov i1rava-avro 1rpv (see Sturm, p. 333). Sturm cites also THuc. i. 51 and 118, iii. 29 and 104, as examples. But the first two have actual 11egatives in the leading sentence ; in iii. 29, rovs 'A8r1vaovs Aav8d.vova-t, 1rpiv 3~ rfi D.~A'f ~a-xov, the idea is that the Athenians did not see them ~mtil, etc.; in iii. 104, rd. 7rcpi rovs dywvas KarAV8YJ v1ro fvpq)opwv, 1rpiv 81) o1 'A8Yjva!ot r6rE rov d-ywva f.7roYJa-av, the meaning is, the games were broken up (i.e. Wire no longer held) until the Athenians 1enewed them at this time. (See Am.. Jour. Phil. ii. p. 469.)

636. ITp[v y' ou, until, has the indicative in Homer, after affirmative as well as negative sentences. These cases occur : 'E1ri la-a JLd.X"' rf:mro, 1rpv y' ou 81] ZEvs Kv8os v1rf:prcpov ''EKropt
8wKEv, the lmttle hu.ng equally balanced, until (when) Zeus gave higher glory to Hector. Il. xii. 436. ''Ht-tEB' drv'6fLEVaL, 1rpv "/ orE 3,) f-tE a-o<; v1us a1fO pEyd.pow KriAECTITEV, until your son called me. Od. xxiii. 42. Ov8' w<; TOV 8vpov ~1fEL8ov, 7rpv i OT 01J 8d.Aapos 7TV/ f.{3d.AAEro, i.e. until the uattering began. Il. ix. 58 7. So in the suspected verses, 1rpv y' orE .. 8Jpa-vvas, Od. xiii, 322. For Od. iv. 178, see 637. Four cases of 1rpv y' 01) with the indicative are found in the Homeric Hymns: Ap. Del. 49; Cer. 96, 195, 202 ; after which this strange construction disappears.

ou

637. (Indicative with np[v in unfulfilled conditions.) When the clause introduced by o;rp[v, until, refers to a result not attai.ned in past time in consequence of the non-fulfilment of some condition, it takes a past tense of the indicative like the corresponding clan se with ws ( 613, 2 ). We find examples only of the aorist indicative after negative sentences:'Expfjv rovs r'IAAovs p1) 1rp6npov r.Epi rwv OfLoAoyovt-tevwv a-vpf3ovAEvELv, 7rptv 7rtpi TWV ap1>ta-fJYJTOVfLEVWJI ~pas f_8[8afav, they ought
not to have given advice about undisputed matte1s, until they had instructed about what is in dispute. Isoc. iv. 19. Xpfjv ro{vvv AerrrvYJV fL?J 7rp6npov n6vaL TOV avrou v6pov, 7rpiv TOUTOV eAva-E, before he had 1epealed this one. DEM. xx. 96. Oi"< <'lv f1fECTKEtfafLEea 1rp6npov EtTE 8L8aKrov dn o~ 8LoaKrov ~ &pEr~, 1rpiv on a-n 1rpwrov f_'YJ"~a-apEv aDr6, we should not have inqutTed whetheT 1nTtue was teachable or not, 1mtil we had first asked what it is in itself. FLAT. llfen. 86 D; so 84 C, and Theaet. 165 D. Besides these five cases in llrose, we have the same construction with r.p[v y' OTE o;) in Od. iv. 178: ov8 KEV ~fLEa<; r'IAAo 8LKpLVEV, 7rpv y' OTE O?J eavd.TOLO pf:Aav v1>os dp1> E KaAVtfEV' nm would atLght else have sepamted us until the black cloud of death had covered us. For the same construction with 7rp6rEpov ~ in HDT. viii. 93, see
~s

653.

248

RELATIVE AND

TE11~J>OltAL

SENTENCES

1638

llp{v

WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE.

SUBJUNCTIVE.

638. When a clause with 1rplv, until, refers to the future, and depends on a ncgati'Ve clause of future time (not containing an optative), 1rptv takes the subjunctive, like twc; in a similar case (613, 3). 639. In Homer 7rpv does not take KE or &.v with the subjunctive, the form of the original parataxis being still retained (624 ). The examples of the subjunctive are these:0{, yap 7rw KaTaov(]'OJLE8' El> 'Aoao ooJLovs, 7rp2v JLDprnJLov ~fLap 71" A. 8 v, we shall not yet deseend to the house of Hades, until the fated
day shall conw. Od. x. 174. (Here, if we insert a colon after OOJLOVS and take 7rpv as an adverb, sooner than this, we have the paratactic form.) So Il. xviii. 135 ; Od. xiii. 335, xvii. -7. In Il. xviii. 190, ov JLE 7rp[v '/ da 8wp~mmr8at, 1rpfv y' aDT1JV EowJLo.t, she did not perrnit rne to ann ?nyself until I sho1tld see hm, the subjunctive of direct discourse (seen in xviii. 135) is retained after a p11 .. t tense. So Il. xxiv. 781. In I!. xxi. 580 a similar subjunctive has been changed to the optative (644). 640. Hesiod has two cases of 7rph' with the subjunctive, Th. 222, Op. 738, still without KE or av as in Homer. IIptv &.v first occurs in THEOClN. 963 (see 642). 641. 'J'wo cases of 7rpv y' OT' aV (used like 7rp[v) With the subjunetive occur in the Odyssey. The first is especially instructive, ii. 373 ; dA.A' OJLO(]'OV JL~ JLY)Tpt ,pt>..v Ta8e JLVB~a-aa-Bat, 7rp[v y' oT' EVOE~<<h-q 'TE 8vwOEKaT-ry 'TE yf.vT)Tat, -i) o:im)v 7ro(}f.a-at Kat drpopfLTJ8EvTo~ dKova-a ,, but swear not to tell this to my mother until the eleventh or twelfth day shall come, or (until) she shall miss me and hea1 of my departure. Here 11"'pv first introduces av yvrJTUL and then the two infinitives, having the same prepositional force with both. But in iv. 746, where the same sceJJC is described, we have EJLEV o' EAETO JLEyav opKov, JL~ 7rptv a-o pav 7rplv OWOEKd.TrjV ye YEVk(]'&at ij cl ai>T0v 7ro8a-at Kai drpopfL')Bf.vTos dKova-at. the simpler and more common 11"'ptv yevf.a-Ba, taking the place of the unwieldy 7rpv '/ <ST' av yf.vTJTat. The other case is iv. 4 7 5 : oi> 7rptv JLO"ipa rpA.ovs l8av, 7rp[v y' oT' av Alyv71"'TOW vowp i!A8us.

av

or

642. After Homer and Hesiod 1rpv av is established as the regular form with the subjunctive. E.,q. M~ 'JfOT' .hratV1J<Tll~ 7rp2v CJ.v d8fj s avopa a-arpY)VEW>. THEOG. 963 (the earliest case of 7rptv &.v). Ov8 A1J~EL 7rplv av 'l KO p E(J']) Keap ~ lAy Ttc; &.pxdv. AESCH. PronL 165. o,_~ ycip 7ror' :J~~t -rrp~v &.v Ktdvar; JvapyeZs OEvp6 JLOL a-T~ a- I7 s &.ywv, you shall not depa1t until you b1ing those girls and place thern before rny eyes. SoPH. 0. C. 909. Ov fL'l

644]

CONSTRUCTIONS WITH

7rpfv

249

~ r~-. , ' '(3 vavs a't'oppt<T'{/ X ovos, 1rptv av Kop'Y)v <TT) V 'Iri. ' 't'tyevnav "A pTEJLtS 11.a 17 ri. ~ ' ' "' ' ' " r <Tpay<t<Tav. E OR. I . 'l' 19 . M') 7rpoKaTaytyvw<TK, w 7raTep, 1rptv av .; 'Y 6.Kov<T 11 s dpcpoTepwv. AR. Vesp. 919. Ov KW <TE f.yi'o A.yw (eil<laJLOva), 1rptv &v TEAEVT~<Tavm KaAws TiJv alwva 1rv8wjhat, until 1 shall hear that you have ended your life happily. HDT. i. 32. Ov XP~ p' f.v&f.v8e d7reA&eZv, 7rptv &v ow o{K'Y)V. XEN. An. V. 7, 5. OvK o[6v TE vJha> 1rpoTepov elovat, 1rplv &v Kat f.1wv aKoV<T'Y)TE a1roAoyovfhevov. AND. i. 7. Tovs 8' ov 1rpoTEpov 7rav<ToVTat 1rpiv av ovTws w<T7rep ~pas ow&w<TtV. Isoc. xiv.l8. M>}1rw ye, 7rptv av Tb KUVjha 7rapf.A.Bv, not yet,-until the heat of the day is past. PLAT. Phaedr. 242 A.

e '

' , '

'

OPTATIVE.

643. When a clause with 1rpv, until, referring to the future, depends on a negative clause containing an optative in protasis or apodosis, in a wish, or in a final clause, it may have the optative (without av) by assimilation, like a conditional relative clause (613, 4), or it may take the infinitive. These cases of the optative occur:Ov yap av elod;)S avopos v6ov Ol'OE yvvatKo<;, 7rptv 11'Etp'Y)BEL'Y)S,for you cannot know the mind of a man or a woman until you have tested it. THEOG. 125 (the earliest exaniple). Ov7roT' l!ywy' av, 7rptv f8o ijh' dp&ov E7rOS, JhEJhcpopvwv &v KaTacpa{'Y)v, never would I assent when m.en blame hirn, until I should see the word proved t1ue. SoPH. 0. T. 505. M~ (J"Ta[;) 1rOAVKW1rOV ox;wa vaos aVT<tJ, 7rptv TUVOE 7rpos 1rOAtV a VV<TE tE, may his ship of m.any oaTS not stop until it rnalces its way to this city. Id. Tr. 655 ; so Phi!. 961 (both after optative of wish). ITapavZ<Txov cppvKTOVS, 01rWS Jh'J f3o'YJ80tEV 7rptv <TtpWl' oi av<lpes oi E~iOVTES () tatp1Jy o t Ev, they 1aised signal t01ches, that the enerny rnight not come to the rescue until thei1 own nwn who had gone f01th had escaped. THuc. iii. 22. N op[<TaVTE<; ovK iiv en TtJl' Bpat:T{oav <Ttpwv 7rpo<Ta7rO<TTq<Tat ovov 1rptv 7rapa<TKEvctt:TatvTo, thinlcing that B. would not cause any furthe? secessions of their a.Uies until they had made prepamtions. Id. i v. 117. So XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 48 (two examples). OvK &v 1rpoTEpov 6pJh~<Tm, 1rpv 1r17 f3c(3a.[wrratTo n)v <TKEtftV TlJS 1ropeas. PLAT. Leg. 799 D. El eAKot Tts avTuv, Kat JL0 dve{?) 1rpt1' E~EAKV<TEHV els Tb Tov ~Aov <j>ws, if one should dmg him, and not let him go until he had dmgged hir.1 ont into the sunlight. Id. Rep. 515 E. These are all the cases of this use of the optative with 1rpv cited by Sturm. In many cases where the optative could have been used, the infinitive appears (see 629). 644. The optative with 1rpv is more frequent in indirect discourse after a negative verb of past time, representing a subjunctive of the direct form, which is often retained. (See the corresponding use of ws, 614.) E.g. OvK e8EAEJI cpElJYEW r.p2v 1rEtpfj<Tavr' 'AxtA.l}o<;, he would not .fly

250

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[645

until he should try Achilles. Il. xxi. 580. (The direct form was 1rp~v 7rHp1]a"YJTat might have been used here. See Il. xviii. 190, in 639.) So Hymn. Cer. 334; HEs. Scut. 18. ''Eoo~ pm JLiJ tr'iya, 1rptv </> p a a- a. fL trot, TOV 1T'Aovv 7rOLEUT8at. So rH. Ph. 551. (In Aj. 742 we have 7rptv TlJXV in a similar sentence.) 'EoovTo JL~ d1reA8eZv 1rplv a1rayayot TO trTpaTwfLa (v. l. 7rptv ltv d7rayayv). XEN. An. vii. 7, 57. (See et1rov JLY)Oeva TWV lJmrr8ev KtveZa-8at 1rplv &v o 1rp6a-8ev ~')'~Tat, Cyr. ii. 2, 8.) 'A11'YJ')'6peve JLYJO~va {3J),Aew, 1rplv Kvpo> EJL7rAY)tr8dYJ 8YJpW1', until GyTus should be satisfied. Id. Cyr. i. 4, 14. ''H yovv8' ollo~v oTo -r' dvat KweZv, 7rp2v EK7roowv EKe'i:vo, avTot> yvotTO. Isoc. xvi. 5. So fLAT. Ap. 36 C, Rep. 402 B, Leg. 678 D. For the infinitive, often preferred to the optative in such sentences, see 629.
7rHp~trWJLa, and

llp[v

WITH SuBJUNCTIVE IN GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS.

645. When the clause introduced by 7rplv, until, is generic, and depends on a negative clause of present time expressing customary or repeated action or a general truth, we have 7rptv av with the subjunctive (613, 5). E.g.
'Opw(TL Toi>> 7rpea-{3vTf.pov> ov 1rp6a-8ev U71'tOVTa> yaa-Tp6s !!FeKa, 1rplv ltv d<j>w(J' t v ol lipxovTe>. XE:N. Cyr. i. 2, 8. Ov -yfip 1rp67EpoF KaT~')'OfJOS 7rapct TOtS <iK01JOVO'LJ' ltrXUH, 7rptv ctv 0 <j>EV')'WV UOVVan/tru Tas 11'poHpYJJLEVa<; alT[a<; a11'oAvO'aG'8at. AEscHIN. ii. 2. Ovoet> 7rw7roTe f.1r8eTo (gnomic) 7rpOTEpov Tii TOV 01)p,ov KaTaAvU"EL, 11'ptv ltv JLEL{ov Twv OLKaC[TlJp[wv la-xvO'v. Id. iii. 235. Ov 1rp6Tepov 1T'avovTat, 1rplv &v 1T'e{rrw(TLV oil<; ~o[KYJG'aV. PuT. Phaed. ]14 B. So Leg. 968 C.

646. It is doubtful whether the optative was ever used with 11'p{v in the corresponding generic sense. In XEN. An. iv. 5, 30, for 1rplv 1rapa8e'iev the weight of Mss. authority seems to favour r.plv 1rapa&e'ivat. In Il. ix. 488 7rp[v ciTE 0~ a-' /lG'aoJU is of this class.

647. The principle by which 1rpv takes the subjunctive and optative only after negative sentences, or sentences which were felt as negative, seems to have allowed of no exceptions. The two following cases have been cited : Al(J'xp6v o' ~hOUJLUL 11'p07epOl' 1T'UVO'a(]'8at, r.p21' av VJLEL<; 0 TL av {3ovArya-8e t/nl </> [trry(]'8e, which is practically equivalent to I Tej?lse to stop until you hn-ve voted what you wish, al(]'xp6v having elsewhere a negative force (see 817). LYS. xxii. 4. "Oo-n> o.Ov OLETaL Toils liAAovs KOLVV TL 1rpa~ELV dya86F, 1rp2v ltv TOV<; 1T'fJOEtr7'WTa'> avTWV OtaAA6.~u, A.tav <hAws ~XL Kat 1r6ppw Twv 11'payJLaTwv EG'T[v, which amounts to this : nobody but a simpleton thinks that the othe1s will do anything in common until their leaders are united. Isoc. iv. 16. In SIMON. AM.

652]

CONSTRUCTIONS WITH

7rptv

251

i. 12, 1rptv lwqrat cannot be correct, as 7rp[v here does not mean until, but merely before.

648. IIplv, like ews, etc. (620), sometimes takes the subjunctive without liv, even in Attic Greek. E.g. M0 <Treva( 1rpiv !hri8v> SoPH. Ph. 917. So Ant. 619, Aj. 742, 965, Tr. 608, 946. OvK E<TTLV O<TTL> avrov ~atpry<TTaL, 7rptv yvvatK' p.oi p.E8fj. EuR. Ale. 848. So Or. 1218, 1357. M0, 7rp[v y' dKo-6<TTJ'> x&.rpav <TTWLV !LAWV. AR. Ran. 1281. So Eccl. 629. See HDT. i. 32, iv. 157, vi. 82. Even in Attic prose the Mss. omit &.v in some places ; as THuc. vi. I O, 29, 38, viii. 9 ; XEN. Oec. xii. 1, Cyn. iii. 6; AESCHIN. iii. 60; HYPER. Eux. xx. 10 ( 4); PLAT. Theaet. 169 B, Tim. 57 B; but many editors insert liv in all these places on their own responsibility.
649. A few cases of 1rpiv av with the optative, if the text is sound, are to be explained (like those of EW> av, 613, 4, end) as indirect discourse in which the direct form had 1rplv liv with the subjunctive. See XEN. Hell. ii. 4, 18 (quoted in 702).

650. In sentences with 1rplv we sometimes have a subjunctive depending on an optative with av, as in conditional relative sentences (556). E.g. OvK av alwv' EK!La8ots f3porwv, 7rptv av 8avv n<;, you cannot fully 1tnde1stand the life of mortals, until one dies. SoPH. Tr. 2. OvK av &.7reA8oL!LL 1rptv 1ravTa1ra<TLV ?J dyopa Av8fi. XEN. Oec. xii. I. ''H Aeyot!LV av TL dAYJeE>, OV fl?JV <Ta<f>es YE OVOE TEA0V 1rptv ai'! (?) Kat ravra<; avr~s 1raa-as 1rptEAWf1.V; PLAT. Polit. 281 D. The leading verb here has merely the effect of a future form on the clause with 1rplv.
Ilp~v

1], 7rporepov 1},

AND

7rapo<:;,

IN THE SENSE OF

7rpv.

651. IIpiv {j, sooneT than, which is a more developed form of 1rpv, is found twice in the Iliad with the infinitive; aud very frequently in Herodotus with the infinitive (only after past tenses), the indicative, and the subjunctive (without av). E.g. Ov p.1)v a-<f>w[ y' dtw 1rpv y' d1ro1rava-aa-8at 1rptv 1) lnp6v YE 1rE<T6vra aZp.aTo> d<Tat "ApY)a. Il. v. 287. The same words occur after 1rplv ~ in xxii. 266. OL o Alyv1rrw,, 1rp2v p.ev 1) 'a/h/h~nxov <T<f>ewv (3a<TtAEva-at, v60t(ov wvrovs 1rpd!Tovs yEvea-8at mxvTWl' dv8pdi1rwv. HDT. ii. 2. IIp2v yap i) ,37f[a-w <T<f>eas d VU1r Aw<Ta i ES ras Lap8ts -i}Aw o KpoZa-o>. Id. i. 78. Ov yap o~ 1rp6npov d1rave<rTY), 1rplv ~ <T</>m> V1rOXHp[ovs E1rot-f]a-a,To. Id. vi. 45. 'A8tKeH dva7rEL86/hEvos 1rptv ~ drpEKew> EK!Laev. Id. Yii. l 0. Ov 1rp6npov 1ra1ia-o0 at 1rplv 1} eAoJ T Kat 1rvpwa-w Ta> 'A()~vas. Id. vii. 8.
652. A few cases of 1rpiv {j occur in the Mss. in Attic prose, as in

252

RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES

[653

'l'Huc. v. 61, and XEN. Oyr. i. 4, 23, Ag. ii. 4, An. iv. 5, 1; but many editors omit ?J.

653. llp6upov ~ is sometimes used like 1rptv ~' in the sense of 7("ptv. This occm's chiefly with the infinitive in Herodotus and Thucydides, and with the subjunctive in Herodotus. llpor<pov ~ with the indicative is sometimes used like 1rpv, but it more frequently expresses a looser relation betwefm two sentences which are independent in their construction (654). E.g. (Infin., only after past tenses.) Tavra e~o-yyO.BYj 1T(JOT(JOV ~ TOV 6.avpia-YJV 6.1T"LK f.a-Ba t, this wa.s announced bej01e D. arrived. HoT. v. ll8. ~Ha-av OVTOL TJ p..f.v 1r(JOTpov -i) ITepa-os ap~at M?}ouw KaT?}Koot, TOTE of. Kvpov. Id. i. 72. (llpoupa as aclj. for 1rp6upov): TQVTQ Kat 1T"EVT yev<fja-t dvopwv 1rpoTEpa f.a-n ij 'Hpad.f.a lv T)l 'EA.Aaot y<vf.a-Bat. Id. ii. 44. 'E7rt TOUS 1rOfk1rEf1S 1T(JOTE(JOV -:) ala-Ba-8at f1UTOUS t:u8us f.xwpYJa-ev, before they perceived them.. 'l'Huc. vi. 58. So i. 69. Besides the cases in Herodotus and Thucyclicles, a few occur in the orators: see DE~f. xxxi. 14, and lv. 14 (1rpoT<pov f/ and 1rpv together). (Subj., without av.) M-,) 6.7ravia-raa-8at 6.7ro rYjs 7rOAWS 7T"(lOTEpov i] f.~awa-L. HDT. ix. 86; so ix. 87. In iv. 196 \1'8 11ave OUT 1T"(ltV av 6.1rta-w8fj oVTE 7r(JOTepov ~ Aa{Jwa-t. Besides five cas<"S in Herodotus, we have only 'l'Huc. vii. 63, fl-?J 1rp 6repo v d~wvv d7roAvea-8at ?J d1raprf.. ~'Y)Te, and ANT. Tetr.A. a. 2, ou 1rpo Tepa v e7rLXELpova-tv i]1ro L~U'WVTa ' (Im1ic.) Ovof. ifo<a-av Jova-av (r~v lirpa1rov) 1rporepov ?j 1rep e1rv8ovro 'l'prJx~viwv, 1<ntil they learned of it. Hm. vii. 175. Ov 1r(JOTEpov v8oa-av ~ UUTOC El' cnpt<n 7T"E(JL1f"E(]'0VTE> a-<PriA1J(]'U)J, 'l'Huc. ii: o5. Ouo' aun)J' T~v &1roa-raU'LV 1rp6Tpov f.T6Ap..11 a-av 7T"OL?JU'a(]'Ba~ ~ p..era ?roAAwv ~vfLp..O.'x_wv f.p..eAAov ~vvKtv8vvn)a-ELv. Id. viii. 24 (see the follo\\'ing example). OvK (v vo<p iixovT> Tf11JTl)> rYj> ~p..f.pl)> e7rt8f)a-ea-8at, ovoE 1r poTEp o v ?J Tu a-1)J,8?JfkrL a-<Pt p..e ,\A e <Pa1'~0'ea-8at, i.e. 1w1 did they mean to rnalce an attack nntil the signal was 1eady to appear to them. Hn'!'. viii. 7. (With 7rptv we should probably l1ave had 1rptv v p..EAAlJ.) El f.p..aBe, auK v i1T"a1J(]'aro 7rp)repov i] E I A fLLV i] }(Ut avTu<;; ~A (J)' if he had known it, he would uot have stopped until he had either captund her m had been cartu1ed h-i-mself (indicative in
unfulfilled conditio11). Id viii. 93.

654. In other ca'-'es of r.p6repo1' ?j with the finite moods or the infinitive, there is no lJleaning of urilil, and ij merely connects two verbs as when it follows tJ-aAAov. E.g. 'E}(EAEV T~V ayyeAov a7rnyyEAAELJI OTL 1r(JOT(JOV ?J~OL ?J avrus {JovA~a-<TaL, h'! bade the messeuge1 amWLonce that J,e should come sooner than he wanted him (the direet form being :J~w 7T(JOTepov 1~} (JovA,)a-et). Ho" i. 127. lloA.v 7T"AeZov 7rA1)8os 7r<ptea-T'J}(EL {JovAop..f.vwJ' 7rpoa-tf.vat, Kai1roAv 1rpoupov :) o! cp[AoL 1rap~a-av, i.e. much sooneT than hisj?iends arrived. XJOL Cyr. Yii. o, .Jl. Tip6r<pov av TL'ii JkOL OOKb ev TU 6o<ji eDp<l:v ~ 8avEL(op..evos Aa{3e'iv (i.e. 7rpDT<pov <vpot llv 1

658]

CONSTRUCTIONS WITH

np{v

253

A.a{3ot). Id. Mem. ii. 7, 2: see i. 2, 17. IIp6-repov E7Te8vf-L'YJU"av ~ -r0v Tpo1rov 2yvwrrav. PLAT. Phaedr. 232 E. Compare fLUAAov ~ (~v,
XEN. Mem. iv. 4, 4. So with 1f'pocr8ev . . is not 11sed like 1C'p{v; as 1f'porr0ev ~ a-V f.cj>avov, -rov-r' JK'YJpvx8'YJ. SoPH. 0. T. 736. See also XEN. An. ii. I, 10, rl1f'eKpvero 7rporr8ev &v rl1f'o8avotev ~ -ra 071'Aa 71'apa8o'YJcrav,

if, which

on

they answeTed, that they would die before they would give up thei?" arms. 655. Thucydides once uses vrrTepov if with the infinitive, after the analogy of 1rponpov "!: 1f'plv 8 rlvacr-r~vat, ETEaw vcrTepov EKUTOV ~ avrov<; o l K~cra t, ITdf-LfL'Aov 1C'~f-LlfO.VTE> ~eAwovvTa KTCovcrtv, bejoTe they were Tenwved, and a hundred years after their own settlement, vi. 4.

656. IIapo<;, before, which is originally an adverb like 1rpv, is used in Homer with the infinitive, but never with the other moods. E.g.
T!Kva dyp6rat J~e[A.ovTo 1rapos 1f'ETHJVa yeverr8at, Od. xvi. 218. "Ev()a f-LE KVfl-, a7roEp<T, 1C'apos TaOE Epya yevcr8at. Il. vi. 348. Ovoi Ot ihvo<; 1rt1rTEV (1f'l (3/...ecf>apotcrt 7rapos KaTaA(~at chravTa.
Od. xxiii. 309. IIapos with the infinitive occurs twelve times in Homer, always after affirmative sentences (except in Od. xxiii. 309).

Ilp{v

(AS ADVERB), 1F'apo~,

npoTEpov, 1F'po0'0ev,

ETC., BEFORE

1F'p{v,

IN THE LEADING SENTENCE.

657. Homer very frequently has the adverb 1f'pv, and occasionally other adverbs of the same meaning, in the clause on which nplv with the infinitive or subjunctive depends. E.g.
M1} 1f' p E'lf'' 0>..wv ovvat, 1r p [ Jl f-LE KaTa 7rp>Jl1~<; (3rLAEtlJ IIptafLOW fJ-EAaBpov, nwy the sun not (soone1) go down before I have t/wnwn to the g1o1tnd P.riam's palace (the first 1rpv emphasising in advance the idea

']!

of the second). I!. ii. 413.

So Il. i. !17, ii. :>.48, 354, iv. 114; Od.

iv. 747; Il. ix. 403 (ro 1rpv). Ov yap JLW 1rporr8Ev 7ravrrerr8at 6w, 11'pv y' aiJTov p.e ZorJTat. Od. xvii. 7. So with ov yap 1rw, Od.
x.J74.l

658. In Attic Greek 1rp6upov or 11'po0"'8ev frequently stands in the clause on which 1C'plv depends, like the adverb 7rpv in Homer (657). E.g.
Cyr. v. 2, 9.

'A11'o8v!JcrKOV<TL 7rp6upov 7Tptv oqA.ot yyve0"'8aL olot ljcrav. XEN. Kai n1rpoTEpov, 1rplv f.s T~v'Po8ov avTovs &.vacr-r~-

1 See Sturm, pp. 239, 261-263, who calls attention to the decrease of the double 'IT'piv iu the Odyssey. Of 4.3 ea8es of 7rpiv with the infinitive iu tl1c Iliad, 20 have a preceding 1rpiv or othe1 Hrlved.J ; of 30 cases in the Ody,sey,

only 10 have such an adverb. Besides 1rpiv or rb 7rplv in the leading clause in Homer, 7rd.pos occurs three times, and ?rpoo-fhv and 1rp6npos each once. Before .,-pv with the subjunctive in Homer such an adverb is always found, 1t'plv twice, o01rw or JJ.-IJ'lf'w three times, and 1rpor;8<v once.

254

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[659

vat, ra& E7Tpdu-U"TO. TRUO. viii. 45. IIp6rpo V OVK ~V y~vos J.&avaTWV, 7rptv ;pws ~vvf.p.,t~Ev &7ravra .AR. .Av. 700. Ov Trp6npov7rpOs ~p.,as ..-6v -rr6AEfLOV J~f.cpYJvav, -rr p ~ v ev6,uu-av, K ..-.A. XEN. An. iii. 1, . 16. Ov 'TOtVVV a7rOKptvovp.,at 7rpOrEpov, 7rptv av 7r-68wfLa. PLAT. Euthyd. 295 C. Ka ov 1rp6u-8Ev EU"T'Y)U"av, 1rptv (ij) 1rp0s rots 7rE(oZs TWJI, Au-u-vpwv Jyf.vovro. XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 23. Llt'Tat avrov p.,i] 1T' p6u8EV KaraAvu-at 7rptv C:.v avr<iJ uvp.,f3ovA-6U"Y)Tat. XEN . .An. i. l, 10. The formula ov 1rponpov -rro.:vcracr8a 1rpv with the indicative in the orators is familiar (see 634). 659. Other adverbs of time sometimes occur in the leading clause : thus -rrrfpot8v . . 1rpv, SoP!I. El. 1131; oi'nrw . 1rpv, THUC. vi. 71, viii. 9. IIp[v (used as in Homer) occurs twke in Euripides, and before 7rpiv ~ in HnT. i. 165. Even -rrp6 in composition may refer to a following 7rplv, as 7rpovcpatpwv ras EKKAYJ<rlas irplv E1rtOY)fL~<Ta6 'TOUS -rrpf.a-f3w>, .AESCHIN. ii. 61. See DEM. iv. 41, ovo~ -rrpo 'TWJ! -rrpayjL<fTwv -rrpoopar ovoev, 7rptv av7r-6f)Y)U'8E.

660. <P8<fl'w in the leading sentence may emphasise a following -rrp[JI. E.g.
''E<f>8YJl' alv~U'a<; 7rp{v <TOV Ka-ra mlJITa oa{jvat ~em. THEOG. 969 (see 887). So Il. xvi. 322, ;<f>&1J 6pf.~afLwo<; Trptl' ov..-ooat. "Ecp87]<Ta.J! d7rtKOfLJ!Ot 7rptV ~ TOtJS f3a.pf3apovs ~KEtV, they arri1'ed before the barbarians carne. HDT. vi. 116: so ix. 70. <P&~)<Tovrr~.t 1T'AEVU'O.VTES 1rplv Xovs aiU'8f.U'8at. TRue. viii. 12. <P&~vat crvJLf3aA0JITES' 1r p ( l' f.A.8Zv -rous f3o'rJ8~<Tov..-as, to join battle bejo1e the auxilimies shonld come up. Isoc. i v. 8 7. 661. Jn HDT. vi. 108 we find tl1e infinitive depending on cpB&vw . . . ~' the verb implying 7rp6Tpov or np[v: cp8aY)TE av 7T'OAAaKtS ~av8pa7ro8ur8JIT> 1] nva 1rv8f.U'Bat. 1JfLEWv, you would often be reduced to slavery before any of us heard of it.

SECTION VIII.

Indirect Discourse or Oratio Obliqua, including Indirect Quotations and Questions.

662. The words or thoughts of any person may be quoted either directly or inci'ireetly. A direct quotation is one which gives the exact words of the original speaker or writer. An indirect quotation is one in which the original words conform to the construction of the sentence in which they are quoted. Thus the expression TaVTa /3o(iA.-oJ1-at may be quoted either directly (in omtio 1ectc1-), as 'Aerye n~ "TavTa (3o(iAoJ1-aL "; or indirectly (in oratio obliqua), as

664]

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

255

t..Eryet ne; 5n ra!ha {3ovt..erat or cf>rwt ne; ravra f3ovt..ea-8at,

some one says that he wishes for these.

663. Indirect quotations may be introduced by 5n or

w<; and occasionally by other particles (negatively 5n ov, w<; ov, etc.) with a finite verb ; sometimes by the infinitive
without a particle ; sometimes also by the participle.
1. ''On, that, was originally the neuter relative o n, used as a limiting accusative, in respect to which (or what), as to which, how jar, etc. In Homer o, neuter of the relative os, is used like on (709, 1). Thus olOa o n (or 8) KaKa JL~O<Tat at first meant I know as to what he plans evil, or I know about his planning evil, and afterwards came to mean I know that he plans evil. 2. 'f.ls, the relative adverb of manner (312, 1), in this construction -originally meant in what rnannM, how; and afterwards became established in the same sense as on, that. Compare the German use of wie (how) in narration. How for that is heard in vulgar English (us I told hirn how I saw this), and how that was once in good use in this sense for that. "01l'ws is sometimes used like ws in indirect discourse {706). 3. By a use similar to that of WS (2), OVVKa and oeovv<Ka are sometimes weakened from their meaning jo1 which pU1pose, wherefore, to the same sense as on and ws, that (710, 1). TheRe words are also used in a causal sense, because, like on, o, and ws (712). On the other hand, ou5n, because, sometimes has the sense of on, that (71 0, 2). 4. 0T<, when, in Homer sometimes loses its temporal force, and approaches on in meaning (709, 3). 664. 1. Indirect quotations with on, ws, etc., form the chief part of the class of substantive sentences, in which an assertion introduced by one of these 11articles is the subject or the object of a verb. But these sentences have no peculiar construction, except after verbs implying thought or the expression of thought (verba sentiendi et declamndi), as they elsewhere have the simple indicative or any other form which would be used iu the corresponding independent assertions. See ovx aAs WS EKdp 7' KT>)p,aT' EfLU, is it not enough that you wasted 1ny property? Od. ii. 312; 1l'oAv Kepowv e1l'AeTo oTTt v11'6o~<v, Il. xv. 227 ; 7'0VTO a~wv E11'aLVLV, on TbV <j>6f3ov OtEAV(]'aV 7'WV 'EAA~vwv (668), PLAT. Menex. 241 B; 7'0v7'' aOtK<t, on axp<tOV T>JV E1l'te[Ketav Kae(]'T'](]'tv, DrcM. xx. 155. 2. The infinitive of indirect discourse belongs to the large class of subject and object infinitives (745; 746; 751), being distinguished from the others of this class by vreserving the time of its tense from the finite verb which it represents (85 ; 667, 3).1
I See Schmitt, Ueber den U1'SJJ1'Ung des Substantivsatzes mit Relativparti keln im Griechischen, in Schanz's Beitrage, Heft 8.

256

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[665

665. 1. Indirect questions may be introduced by <1, whether (rarely by apa), and also by interrogative pronouns, pronominal adjectives, and adverbs, and by most relatives. Alternative indirect questions may be introduced by 1r6-r<pov (1r6npa) . ~' Zn . . . cZ-r<, el .. ij, d . . . cln, whether . . . or.
'EO:v or r}v never means whether (see 493).

2. In Homer single indirect questions (when they are not introduced by interrogatives) generally have ~ or El, whether; and alternative questions have ~ () ... 1] (1]), sometimes d n . . . r n, whether . . . or. Bekker never allows el or d n in indirect questions in Homer, always writing ~ or ?] n, without regard to the Mss. 3. Indirect questions follow the same principles as indirect quotations with on or ws, in regard to their moods and tenses. (For examples, see 669.)

666. The term indirect discou1se or oratio obliqua includes all clauses which express indirectly the words or thoughts of any person (including those of the speaker himself), after verbs which imply thought or the expression of thought (verba sentiendi et declarandi), and after such expressions as <j:>alvE-raG, it appears, OOKE'i, it seerns, o~A.6v JU'nv, it is evident, U'aq);, iU'TLV, etc. The term may be further applied to any single dependent. clause, in any sentence, which indirectly expresses the thought of any other person than the speaker (or past thoughts of the speaker himself), even when the preceding or following clauses are not in indirect discourse. '(See 694 and 684.)
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

667. The following are the general principles of indirect. discourse, the particular applications of which are shown in 669710.

1. In indirect quotations after l5n or w> and in indirect. questions, (a) after primary tenses, each verb retains both the mood and the tense of the direct discourse, no change ueing made except (when necessary) in the person of the verb; (b) after secondary tenses, each primary tense of the indicative and each subjunctivR of the direct discourse may be either changed to the same tense of the optative or

668]

PRINCIPLE8 OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE

257

retained in its original mood and tense. The imperfect and pluperfect, having no tenses in the optative, are generally An aorist retained in the indicative (but see 6 73 ). indicative belonging to a dependent clause of the direct discourse remains unchanged, but one belonging to the leading clause may be changed to the optative like a primary tense. 2. Secondary tenses of the indicative expressing an unreal condition, indicatives with Clv, and all optatives (with or without llv), are retained, with no change in either mood or tense, after both primary and secondary tenses. 3. When the quotation depends on a verb which takes the infinitive or participle, the leading verb of the quotation is changed to the corresponding tense of the infinitive or participle, after both primary and secondary tenses, av being retained if it is in the direct form; and the dependent verbs follow the preceding rules. 4. The adverb av is never joined with a verb in indirect discourse unless it stood also in the direct form. On the other hand, av is never omitted in indirect discourse if it was used in the direct form; except that, when it is joined to a relative word or a particle before a subjunctive in direct discourse, it is regularly dropped when the subjunctive is ~hanged to the optative after a past tense in indirect discourse. 5. The indirect discourse regularly retains the same negative particle which would be used in the direct form. But the infinitive and participle sometimes take f-L~ in indirect discourse where ov would be used in the direct form. (See examples under 6 8 5 and 6 8 8.) In indirect questions introduced by El, whether, and in the second part of alternative indirect questions (665), f-L~ can be used as well as ov.
668. As an indirect quotation or question is generally the object or subject of its leading verb, it may stand in apposition with a pronoun like 'TOV'TO which represents such an object or subject ; as TOVTO A.yof'-'v, 6-rt <Toc?6s ~u-rtv_, we say this, that he is 'W'ise; ToVTo 8rjAOv Ja-Ttv, cro<f.>o<; ECT'TtV, this is plain, that he is wise) 'TOV'TO CTKfop.ef}aJ l &Xr]fffj A.f_yet>) we shall inquire into this, whether you tell the truth.

on

258

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[669

SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

Indicative and Optative after 3n and O>.,, and in Indirect Questions.

669. When the direct form is an indicative (without av) in a simple sentence, we have (6 6 7, 1) the following rules or W'> and for indirect for indil'ect quotations after questions:-

on

1. After prima1y tenses the verb stands in the indicative, in the tense of the direct discourse. E.g.
Af.y( on ypri</>E, he says that he is writing; )...f_yE( on ~ypa<f>Ev, he say.< that he was writing; AEYH on yeypa<f>EY, he says that he has written; A.eyn OTt yypri<f>EL, he says that he had written; AEYEL on ypafEY, he says that he wrote; AEYEL on ypd.fEL, he says that he shall write. Etcp' on OtiTWS d"'( Kat EK IIvA.ov ElA.~A.ovBa, say that I am safe and have comej1om Pylas. Od. xvi. 131. ''Orpvvov 8' 'Ax(A.~( El1rEZv orn pri ol 1roA.v <f>A.raros IJA.E()' f.ra'ipos, u1ge him to tell Achilles that his dearest friend perished. Il. xvii. 654. (See 663, 1.) rvwTov ot ~s ~01) Tpwwrr(V oA.8pov 7rpaT' .p:ij"ffTaL. Il. vii. 401. Ayn yiip ws ovoev rrn v J)3(K<oupov <f>~fLrJ> AESCHIN. i. 125. Ov :yd.p &v TOVTO y' d7rO(S, ws Ua8Ev: Id. ii. 151. El) o' irrTE, OTt 7rAEZrrTov ow<f>pH <f>~J-LY) Kat rrvKo<f,avr{a. lb. 145. 'AA.X lvvoEiv xpr] TQVTO J-L~V, yvvaZx' on <f>VJ-LV. SoPH. Ant. 61. Kat ravB' ~" dA.YJ{)~ A.f.yw, Kat on o-!hE f_o68YJ 0 f~cpos EV d:TraiT( "ffAE{ovs T, f.yvo vTo rwv tfYJ<f>trraJ-Lf.vwv, fM{prvpas Bf-"'iv 7rapEof-"aL, I shall b1"ing witnesses to show that I speak the tmth, etc. DEM. lvii. 14. (Indirect Questions.) 'EpwT~ T [3o-6A.ovrat, he asks what they want; ~pwrij. r 7rOL?JITOVITLV, he asks what they will do. LV 0~ <f>pdrrat i fi-E rraWITEL<; (Bekker ~ fi-E), and do you consider whether you will save me. Il. i. 8.3. 2a<f)a 8' ovK olo' El BEos f.rrr t v. Il. v. 183. "O<f>pa Ka!''EKTwp eZrrErat ~ KaC JfLdV 86pv I" a [VETa L ~v 7raAtffLTIIT'V (v. l. El Kat). Il. viii. 111. "O<f>pa oawp,Ev ~ he"Ov KaA.xas fLaVTEverat i)e Kat ovK. 11. ii. 299; so Od. iv. 487, 712. Os d1r11 & n roa-rrov <xwa-aTo 'PoZf3o> 'A7r6A.A.wv, Et T, lip & y' evxwA.~s E1rLfLEfL<f>eraL Et{)' ~KaTof-"f3r7S (Bekker i) r' . . . ~ 8'). Il. i. 64 ; see ii. 349. IIvrrrELs pwrwvus d Anrrra Elrrtv, asking whether they me pimtes. THUG. i. 5. El EVf1-7rOV~ITELS Kat ~vvEp ')''arrEL ITK01m. SorH. Ant. 41. See Euu. Ale. 784. Evf3od<; wv o' (3A.arrTEV oVK xw A.yEtV. SOPH. Tr. 401. 'Epwrs.J.s El ov KaA~ f-LOL 8o KEf Etvat, you aslc ~ohethm it does not seem to rne to be fine. PLAT. Gorg. 462 D. BovAOJ-tEVos po-8at el l'-a8wv r> n f-"EJ-Lvrwevos J-L~ o COEV. Id. Theaet. 163 D. 7ZKo7rWJ-L<V el r)f-"Zv 7r p1ro ~ oiL Id. Rep. 451 D. Tovr' avro, d xapELS ~ j-L~ xapos, avtfyKY) 8~ 1rOV IT

669]

SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

259

riyvotl!. Id. Phil. 21 B. (For ov and JL-1 in the last four examples, representing ov of the direct question, see 667, 5.) 8a.vpa(w 7rOTEpo. ws KPO.TWJ! o.lTEL TU B1rAO. ~ ws Ot.a cptALO.J! owpa.. XEN. An. ii. 1, 10. 'i-?pmv' dT' ~XH xwpov 7rp0> O.VTOJ! TOVO y' EtT' ilAAIJ Kl'pEZ. SOPH. Ph. 22. EZn KO.Ta Tp07rOJ! KEtTO.t ELT p:q, oilTw 8a(]'8a.t. PLAT. Crat. 425 B (667, 5). See also XEN. Cyr. ii. 1, 7 (El . . . dn p.-?); EuR. .Ale. 139 (1 . . . dn). IIEpl 1ravTwv rowp.Ev, J.p' ovTw(]'l y [_ yvETat 1ravTa.. PLAT. Phaed. 70 D. ("Apa. regularly introduces only direct questions.) It is to be noticed that indirect questions after primary tenses retain an indicative of the direct question in Greek, where the subjunctive is used in Latin. Thus, nescio quis sit, I know not who he is, in Greek is simply dyvow Tt<; E(J'Tt v. This does not apply to in,]irect questions which would require the subjunctive in the direct form (677).

Dn ypatfHEV (or on ypatfEv), he said that he had 'IVritten; i.e. he sw:d iiypatfa.. (For the imperfect and pluperfect, see 672.) (Optative.) 'Evi7rA>J(]'E cppwfwaToc; TOllS' ApKaoas, >cf.ywv ws JLOVOtS JLEV O.VTOt<; 7ra-rp<s IIEAOmJVV>](]'O<; E 1:-q, 7rAEt(]'TOV o TWJ! < EAA1Jl'LKWV cpv>cov To 'ApKaOtKov Ei'>J, Kal (]'wp.aia yKpaTf.(]'TaTa xot, XEN. Hell. vii. 1, 23, (He said p.ovotc; p.v 1''fLZv E(J'n, 7i'At(]'TOV 13 E(J'Tt, Kat (]'Wp.aTa i!xn: these indicative~ might have been used in the place of E[l), E~>J, and i!xot.) ''EA<y< o~ 6 IIAo71'{8as (Jn ApyEZot Kal 'ApKaOE> p.axv ?JTT1Jp.vot EtEv v1ro AaKEOatp.ovl.wv, i ,,, he said that they hnd been drfeated (he said 1JTTY)VTat). Ib. vii. l, :l5. So HDT. i. 83 (perf. aud prcs.) 'Y7rEJ.7r.;JV TaAAa OTL O.VT"~ TUKEL 7rpa~ot, <i'XETO, ha?Jing hinted that he would hirnself attend to affuirs theTe. THUC. i, 90. (He said Td.KEZ 1rpa~w, and 1rpa~Et might have been retained. See 128.) '0 8~ d7rEV on E(]'OLVTO (he said E(J'OJ!Tat). XEX. Cyr. vii. 2, 19. ''EAE~cw 7rEJL tfH< (]'</>as 6 'I vowv f3arnAE1,,, K<An!uw pwTav ~ oTov 6 7rOAEfLOS EL>], they said that the king of the Indians had sent them, cornmandiny them to ask on what acconut then wa.; 'tJ"aT. Ill. ii. 4, 7. (They said E7rEfLtfEv ~[LOS, and the qnestion to he asked was EK T{vos E(J'Tlv 6 7i'oA<tm<> ;) "EA<yov on ov 1rw1ro8' oOToc; 6 1rOTap.o> owf3aTO') 'jEVOLTO 11'<(1/ d p3) TOTE, they said that this Tiver hrrd neve7" been (f.yf.v<To)jonlable except then. Id. An. i. 4, 18. IIEpr.KA,)s 7rpo>]"EAE~EV

2. After secondary tenses the verb may he either changed to the optative or retained in the indicative, the tense of the <;lirect discourse being retained in either case. The optative is the more common form. E.g. ''EAE~Ev Bn ypacpot (or Bn ypacpH), he said that he was writing; i.e. he said ypacpw. "EAE~J! on yEypacpws Et>) (or Bn yypacpcv), he said that he hrtd ?JYritten; i.e. he suid yf.ypa.</>a.. "EAE~11 Bn y p atfot (or Bn ypaf<r.), he .wtid that he should write; i.e. he said ypafw.

on

y0pEvf. ToZs 'ABr,va{ots, D-rL ,Apxl3apos ,_,.:v o~ ~Evos El 'f}, oi., pvToL ~7rl.
1

KaK<f YE T~> 1roAEWS yf. vo tTo, he announced that A. was his (1iend, but that he had not been rnade his friend to the injury of the state. THuc. ii

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[669

0 I ., ,, I, 'f3 1\ , I OTL 0"0 tTO 0, 71'011-fJLOS, E 01!11-0VTO T?]V 11-0.TO.LaV '7rpOKaTaAa.f3EtV, THUC. ii. 2. 'E7rtpWfJ-YJV avT0 8nKv~vat, OTL orotTO p)v eivat <ro4)6s, d ') 8' oil. PLAT. Ap. 21 C. (Indicative.) ''E.\eyov et., J.\7rlCovcnv 0'~ Ka! T1JV 1roAtv ~ew JLOL xdpw, they Sltid, that they hoped, etc. Isoc. V. 23. (They said D.1rtoJLEV, which might have been changed to eA7r(otEJI.) "'HKe 8' dyyeAAwv n> W>" TOVS' 7rpvnivet<; w> 'EAaTHa KaTdArrrrTat, some one had come with the 1-eport that Elate had been taken. DJM. xviii. 169. (Here the perf. opt. might have been used.) Lletvm!<; .A6yov> n5AJLO- 7Tepl Jp.ov .Ay<Lv, W> eyw TO 7rpayp.' el{J,t TOVTO 8dipaK ok Id. xxi. l 04. Alnumf.JL110<; yd.p JLE & Kal AEf'EtV av OKV1<TELE n<;, TOV 7TO.TEpa 6Js a7rEKTOVO, y(~ TOV ep.avTOV, K.T.A. Id. xxii. 2. <I>avepios L7rV on 1J jh~JI 7rOAt> (Trpwv TeTd X to-T a.' 1JO"), he said that thei1 city had alnady been furt(jied. 'l'HL:c. i. 91. 'A7roKptvd.JLEVOL on 7rEfhfovo-tJI 7rp<T[3ets, di71s <h1AAa~av. Id. i. 90. (Cf. on 1rpd~o,, quoted above from the ~ame chapter.) "Ht8eo-av on TOVS a7rEVE)'KOVTaS oiK{Tas E~O.LT~ O"OJLEV. DE~L xxx. 23. ('E~atT~<TOLJLEV might have been used.) 'EToApa )..yetv W<; V7rEp VJLWV ex8p01JS 1f E0.1JT6v ELAKV<TE Ka.! vvv v To'i<; E<TXctTOLS E<TT i Ktv81!vots. Id. xxii. 59. (Indirect Questions.) 'HpwT1)(T<V a.1lT6v T 7roto") (or T 7rote'i), he a.sked him, what he was doing; i.e. he asked T 71'0 te is; 'Hpl{,TJ)<TEV avr0v T 71'7rOL1JKWS EtiJ (or T 7r7r0{1)KEV), he asked him what he had done; i.e. he asked Tf 7r7r0{1)KUS; 'HpwT1)<TEV avT0JI T 7rOLlliTOi (or + 71'0 t~<rEL), he asktd him what he should do; i.e. he asked T 7rOL~<TELS; 'HpwT")<TEV avT6v T 71'0~(J'<LEV (or T E7rO[J)<TEV), he asked hitn what he had done; i.e. hq asked r e7ro [rJO'O.S; "fltXETo 7rEvlT6p.evos p.<Ta <rOv KAos, ~ 1rov ET' d:r]s, i.e. he ~vent to inquhe whether you were still living. 0<1. xiii. 415. 'AAA~Aovs T eZpoVTO Tfs di] Kat 7ro8ev EA eo L (i.e. TtS ~O'H V Kal 11'o8ev ;'j,\ 8ev ;). Od. xvii. 368. "HpETO, Et ns ep.ov t r1) O'OrpwTepos, he asked whether any one was wi,er than I. PLAT. Ap. 21 A. (The direct question was i!<rn ns (To4)wnpos ;) ''0 n 8~ 7rot1<rot oiJ 8wr!J!"r/ve, but he did not indicate what he would do. XEN. An. ii. 1, 23. (The direct question was T[ 71'0 "J<TW ;) 'E7retpwTa, Tlva 8d!Tepov p.er' EKE'ivov Ei'io ,, he asked whom he had seen (who came) next to him. HDT. i. 31. (The direct question was Tlva. e'l8es ;) EZpeTo Ko8Ev 'Ad.,B 1! TOV 7Ta'i8a, he asked whence he had received the boy. Id. i. 116. 'Hpuhwv a.vT0v el dva7rAE~<rELEV f.xwv rlpy1!pwv, I asked hirn whethm he had set sail with the money. DEM. L. 55. (The direct question was rlve7rAeu<ras; See
1

rrpotoOVT') .

13. (He said ~vo> JLOL e<rnv, ov JLEVTOL Jytv<To. See llG, 1; 124, 1.) ''Eyvw<ra.v on KVO> 6 rp6f3os dl). XE:::;. An ..ii. 2, 21.

rr,

125 and 670, b.)

EZpeTo oTTEV XPYJ[(wv iKOfl-")V, he asked what I wanted that I carne. 'H7r6povv r 7rOTE )..f.yet, I was uncertain wh1tt he meant. PLAT. Ap. 21 B. (Here 'Ayo< might have been u,ed.) 'Ef3ovAe~ov()' o-DToL T{v' mlTov KaTaAelfov<TLV, they were considering whom they shonld leave here. DEM. xix. 122. 'EpwTWVTWV nvwv Ota Tt rl7rE 8a.vev, 7rapayyf.AAELV tKEAevev, K.T.A. XEN. Hell. ii. 1, 4.
Od. xvii. 120.

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SI!I1PLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

261

670. (a) After past tenses the indicative and optative are in equally good use ; the optative being used when the writer incorporates the quotation entirely i11to his own sentence, and the indicative when he quotes it in the original words as far as his own construction allows. The indicative here, like the subjunctive in final clauses after past tenses (318), is merely a more vivid form of expression than the optative, with no difference in meaning. We even find both moods in the same sentence. E.g.
0VTOL EAE')'OV on Kvpo> pJv r8vqKEV, 'Apw.Zos 0~ 7rE<j>E'V')'W> f.v ,.~) cna8p..;o dYJ wi ,\f.yot, K.T.A. XEN. An. ii. 1, 3. (Here r8vYJKEV contains the most important ])art of the message.) 'EK 8 rovrov E7rVJI8avETO ij8r1 a1m;)v Kai omJO'Yjll ooo11 Otr),\acrall, KaL El 0 iKo LTO rj xtiJpa.. Id. Cyr. iv. 4, 4. 'Er6AJ1.a AE')'HV, 6,, xpf.a TE 7rUJ1.7rOAAa EKTEnKEv v1rp f.Jl.ov Kai <ils 7rOAAa rwv (pwv Aa[3otV. DE~L xxvii. 49. ''OJJ.OWL r)O'av 8mJJ.a(Hv o1roL 7rOT~ rpfovrat o1 ''EAAYJVE> Kai r[ f.v v0 ~XDLEV. XEN. An. iii. 5, 13.
(b) The perfect and future were less familiar than the other tenses of tl1e optative, so that these tenses were sometimes retained in the indicative even when the present or the aorist was changed to the optative. See the last two exam])les under (a). In indirect questions the aorist indicative was generally retained (see 125). Some writers (as Thucydides) preferred the more direct forms in all indirect discourse (320).
671. In Homer this construction (669) is fully developed in indirect questions : see examples of both indicative and optative in 669, 1 and 2. But in indirect quotations, while the indicative is freely used after both present and past tenses, the change of the indicative to the optative after past tenses had not yet been introduced. In the single case of Elnv <ils with the optative, Jl.EPJJ.fJptgE . lKaO'Ta Et'll'E'iv, ws ~,\Bot Kai tKotr' Js '/l'arp[oa yaav, he hesitated about telling him each event, how he had returned, etc., Od. xxiv. 237, <ils appears only on its way from its meaning how (663, 2) to its later use with the optative as that. We first find the optative in genuine oratio obliqua (with <il>) Hymn. V en. 214, Elm;v <ils o L. Further, the later principle by which the indicative after past tenses (when it is not changed to the optative) retains the tense of the direct form is almost m1known in the Homeric language. Here a present or perfect indicative of the direct discourse after a past tense is changed to an imperfect or pluperfect ; so that I knew that he was planning evil, which in Attic would be y[yvWO'KOV ort KaKa JJ.fJOotro (or JJ.fJOETat), in Homer is y[yvwO'Kov o (=on) KaKa JJ.fJOEro, Od. iii. 166. (For examples, see 674.) The aorist indicative, which has no corresponding tense to express its own time referred to the past, was always retained after past tenses ; as
in yvw 8 o1 olJn ~.\.B~v, Il. xi. 439; so i. 537, xxii. 445.
Likewise

the future indicative is once retained, in Od. xiii. 340, ifo/ 3 voO'rf]<TH>, I knew that you would return; but elsewhere the past future with

262

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[672

pAAOJJ is used, as in Il. XX. 466, ovo~ 'TO ifo1J 8 ov Trf(TW'8at EJ1-fAAfJJ, and Od. xix. 94, I!. xi. 22. These examples show the need of the later future optative (129). In I!. xxii. 10, ovo JJV TrW fl- i!yvws WS 8Eos dpt, and xx. 265 the present expresses a present truth rather than a past fact. It thus appears that the peculiar constructions with on and <1ls in oratio obliqua (667, 1, b), which gave such grace and variety to the later language, were not yet developed in Homer; but clauses with on, ws, etc., were still connected with the leading verb by the same looser construction which we use in English (as I knew that he waS" planning evil), the dependent verb expressing its own absolute time (see 22), as it did in the relative clauses in which these clauses originated, or in the more primitive parataxis. Thus yyvwfTKov 8 KaKa p~OE'To (above) meant originally I knew as to what he was planning evil; and without in a still earlier stage, I knew: he was planning evil (which we can say in English). Even after the more thorough incorporation of the dependent clause was established, by which either p.~OfTat or p.~ootTo became the regular form, the more primitive imperfect is occasionally found, even in Attic prose (see 674, 2). The most common Homeric construction in indirect discourse is that of <f>ryp.[ with the infinitive, of which 130 examj)les occur.l

o,

672. An imperfect or pluperfect of the direct discourse is regularly retained in the indicative, after past teuses, for want of an imperfect or pluperfect optative. Eg.
'AKovfTas o AEvo<f>wv i!A.qv 6p8w, vnwvTo Kat avTu ,.() epyov UVTOts p.apTvpory, he said that they had accused him ?'ightly, and that the fact itself bore witneSS to them; i.e. he said op{)w<;; 'TlafT{) Ka). 'TO i!pyov vp.iv p.ap'TvpEZ. XEN . .A'n. iii. 3, 12. EZ'x yap A.f.ynv, Ka). p.6vot 'TWV 'EA.A.t)vwv (3afTtAi fTVVEfJ-d.Xov'To Jv liAa'Taw!s) Kal V!Tnpov ovof.7roT !TTpaTdJ!TatJJ'TO ETrt {JafTtAf.a (he said p.ovot fTVVEp.ax6p.e8a) Kat ovo1roT E!T'TpaTEV!Tap.EBa). Id. Hell. vii. 1, 34. TovTWV EKafTTOV 'JPOfl'I)V d TLJJS [ V p.apTVpS wv evavT[ov n)v 1rpoi:K' a7rEOO<rav, avTOV o' ''A<f>o(Jov, Et TLJJ<;; 1ra p~ !TU v aT' a1rAap.(3aJIEV, I asked each of these men whether then u:ere any witnesses bejo1e wJ,om they had paid the dow1y; and Aphobus, whether there had been any present when he received it. DEM. xxx. 19. (The two questions were dfTI, p.apTVpE<;; 'TLV<;;; and 7rUp~fTJ. V TLJ!E<;; ;)

on

ll

on on

1 See Schmitt, Ursprung des Substani'ivsatzes, p. 70. The following statistics are based on Schmitt's colleet.ion of Homeric examples. Homer has 40 case~ of iin, orn, or ii with the indicative afte1 verbs of knou~ing, hearing, perceiving, or rernem.beri?g (23 of ii, 17 of /in or iirn) ; and 4 alter verus of saying (3 of iin, 1 of o). 18 of ws after verbs of knowing, etc.; 8 after verbs of saying. 5 of ii r' (for ii re=ii) after -y<-yvwrrKw, dooJJ.a<, aJH.I of,\ov. 2 of oUveKa after verbs of knowing, etc.; 4 after verbs of saying (omitting Od. vii. 299 as causal). Only 3 of the 16 cases of these particles after verbs of saying are in the Iliad; while of the 65 cases after verbs of knowing, etc., 42 are in the Iliad (29 with on, etc., 9 with ws, 3 with i! r', 1 with oVv<Ka).

674]

SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

263

673. (Irnpmject Optative.) In a few cases, the present optative is used after past tenses to represent the imperfect indicative. The present optative thus supplies the want of an imperfect, like the present infinitive and participle (119 and 140). This can be done only when the context makes it perfectly clear that the optative represents an imperfect, and not a present. E.g. Tov T'JLayopav &rreKTvav, KaTYJyopovvTos Tov Af.ovTos ws ovT CTVITKYJvovv J8f.A.o, JavT<fi JL<T<i T II<.\mroov 7ral!Ta (3ovA.dJOtTo. XEN. Hell. vii. 1, 38. (The words of Leon were oiln crvCTK'l)Vovv ~ 8AE JLD', JLETCi T ileA. 1ravTa (3ovAdJETo.) Ta 7rE7rpayJLf.va O'YJYOVVTO, aVTOt fJ-EV Jrr2 TOVS 7rOAJLtOVS 7r AE 0 '1'' T~JI OE dva[ptr'V Twv vavaywv 7rpDCTTa~a,v dl!opaCT'l! iKal!oZs. lb. i. 7, 5. (The direct discourse was a1hot fJ-El! E7rAEOfJ-V, n)v oe dva[p"cr'v rrpotrETa~aJLEV.) Kat Jl-0< 7ravns a:l1"Kp[vavTo, on OVOts p.dpTVS trap[1], KDJLE(otTO Aap.(3d.vwv Ka8' d7rocrovovv 8f.o,To '' A<Pof3os 7rap' a11Twv, they all 1eplied, that no witness had been present, and that Aphob!ts had received the money from them, taking it in such sums as he happened to want. DE~f. xxx. 20. (The direct discourRe was ovodt; JLd.pTvs rrapqv, EKop.(ETO 8 AafJ-f3avwl! Ka8' d7roCTDI!ovv 8o,To. ITapE[YJ contains the answer to the question Et nvEt; 1rapqCTav in the preceding sentence, quoted in 672. The imperfect in that sentence prevents the optatives in the reply from being ambiguous.) 'AKo{xrat; rrurTVw TOVT<f!, ws llpa AEoJITWS, alrr8DjLVOS V<Kpovs 7rapa T0 OYJfJ-[4_) KHfJ-EJIOVS, ap.a JLEV loLV 7r,8VJ1-a'i, a0a 8' ail 8vcrxpavo' Kat d1roTpe1rot aVTov, Kat Tews Jl-d.xo,To T Kat 7rapaKaAV7rTo,To. PLAT. Rep. 439 E. (All the optatives represent imperfects.) See also HDT. ix. 16 (end).

on

oe

674. 1. In Homer, where clauses with on, ~>, etc. are not yet constructed on the principles of indirect discourse (see 671), a present or perfect of the direct form appears as an imperfect or pluperfect in these clauses after past tenses. E.g. 0-loe n 1lD"fJ DTTL o"'l'owvTo Aao. 11. xiii. (174 (here the present optative or indicative would be regular in Attic Greek). 'E1ropovcr, YLYJIW(]"KWJI 0 OL avTOt; B7r<tp<x x</;pat; 'Am5AAWJI (later V7rPEXO' or B7rPEXH). Il. V. 433. Ov yd.p ns ~yyctX (JTn pa Ot 1r0CT'S EKTO(), JL[Jl-v< rrvAawv. I1. xxii. 438. See Od. xxiv. 182; and iii. 166, discussed in 6 71. 2. ~T e sometimes find the imperfect and pluperfect with On or ~> representing the present or perfect of the direct form after past tenses, even in Attic Greek. In such cases the context always makes it clear that the tense represented is not an imperfed or pluperfect (672). E.g. 'Ev rroAA.iJ d7rop{<[ ~(]"QV Ot ''EAAYJVE>, f:vvoovp-evo' fLEV on E'lrt Tai's f3(.t(]",AEWt; ()1)pa's ~(]"aV, K-DKA<p OE avToZt; rroAHs 7roAp.'a' 1)crav, . &.yopaJI OE oioeis ~n rrape~E<V <!p.~AA~v, 6-?TdxoJI 8~ T~~ 'EAAa8o~ OV fLLOV i) JLVP'a rrTaO,a., 7rpOV00WKHfaJt OE avTOVS Kat oi f36.pf3apo,, JLOVO' OE KQTaAAJLJLEV0' ~(]"QV irrrra OVOEJ!a CTVJl-JLaxov

or

ovo

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INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[675

:!xovre<;, the Greeks thought : We are at the king's gates; hostile cities surround us; no one will supply us a market; 11:e an not less. than ten thousand stades jTom Gt-eece ; the barbaTians have bet1ayed ~Wl, and we have been left alone. XEN. An. iii. 1, 2. (The direct forms would he the 1JpJis present and perfect indicative.) twx TOV x8{tvov &.v&pwrrov, &e3veT'' E~(J.'ll"QTWV Kat Aeywv ti><; </JtAa81)vaw<; ~V Kat rav 'iap.<p rrpwro<; Kanrrot, i.e. saying </JtAa8~vat6<; EZJLt Kat rav "'lA.JL<p 7rpWTO<; KaTEt1TOV. AR. Vesp. 283. (Here elJL[ is changed to i]v, not to e17 or Jcrr[: Karet;'ll"ov could be changed only to Kare7rot.) 3. In such cases the more thorough iucorporation of the dependent clause which is required to make the oratio obliqua complete is wanting, and the clause stands in the loose relation in which, fot example, causal sentences usually stand to their leading verb (see 715). For the sall!e incomplete oratio obliqua in dependent clauses of a quotation, see 691 and 701.

os

675. l. An indirect quotation with or W'i and the O])tative is sometimes followed by an independent optative, generally introduced by yap, wlJich continues the quotation as if it were itself dependent on the ort or E.g. "HKovov 8' :!ywy nvwv W> ovo~ TOV<; At(l-~Va<; Kat Ta> dyopas ~n 8c!JcrotV avr<tJ Kap7rovcr8at Ta yap KOt)Ja ra 8erraAwv &r.o TOVTWV 8o t owtKei:v, jo1 (as they said) they rnust administm, etc. DEM. i. 22. ) AwtKptvaV'TO alrriJ Ort dOVvaTa crq)t(TLV ErYJ "JT"OtELv a 7rpOKo). . 'iTat f.LvEV 'AfJryva[wv 1rai:oe;; yap (J"<Pwv Kat yvvafKe> '1t'ap' Ktlvots <Zrycrav. THUC.. ii. 72. ''EA.eyov on r.avro<; a~ta A~yot 'ieveYJ'>' XEtfLdJV yap try, K.r.A.. XEN. An. vii. 3, 13.

on

ws.

2. Such independent optatives ~e sometimes found even when no optative precedes ; but the context always contains some allusion to another's thought or expression. E.g. 'Ymf(J"XETO TOV av8p' 'Axawfs TOVOE O'Y}AWCTEtV aywv OtOtTO JL~V JLdA.tcrB' EKOVCTWV Aa(36Jv, d I"~ 8A.ot 8', aKOVTa, i.e. he thought (as he said), etc. SoPH. Ph. 617. 'AA.Aa yap ovoev n JLaA.Aov 1JV a.e&varov, aAAa Kat avTo TO elr; dv8pw7rOV crwp.a EA8ei:v apx1) l)v avrfl oA8pov, WCT7r<p v6cro>' Kat TaAat'll"wpoVJLEV'Y} re o~ rovTov rov (3ov (rpYJ, Kat TEAEVTWCTa ye EV T<ii KaAOVJLEVI.f! BavaT')! a7rOAAvotro, and (according to the theoTy) it lives in misery, etc., and finally peTishes in what is called death. PLAT. Phaed. 95 D. (Plato is here stating the views of others.)

676. We may even have on or tilr; with the optative when the leading verb is not past, if there is an implied reference to some former expression of the thought quoted. E.g. ""Ap' ovv 0~ ov JLETplw<; a7roAoyYJcr6JLE8a, on 7rp0<; TO ov TrE<jJVKW<; t'l) d.JLtA.A.ad}at, Kat OVK E'll"tjLvOt, .. aAA' tot Kat OVK dJLf3AvYOtTO ov8' d1roA~')'Ot 'TOV ~pwro<;, K.r.A., i.e. shall we not defend hirn very pToperly by stating (what we once said) that it is (was) his nature to press on towards pu1e Being, etc. (the optatives representing indicatives~ PLAT. Rep. 490 A.

677]

INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE

265

Subfunctive or Optative representing the Interrogative Subfunctive.

677. In indirect questions, after a pnmary tense, an intmrogative subf?tnctive (2 8 7) retains its mood and tense ;
after a secondary tense, it may be either changed to the same tense of the optative or retained in the subjunctive. .E.g.
if>pa(tfJ;ufJ' . ~ p' ai'!ns 7rOAEfWV opuo;uv (subj.) 1J <j>tAOTYJTa !J-ET' d!J-<j>OTEpotut {3riAWfJ-EV, let us conside1 whether we shall again rouse Wa1 or cast j?iendship upon both annies. Il. iv. 14. LV of: fJ-OL VYJfJ-EPT~S v[u7rES, ~ fJ-W a1roKTELVW ~ uot vfJri3' O.yw, and do you tell rne truly whethm I shall slay hirn or bring him hitheT to yo1<. Od. xxii. 166. See Od. xvi. 73, xix. 524. IIpos dfJ-<j>oTpa d1ropw, TaVTYJV ()' o1rws EK3w Kat TaAX 07rOfJEv 0' 0 'Kw' I arn at a loss on both questions, how I shall give he1 a dowry (7r(os TaVTYJV how;), and how (whence) I shall pay my other expenses (7rofJv TaAA.a 0 w' Kw;). DEM. xxvii. 66. BovAEVOfJ-aL 07rWS (T a 7r 0 0 p w' I a'm t?ying to think how I shall escape you (7rWS u< d1roopw ;). XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 13. 01JK f!xw T Af:yw, I know not what I shall say. DEM. ix. 54. So in Latin, non habeo quid (or quod) dicam. OvK i!xw u6<j>tu/)-' OT<f! a7raAAayw, I have no device (i.e. I know not) how I shall escape. AESCH. Prom. 470. Ov yd.p 01) ot' &rmptav jl ov <j>~uns EXEW o n d7rTJS, for it is not surely through inexperience that you will declam that you know not whcd to say (i.e. T et1rw ;). DEM. xix. 120. So o n and ois XEN. An. i. 7, 7. (See 572.) /3~ eK7rtfJfJ-aTa oVK ol3' el XpvurivTc; TOVTI.f! do not know whether shall give thern, etc. Id. Cyr. viii. 4, 16. 'E7ravpOfJ-EVov KTYJUt<j>wvTos El Ka Af. uTI t:.YJfJ-OufJf.v'Y)v, when Ctesiphon asks whether he shall call Dernosthenes. AEBCHIN. iii. 202. (For 1 see 680.) 'Ev of. or {)Top fJ-'PfJ-~pt~EV, i) 0 YE TOVS fJ-~V avauT~(TELV, 6 8' 'ATpL'OTJV vap(ot, 1J x6Aov 7raVUELEV EPYJTV(TtE T 8vfJ-OV. 11. i. 188. (The direct questions were Tovs fJ-~V dvauT~uw; 'ATptOYJV /3' f.vap(w; 1ravuw f.pYJTVUW TE;) K,\,~povs 1rriAA.ov, 07r7r6Tepos 0~ 7rpoufJv a<j>dYJ xaAKWV eyxos, i.e. they shook the lots (to decide) which should first throw his spear, the question being 7r0Tpos 7rpoufJv a<j>if j Il. iii. 316. 'ExpYJUTYJptaCETO el f.K{3aAot TOV ''A8pYJUTOI!. HDT. V. 67. 'E1r~povTo El1rapaooi:ev KopwfJ[ots T~v 1roAtv, tkey asked whether they should give up their city, the question being 7rapo.OWfJ- v T~JJ 1roAtv; THUC. i. 25. 'Ef3ovAvovTo 1 Td. uKwo<j>6pa f.vTavfJa liyotvTo ~ d7rtOtv E7rt TO UTpar67r3ov. XEN. An. i.lO, 17: so i. 10, 5. 'H1r6pn Tt XP~uatTo T0 7rpriyfJ-aTt, he was at a loss how to act in the rnatter, i.e. T[ XP~UWfJ-a L; Id. Hell. Yii. 4, 39. Ov yap etXOfJ-1! 07rWS 8pwVTES KaAws 1rpa~attuv, for we could not see how we should ja1e well if we did it. SOPH. Ant. 270. 'A7rop~oVTOS o( {3autA~OS 0 TL XP~UYJTat T</i 7rape6vn 7rp~y/)-aTt, 'E7rtdATYJ>, {jAfJf. oi s Aoyovs. HoT. vii. 213. 'H1r6p'Y)u JL~V o7roTe-

ow

ow,

ow, I

Ta

266

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[678

pwcre 8LO.Ktv8vve-6o-v xwp~o-as. THUC, i. 63. 01 ilAa.'J:U.L~S f.J3ovAEVOV'TO dTe KaTa.Kavuwo-tv wtr7np ~xovc;tv, Ef'-'1rp~uavTEs To otK'Y)pa., EL'TE 'Tt lf..\.Ao XP~O"WV'Tat, whethe?' they should set the house o'nji?e ana burn thern as they were, or should dispose of them in some other way. Id. ii. 4. 'A-rrop~o-avns 01T''lJ Ka8opplo-wvTat, f.s ITp6!T'f}V T0v v~o-ov ~1rAevo-av, Id. iv. 13. 678. The context must decide whether the optative in an indirect question represents a subjunctive (as here) or an indicative (669). The distinction is especially impol'tant with the aorist optative (see 125). 679. When the leading verb is an optative referring to the future, the optative can be used, by assimilation, to represent the subjunctive in these indirect questions. E.g. XaplevTa yovv 1I'tHlotp.' &v, el pi} \ottf 07I'Ot Tavra KaraBd'Y)v, if I should not have anywhere to r;ut these down. (know where to put them). AR. Eccl. 794. (See other examples unJer 186.) 680. El, whether, can introduce t.he subjm1ctive here, as well as the indicative or optative : see XEN. Cyr. viii. 4, 16, anu AEBCHIN. iii. 202, quoted in 677. 'Eav cannot mean whethm, and wherever this introduces a subjunctive the expression is conditional. (See 493.)

Indicative or Optative with

av.

681. An indicative or optative with &v retains its mood and tense (with Civ) unchanged in indirect discourse with OTL or we:; and in indirect questions, after both primary and secondaJ_T teuses. E.g.
Ayn O'Tt TOV'To <'!.v f.yvTo, lw scLys that this 'Would have happened: ifii.Eyev O'Tl 'TOVTO av eyevero; he said that this would have happened. AeyH (or v,Eyev) OTL OVTOS OlKULWS &v 8avot, he says (or said) that this man ~vould Justly be put to death. (8ep.to-TOKA'ijsj Q1T'EKp[va'To, on ovr' (}.V UV'TOS LEp[cpws lilv 6vopao-TOS eye vETO o{(r' EKELVOS 'A8-qvaZos, he replied that he should 1Wt have become famous himself if he had been a Seriphian, no1' would the other if he had been an Athenian. PLAT. Rep. 330 A. 'Evvoet'TE, OTL ?J'T'TOV av O"'TUO"lS <t'Y) vos ilpxovTos i) 1I'oAAwv. XEN. An. vi. i. 29. A1reKpvaTo, on 7rp6o-Bev av Q1T'o8cfvotV ~ Ta 01I'Aa 1I'Upa8o['Y)(J"UJI. lb. ii. 1, 10. (The direct discourse was 1rp6o-B<v av a1I'o8avotp.ev.) OvK li.v J.A1I'o-avras WS li.v E1fE~.ABot TLS avTol:s is fJ-UX'fJV, when they would never have expected that any one would come out to fight with them. THUG. v. 9. Ilap<ABwv TLS Oet~cfTw, WS oi 8E'TTU.Aot vvv OVK li. V f.A.evBepot rE JIO l V 'TO ao-pevot. DBM. ii. 8. Ovo' EiOEIIU.l cpryo-t 'TL li.v 7I'Ol<;:;V vp.Zv xa.pl(J'(l.t'TO, he says he does not even know what he co1ld do to gratify you. Id. xix. 48. OvK ifxw T[<; &v yevo[p.av. AEBCH. Prom. 905; so 907. 'HpwTwv et 00 i:ev V T01JTWV TU 7r(.(J'TCL XE~. An. iv. 8, 7. 682. The same principle applies when a secondary tense of the indicative without tfv in the construction of 415 is quoted. E.g.

6831

INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

267

("EAryev) O'Tt KphTOV 1j V avT0 T<lTE a7ro8aVELV, he said that he had better have died at once. LYS. x. 25. (The direct discourse was kpliTTov 'lj V p.ot a1ro8avev.)

Infinitive in Indirect Discourse.

683. When the infinitive stands in indirect discourse, its tense represents the corresponding tense of the finite verb in the direct form, the present and perfect including the imperfect and pluperfect. If &v was used in the direct form, it must be retained in the quotation, each tense with representing the corresponding tenses of either indicative or optative with av. E.g.

av

<l>?]<rt ypa,Pnv, he says that he is writing; f.,P11 ypa,PELv, he said that he was witing; ,Pry<rH ypa,Pm, he will say that he is (then) writing. (He says y patj>w.) <l>tj<rt (f.t:/>,7) ypatj>Hv av, el Jf>VvaTo, he says (or saii) that he slwuld now be writing, if he were able. (He says f.ypat:f>ov av.) <]>l]<rt (Et:/>YJ) ypatj>HV av, d OVVat'TO, he says (or Said) that he Should write, if he should (ever) be able. (He says ypdtj>otp.t lfv.) <PYJ<r< ypafat, he says that he wrote; <:/>11 ypafat, he said that he lw,d written; t:f>lJcr ypafa, he will say that he wrote. (He says (ypafa.) .PYJd (t:f>,J) ypdtj;at av, d 8w,]8YJ, he sctys (or said) that he sh01tld have written, if he had been able. (He says ypafa &v.) <]>,)<r~ (et:f>ry) ypdtf;at av, tl 8vvry8ef.JJ, he says (or said) that he should write, if he should (eve?') be able. (He ~ays ypO.fatp.t &v.) <l>ry<ri (tj>t)<rtt) yeypatj>kvcu, he says (or will say) tlw,t he lw,s written; Et:/>tj yeypatj>f.vat, he said that he had written. (He says y~ypat:f>a.) For the perfect with av, see below and 206. Ttj<Ti (tj>1)<r<t) ypdtj;etv, he says (or will say) that he will wite; ~t:/>1) -ypd.tj;etv, he said that he would write. (He says ypdfw.) (Present.) Ka Tk p.k t:f>YJ<r p.axn Tpwe<r<rw dp-ljyHv. 11. i. 521. llws En) 1;;)s 1roA.kp.ow p.dhkp.ev; ll. iv. 351. SoIl. xvii. 338. L:K11{e<r8u.[ oi i7rE 8EOVS, EJ1~ o' i!~oxu. 7raVTWV a8avaTWV KEXOAw<r8at, tell him that the Gods an angry with him and that I am enraged with him beyond all the i1nmmtals. Il. xxiv. 113. 'AppwO'TELV 7rpo,Pa<rf.{eTat, he p1etends that he is sick: E~<vp.o<rev dppw<rTi:v TOvTovi, he took his oath tlw,t this nw,n was sick. Dm11. xix. 124. OllK Et:/>1) a'llTos d,\A.' iKetvov O'TPU.Ttj)'Etv, i.e. Cleon said tlw,t 1wt he hvmself, but Nicias, ~oa.s gene1al; i.e. he said, ovK f.y0 a1hos- dA.A' di:vos <rTpanJ")'t. TRue. iv. 28. ' ~ , ' ' \ ' {} ' ;r, ,, " " 0 T tVU.S OVV evxas 1>71'0"UJL(3 U.IIT, EVXE<ruat TOV '.l't"L7r7rOV OT ' 0"7rVUV j what pmym do you suppose Philip made, etc. ? DEM. xix. 130. (Evxe0'8at representS l]VXETO; see 119.) 0tfLat yap av 01iK axap{<rTWS JWL EX e LV' for I think it would not be a thankless labou,r; i.e. OVK av ex 0 t. XmN. An. ii. 3, 18. Ole<rO yap Tiw 7TaTpa ovK &v ,PvAaTT<tv Ka~ T~v T<JL~V ,\ap.(3uvetv Twv 1rwAovp.vwv ~vA.wv; do you think that my father would not have taken care and have received the pay for the timber

268

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[683

1old? i.e. ollK &v f.<PvAaruv Kat JA&Jkf3a VV; DEM. xlix. 35. (See 205.) (Aorist.) OllSG KE <Pat'TJS avSpt fkO..XYJ<TdfkEVOV r6v y' ue~JkEV, nor would you say that he came after a battle with a rnan. Il. iii. 393. KaTacrxeZv <PTJ(l"t TOVTovs, he says that he detained them. Tovs 8' alxf"aAWTOVS oi>8' JV8v f"YJ eq va <PYJ<Tt Mxra<r8at, but he says that he did not even think of ransoming the prisoners. DEM. xix. 39. (He sa;y:s Ka'Teux ov and oull' f.ve&vf"~eYJv.) '0 Kupos A.eyerat yev<r0at Kat-"f3v<rw, Gyrus is said to have been the son of Cambyses. XEN. Cyr. i. 2, l. Tovs 'A8YjvaCovs 1JA:7n(cv r(l"WS &v E7r~A8efv Kat r0v yqv OVK &v 1rEpLtlld:v Tf"YJeqvat, he hoped that the Athenians would perhaps ?J'Larch out and not allow their land to be laid waste; i.e. r(l"(J)S av E7rE~eA.OotEV Kat OVK dv 1repd8otev. 'l'Huc. ii. 20. 'A1ryjeuav vof"[(l"aVT<> I"~ &v :in 1Kav~l yeve(l"Oat KWAU(l"at rov THXL(l"JkOV. Id. vi. 102. (Here ovK &v yevo[... JkE8a would be the direct form: see 685.) So i.l39. OvK &v ~y<'iiJ'()' ai>Tov Kav f.trtSpafke'i:v, do yM~> not believe that (in tlw,t case) he would have nm thither? i.e. E7rESpaf"V av. DEM. xxvii. 56. (See 223.) A single infinitive with av occurs in Homer: Kat 8' &v ro'is a,\,Aot<TLV E<PlJ trapafkv81jO"a<r8at, Il. ix. 684. (The direct discourse is given in the words of Achilles in vs. 417, Kat S' llv trapap.v&YJ<ra[JkYJV.) (See 207.) (Perfect.) 'f>povew '<f."TGJkq<r8at Lltos at<r[l, I feel tlw,t I have been honoured. Il. ix. 608. P'lJ<rtv aB-rb<; aZrtos yeyevfj<r8at, he says atnos yeyEvYjfkaL, DEM. xix. 37. EtKa(ov i) StwKOVTa otx<(1"8at ~ KaTaAYJlfDJk<vov n trpoEA.YJAaKevat. XEN. An. i. 10, 16. (Their thought was~ OtWKWV oZx-:rat, ~ 7rpoeA~AaKV.) "E<P'f/ XP~p,a8' ~avT</) T01'>> er,{3ulov, E7rtKEKYjpvxvat, he said that the Thebans had offered a 1eward for hi!Jn. DEM. xix. 21. 'AvTEAeyov fl-'l StKaCws <r<f>wv KaTaSeOtKa<r8at, A.eyovTEs f-"1J J7r1JY'Y('A()at 1rw JsAaKEOaipovarils 0"1TOV8a.s (),.' J<retrcp,"fav TO~'S otrAiTa>, they rejoined that they (the Eleans) had not justly condemned them, saying that the truce had 1wt yet been amwunced at Spwta when they sent ~n the soldiers (they said oB KaraSeo[Ka<rBe, and OUK E7r1Jyy<AfkEVUL ?]rrd.v 7r(J) at 0"1fOVSat or' E(J"E7fffJr fafkev). TRue. v. 49. So K7rE7rMjxBat, representing ~e7fE7rAYJKTo, XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 27. (See 123, above.) (For examples of the perfect infinitive with av, representing the pluperfect indicative and the perfect optative, see 206.) (Future.) "E<f>'f/s (l"W<; E(l"<rwOat. Il. xxii. 331. So Od. iv. 664. Ka fkOt EEL7fV Mvpft86vwv rov llpL(]'rov Ae ..f et v <f>lio<; 1)eA.ow, he told me 6 dpt<rTos A.d..j;et. Il. xviii. 9. Kai 8~ fkOG yepa<; auTos d<Patp~(l"E<rBat d?TetAets. Jl. i 161. 'Em~.yyaJ..e-rat Ta iltKaw 7rOL~(l"ELV, he p1omises to do what is 1ight. DEM. xix. 48. ''E<P1J JvTdc; ~Jkepwv dKOO"GV 1} a~ELJI AuKeilaLJkOVlOV<; CwvTas ~ aVTOV d7rOKTEVEtV, he said that within twenty days he would either b1ing them alive or kill them whe1e they were. THUC. iv. 28. (Cleon said i) a~w ~ dtrOKTEJIW.) Taura (<f>YJut) Htrpd~c(l"8at 8voi'v ~ rptwv ~f"<pwv, he says that this will have been accomplished within two OT th1ee days (137). DEM. xix. 74. (For the rare future infinitive with liv, see 208.)

685]

INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

269

684. The infinitive is said to stand in indirect discourse and its tenses correspond to those of the indicative or optative, when it depends on a verb implying tlwught or the expression of tlwught (one of the class of vmba sentiendi et declarandi), and when also the thought, as originally conceived, would have been expressed lJy some tense of the indicative (with or without tiv) or optative (with tiv), so that it can be transferred without change of tense to the infinitive. Thus in f3o-6AeTat EA tV > he wishes to go, A.fJe'iv represents no form of either aorist indicative or aorist optative, and is therefore said to he not in indirect discourse. But in ~rycrtv JA.(hZv, he says that he went, JA.B/iv represents fjA.Bov of the direct discourse. The distinction in the time of the infinitive (especially of the aorist infinitive) in these two uses is obvious. It may be asked why the infinitive after certain other vetbs should not be said to stand in indi1ect discourse; for example, why in Ke.Ae-6EL <T< A.BeZv or fL"J A.BeZv we should not say that A.BeZv represents A.fJ or JL~ AfJrr> of direct disconrse. This might 1Jerha1Js be done ; and we might possibly make f.A.fJEZv in f3ov.Aop,at ~A.BeZv represent :JA.8otp.t, rnay I go. But with other verbs of the same class, as those of advising, teaching, striving, choosing, no form of direct discourse can even be imagined. It is much harder to draw a line between these last verbs and verbs like Ke.Aevw and f3ov.Aop,at, or even between these two, than whe~e it is drawn above. It is impossible to say where a Greek would have drawn the line, or to be sure that he would have dmwn any line at all ; for our own use, the usual definition of the infinitive in oratio obliqua (as given above) is certainly the most convenient.

685. (.!vi~ with Infinitive.) The negative })article of the infinitive in indirect discourse is regularly ov, which is retained from the direct form (667, 5). But, after certain verbs which belong to the intermediate class between those which take the infinitive in indirect discourse and those which do not (see 136), the infinitive regularly takes p,~ for its negative. Such are verbs of hoping, promising, and swew. ing ; with those signif)'ing to ag1ee or consent (op,oA.oyw), to trust (7rtcrTe-Dw), to be persuaded ('rre7rHCTJLat), to testify ()Lap-rvpw).l The infinitive occasionally hasp,~ even after the verbs which most regularly take the infinitive with ov in indirect discourse, as ~1Jp,{, .Ayw, vop,{(w, ~yovp,at, etc. E.g. Xp-ljv OJLOCTat JL?J EKOVTU. A.BeZv, he had to swear that he did not come intentionally. HDT. ii. 179 ; so i. 165. "Op,vvcrtv p,~ mfnror' rlp,e[vov' :im7 p,YJSf.v' dKovcrat, .he swears that nobody ever hea1d better verses. AH. Vesp. 1047. ''flJLvve p,YJOEv ElpYJKEVat. DEM. xxi. 119. ''OTav EA7r[<Twcrw o.OTot p,~ liA.Aws TOV veov KafJ~nv. FLAT. Rep. 572 E. Ovoep,[av vp,f.wv E.xw EA7r[oa fh~ oB Swcmv VJL~as SLKYJV. HDT. vi. ll. (Fo:r p,~ oB see 815, 2.) Ma~cfSos- vlOs- v1rorrx6p,evos KaTEVEvcre JL~ 7roT' d7rOKAEtj;nv ocr' 'EK1Jf36A.os EKTEUTtCTTa.t. Hymn. Mere. 521 ; so fh~ nva ~crerrfJat. Ibic1. 525.
1 See Lidtlell and Scott, ed. 7, under P--IJ, B. 5, C; also Gildersleeve in Am. Jour. Phil. i. p. 51.

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INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[686

'flp.oJ....oy~r:rap.v p.~Tro'T' liv aim]v f.vav'T[a ~oew. PLAT. Phaed. 94 C. Mep.ap'Tvp~Kar:r~v ol7rpO'Tpov f.pya{op.Evo~ p.~ el'va~ CTY)KfJY tV 'Tcp xwpcp.

L-wKpci'TYJ y f.yw JyyvwtJ-at p./ f.TrtITtr:rTEvw p.~ tfevr:retv p.E 'Tav'Tas 'Tas &.ya8d.s f.J....1rtoas. XEN. Cyr. i. 5, 13. ITeTretr:rp.at f.yw p.YJoeva &.otKeiv &.v8pw1rwv. PLA~'. Ap. 37 A: so 37 B. if>a[Y)V o' liv eywye p.Y)Oevi p.Y)Oep.{av ei:vat 1raoevr:rw 1rapd. 'Tov p.~ apECTKOYTOS. XEN. Mem. i. 2, 39. So PLAT. Theaet. 155 A. ITcivTEs f.pour:rt 'To J....ot1rov P.YJOEv elvat t<epoaA.ecl,'Tepov &.peT~>. XEN. Cyr. vii. 1, 18. 'Ev6p.tr:re OE p.~ liv yevf.r:r8at 7rOTE 'lr~CTTOV av8pw7rOV. lb. vii. 5, 59. Kai opn i!Aeyov f-'Y)OEVa f.()f:A.ew EK6vTa apxEtv. PLAT. Rep. 346 E. T s &v 8ewv p.ev 1raioas ~yoiTo eivar, 8wvs o p.,); Id. Ap. 27 D. ITpovA.eyov p.~ &v yyvw8at 1roA.ep.ov (i.e. ovK liv yyvotTo 7rOAep.os). THuc. i. 139. See also THUC. v. 49, vi. 102, quoted in 683. The examples in the last j)aragraph are opposed to the regular usage of the language, which would demand ou in all of them. We must SUj)pose that the use of p.~ with the infinitive was so fixed, before the infinitive began to be used in indirect discourse, that p.~ always seemed natural, even after ov had become the regular form after verbs of saying, thinlciny, etc. We sometimes find strange uses of p.~. In THuc. i. 118, ovTEs p.'Ev Kat 1rpo Tau p.~ 'Taxeis lf:vat f.s 'Tovs TroAep.ovs, having even before this been not hasty to go into wan, it may be difficult to find a better explanation of the anomalous !J-'J than the perhaps heretical one, that Tau /J-~ 'TaxeZs lf:va~. ],ad a more natural sound than Tou ov Taxeis lf:vat, although neither 'TOu nor the negative has an}thing to do with the infinitive. So some people say between you and I, merely because you nnd me sonn<ls vulgar.
LYs. vii. 11.

So

DElL

xlv. 15.

J....~r:rer:r8at. PLAT. Prot. 336 D.

686. With tJ-fJ and the infinithle in indirect discourse we may compare the rare f~ with the indicative, wbich occurs in THEOG. 659, ovo' J!J-OCTU.L XP1J Tov8', V'Tt tJ-01rO'T 'TrfYfJ'YtJ-a Too' ECTTal., and A;<T. v. 21, TavTa r:rKorre'iTE, f1J 1rp~voq., tJ-fi~A.ov ,i.yyveTo, 1] TVX[!: see also SoPH. Ant. 685, orrws cru !J-1] A.eyets opBws Taoe. ''On !J-'l with the indicative became a regular construction in later Greek (as in Lucian). 'OtJ-OCTU.L on /DJ ECTTat in Theognis suggests the still more puzzling cases of /J-~ alone with the indicative after oaths in Homer and Aristophanes: tCTTW Zevs, p.~ !J-EV Tois 11r7rotr:rtv aV1Jp E1rOLX'1U'Tat aAAo>, Il. X. 329; tCTTW vvv TOO yaZa .. tJ-'l ot' itJ-~v lo'TYJTa ITor:retoawv ivor:rix8wv 'lr'YJ /J-a i vet Tpwas, Il. xv. 36 ; tJ-d. Tov'ATroAAW /J-~ er' yw KaTaKA~vw xatJ-a[, AR. Lys. 917; soEccl. 1000; tJ-d. yi)v, tJ-0. 1rayf8as, . . . /J-~ 'yw v6YJ/J-a KoptfoTEpov 1)Kovr:ra 1rw, Av. 194. I have no explanation, even to suggest, of the strange use of p.~ in these last examples.

on

oTt

Participle in Indirect Discourse.

687. When the participle stands in indirect discourse,

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271

it follows the rules already given for the infinitive (6 83), in regard to its tense and the use of av. E.g.
'AyyrAAH 'TOVTovs pxoJLf.vovs, he ctnnounces that they are earning; 1]yyHAe TavTovs f.pxoJLf.vovs, he announced that they were earning. (The announcement is ovTot iipxovTat.) 'AyyEAAH TavTovs f.A.e6vTas, he announces that they cam,e; 'Jy')'ELAE TavTovs f_ A.86vTas, he announced that they had corne. (He says ,)A.eov.) 'Ayyf.AAH rovTovs f.AYJAve6ras, he announces that they lw,ve come; ijyynA< TavTovs f.A.,JA.ve6Tas, he annmmced that they lw,d corne. (He says JA.,JA.veaa-tv.) 'AyyEAAEL (i)yyetAe) TaVTa yevrw6JLevov, he announces (or announced) that this is (or was) about to happen. (He says TOVTO ')'EV1JUETUt,) Ovo' apa 7rt.b TL 1J01) liaTpaKAov TEevY)6Ta oi:os 'AxtAAevs, nor yet did Achilles have any knowledge that Patroclus was dead. Il. xvii. 402. ryvwO'KE ewv y6vov 1)vv f.6vTa. Il. vi. 191. T1)Aipuxos o' apa }LLJ! 7raAat 1l0EEV E!voov 6 JITU. Od. xxiii. 29 : so xvii. 549, 556. Toi:s TE yiJ.p f.nxHP'lfLa.a-tv f.t.bpwl' ov KaTopeovvTes Ka.t Tavs <TT pa TLWTUS J. X e 0 fL EV0 Vs Tfj JLO V)l' joT they saw that they WC1'C not succeeding in theiT cdternpts, and that the soldien weTe distnssed by the delay; i.e. theysaWOV KO.TapeOVfi-EV Kat a1frrpCLTLWTUL axeaJ!TUL, THUC. vii. 4 7. 'Ep.fi-EliOfJ.EV oTs wvoAoy~O'Ufi-EJI OtKa[ots ova-L ]I; do we abide by what we acknowledged to be just (i.e. oDwul E<TTL v)? PLAT. Crit. 50 A. ITave' ifvEiw f.avTov 7ratwv J~eA1JAE')'KTa.t, it has been proved that he io doing everything for his own inteTest. DEM. ii. 8. AvTcp Kvpov E7rurTpaTel!ovTa npwTos 'lY')'ELAa., I first announced to hin1 that CynJ..S was on his maTch against him. XE:-~. An. ii. 3, 19. See
SOPH. 0. T. 395. "H a-a<j>n oioe voa-T~a-u. VTU <TE oevpo, whether she is peTjectly ce1tain that you hnve ntumed hitheT. Otl. xxiv. 404. 'E7rt<TTUJLEVOL Ka.t TOV {30.p(3apov u:VTUv 7rEp'i u:Urtj) TU, TrAE[w (J"rfaAEvra, Ka'i 1rpbs aV.,-oVsroi>> 'Ael)vu.[ov> 7rOAAa 'JJLUS ijor1 Toi:s UJLrLPT'JfJ-U.<TLJ' a{m;)v JL&AAov ?} q) dcj/ VfJ.wv nJLwpf!. 7r<fJLY<YEVlJJLf.vovs (i.e. 6 j3ap(3u.pos a-cf)aAlJ, KUL lJfi.EL<; 7rE p L')' E')' EJI'JJ fi-E e u.). THUC. i. 69. So in the same chapter, TbV Mljoov UVTOt ra-JLEV EK 7rELpUT<VJ! yljs E7rL Tl)v IIeAo7r6Vl"I)O'OJ! f_).,()6vTa, i.e. 6 M!joos i]A.eev. 'E7r<LO'J ~yvwa-u.v ov JL<T' 'Ae, 1vu.[wv 7rpaxeet:a-av T1JV T<;;V Bo<WTWV ~vvvax[av, J.A.A.' ES Ota<j>opa.v JLE')'aAYJV Ka.B<a-TwTu.> a1>Toi>s 7rpu> Tav> Aa.K<Ou.tfi.ov[ovs (i.e. o{K C.r.pd.xfh7 and Ku.eea-Taa-tv). Id.\'. 44. Ovyap 1J0E<TfLJ! aVTOJ! TEeVlJK6Ta,jm they did not know that he was dead (i.e. Tf.ev,JKEV). XEN. An. i. 10, 16. See AND. i. 23; SoPH. Tr. 7:3!1. 'E7rE0EL~U. ovo~v J.A.,]eE> U7rYJ')'')'EAK6Ta J.A.A.O. cj)EJIUK[a-a.J!e' vvas, I have shown that he has 1'eJJOTted nothing that is t?ue, mu/ that he deceived you (a7r;)yy<AKev and f.<j>evaKta-ev). DEM. xix. 17i. El ev 1/llew Kd T1Jl' a-vvp.ax[a.v fJ.OL ')'EVYJ<TDfi-E111JV, if I wme sure that I should obtain an alliance also (i.e. D'VJJ.JJ.u.x[a fLOt y<J'lJ<TETa ). Ibid. 40. So XEN. Hell. iv. 7, :3. 0 o' avTo<j>dAwv dJLf3Al~TEpos, elo&!<; OVK ES xaptv &.AA' Js d<j>E[AYJfi.CL T1JV apET~V U7r00WO'WV, knowing tlw,t

272

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[688.

he shall not return tke benefit, etc. (i.e. oilK iho8w<Tw). Tnuc. ii. 40. rvovns oiJr' d1i"OKWAV<TW ovva.ro~ bvres, et r d11"0fWVw0~<TOI!Tat rqs

~v!Lf3a<Tews, K vovveV<TO vres, 11"0WVVTfH o;wA.oyav (i.e. OUT ovvarot

i<TfLEV, d r' d1rOfLOVWBYJ<TOfLEBa., KtvovveV<TOfLEV). Id. iii. 28. Ei'J 8' t<TBL fL'r}llev a I! fLE TOVTWV E11"L X etp~<Ta vra <T 11"EtBHv, El ovva.<rrdav p.ovov ~ 11"AOVTOI! ~wpwv E~ avrwv "jVYJ<TOfLVOV. Isoc. v. 133 (/L1)8ev ltv hnxHP~<Tavra represents o!J8ev ltv E11"<xdpYJ<ra, and "jEV1J<TOfLVOV represents yev~<r7"0.t). Ei5 i!a-fLEV fL~ av ij<r<TOV VfLas AV11"Yjpo:Vs yeVOfLEVOVS (i.e. OVK av lyeve<TBE). Tnuc. i. 76. '2K01i"OV-' fLVOS ovv EVpt<TKOV ov8a.p.ws liv aAAWS TOVTO 8w1rpa~afLEVOS, I found that I could acc01nplish this (ota11"pa.~a[fL'f)V &v) in no other W11fN.

Isoc. xv. 7.

''07rws 8 y TOVS 1rOAEfLLOVS o-6vat<rBE KO.KWS 11"0ttV, OVK oiiTBa fLO.VBavov-ras vp.as 11"0AAas KaKovpyas; do you not know that you leamed, etc. 1 XEN. Cyr. i. 6, 28. (Here 8-6vat<TBE and the whole context show that fLa.vBaJ,ovTas represents p.avBav<TE.) MefLV1JfLO.< Se eywyc Kat 1i"O.t<; wv KptT[\!- T</}i'k ~VVOVTO. en, I nmember that you were with (~vvq<TBa) this 01itias. PLAT. Charm. 156 A. (See 140
and the examples.) See other examples in 904.

688. (Negative fL~.) The participle of indirect discourse, like the infinitive, regularly retaius the negative ov from the direct form. But,. as in the case of the infinitive (685), we find many exceptions. Compare hoc. v. 133 and TRue. i. 76, which have /L''J after o78a, with Tau9. ii. 40 and Isoc. xv. 7, which have oUla. ou (all quoted in 687). See also SoPH. 0. C. 656, 797 (oloa. fL'~)), Ph. 79 (~o<oa p.~), 0. C. 1121 (7rrna.pru p.;)) ; EuR. Tro. 970 (ocl~w fL'q); THuc. ii. 17 ('1rpoyj8E; fL~). Here also the irrcr,gularity may be explained hy the fixed earlier use of fL~ in other constructions affecting the later construction of indirect discourse (685).

INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES.

689. When a complex sentence is indirectly quoted, its leading verb follows the principles already stated for simple sentences (6 6 9-G 8 8). 1. If the quotation depends on a primary tense, all the dependent verbs of the original sentence retain the mood and tense of the direct discourse.

2. After a secondary tense, all dependent verbs of tbe original sentence which tllere stood in the present, perfect, or future indicative, or in any tense of the subjunctive, may either be changed to the same tense of the optative or retain

689]

INDIHECT QUO'fATION OF C0l\1J'L!CX SENTENCES

273

both the mood and tense of the direct discourse, the optative being the more common form. When the subjunctive is changed to the optative, &v is dropped, Uv, orav, etc., becoming El, <hE, etc. 3. But dependent secondary tenses of the indicative and all dependent optatives remain unchanged after all tenses (see, however, 693). E.g.
1. (After primary tenses.) "Av 8' VfkELS A.ey'Y]'~'<, 1ro~~(]'~V (cp'Y}(]'t) doo~[av aiJT(i cpepEL DEM. xix. 41 (i.e. 1ro~~(]'w, 0 fk~T' . . EfkOt cpepEL). No(-kt(w yap, <'lv rovr' rlKpt{Jws "'cf()T)TE, ~, \ ' ~ ' ' ' ' ' ' ~\ I fkO.II.II.OV VfkO.S TOVTO~S fkV 0.7rt(]'TT)(]'HV EfkOt UE (J 0'1] f) T)<THV. Id. XXX. 25. 'Eav EKELVO EiOWfkV, on a7ravf)' o<Ta 7rW7rOT ~A7rt(J'O.f"Ev TtVU. 7rpd~ELV v1r~p ~fkWV Kaf)' 1JfkWV d)p'Y)Tat, K<'lv f"TJ vvv f)f.Awf"EV EKEt 7rOAEfkEtV aimji, vf)J.8' i'(]'WS dvayKa(]'f)rJ(]'Op.Ef)a rovro 7rotti:v, K.r.A. Id. iv. 50. IIpoAyw on, 07r0Tp liv U7r0Kp[VT)TO.t, E~eAeyxMJ<TETa~. PLAT. Euthyd. 27 5 E. See DEM. xxi. 66, where two such conditional sentences depend on .l,.p68'1]Aov yevoro, and Il. xiii. 741 (see 178 and 184, above). 'Opw (TOt rovrwv OE~(]'OV, orav E1r~evp.~(]''[)S cptA[av 7rp6s TWas 7rotE'i(J'f)a~. XEN. Mem. ii. 6, 29. IIapa8Lyp.a <Tacpf.s Kara(]'rlj(]'ar, os <lv acpt<TT~Ta~, eavar<p (YJJL~W<TOp.Evov. THUC. iii. 40. See 687.

ofk~r' al(]'XVVYJV fk~r'

2. (Optative after secondary tenses.) El1re on O.vSpa U')'Ot ov 8 o ~, he said that he was bringing a man whom it 11!a.l necessary to confine, i.e. he .said livopa O.yw ov Elp~a~ OEt. XEN. Hell. v. 4, 8. 'A7rEKp[varo on fkO.Veavotev oi p.aveavoVTES OVK E7rt<TTatvro, i.e. he replied, p.av&&vov<T~ a OVK E1r[(]'TO.VTO.t. FLAT. Euthyd. 2i6 E. (Here OVK shows that a11aS a definite antecedent, and takes t}Je optative only because it is in indirect discourse. So with ov in the Jll eeeding example.) 'AyrF[Aaos iiA.ey<v ort, El (JAa(J<pa 7rE 1rpa X w<; E z,l, o[Ka.wr; dq CYJfkWV0'6at, i.e. he said Ei (JAafJpa. ,.,.pax<, 8Kau5s E(]'TL (YJp.Wv(]'ea,, XEN. Hell. V. 2, 32. So An. ii. 1, 3, iii. 5, 15, vi. G, 2G. El 8! nva cp<vyovra A1)fotro, 1rf>O'Yj')'OpEVEV on <1ls 7rOAEp.lcp XP~ (]'OtTO. Id. Cyr. iii. 1, 3. (This is a quotation of d nva. A.,;fof~<L,, XP~(]'Op.at.) rv6vns of. on, El OW<TOtEV EvetJvas, KtVOVVdO'OLEV a7roA(]'8at, 7rf.fJ-7rOV(J'tv Kat Stoa(]'KOv(]'w rovs 8'YJf3a.ov<; .;,,, <! p.0 (]'Tf'"-T<V(]'OLEv, K~vovvEV(]'Ot<v oi 'ApKa8Es 1raAtv Au.Kwvf.a-cu. Id. H~ll. vii. 4, 34. "H t8EL yap on, El JLd.XYJS 7r0TE OE~<J'Ot, EK TOl;TWV <L-6r0 7rapa(]'raras A'1]7rTEOV E t'Yj. Id. Cyr. viii. 1, 10. (The direet diseoUl'~e was rt O<~(TE, AYJ7rTeov E(]'r[v.) 'EA.oy[(ovro w>, El p.1] p.ax.otvro, a7ro(]'T~(]'otvro ai 7r<ptotKoes ?ToA~s. Id. Hell. vi. 4, 6. ('Eav JL0 p.axwf;,E6a, d,.o(I'TfJ(]'ovrat.) Xp~p.af)' v7rt(]'XVEtro ow<THV, El rov 1rpayp.aros aln<jjvro f.fk. DEM. xxi. 104. (fl.w(]'W, f.av alrta(]'{).) 'Hy<tTO yap a7raV 7rot1}0'Ei~ avrov, d' ns d.pytJpwv OtOO[YJ. LYs. xii. 14. Ev~a.VTO (]'WT~pta (}{;(]'HV. ~vBa 1rp/orov Els cf>~A.tav yijv d.cpKotvro. XEN. An. v. 1, l.
E ip~at

.r

274

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

(689

(The dependent clause is found in the direct form in iii. 2, 9 : ooK<'i: pm <l!fa<TBat Trf BE0 To{mp Bv<TEL v <Twrf]pw 57rov &v 1rpwrov <ls <j>t.\[av x~pav d<f>tK~p.<Ba.) Tovro E7rPU')'fJ-UTfVETO VOfJ-t(wv, O<Ta rYjs mSAEW> 7rpoA.af3ot, 7r6.vra ravra f343aws ef<tv (ou' av 7rpoA.6.f3w, f3Ej3a[w> lfw). DEM. xviii. 26. ''HA.?TtCov v?To rwv 1raowv, E7rEL01J r<AEvrf]<TEtav rov f3ov, Ta<j>f]ueuBat (i1fELOav TEAnm)<rwfJ-<V, TaqJY]UDfJ-<Ba). LYS. xiii. 45. Kovwv 8LoauK<v ~" ovrw fl-~v 1rowvvn 1ra<Tat a!m[> ai 7rOAELS' <{>tA.f.at E<TOLVTO, cl OE oovA.ovuBat (:JovAOfJ-EVOS <f>av<po<; E<TOLTO, liA.ey<v ~> fl-ta iKa<TTYJ 1roA.A.a 1rpayfl-ara lKav1) d'YJ 1rapxew, Kat K[Povvo> dYJ fl-0 Kat oi "EAAYJVES', El ravra afuBotvro, <Tva-ral:JI. XEN. Hell. iv. 8, 2. El1fE TE OTL 7ra<ra avayKY] d?) TOUTOV f.A.A.oytjLOV "(EVE<TBat, ei7rep <i> 1JAtKLav eo L (avayKY] E(TTtV, av f.A.8n) PLl).T. Theaet. 142 D. 'Evofl-L<TE fl-1J av ')'VEfJ"8at 'TrOT~ 7rtfJ"TOV O.vBpw7TOV O<TTLS aA.A.ov fl-fiAA.ov </>tAryfJ"ot TOV T~S <f>vA.a.J<-Yjs OEOfJ-EVO'U, he believed that no man could ever be made faithful who was to love (see 527) any one moTe thnn the one needing his guaTdianship (ovK llv yevoao El </>tA1)<TEL). XEN.Cyr.vii. 5, 59. "Qfl-ofJ"<v'Ay<utA.cf'l!, cl <r1feuatro <!ws A.Bot<v oils 7rEfl-lfHE 1rpos f3autA.a J.yy.\ovs, Ota7rpa~wBa,, l<.r.A.. Id. Ag. i. 10. (The oath was (),,, <T1fEluv EWS llv A.8wuLV ayyeA.ot oils av 7rfpl{w, 8ta7rpagofl-a'.) Even in Homer, 11. ii. 59 7, we find fJ"T<vro yap EVXDfl-EVO<; VLKYJ<TEfl-EV, 7rE[J v avral Mov<raL aE[OotEV, joT he pTOmised ~vith a boast that he would be victor, even if the M1.ses themselves should sing. (For d av with the optative, see 460 ; or J.doot<v may

er

represent a subjunctive, 692.) ''E;t 0~ ')'tyvwrrKELI! f.<{>aua.v q>BovouvTas fJ-El' avrov<; Ei TL u<jJu<V aya8ov y{yvoLTO, (<{>YJOOfJ-EliOVS o' Ef TLS <TVjJ.<j>opa 7rpOfJ"1ft1fTOt, they said they knew that they (the Mantineans) were enviacu.1 if any good came to them, but pleased if any cala1nity befell then~. XEN. Hell. v. 2, 2. (<P8ovEi:TE fl-EV Ecfv TL ~JLLV J.ya8ov ')'t')'VTJTat, f.<j>~OEfJ"(Je o' f.av TLS (TVfJ-<{>opa 1r pou1r t'lrTYJ .) T1)v alriav, 1} 7rpOOYJAOS ~7v EI<Etl'ovs ~fovua. Ti 7ra8ot Xap{OYJfl-OS (~gH, Ecfv TL 7ra8v Xapcnwos). DEM. xxiii. 12.

er

e1r'

(Subjunctive and Indicative retained

after secondary tenses.)

''EA.Eyov OTL aKpa TE E<TTLV i!voov !<at oi 7rOAepwt 7rOAAol, ot 1ra [o VfJ" LJl rovs i!v8ov dv8pw1rovs, they said that then uas a height, etc. XEN. An. v. 2, 17. (Here elw and 7ra[otEV might have heen used.) 'Eooi<Et JLOL TUVTYJ 7rEtpfi<r8a.t <rwB{jvaL, f.v8vj.L011f1-EV'{i EUV fl-EV A.aBw, <rw8q<rof1.at, K.T.A. LYs. xii. 15. (Here Ec .\.a8otfl-L, fJ"w81Juo[fl-1JV might have been used.) <l>auKwv TE, -i}v uw Bfj oi:Ka.OE, Kara y< To a1m{i 8warov Sw.\..\.a~ELv 'A(),]Jio.ovs Kal Ao.~<EOO.LfLovow;, 7rAEVfJ"Ev. XEN. Hdl. i. 6, 7. (He said -)]v uwBw, which might have been changed to et fJ"W8Et1J.) TavB' l'J1/is li1fEL<TE 1Tpa:;ai, ED doius on, el f'"fJ 1rO.fJ"WV TWV EA1rt0WV U7fOfJ"TEflYJ e~J<TE(]" ()E, raxZav 7rap' a~TOV T1JV Ttfl-wpl.a.v I<OJLLEtul3e. LYs. xii. 70. 'Y7rEfJ"xovro a-l,ro'is, 1Jl' E7rt Dor{Scua.JI t'w<rLV 'AI3ryJia'iot, f.s r1)v 'ArrLK1JV EfJ"{JaA<tV (1}v i'wfJ"tv, f.u(3aA.ov;uv). Trruc. i. 58. Kat oJK ~<{>a<rav Uvat, eav fl-~ TLS avro!s XfliJf1UTa Oto<{J 0 o' V1fE<TXETO avopt EKU<TT'I} OW<TELV 1fEVTf fl-Vas, hrav Els Baf311Awva ijKW<TL, Kat TOV fJ-LfJ"8uJI EVTEA{j, fJ'EXP' av KO.Ta<rn}r:rT/

on,

a7re-

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INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES

275

ro-Ds "E.\A:l)vas <ls 'lwv[av 1raAw. XEN. An. i. 4, 12 and 13. "E<f>'rJ xpf]vat, oL' llv Ucy X 8w<Tt (haf3aAAOJITES TWJI 'E,\.\~vwv, ws 7rpoo6ras ovms TtfLWpYJBfJvat. lb. ii. 5, 27. See AESCHIN. iii. 145. El OE fL~, Kat avrot !i<f>a<Tav avrwv ro-Ds avopas d7rOKTEVEiv oils X o v<T t (wvras, otheTwise, they said, they should themselves kill theiT rnen whom they had in their hands alive (E!xotEv might have been used). Tnuc. ii. 5. Kara<TX <Tetv TU> m!Aa> !i<f>a<Tav, el p.~ hovr<> dvo[~ov<Ttv. XEN. An. vii. 1, 16. (El Jl~ dvo[~otEv might have been used.) So Tnuc. i. 137. Avro'is TOtUVT'r) o6~a 7rapEUJ'T~KH, W>, cl J-LEY7rpOTEpov J7r' aAAYJV 7rOAW ta<Ttv, hdvot> Kat 'A8ryvaou; 7rOAEfL'1<TOV<TtJI' cl o' iv&aoE 7rpwrov d<f>[~ovrat, ovo~va> UAAOV) TOAfL~<TEt v, K.T.A. LYS. ii. 22. Ovof.v o<f>EAO) E</>'lJ TWJI xBf.s Eipl)JloEVWV dvat Aoywv, cl TavtJ' of <i>tA7r7rOV JllJ <TVfL7rEt<T(}~<TOJITat 7rpE<Tf3n>. AESCHIN. iii. 71. "0 7rpOOl)AOV ?}v E<TOfLEVov, El JllJ ilp.E'is Kw A v <T ET E, it was manifest that this would be so unless you should prevent it (i.e. E<TTat, El Jl'l KwAv<TETE). Id. iii. 90. (KwAlJ<TOtTE might be used ; and cl Jl~ KWAv<TatTE representing eav flo~ KWAVrTYJTE is in one Ms.)
3. (Past tenses of Indicative retained after secondary tenses.) 'E7rt-

<TTEtAat OE <T</>L<TW avro'is ro-Ds <f>6povs (E!<f>arrav) Ei7rELV, W> &v p.f.v 7rp6rr()Ev f7roovv fLEfL<f>OWTO avrot's, that the Ephms chMged thern to say that they blamed them joT what they had done before (i.e. &v 1rp6<T()Ev f7r0 !E LTE floEfL<f>OJLE()a vp.'iv). XEN. Hell. iii. 2, 6. "HA1rt(o1' rov> LtKEAo-i>> ravrrJ, oil> fL<TE'IrEfLtf(LV, d1ravr~<TE<T()a,, they hoped that the Silcels ~vhorn they had sent joT would meet them hen. TRue. vii. 80. Af.yov<Tt o rwE> Kat EKov<Twv <f>apfloal<'f d7roeavc'iv aVT6v~ d8Vva7'0JI J!Ofda-avra E'lvat f.7rtTEAf.a-at f3ao-tAEt; V7rf.rr XETO' and some say even that he (Themistocles) died a volunta.ry death by poison, belie~iag that it was impossible to perjoTm for the K iny what he had pTornised (a3vvar6v c<Trw (mrEAe<Tat &il7rE<TXoflorJv). Id. i. 138. 'Avrf.AEyov, Aeyovn> Jl'l E7r1)J'YEA8at 7rW TU<; (T'IrOVOd.s or' f(J'E7rEfLlfUV rovs 67r.\ra>. Id. v. 49. ''Eft.q,ov ws !E:cvo<f>wv oi:xotro ws L:n!eryv olw,]<Twv Kai & !nrE<TX ETO avr</) U7rOAl)lf0fLEVO). XEN. Au. vii. 7' 55. "EKa<Trov 'JPOfL'r)V, cl: TLl'ES EiEv p.aprvpe;; &v f.vavrov r1)v 7rpoZK' U7re8o<Tav (d<Ti fLcfprvpEs, &v f.vavr[ov rL7rEOOTE ;). DE~f. xxx. 19.

Tl1e aorist indicative is not changed to the aorist optative l1ere, to avoid confusion, as the latter tense in such dependent clauses genel'ally represents the aorist suLjunctive of the direct form. Thus E</>17 Evpot ow<THV means he said that he wonld give whateveT he might .find (<2 ~t>pw OW<Tw); but if a d)potcould also represent a EVpov, it might also mean he said tha.t he wm;ld give what he had found. In the leading clause the ambiguity is confined to indirect questions, in which the aorist indicative is generally retained for the same reason (see 125). (Past tenses of the Indicative in unreal conditions retained.) 'EooK<t, ' ' ".+.() {:_ \\ ' " 0 0 LJ~ " ' ,, Et fL1J E't' a<Ta V \;VAAa f3' OJITES TOVS avupas, 7rpouOOYJVUt av T1)JI 7r0AW. TRue. vi. 61. (If (<f>Ba<Tav were optative, it would represent an optative of direct discourse.) OfE<T()E rov 1rarepa, cl p.~ TtfLo()f.ov ?]v rO. ~VAa. Kat EOE~ ()?} oVros aVroV 7ra.pacrxEil' Tti va:UAov, 0.U"a.~ tfv 7rOTE,

av

276

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[690

\ > \ \> > " .-J.. \ I \ \ \ \ I > I K.T.II.., Ull.ll. OVK aY 'f'VII.UTTW Kat TTJV TtfJ-TJV II.Ufl:f3 UJIW, EWS' EKOfJ-t <TaTo Td ~aVTov; DEM. xlix. 35. To-6Twv d n ~iv &..\TJ8es, oierr8' OVK &v avTfJV A.af3dv; Id. xxvii. 56. 'H8ews av vp.wv 7rv8o[p.TJY, dv' av 7rOT )'VWflTJV 7rept Jp.ov ZxeT l p.fJ JnTptT}papxTJ<Ta d,\..\a 1rAewv <Pxop.'YJv. Id. L. 67. (Dependent Optatives retained.) El1rev 8n ~A8ot llv els A6yovs et op.~povs A&.f3 0 t (he said ~A8otp.t av et op.~povs Aa.{Jotp.t). XEN. Hell. iii. I, 20. "HTTOJI llv 8td. TOUTO Tvyxav<tv (&Ket p.ot), TL 8eot<T8 7rap' aVTWV. Id. An. vi. I, 26. "EA.eyev 8n OVK av 7rOTE 7rpoo'Vro, E7rd a:rra~ cp[Aos aVTOts E)'EVETO, o-&8' el ~Tt p.ev p.dovs y EvO t VTO ETt 8 KaKtOV 7rpa~etav. lb. i. 9, 10. Cwvov av Tt 7ra8E'i:v <TaVTOJI ~A7rt{s, el 7rl!8otv8' oi)Tot Tfi 1re1rpo.yp.eva <Tot. DEM. xix. 240. . Sentences such as these are often translated like those which had a futme and a dependent subjunctive .in the direct discourse. Thus ~A.qev OTL xapot av cl TOVTO yevOtTO or EAE)'E xapetv av el TOVTO yvotTo, as well as eA.eyev on xatp~<Tot d TOVTo yvotTo or Aeye xatpfpew l TOiJTo )'EVOLTO, may all be translated he said that he should rejoice ~~ this should happen; although in the first two sentences the direct discourse was xapotp.t <l.v el TOVTO )'EVOLTO, I should njoice ij this should happen, and in the last two, xatp~<TW Civ TOVTO )'EVTJTat, 1 shall rejoice if this shall happen. (See 456.)

er

6.?JAWaw; OT/. ETOtp.o{ l(Tt f.Laxe<T8at er TtS f.~f.pxotTO. XEN. ('1':-rotp.o{ Elo-tll etfv TLS E~EPXYJTUt.) Av<Tavopoc; EL7rE Or~.- 7rapa(r;r6J,Oovr.; VpJJs Exo t, Ka~ 3rt oV 7rEp'i 1r0AtrEius Vp,fv O"Tat dA..Afi 7rE(Jt <TWTYJP{a<;, el v~) 7rodyra~e' 81)pap.v1)'> KEAEVOt. Lys. xii. 74. ("Exw, Kat OVK E<TTat f.cl.v fi-1J 7rO~~<Ti)8' e. KAVEL. There is no need of the emendations 7rOL't)<TET' and KeAevH.) 'E8oKL ofjA.ov elvat OTL tttp~(TOJITO.t aVTOJI er Tt<; E7rLfTJcp{(oL XEx. Au. vi. J, 25. \ I" " ' I , ~ Ll I ' , ' ' <p 0 VK 1J)'VOEL 'E' '{3 OWlWl)'> OTL, EL, llO)'OS U7r000UYJ<TOLTO KUL 7rUpo.)'EVOLVTO p.ot ml.J!TES oi OYJJl-OTat Kat ?J !f0cf>os 8tKa{w; 8o8[q, ov8ap.ov yev~o-ovTat ol fl-Tfi TOVTOV <TVVE<TTYJKOT<;. DEM. lvii. 16. (El d7ro8o81j<Tenu ml Civ 7rO.payf.FwvTat Kat !f~cpo<; 8o8fj, o-&8ap.ov )'El'~<TovTa.t.) 'Ay')<T[Arw<; )'liOVS on, El p.v p.ry8ap<p <TV A,\~ !fo LTO' p.t<T8ov ovof.repo<; AlJO"H TOtS ''EA.Ai)ITW, J.yopfiv OE o-&Bf.repos 7rapE~EL, omSupos T, &v Kpan]o-z), oi'iTos x8po> o-To.t l 8 Trf hf.p<tJ <TvAA.~fo~-ro, oiST6s ye cpi.Aoc; E<TO tTo, K.T.A. XEN. Ag. ii. 31. ''EA.eyov on dK<ha. ooKo'i:ev A.eynv {3ao-tA.<, Ka( 1}KoLEv ~I'YJPovas x_oVTEc;_, oL' aVroV<;, EO.v <T7rov0al. yEvwV'rat, ll~ovcrt,v J'8tv Egovo-t, Ta hn-rryOELU. Id. An. ii. 3, 6. 'E1rYJPWTa, 7rOta ''7 TWV OfJEWV cnr68v ol XaAoaun KaTa8ovn<; ATJ(ovTat. Id. Cyr. iii. 2, l. EA.e~as on JLE)'L<TTOV dTJ p.a8eZv 8rrws 8et: ~epya(E<T8at EJ(af.TTa. el 8 p.~, ov8
Cyr. iv. I, 1.

690. The dependent verbs of a quotation may be changed to the optative in indirect discourse, even when the leading verb retains the indicative; and sometimes (though rarely) a dependent verb retains the subjunctive or iJJdicative, when the leading verb is changed to the optative. This may give rise to a great variety of constructions in the same sen~ence. E.g.

693]

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277

E'lr [U"Ta vro OEt 7rOtEZv. l!l. Oec. xv. 2. In DEM. xviii. 148, we have both constructions of 689, 2 in the same sentence: d Jl-EV rov-ro -rwv EKEvov U"VfLfuixwv dU"T)yoZ-r6 ns, iJ1rolj;w()at TO 7rpayva EVOfLL(E 7ravras ltv o' 'A()T)va!os 6 TOVTO irotwv, ElJ7ropws A1JU"Et V. Here EL elU"TJYOtTO represents ltv ( = eav) elU"TJY~Tat, corresponding to av '[j. By keeping the subjunctive in the latter case, the expression is made more vivid by contrast. In PLAT. Rep. 337 A we have -rm~rots 1rpovAeyov, eipwvevU"o to Kat 1rav-ra. {LaAA.ov 7rOt~U"OtS ?} d7roKptvo'io, ef rs -r U"E epw-r(j. which must mean I warned them that you would dissemble and would do anything mtheT than answe1 if any one should aslc you anything. The direct discourse must be elpwvEV(J"ETQ,L Kat 7rUJITa vaAAov 7TOL~(J"E ~ d7roKpweirat f.av ns TL aVTOV epw-r(j (subj.). 'Eav epwT(j must have been retained or changed to d with the optative ; and f.pwT(j in the text is probably a copyist's mistake for EpWTcP, a form of the optative frequently found in the Cod. A Parisin. of Plato. See in the Republic 516 A (1w.8op\;j), 518 A (yeA~!), 559 A ({LeAm{i), 598 C (~a7raT~). There is, however, a various reading epotTO in a few Mss. in 337 A.

T~> E'lrLJl-EAdas 4>TJ(J"()a o4>EAO> OVOEV yyvEU"()at, El Jl-1) TLS

8. OEt Kat

ws

ii

on

691. The imperfect or pluperfect sometimes stands irregularly in a dependent (as well as in the leading) elause of tlie indirect cliscourse after a seconclary tense, to represent a present or perfect indicative, which would regularly be retained or changed to the present or perfect optative. Such clau~es are really not included in the indirect discourse. (See 674; 701.) E.g. ''EAeyov ov KaA/Js T1)v 'EAAaoa eAev()<povv (11'Tov, El li.vopa~ te</> ()EL p V OVTE xL[Ja~ O.VTatpOfLEVOVS OVTE TroAep.!ov>; (m! KaAws EAEVe.poZs, d owcj,()efpEtS). 'I'HUC. iii. 32. OvT yap TOtS ()eo(~ ii1>YJ KaAws EX EL V, el Tat~ veya.Aats evU"!ats fLUAAOV 1J Tats fLLKpa.Zs EX a tpo Jl (el xapov(J"I.J!). XE:-:. Mem. i. 3, 3. Ka~ E1>YJ dvat Trap' avTiji OU"OV fL1J ~ v dvYJAwp.f.J,ov (oU"ov p-~ EU"n v dvYJAWfLEVov). DEM. xlviii. 16. "A fL~V elA,~q,o Tijs 1roAew~ a7TOOu;trew (1)yo1;fL'7v), I thought that he would give back what he had talcen j1om the city; i.e. & dA174>v d1roOwU"H. Id. xix. 15 L 692. In a few ca~es, a relative or particle which had O.v with the subjunctive in the direct form irregularly 1etains (J.v in indirect discourse after a past teme, although the verb has been changed to the optative. This must not be cm1founded with O.v belonging to a potential optative (506 ; 557). E.g. OvK E(J"()' OU"TLS ovx 1JYEtTO TWV elooTWV o[KT)JI fLE A,)fe(J"()(J, 7rap' avTwv, E7retOa v TaXtU"Ta dv1)p elvat oo K'fLu.U"()drJl' (so the Iliss.). DEM. xxx. 6. (The direct discourse was E7rEtOUJI ooKtfLa.U"()1], and the regular indirect form would be E7rEL01J OOI<LfLaU"()e{T)v or e7rttOav OOKtfLaU"8w.) (See also 702.) 693. When no ambiguity can arise from the change of an aorist indicative to the optative in a dependent clause of the indirect discourse, this tense may follow the general principle. This occurs chiefly in

278

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[694

causal sentences after on, f:md, etc., because (713), in which the subjunctive can never be used. E.g. Eixe ylip Aeyetv W<; AaKeOat,Wvwt <ltli TOVTO 'l!'OAEJL~<THO.V auTOI:s, on o1JK JBd,~<Tatev ?-er' 'Ay')<TtAaov f..ABe;;v br' m!Tov o-lo Bv<Tat f.d<Tewv a-IJTov f.v AvAtot. XEN. Hell. vii. 1, 34. (The direct discourse was f.rrnA.eJLYJLr-av 1Jfhfv, on OVK ~BeA~<TafhV .\.Befv ouo Bv<Tat da<TajUV avT6v.) , A7rryy1tra<T8a (1>atrt) wr; dvo<TtWTaTOV JLEV dry Elpya<TJJ-evo<; 5TE rov doeAq)wv drroTdpo t n)v KE1>a.A1]v, <To1>wTaTov

of. OTt TOV<; 1>v.\.ri.KOV<; KaTfhEBV<Ta<; KaTaA{;<TEtE TOV doeA1>eov Kpep.dJ.tVOV TOV VEKVV. HDT. ii. 121. Here KaTaA{;fTHE represents KO.TEAV<To,, because I took down j OTE arrordp.ot (so the Mss.) might also be understood in a causal sense, since he had cut off, although in the sense of when he cut off it could not be ambiguous here. Madvig, however, reads in both clauses. See XEN. Mem. i. 4, 19 (quoted in 714). (See also 700, and the examples.)

on

on

on

SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

694. 1. The principles which govern dependent clauses of indirect discourse ( 6 8 9) apply also to all dependent clauses in sentences of every kiud (even when what precedes is not in indirect discourse), if such clauses express indirectly the l?ast thought of any person, even that of the speaker himself. This affects the construction only when the leading verb is past; then the dependent clause may either take the optative, in the tense in which the thought was originally conceived, or retain both the mood and the tense of the direct discourse. When a subjunctive is changed to an optative, Civ is dropped.

2. Secondary tenses of the indicative here (as in 689, 3) regularly remain unchanged. But an aorist indicative sometimes becomes optative when no ambiguity can result from the change (see 693): this may occur in causal sentences (699 and 714) and in the relative sentences of 700. The principle of 694 applies to the following constructions:695. I. Clauses depending on the infinitive which follows verbs of wishing, commanding, advising, and others which imply thought but do not take the infinitive in indirect discourse (684).

E.g.
hap]Jen.

'Ef3ovAovro f.A(Mv el Tovro y ~vo tro, they wished to go if this should (Here the original expression of the thought would be f3ovAojU0a. E.\.()e/;v Jd-v Tovro yevryra.t, and therefore Jd-v yevfJTO.< lllight be

696]

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retained.) raoarav OE Kat rwf3p-6av lKEAEVtTEV 0 n OvvatVTO Aaj3ovTU> JlETaOLi!JKHV' Kat O(J'n> eixe ra> J1roJleva> d:yeA.a>, ei1re Tavrtp Kat " 'f3 \ \' )\ > ' I " aJJ-a 1rp0 aTa 11'0/CAa EAal!VHV 011''{/ O.V O.l!TOV 1rl!V O.V?)TO.L OVTa1 W'> i7rt(J'cpayery. XE"'. Cyr. vii. 3, 7. (Here n ovvawTo represents n UV 0VVY}(J'eE, while 011''{/ UV 11'VV8cLV'IjTat representS 011''{/ UV 1rVV8ctV'(I,) 'Ef3a1JAOVTO yap (J'cp[(J'LV, ei nva A.af3otev, V7rttpXELV aVTt TWV ~voov, .))v apa TV X wa [ nves f.(wypYJfi-EVOL, .for they wished that, if they should capture any one, he 1rW.;ht be a hostage for their friends within the city, in case any slwuld chance to have been taken pTisoneTs (~v A.df3wJJ-ev, and ~v TVXW(J't). THUC. ii. 5. 01 o' aAAOL 8YJf3a'iot, oil, f0H 7rapayEVE(J'8at d n fi-1J vpoxwpo[YJ To'is E(J'EAYJAV8o(J'w, E7ref3o~8ovv, who were to come ~P if anything should go wrong with those who had entered the city (~v n f~ 7rpoxwpiJ). Ibid. IIpoe'i1rov mho'is fi-~ vavfi-ctxe'iv Koptv8ots, ~v JJ-0 i1rt KepKvpav 11'AEW(J'L Kai fLEAAW(J'LV a7rof3avHV. Id. i. 45. Kai 7rap~yyHAaV E71'HO~ OH71'JI'q(J'Etal/ (J'l!VE(J'KElJa(]'JJ-fVOl!S 11'cLVTas ava11'aV(J'ea., Kai e7re(J'Oat 1)vK' d.v ns 1rapayyAA.v. XEN. An. iii. 5, 18. ('E1rELOav OH7rvfJmJTe, and 1)vK' d.v ns 1rapayyf.A.A.v.) IIepi aliTwv Kpvcpa 7rEJJ-11'et, KEAEVWV fi-?J dcpe'ivat 11'fliV av aliTOL mfA.w KOfi-t(J'OW(J'tV, he sent biddvng the Athenians not to let them go until they should themselves have 1eturned. THuc. i. 91. (ITplv KOfi-t(J'8e'iev might be used.) Kal 7roAAaKt> Toi:s 'A81)Vaot> 7rapr}vH, ?JV apa 11'0TE KaTa yijv f3w(J'8W(J't 1 KaTaf3avTa> ES mhov Tai:s Val!(J'L 11'(>0'> a11'aVTW) ctJI8{crTa(J'8at, Id. i. 93. (El f3w-(]'8tV might he used.) 'H~ovv avTotJS ~YEfi-OVas (J'cpwv yevf.cr8at, Kat IIavcravlq. fi-?J JmTpE7rHV ~v 1rov f3a(YJTat. Id. i. 95. (EE 1rov f3a(otTo might be used.) 'Aq>tKvovvTat <1>> 'StTaAKYJv, f3ovAofi-evot 7f'Et(J'at a"llTov, el ovva 'VTO, crTpaTevcrat E11't T0v IToTOatav. Id. ii. 67. "ETOLJJ-OS ~v dr.oTvew, el KaTayvo'iev avTov. Isoc. XYii. 16. Ei1rov fi-YJOEva TWV 011't(J'8Ev KLVL(J'8at 7rptv av 0 7rp0(]'8Ev ~yijTat, I commanded that no one at the rea?' should move until the one before him should lead. XEN. Cyr. ii. 2, 8. ITapl)yyf.U.ETo yap avTo'is oKa p.v oils 8YJpafLEVYJ> d1rf.oe t~E xnpoTovijcrat, OEKa o ovs o1 f.cpopot KEAEVOLEV, they WG1'e bidden to choose ten whom Themnwnes had nominated, and ten whom the Eplw1s cornrnanded (i.e. oils d1rEOH~E and oils KEAevov(J'tv). LYs.xii. 76. 'EKeAewf. JL T?JV E1f'LCTTOA?JV ':}v f.ypa>fa orKaOE Oovvat, the lette?' which I had witten. XE:-<. Cyr. ii. 2, 9. ("H v ypafa'fi-' would mean whateve1 letter I rnight write, representing ;Jv av ypafvs.) ll.teVOOVVTO aVTOVS 7raAtv o8Ev ~A e 0 V ES 8pcf.KYJV d7r011'Efi-11'ELV, they planned to send them baclc to Thmce, whence they had conw. THuc. vii. 27. (See 689, 3.)
1
tf ''

696. II. Clauses containing a protasis, the apodosis of which is implied in the vast leading verb or its adjuncts. E.g.
ll.tOOVTOS I)' avTcjj 1raJh1i'OAAa owpa 'l\8pavcrTov, El d7rf.A8ot, ct7rKp{vaTo, 'When 1'. ojj'e?ed (to give) him rnany gifts, if he would go away. XEN. Ag. iv. 6. ('E0.1' d1rA8v might be used.) <l>vAaKa> CFVfi-11'Efi-11'H, 011'WS cpvAaTTOLEV avTov, Kat El TWV dyp[wv TL cpavdYJ 8Y)p{wv, and (to be ready) in case any wild beast should appear; his

280

INDllWGT DISCOL'RSE

[697

thought being EO.v n <f>a vi). Id. Cyr. i. 4, 7. IIpos n]v 'lrOAtv, d 7rt{3o~J8o'iV, ~xti:>povv, they marched towards the city, in case they (the citizens) shou.ld rush out (i.e. so as to meet them, if they should rush out), the thought being ?}v 1nf3oTJBw<rtv (490, 1). TRue. vi. 100. Ovo' ~ R , , TJV TOV 7rOAEfh01> 7r<pa<; OVa U7rUAAUrTJ ''LAL'Tr'IT"lp, EL fh1) YJI'-'UWV'i Ka! 8<-rraA.ov,- JxBpov,- 'IT"Ot~<r<t< rii 7r6A.n, i.e. Philip saw that he could neither end 1Wr escape the war unless he should malce the Thebans and Thessalians hostile to the city (the original apodosis, I cannot end or escape the war, to which av Jh~ 'IT"Ot~<rw was the protasis, is implied in ovo' ?)v .. <PtA7r7rl(J). DEllf. xviii. 145. ''Hv o TLS EL'TfrJ ~ E'TrL tfTJcpt<TYJ KtvtZv ra XP~JMLTO. -rav-ra is dA.A.o n, Bava-rov (YJ{L[av hr8Ev-ro, they set death as the penalty (i.e. voted that death should be the penalty) 'if any one should move, m put to vote a motion, to diveTt this money to any other pU?'JJOse. THUC. ii. 24. (Ei El7rot 1} t7rttf'J<f>a-mv might be used.) 'l'ClA.A.a, ~v En vcwfl-ax<'iv o 'A(),)vo.tot -roA.JhfJ<rw<rt, 7rape<rKEva(ov-ro, i.e. they 'rnade thei1 other pTepwrations, (to be ready) in case the Athenians slw-uld still da1e to 1islc a sea fight (their thought being we will be ready in case they shall daTe, 1]v TOAJhlJ<rWrn). Id. vii. 59. So 1]v Zw<rtJI, Id. iv. 42. 00 -ro Aotrrov f-JL<AA.ov i!~ELV cl Jh~ J'avKpa-r~a-ova-tv, they were not likely to have then~ (provisions) joT the future (as they thought) unless they should hold the sea. Id. vii. 60. ''Hv OVOEV fLUAAOV fhEl av-rl{) Ka()' vp.u)v ovo' OVTW 7rpa~at, cl tn) roiJ,- <PuJKEa> a1roAEt, he was none the more able even then to do you any gTeat harm (he thought) 1mless he shoj<ld destToy the Plwcians (cl jhry a7roAw). DmM. xix. 317. See IL V. 301. Kat yw TOV Evl]VOV cpaJ<apt<ra, El ws aAl)(),)., EXH TUVTl]V T1JV Tf.XVl]V KUL ov-rwc; f-jhjhfAWS [i K H, I congmtulated h1Jn1 (told him he was hapJY!J), if he naUy had this art. PLAT. Ap., 20 B. (Here i!xot and ot06.<YKOL might be used.)

..

',

.,., , ' , , -"' ' ,

. ,e

,aa.(T

697. III. Clauses containing a protasis depending on a past verb of emotion, like Bavp.aCw, ala-xvvopat, etc. ( 4 9 4). E.g. 'EBa1Jfha{E o' EL TL> apcT1J11 E'IT"ayycAAof.LEVO<; apy15pwv 7rpaTTOLTO, he wondered that any demanded money, etc. XEN. Mem. i. 2, 7. (But iu i. l, 13, we find Bavp.aC< o' cl 0~ cpav<poF a0roZ> EO'nv, he wonde1ed that it was not plain.) "Exat.poJI dya7rwv El ru;; f.a<ro t, I
rejoiced, being content 'if any one would let it pass. PLAT. Rep. 450 A. OvK iJa-xvve,, cl -rowv-ro Kat<611 1rayo nv, he was not <tshamed if (or that) he was bringing such a calamity on any one. DEM. xxi. 105. T.f o fh'loev EaVTct <rVVEtOoTL OEWOV cla-J}EL, EL 7rOVYJpwv :!pywv OO~H KotvwvEZv -r0 <TLW'Irij<rat, it seemed haTd, if he was to appear to be im2Jlieated, etc. ; he thought, OELJIOV E<YTLV cl oofw (407). Id. xix. 33. (Here o6~ot might be used like EU<YOL above.) -Of 8' <{!KTELpov, El aAw<ro L TO, I' and others pitied thern if they we1e to be captuTed, the direct thought being we pity them if they a1e to be captu?-ed, El O.A.wa-ov-rat, which might be retained (see the next example). XEN. An. i. 4, 7. OvK ~q>a<Tav E'TftTpilj;a,t, OVK EAEOVVT'; Ta TE[X1J El 'TfE<YEtTat, ovo~ K1)00jhEVOi TWI' VEWV cl AaKEOatJ_Lov[ot> 1rapaoo B1]<ro v-rat, i.e. they felt no pity for the

700]

SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES

281

walls if they were to fall, 1w1 care for the ships 1endered. LYs. xiii. 15.

if they wme to be 3u1-

698. IV. 'femporal sentences expressing a past intention, purpose, or ea;pectation, especially those introduced by l!ws or 7rp{v, until, after past tenses. E.g.

"flpcr o' bri KpattrVOV BopEl)V, 7rpo oe KVfJ-aT' i!a~ev, EW<; 0 ')' if>adJK<lflfl </>tAl]pi:rp.otlfl p.tydl), i.e. to the end that (until) Ulysses should get to the Phaeacians; originally ws &v p.tyfi (614, 2). Od. v. 385. So d'ws BEpp.a{votro, Od. ix. 376. l:trovoa~ .!7rot~<Tavro :!ws dtrayy<"ABdl) ra A<xBvra ds AaK<oa{Jl.ova, they rnade a truce (to continue) until what had been said slwuld be announced at Sparta; i.e. EWS av U7rO.')'')'EABfj, which might have been retained. XEN. Hell. iii. 2, 20. 'A'1f"YJ')'6pev< fL1Jova (30.A.A.ttv 7rptv Kvpos f.JL7r AYJO"Bt!q BYJpwv, 1tntil Gyrus should be satisfied. Id. Oyr. i. 4, 14. (His words were 7rptv Ul' f.p.7rAYjO"Bfj.) 01 o fLEVOV'T') EO"'TaO"av 07T7rO'T 7r6pyos 'Axatwv &AAos E7TEA8wv Tpwwv 6pfL~O"H Kat ap~<WJ! 7/"0AEfLOW, i.e. they stood waiting for the time when, etc. Il. iv. :334. So Il. ii. 794. IIpovKVlJauv TO crrZcpo~, Ws TraVCTOfLf.vovs Toil s~W)'JLOV E7rt~ a-cf)8s tOo tEV 7rpoopfL~<Ta.vras, when they should see them, etc. XEN. Oyr. i. 4, 21. Ov yap 0~ ocpw<; a7ritt 0 BEo<; rq<; a7TOtKiYJS 7rptv 01J a7rKwVTat E<; a-lm]v At(3VrJV. HDT. iv. 157. ('A?T{KOlV'TO might be used.) m Of Kopv8wL ov 7rflOEBvp.YjB1)<TUV ~VjJ-'Tf'AEtJ! 7rptv 'TU ''IO"Bp.w, 'TO'TE i)v, OL<oprd.rrwrnv, until they had (should have) finished celebmting the Isthrnian games, which were then going on. TRue. viii. 9.

699. V. Past causal sentences in which the cause is stated as one assigned by another, so far as these allow the optative (714). E.g. .
'EKaKt(ov on rrrpanJ')'O> wv ovl< E7r<~ayot, they ab1tsed him beca,use (as they said) he did not lead them out. TRue. ii. 21. See other exam j)les under 714. Though the optative is allowed here, on the principle of indirect discourse, the indieati Ye of the direct form (e.g. E7TE~ay" in the above example) seems not to have been allowed (see 715). Causal sentences are usually constructed without reference to the principle of indirect discourse (see 7 13 ).

700. VI. Even some ordinary relative sentences expressing the previous thought of another, which allow the optative in place of the ordinary iudicative. E.g. Kai ifnE <Tljp.a lof.rrBat, orn pa oi yap.(Jpo'io m:ipa IIpofrow 4, p '"To, he asked to see the tolcen, which (he said) he was uTinging j?o1n
l'Toetus, i.e. he said cpf.pofLat. Il. vi. 176. So Od. v. 240. Eip<ro 'Tf'a.Zoa rov Evaova r Ko t, he asked jo?' the child which Evadne ha,d botne. PINn. 01. vi. 49. Ko.'T1)')'0f1EDV 'TWJI A1ytvl)7f.wv ra 7r7rotfJKoHv 7rpo&ovns n)v 'EA.A.aoa, i.e. they accused them fm what (as they said) they had done. HDT. vi. 49. So ra. 7r<7TovB~, ttl), i. 44. Ka.AEI: Tov Aawv, fL1'1JfJ-1JJ! ?TaAatWl' 0"7TfllUiTwv i!xova:'' vcp' WJI )10 t p.i:v avros, n)v OE

ea.

282

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[701

'T[KTOVU"av )...7rot, by which (as she sai(l) he had perished hi~self, and had left her the mother, etc. SoPH. 0. T. 1245. If the relative clause contained merely the idea of the speaker, 8avE and EAt7r would he used. Here no ambiguity can arise from the use of the aorist optative (see 693). To Tov KpETTovo<; ~vfLcppov EAE')'EV o ~yo tTo o KpE[TTWv a.im(J ~vfLcp~pEtv, he meant the superior's advantage which the superior believed to be his own advantage. PLAT. Rep. 340 B. This construction is Tare in Attic Greek, but is not uncommon in Herodotus.

701. The imperfect and pluperfect occasionally represent the present and perfect indicative in this construction. Such clauses are simply not included in the indirect discourse. (See 674; 691.) E.g. 'E,.oiftos 1)v, El fL~V TOVTwv n dpyaU"To, 8[K'YJV 8ovvat, El 8' d7roA.v8E L'YJ, apxtV, he was 1'eady, if he had done any of these things, to be punished; but if he should be acquitted, to hold his command. Tuuc. vi. 29. (El dpyaU"ro represeuts El d'pyaU"fLat, wllile El d1roAv8d'YJ represents .!ctv d1roA.v8w.) 702. ''Av is occasionally retained with relatives and temporal particles in sentences of this kiJH), even when the subjunctive to which they belonged has been changed to the optative. (See 692.) E.g. Toi>s 8 AaJLf3d.JIOVTaS TfJS OfLtA[w; fLtU"80v aJ18pa7rOOtU"TdS avrwv &.7rKUAEt, Dtd r0 dJiayKai:ov aV7'0LS dvat 8taA.f.yw8at 7rap' ti!v a V A.d.(3 o tEv r0v fLtU"86v, because they were ouliged (as l1e said) to convene with those fnnn whom they received the pay. XEN. 1\fern. i. 2, 6. (Here illv av A.a(3otV represents illv av A.a(3wU"tV.) Ka[ fLOt Ta8' ljv 7rp6ppYjra, 70 cp&pfLCLKOV TOVTO (J"<(>(Etv EJLE EWS ilv J.prxptU"TOV u.pfL6(J'atfL 7rOV. SoPH. Tr. 68 7 (see Schneiclewin's rwte). 'l-j ~[ovv avrovs JLU(J'Tt"Yovv TOV EK8o8vra i!ws av rdA1)8fj 86~EtV nuroi:<; A.ytv. Isoc. xvii. 15. Xa[pEtv /2'/S ilv Kat OVK J.7rOKp;vatb EWS il V TO, d7r' eKdVYJ'> OPJLYJ&f.vra O'I(Eij;ato, you would not answer (you would say) until you should have examined, etc. (ews av (J"KEfWfLat). PLAT. Phaetl. 101 D. Here we must place orav EKU"~)(o[aro, AESCH. Pers. 450, if the text is sound. IIap~"Y"YEtAV avTOL<; fL1l 7r[JOT<pov E7rtTl(}EU"8o.t 7rptv av TWV U"cpT~pwv i) 7rEU"0 Tt<; i) rpw&dYJ. XEN. Hell. ii. 4, 18; so 7rptv av fLTEXOtV, ii. 3, 48. See ws ilv ol v6p.ot TEfJd1'. AND. i. 81. .1\Iany scholars repudiate this use of av and emend the passages : see Dindorf on SoPH. Tr. 687. It is doubtful whether av was ever thus used with the optative.

703. Upon this principle (694) final and object clauses with tVa, WS, 07rW<;, ocppa, and fl'J' after past tenSeS, admit the don ble construction of indirect discourse, and allow the subjunctive or the future indicative instead of the optative, to retain the form in which the purpose would be originally conceived. (See 318 and 339.) 704. The principles of indirect discourse (689, 2) apply to future conditional and conditional relative clauses which depend upon final and objectclausesorother expressions of purpose after past tenses. E.g.

707]

Olo' iJn

WITHOUT A VERB

283

'EA86vns Js AaKOat{hOJ!a (~11"pam:rov) 071"WS hot{ha<TatvTo Tt{hWplav, 'JV 8v. THUC. i. 58. (Here El 8Eo t might have been used.) 'Ecpof3ii:To yap !'-~ o! AaKOatfh6vtot U"cpas, o71"6T U"a1>w> choVU"a v, ovKET d1>wU"tv. Id. i. 91. (Here 071"6Tav dKoVU"WU"tV is changed to o7r6Tf dKOVU"aav, although d4>wcnv is retained.)

OiO' iJn witlwut a Ve1b.

705. Ol'o' on sometimes means I am sure, when the context readily suggests a verb for on. E.g. ITapf1- 8' UKWV o~x EI(QVU"tV, ol'O' on, and he?"e I am, against my will, and against your will, I am sun. SoPH. Ant. 276. M a Tov f:.[' o{!KOVJI T<j) Y U"<j), U"acp' r(J"B' on, i.e. be assu?ed. AI~. Pl. 889. ITavTWV o lO' on cpYJU"UVTWV y' av, when all, I am suTe, would say. DEM. ix. 1. BovAofha' fhVYJfhOJIvovTas v{hCJV o'lo' on To us 71"oAAous v7I"OfhV'JU"at, i.e.
I wish to umind you, tlwugh I am suTe most of you TmnembeT it. Id. xix. 9. In such cases it would be useless or impossible to add the implied verb.
' 1

07rw<;, 0' OVVEJCa, and o8ovVE/Ca in Indirect Quotations.

706. ''071"ws is sometimes (especially in poetry) used in indirect quotations in the sense of ws. E.g. ToiJT' a~To fl'YJ fhO 1>pa(, o w s ovK t KaK6s, this veTy thing tell 71"

me not, that yo1t a1e not base. SoPH. 0. T. 548. "Ava~, f.pw f'-El' ovx o71"WS Taxovs V71"o 01J<T71"vovs tKavw, I will not say exactly that I conw breathless with haste. Id. Ant. 223. M~ yap eA11"[U"1)> 071"WS e{h' eKj3aAZs,joT do not hope that you will expel me. EuR. Her. 1051. So SoPH. El. 963. 'Ava71"U"ov oKw> fhO dfhlvw EU"Tt TavTa ovTw 7I"Ot6fh<Va. HDT. i. 37. 0~ 0f.v o~o 1>-IJU"w oKws Aly&not 11"ap' 'EAA~vwv Aaf3ov TOVTO. Id. ii. 49. So iii. 115, 116. See also 071"WS ov 71"avm E71"LU"Ta{hat, PLAT. Euthyd. 296 E. In most of these, the original modal force of o71"ws, how, can be seen. In SoPH. Ant. 685, we have o71"ws <TV 01 AeyEt> 6p8ws nioE, where 0~ is a standing puzzle. It probably must be classed with the very rare on f~ with the indicative, and with the irregular 0~ with the infinitive after verbs of saying and thinking (for all these see 685 and 686, above). o71"ws, and o~x
O~x 071"WS or (rarely) 0~ or fl'YJ on, by the ellipsis of a verb of saying, often mean I do not speak of or not to speak of 'AAAa, dA.\a Ka, dAA' o~o, or dAAU 1'-YJOE usually follows in a clause which expresses a strong antithesis. After o~x the implied verb of saying would be an indicative, after !h0 it would be an imperative or subjunctive; but, like most elliptical idioms, this is often used where the ellipsis cannot be precisely supplied. What is men-

707. (Ollx 071"WS, ollx on, etc.)

on

284

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

[708

tioned in the former clause as not to be spoken of may be understood to be either affirmed or negatived by the expression, according to the context ; so that the force of oJx 01rws may sometimes be conveniently given by not only, sometimes by so far from (not only not). E.g.
Ovx 01l"WS nl. O'KEUT) J:rrEOOO'(h, dAAct Kc.tl al 8vpat acpT)p1Tao-0T)O'UV, not to speak of your selling furniture (i.e. not only did you have no furniture to sell), even the doors were carried off LYs. xix. 31. ('Vith A.f.yw supplied with oux o1rw<; we have I do not speak of yM<r selling the furniture; but this would be awkward, and probably no precise verb was thought of.) El KaT6JpOwo-ev iKe'ivos, ovx on TWV 3vTWV &v U7TEO'TPYJJ1-T)V, O.A.A.' oilo' av e(T)v, if he had succeeded, not to speak of being deprived of my property, (not only should I have been deprived of my property, but) I should not even be alive. DEM. xxiv. 7. OvK l!o-nv li.gta p..ft ovoi'v TaAAVTOW 7rpoo-68ov, O.A.>.' ov8' ELKOO't p.vwv, it .is not sufficient to Tepresent an inco'rne even of twenty minas, not to speak of two talents. Id. xxxvi. 39. Twvoe oil X o1rws KwAvTat yev1jo-<o-8e, &.A.,\11 Kat &:rro T1JS VfLETepas apx~> OlJVl.tfLtV 7rporrAa[Niv 7Tp1.6'f;eo-fi<., not to speak of (so jar from) your becoming a hindTance to them, you will ev~n peTmit them to add to their powe1' f1'0m yow own dominions. THUC. i. 35. M 1J 07TWS opxtto-8at fV r~vep..f, J.).,.A ovo' op&ovo-Oat E01JVa.0'8e, not to speak of dancing in time, you could not even stand erect. Xtm. Cyr. i. 3, 10. To1,., 8TJf3aov> 'ljye'iTO 0.(Tf.t,V 01rw~ {3o-.JAeTo. 1rpff.TTtV ~avT0v, Kal oVx 07rwS Jv'Tt.7rpa~ELV Kat 8taKwA.vrretv, dAAO. Kat uvo-Tparevrrew, he thought the Thebans would -let him do as he pleased, and-not to speak of opposing and hindering him-U'Ould even .ioin forces with him. DEM. vi. 9. (H~re no definite verb eau l1e Sllj'plied.) 'Eoloao-KOV TOll oi)f-LOV WS ovx 01T"W'> T1fLWP1Jo-awro, aAAa Kal Jr.awf.o-atV T0v ''::;cpoop[av, that, so faT f1'01n having puni.~hed S., they had even J>raised hirn (ovx o1rw; with an optative after ws in indirect discourse). XEN. Hell. v. 4, 34.

on

708. Occasionally one of these expressions stands in the second clause j as i:'JI.a TOV XELJL!7)J)a ovo 7TAELV, JL1J OTt O.vatpZo-8at TOV> av8pas, ovvaTuv 1)v, on account of the storm it was 1wt possible even to sail, much less to piclc up the men (not to speak of piclcing up the men). XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 35. So 7rE7rUlJf-LEB' ~JLELS, ovx o1rws rre 7ravuOJLEV, we have been stopped ourselves; the1e is no tallc of onr stopping you, SoPH. El. 796. Compare DEM. xix. 137 : 1rv8eTo ai!Tuv ovoE 'TOV Ci/v ovra dpwv aimp {3E{3c.ttW(J'at, fJ-1JTt y' fKtlV'f! V1T"EO"XETO 7rpfi.~a.L, i.e. not at all (much less) to do what he had pmrnised hirn.

709. l. In Homer E.g.

o,

the neuter of o>, is used like on, that.

rcyvw<TKWV 0 ol c.tVTO'> V1T"E[pexe XELpc.t> , Am:lA.A.wv, knowing that A1'ollo himself held over hirn his h,mds. 11. v. 4:33. Ev vv Ka.t ~f-Liis L'OJLV o Tot <T0evos ovK ltrtEtKT61'. IJ. viii. 32. ,_Aevu<ren yap TO 'Y" ?Tav'T<s, o pm ')'~pa<; gpX<Tat aA.A.'(], that my pTize goes elsewhere. Il. i. 120. So Od. xii. 295. (See 663, 1, and 671.)

711]

''On

BEFORE DIRECT QUO'l'ATIONS

285

2. In the following cases 8 T' for (j TE (neuter of os TE) is used in Homer like 6 and on :-rtyvwO'KWV 0 T' livaAKS E't/V 8E6s, knowing that the Goddess was weak. Il. v. 331 : so xvii. 623, Od. viii. 299. 'ils Et0ov8' 0 T' lip iK .6,,6, ~A.v8ev opvts. Il. viii. 251. Nvv o' ~017 TOOE o~A.ov, o T' OVKEn voO'nfl-OS JO'TV. Od. xx. 333. Since on does not allow elision, it is now customary to write this T' (as above). But Sclunitt (after Capelle) writes lJT' in all form these cases, assuming the form to be an elided OTE (709, 3). 3. In a few cases OTE, when, is used in Homer in a sense which approaches very near that of on, that. E.g. Ovo' EA.aO' AtavTa Zd.>s, (hE &] TpwEO'O' o[ow viK'Y)V, i.e. nor was Ajax unaware that Zeus was giving victory to the Trojans (lit. when Zeus was giving). ll. xvii. 626. Ootupare Il. xxiv. 563, ovof. fl-E A.ij8Ets, OTT 8Ewv Tls 0', ?)ye. See Schmitt, pp. 40-50. This occasional use of OTE seems hardly to justify the assumption that 8 T' in all the cases in 709, 2 stallds for OTE.

710. 1. OvveKa in Homer, and 68ovveKa and ovvEKa in the tragedians, are sometimes used like on or ui,, that. E.g. ITev8ETo yap Kv1rpovoe JLya KAeo>, ovveK' 'Axaw! e> Tpo17 v v~EO'O'V dva7TAEVO'E0'8at EfJ-EAAov, for in Cyprus he heard a mighty rumour, that the Achaeans were about to sail for Tray in ships. Il. xi. 21. So Od. v. 216, xiii. 309. "AyyeAAE 68ovveKa TE8VYJK' 'OpEO'TYJS, report that Orestes is dead. SOPH. El. 47; see El. 1478. "l0'8t TOVTo, ovveKa ''EAAYJVE<; JO'fl-EV, know this, that we are Greeks. Id. Ph. 232. 'EKotoaxBeis OVVEKa aKOVO'a Ep~EtEV Td.oe. Id. Tr. 934. 2. .6.u)n is sometimes used in the sense of on, that, by Aristotle, and occasionally by Herodotus and even by lsocrates. E.g. D. ton fl-EV TO[vvv ovx ?J avT~ (se. JO'T[), ~avepov EK TOVTWV, i.e. that it is not the sarne, is plain frorn this. ARISTOT. Pol. iii. 4, 7. So M etaph. x. 5, 3. .6. ton iK TWV {3apf3d.pwv ~KEt, 7TVV8avOf1-EVOS OVTW EvptO'KW E6v. HDT. ii. 50 : see ii. 43 (with Stein's note). See Isoc. iv. 48 : O'VVEtOVta on TOVTO . . . e~Vfl-EV exovTEs, Kai Oton . . . avTwv OtY)VEYKUfJ-EV.

''On before Direct Quotations.

711. Even direct quotations are sometimes introduced by on, rarely by ti!s, without further change in the construction. ~on or here canuot be expressed in English. E.g. '0 oi a7TEKplvaTo on Ovo' El yEvo[fl-YJV, w Kvpe, O'o y' liv 1roTe n 86~af1-. XEN. An. i. 6, 8. 'A1TEKp[vaTO on .. n 0E()'1TOTU, ov tfi. Id. Oyr. vii. 3, 3. El'lTE o' OT E;s KUPOV ~KE<;, E~Y), 07TW<; Tijs o[K"f)S dKOVO'IJ'> lb. iii. 1' 8. "H pOVf1-EV 7rp0<; avTol!s, OT 'H8KE yap ~fl-U'> ~ 1TOAts, KUL OVK op8ws T~V o[KYJV EKptvE,-TaVTa ~ T[ pOVJJ-EV j FLAT. Orit. 50 B; so Phaed. 60 A. "Av A.yiJ n> TUAYJ8fi, on AY)pe'iTE, G> livopes 'A8YJvai:ot. DEM. viii. 31: so xviii. 40, 174; xix. 22, 40, 253. See also

ws

286

CAUSAL SENTENCES

[712

HnT. ii. 115 (the earliest example); THUC. i. 137, iv. 38 ;. AND. i. 49; LYS. i 26; .A.EsCHIN. iii. 22, 120; DIN. i. 12, 102 (both with ~s).l

SECTION IX.

Causal Sentences.
712. Causal sentences express the cause of something stated in the leading sentence. They may be introduced by " '>' '>' '8 on, own or ow7rep, ws-, ovvEKa or o ovvEFCa, because; by . E7TE, E7TEtO~, OTE, o7TOTE, EVT, and sometimes 07rov, since, seeing that; and in Homer by o or o T ( o 7'), beca?tse.
I I ' <I
I

713. (Indicative.) Causal sentences regularly take the indicative, after both primary and secondary tenses ; past causes being expressed by the past tenses of the indicative. The negative particle is E.g.
pa Bv1lfJkOVTaS opaTo, for she pitied the Danaans, because she saw them dying .. Il. i. 56. Xw6JLEvos, o T' lfpunov '.A.xa~WV ov8ev ~ntJaS, angTy, because you did in no Way honOUT .the best of the Achaeans. Il. i. 244. 6.YJJLOf3opos {3aa-~AEvs, brd ovrt.8avo'ia-w dvaG'.ITHS. Il. i. 231. M,) 8' OVTWS KAE7rTE v6tp, E7rtt ov 7rapEAdltJa~ ov8 fL 7rdiJiS. Il. i. 132. Nova-ov dvct tJTpaTbV IJipa-E KaK?Jl', oA.KOVTO 8 Aaol, OVVEKa TOV XplJCl"fjV ?JT [JLa<rEv dp')T~pa 'ATpEi"iil)S. I1. i. 11. TYJAEJLaxov BalJfLa~'ov, 8 BaprraAws dy 6 pEVEV, because he spoke boldly. Od. i. 382. Kat TP~~PYJ> 8 TO~ 'l fJ1Ta'YfLEV?) dvBpw7rWV 8~a. T <V. . A.o <f>of3Epov EG'Tt 'J eh LTaxli 71' AE 'i; tM T 8 al...A.o &Av7ro~ aJ...)v.]J...o~<; dtJ2v oi EJL7rAovTE> ?] 8L6n v Ta~EL I< a B 1 vTa~; XEN. Oec. viii. 8. 01 <po'i <f>Dw~ ovr<u> xovTE> 7rEpt JLov 8w7-EAova-tv, 01) 8La TO <f>~AEZv JJL~. d!...A.a Ot07rp Ka.t avTot &v 0 LOVTat {Jf.ATL()'TOt yCyvw8at. Id. Mem. iv. 8, 7. Oi 'A8Yjva'io~ v6JL~(ov ?JCT<raa-Ba~ on OV '11'0AV Jv[Kwv, the
Athenians thought they we?e difeated because they were not signally victO?ious. THUO. vii. 34. M&A.A.6v TL J8nvoA.oyEZTo oH JLW d1rEKTE<V Tov avTo<; <f>ovov f.Ka8YJpE. Hm. i. 44. ITp'D> TavTa Kpv7rTE fL'78f.v, 6J~ 0 1rriv8' OpWv Kat 7rcfVTj &Ko1Jwv 7rtiwr' dJ1a7T"T-DO"O" t xpOJJos, i.e. since time develops all things. SOPH. Fr. 280. Mf.ya &f. TO OJLOV Tpa<f>~va~, f.7rt Kat TOt<; a,)p{o~<; 7rofJo<; TL<; yyyvETa~ TWV <TVVTpo<f>wv. XEN.

K?JOETO yap Llava<ov,

on

ov.

oov 7rapa~vOVfJ ov8v E<; 7rAEOV 7rOtw, tkETt~ d<f>'iyJLa~. SoPH. 0. T. fll8. '07r6T ovv '11'6Ats fLEll Ta<; lo{as ~VJL</>opas oL'a Tt: cjJf.pHv, Efs OE lKa<rTos T0s f:JcElvqs d01~vaTos (se. Ea-T 2), 1rWs oV XP~ mivTas dfLlJJItV avrfi i THUO. ii. 60. ''OTE To{vvv Tove' OVTW<; EX H, 7rpO<T~KEL 7rpo81JfLW'> fJA.Etv dKovELv Twv f3ovAoJLf:vwv <rvJLfJov:Mem. ii. 3, 4.
1

o7'

1 See Spieker in Am. Jmw. Phil. v. pp. 221-227, who has traced the history of this construction and collected examples, especially those in the Orators.

717]

CAUSAL SENTENCES

287

A<v<w. DEM. i. l. For ~TE, since, see SoPH. Aj. 715, 0. C. 84; for 07T"ov (oKov) see HDT. i. 68.

714. (Optative.) When, however, the speaker implies that a cause was assigned by some other person, the principle of indirect discourse (694), after past tenses, allows the verb to stand in the O})tative, in the tense originally used by the person who assigned the cause (699). Jlg.
T' IT <ptKAEU EKUKI~OV, 071 G"TpO.TYJYO'> WV OVK E'/l"E!>ayot, ftey '' ' ' ' " ' " ' ' t ' 7 OV abused Pmicles, because being general he did not lead them out. TRue. ii. 21. (This states the reason of the ~thenians for reproaching Pericles (f!m o)p..a<; ovK E7l"E~ayet); if Thucydides had wished to assign the cause merely on his own authority, he would have used on ov1< f.7re~fj /'<F. Cf. TRue. vii. 34 in 71:3.) ToiJ;; <TvvoFra;; f.aDKH 1rotei:v a7rEXEG"8at TWF &vo<Tiwv, E7rd7rep ojy~<Tatvro p,YJOEV av1roTE Glv 7rpaTrotw 8w:V<;; &aA.a&ei:v (see 693). XEN. :Mem. i. 4, 19. 07:<T8a E1fULVE<Tavra avrov ("Op,Y)pov) rov 'Ayap..ep,vova, 6..s j3a<TtA<V<; d'fj dya86s, because (as he said) Ae was a good Icing. ld. Symp. iv. 6. 'EKaAe< .. rov p,ev e1rrrnov (6.a), OLOTI cpoliEU TOV 1fatOO<; V...dv&ave (694, 2) f3o<TKWV, TOll o Eratp~wv, (~, cp1!AaKa ,G"VfJ-1ff-Jl-lfU<; avrov EV p;) K0 I 7rOAEfJ-LWTaTol!. HDT. i. 44. (Croesus would have said 8t6n V. J.v&avov and 6..s evpl]Ka.)

715. \Ve should suppose that in causal sentences of the latter class (714) the moou and tense by which the cause would be originally stated might also be retained, as in ordinary indirect discourse ; so that in TRue. ii. 21, above, for example, we might have on 01JK E-ire~ yet in the same sense as on ovK E7r<~ayot. This, however, seems to have been avoided, to prevent the ambiguity which might arise from the three forms, e7r<~.fiycv, l1re~ayot, and E7r<~ayet. It will be remembered that the form E7re~fiyev, which is the most common in the expression of a past cause, is al;;o the original form for expressing the corresponding time in indirect discourse, although it became exceptional here in the later usage (671 ; 67 4). For causal relative sentences see 580. For tl1e causal participle see 838.

716. The optative in causal sentences is not found in Homer. 717. A cause may be expressed by a potential indicative or optative with av. 6.op,at oilv G"OV 7rapap..ei:vat ?JfL'il!" W> f.yw ov8' av EJJO> ?)8wv dKov(]" a' p.. L ij rrov, I IJeg yo1t then to ?"emain with us ; as there is not one 'Whom I sho1old hear more gladly than you. PLA'l'. Prot. 335 D. Ku1' 8E, E7rELOo) oVK Ef.Jf). . lS Kat fLoC TlS da-xoACa Err-rl Kat ol)K aV o[Os T' [ }j V 0"01. 1rapap,Eivat &rrore[vovn JLaKpous- A.oyovs, iA.eezv yap 7f'o[ fl-< 8E'i, i[p,c brd Ka.C Ta-G,-' Lcrw~ oVK d-qOW~ uov 'J]K01.10V (for ~7ret see 719, 2). Ib. 335 c. "On TWV dotKYjjl-UTWV &v lp,ep,V1)TD TWV ailrov, ern 'if'EP~ ~p..ov y' lypacp<v. DEM. xviii. 79 ; so xviii. 49.

av

288

EXPHESSION OF A WISH

[718

718. A causal sentence may be interrogative, or its verb may express a wish or a command. E.g. 'E1rel, <f>p' el1r~, 7!"ou o-v pA.vns /t o-a<f>f]s; for-come tell me-where do you ever show yourself a prophet? SoPH. 0. T. 390. 'E1rd 8Batov, ~ 1'-0.8' Jt Ef1-0U, TG f1-0t KEp8os yevotT' av. Id. EL 352 : so 0. c. 969. See PLAT. Gorg. 47 4 B: E7Td <TV o~at' av; 'E7ret MJws a<f>tAOS OTL 7TVfl-O.Tov 6/...o{p.av,for-may I perish! SOPB. 0. T. 662. 719. I. A causal sentence may give the cause of something that is implied, but not expressed, in the leading sentence. Especially it may give the reason for making a statement, rather than for the fact stated. In dialogues, a causal sentence may refer to an implied yes or no. E.g. Ov vv Kat VfLLV oi:Kot :!veCTn yoos, on fL' {j/...tlere KYJBfJa-ovns; have
yon now no mourning at home, that you have come to dist?-ess rne ? (i.e. I aslc this, because you have come). Il. xxiv. 239. (If the two clauses were reversed-have yon come becanse yon have no mon1ning at home ?-the causal relation would be plainer.) Ov I'-' liT' f.cparrKetl' -IJ7roTp07Tov orKao' 1Kerr8cu, OTL f1-0t KaTEKdpeTE OtKOV, i.e. yon thonght I shonld never retw-n (aR is plain), because you wasted 1ny lwuse. Od. xxii. 35. See f.1rc in Od. i. 231. 'ils i!rrTw dvopos Tou8e Tapya Tavnf <Tot, yes (answering the preceding question), for here yon have the deeds of this ~an. SoPH. Aj. 39: so Ph. 812. .

2. By a natural ellipsis, f.tre sometimes has virtually the force of although or and yet. E.g. Ai.o-xvvo[fLYJV IJ.v ~ywye TOVTO bJ-LoA.oye'iv, e7T el 7TOAAo[ y cpam TC:w
dv8pw1rwv, I shonld be ashamed for my part to admit this, and yet many men do say so (in full, I speak fo'r myself alone, since many say this). PLAT. Prot. 333 C. See ibid. 335 C (quoted in 717), where .hrel O.v . . . ~Kovov refers to the implied idea I am sor1y afteT all to go. In Od. i. 236, r.d ov K dKaxotfLYJV, and yet I shonld not be thus a.fflicted by his death, refers to what aunov suggests, I am especially grieved by his death in obscurity (cf. vss. 241, 242).

SECTION X.

Expression of a Wish.
720. Wishes may be divided into two classes: (a) those referring to a future object, and (b) those referring to a present or past object which (it is implied) is not or was not attained. To the former class belong such wishes as 0 that he may come I or 0 that this may happen /-Utinam veniat, Utinam fiat; and to the latter, such as 0 that this had happened I or 0 that this were true /-Utinam hoc factum esset, Utinam hoc verum esset.

723]

FUTURE WISHES

289

From its use in wishes the optative mood (yKAHTL<> EfJKTtK~) received its name. WISHES REFERRING TO THE FUTURE.

721. A wish referring to the future niay be expressed in Greek in two ways : I. by the optative alone; as in ryevotTo TovTo, may this
happen, f-1-r, ryevotTo To[!To, may this not happen; II. by the optative with eZOe or el ryap (Homeric also aZBe or at ryap), sometimes by the simple el, negatively eree f-1-1}, el ryd,p f-1-/j, etc. ; as in dOe ryevotTo niDTo, 0 that this may happen, el ryd,p f-1-r, ryevotTo, 0 that it may not happen.
722. I. The pure optative in a wish (with no introductory particle) is an independent verb. E.g.
'Y0'iv fLEV 8wl ooZEV '0}..:ufL7rLU OWfLU1" xovns ~K7repfJ"ut IIpuifLDW 7r0ALV ei'i o' OtKao' tKE(]"8at, may the Gods gmnt you to dest?oy Priam's city, etc. Il.i.l8. M~ fLCiV afJ"7rOVO[ ye Kat aKlceu'Os- a7rOAO[fL'Y)V, may I not perish, etc. Il. xxii. 304. M'YJK-r' !!1m-r' 'OovfJ"~t Kap?) WfkDtfJ"tv e1re'Y), fk'YJO' -n TqAefkdxow 1raT~P KEKA'YJfkEVa<; Et'Y)V, then may the head of Ulysses no longe1 stand on his shoulders, and no longer may I be called the father of Telemachus. Il. ii. 259. T e 8va [1) v on fkOt fL?)KETt -rauTu fkEAot, may I die when these are no longer my can. Mn!N. i. 2. To fkEV vvv -ravTa 7rp~(]"(]"Qt<; TO:;rep f.v xep(]"L EXet'>, may youfor the present continue to do what you now have in hand. HD~'. vii. 5. "'!l 1rat, yevoto 7raTpos efJTvXE<rTepo<;. SoPH. Aj. 550. Ov-rw vtK?)<ratfL -r' f.yw Ka2 vofkt(o [fk'YJV irocpo>, on this condition may I r;ain the prize (in this contest) and be (always) consideud wise. AR. Nub. 520. e~<TW 1rpv-raveZ', ~ fk'Y)KETL t0'YJ v f.yw, or may I no longer hve. lb. I 255. iE1 VVEVE')' KO t fLEV -ravTa W> {3ovAOfLE8a, may this JII'OspeT as we desin. TRue. vi. 20. 'AA.AO. (3ovA'Y)()e['Y)>, but may ymt only be willing! PLAT. Euthyd. 296 D. IIA.ovfJ"wv o vofl[Cotfkt Tov <rocpov. Id. Phaedr. 279 C. N tKI{:'Y) 8' Tt 7rUfJ"tV VfktV fkEAAet <rvvo[<rew, and may that opinion p1evail which is to benefit you all. DE.M. iv. 51. "0 n B' v0Zv oo~ne, TOvT', Ji 1rav-r<s 8eot, <rvveve"))KOt (see 561). Id. ix. 76. So e'lev, well, be it so. For the relation of the optative in wishes to the optative in its most primitive mear1ing, see Appendix I.
1

723. II. The optative in a wish with dOe (arBe), el ryap (at ryap ), or el is probably in its origin a protasis with the apodosis suppressed. E.g.
A8' oVTws E7Tt 1rarn xoAov nAe<rd 'AI'afLEfkVWV, 0 if Aganwm1Wn would thus fuljil his wrath upon all. ll. iv. 17 8. ALe' ovrws,

290

EXPRESSION OF A WISH

[/24

Eu;.tau, cpt'Aov ~tl 1raTpt y~vo w ws ~Jko{, mayest thou become in ZiJ,e vumner a friend to father Zeus. Od. xiv. 440. At ylip o~ ovTws et'), cptA.os 6! MevEAae, 0 that this rnay be so. Il. iv. 189. At ylip Jp.ot TOO"O">jvlle (Jw2 8vva;uv 7r ep t 8 e'i ev, 0 if the Gods would clothe ?ne with so rnuch st?engthl Od. iii. 205. 'AAA' El: ;uv detKLO'O"at;u(J' aovTeS,
nvxea T' ~lJ.tOHV dcpeA.oE;.teBa, Ka. TtV JTaEpwv O.VTOV UJ.tVVOJ.tEVWV oa.;.ta.a'a{;.teBa vqA.et xa.A.K<{J, but if we could only take him and insult
him, and strip hin~ of his a?mour, and subdue, etc. 11. xvi. 559.1 El'Be ;.t>)7roTe yvo '1'> ()<; el, rnay yo11, neve1learn who you an. SorH. 0. T. 1068. Ei'(;l' D;.tw &pcpo'iv vovs yvotTo crwcppoveZv. Id. Aj. 1264. Ei'6le 7rats E;.to> ev81)pos eZ.q. EuR. Bacch.l252. El yap yevol;.t1)V, TeKvov, dvTt crov veKpos. Id. Hipp. 1410. EZ(J', iJJ A.iJcrn, cri! TowvTos Q)v cpEAo> ~;.tfv yevoto. XEN. Hell. iv. 1, 38. El yap yevotTo. Id. Oyi. vi. 1, 38. El yap Jv 7'01JTCfl dYJ, if it rnay only depend on this! PLAT. Prot. 310 D. EWe ypdlj;etV WS xp>), K.T.A. Id. Phaedr. 227 0. The simple ei (wit1wut -Be or ydp) with the optative in wishes is llOetic. 'A'A'A' er TtS Kat TOvcr8e JkETOtXOJ.tEVO<; KaAECTEtEV. Il. X. 111. See three other Homeric examples cited in the footnote. 2 Ei' fhOL ~vveEYJ 0ofpa. SorH. 0. T. 863. Ei' ;.tot yevot'To cp86yyos v f3pa.xornv. Eun. Hec. 836. The future optative was not used in wishes. The perfect was 11robably not used, except in the signification of the present (see 48); as in Il. ii. 259, quoted in 722.

724. In Homer, as the examples show, both present and aorist optative are freely used in future wishes, as in the corresponding future conditions (455). But the present optative
On this passage we have the note of Aristarchus in the Scholia: iJ ikn'/o.?i, a V I! X 0'. el aurov ave:\6vres <i<K!O'O'O.i}LE0a, not follow necessa?ily from this that Aristarehus explained all optatives with forms of <I in wishes by supplying Ka:\ws av gxo< as an apodosis (see Lange, p. 6, note J 5); but if he explained this passage as an elliptical protasis, he can hardly have objected to the same explanation of other similar passages. It is surely no more necessary or logical to insist on explaining both forms of wisltes alike, than it would he in English to insist that 1na11 I see hi1n again and 0 ij I rnight see hint again are originally of the eame construction. 2 The Hon>eric exampl<'s of the optative with various forms of el or ai are of the highest importance for the understanding of the construction generally. The following is a list of tile passages (according to Lange, PMtilcel El, pp. 19-40) : Simple d with optative: Il. x. 111, xv. 571, xvi. 559, xxiv. 74. (4.) At "fd.p or el yap witl1 optative: Il. iv. 189, x. 536, xvi. 97, xviii. 272, 464, xxii. 346, 454 ; Od. iii. 205, iv. 697, vi. 244, viii. 339, ix. 523, xv. 156, xvii. 251, 513, xviii. 235, 366, xix. 22, xx. 169, xxi. 402. (20.) AWe or ef/Je with optative: IL iv. 178; Od. iL 33, xiv. 440, xv. 341, xvii. 494, xviii. 202, xx. 61. (7.) Eight examples (five with et/Je, two with el yap, one with a.1 yap), in which the present optative expresses an unattained present wish, are omitted here and will be found under 739. The cases discussed in 730 are not included here. For the use of a.t8e, a.t yrip, and a.i (for <ZOe, etc.) in Homer, see footnote to 379.
OT< ~!;wOev 7rpOO'V7I'CtKDVO'Tlov TO KCt AW s Ka:\ws ilv lxo<. Schol. A. It does
1

730]

FUTURE WISHES

291

in Homer also expresses a present wish implying that it is not attained, as it may express a present unreal condition (438). For this use, see 739.

725. In the poets, especially Homer, the simple optative may express a command or exhortation, in a sense approaching that of the imperative. E.g.
TauT' tt7rOL> 'AxLA>jL, (you rnay) say this to Achilles. Il. xi. 791. Tc8va"]>, iJj ITpot:-1, ~ KaKTaV< BcAA<pocp6vTT)V, (you ?JULy) either die, or kill JJellmophontes. Il. vi. 164. 'AA.A.a ns 6.oACov KaAea-o<, let sonM one call Dolios. Od. iv. 7 35. So iu prohibitions with JL1J : JL1)0' n a-oZa-L 1r68a-a-w v7roa-Tpef<ws "OA.vJL7rov, 11. iii. 407 (between two pairs of imperatives). See also AESCH. Prom. 1049 and 1051. For Homeric optatives (without dv), which form a connecting link between the potential and the wishing optative (like 11. iv. 18, 19), see 13 and 233.

726. The poets, especially Homer, sometimes use t1Js before the optative in wishes. This t1Js canuot be expressed in English, and it is probably exclamatory. It must not be confounded with ounv> used as in 727. E.g. d1r6AoLTO Kal fiA.Aos ons Towvnt y< pf:(oL, 0 that any othe1 rnay likewise perish, etc. Od. i. 47. See Od. xxi. 201. '!ls 6 TaOE 1ropinv .lAoLT', <~ JLDL 8JLLS Tail' a-Dofiv. SoPH. El. 126. Compare ut pereat telum, Hon. Sat. ii. 1, 43.

a,

727. OvTws, thus, on this condition, may be prefixed to the optative in protestations, wl1ere a wish is expressed upon some condition; the condition being usually added in another clause. E.g. OvTws 8va~a-e< TOJhwv, f.L1J 1rcpdo1pe f.LE, may you eny'oy these on this eondition,-do not nerJlect nw. 0E~1. xxviii. 20. 728. When the potential optative is used to express a wish, as in 7l'WS av oAo[IJ-"]V, lww gladly should I pmish, EuR. Supp. 796, it does not belong here, as dA.o[JLl)Y dv and dA.o[JL?JV are, in use, wholly different constructions. If Ei ycfp KEV JLtfLVOL'>, Od. xv. fl45, is a wisl1, et KEV may be used as it often is in protasis in Homer (460) in the same sense as cl, or the optative may be }Jotential in the sense U if you could 9'e?nain. In I1. vi. 281, ws K~ o< a:oe~ yat:a xaVOL, if K~ is COJTect, must mean 0 that the ea9th could gape for him at once (potential). But the exceptional character of these expressions makes both suspicious. Hermann and Bekke1 read El yap Kai in Od. xv. 545; and Bekker reads JJ;; 8 in Il. vi. 281.

729. The infinitive occurs twice in Homer in wishes with yap : see 786, and 739 (end). For the infinitive used like the simple optative in wishes, es11ecial1y in }Joetry, see 785.
730. There are many passages in Homer in which it is open to doubt whether the poet intended to express a wish with some

ar

292

EXPHESSION OF A WISH

[731

form of El, followed by a potential optative in a new sentence, or to form a complete conditional sentence. Such are~<"iv<, i!1I"as T<TEA<<rp.f.vov "r'l/ yvo[YJ> <j>bAbT7JT<i T 1I"oAA.<i Te owpa ~ Efk<.V. UU, XV. 536. If we keep the rolon after yvo~To in the former passage, we may translate, U that fu~ritment may be granted our prayeTS: not one of these would (then) see the fair-throned Dawn. With a comma after yf.vobTo, we may translate, if fulfilment should be granted DU?' prayers, not one of these would see the fair-th?oned Dawn. So in the seconu paRsage we may translate, according to the punctuatiou, 0 that this 1oord may be accmnplished : then would you quickly be 1nade aware of kindness and many gifts from me ;-or if this word slwuld be accomplished, you would then quickly be made aware, etc. These are probably rightly punctuated abo\"e, especially the secoud ; and the wish is on the verge of independent existence, being almost ready to dispense with the apodosis. The half-independent half-de]Jendent nature of such clauses is l:iest seen in a case like the following, where El I.Bf.A.o~ is first stated as an independent wish, and is afterwards repeated as the protasis of a regular apodosis : El yap a-' w> Eef.AoL <j>L)..~nv yA.avKw1I"t>'AB~V1) W';; r6r' 'Oov<T<T'~O> 7rpLK1JOETO Kt>OaA[JLOW 01JfJ.4:l <!v~ TpuJWJ', Mh 7ra<TXOfkV aA.y/ )Axaw[ . d <r' oVTW> UJEA.ot <jnA.f.m K'tJOO~T6 re Bvp.({>, T<iJ KEv TL> Kevwv ye Kat KA.eA.a8otro yrlp.ow. Od. iii. 217. The me~ning is, if only Athena would love you as she then loved Ulysses; . . . if (I say) she would thus love you, then would many a one (of the suitors) cease to think of ma?-riage. Here, instead of heaving a simple apodosis like the KaAw> IJ.v Zxob of Aristarchus to be mentally supplied, or to Le felt without being actually supplied, the protasis is repeated (as if by afterthought) and a more precise form of conclusion is then actually expressed. Such exall)ples as the first two are sometimes adduced as eviuence that El with the optative in protasis was originally a form of wish, to which an apodosis was afterwards appended. For a discussion of this view, see Appendix I.

El yap l1!"' dpij<rw rD..o, ~fkETEp[l<r~ yf.vo~To o~K fiv ns rovrwv y< f.vBpovov 'Hw i.'KotTo. Od. xvii. 496.

;0 ,K ;ar.

Ar yd.p rovTo,

WISHES (NOT ATTAINED) IN PRESENT OR PAST TIME.

731. A wish referring to a present or past object, which (it is implied) is not or was not attained, may he expressed in Greek in two ways : I. by the past tenses of the indicative, used as in unreal conditions, with dOE or El ryap ; or

734]

PHESENT OR PAST WISHES

293

II. by &'>rpeA,ov, aorist of orpe/A,ro, owe, with the infinitive. 732. I. The past tenses of the indicative with dBe or el
ryap, in present and past wishes, correspond to the optative with these particles in future wishes. The construction was originally a protasis with its apodosis suppressed, el "/tip fi'e e'loec; meaning, 0 if you l~ad seen me ! This form of wish is common in the Attic writers, but is unknown to Homer (735). The imperfect and aorist indicative are distinguished here as in the unreal condition (410). E.g. '10 ya ya, el'B' 1/ JS~w, 0 Earth, Ea1th, would that tlwu hadst received me. AESCH. Ag. 1537. El yap fk'17f'6 y-l)v ~Kev, 0 if he had Rent rne benectth the earth. Id. Prom. 152. Ei:'Be O'E Ei:'Be 0' p.~1f'oT'
cl86p.av. SOPH. 0. T. 1217. El'()' d)pop.v 0'', ''ASp.?JT<, p.:ry Av1f'OVp.evov. Eun. Ale. 536. Ei:'Be O'Ot, Ji ITepLKAEtS, ToTe O'Vveyev6p.7Jv, would that I had met you then. XEN. Mem. i. 2, 46. El'()' e'lxes, iJj TEKOVO'a, f3eATtovs cppevas, 0 rnother, would that ymt had a better understanding. EUJt. El. 1061. El yap TOO'aVT?JV ovvap.w e'lxov, would that I had so great JlOWer. Id. Ale. 1072. EUI' ~(]'()a ovvaT6> opav OO'OV 1rp68vp.os ei. Id. Her. 7:n. 733. The indicatiYe cannot be used in wiRhes without d8e or el yap, as it would oce~Lsiou ambiguity; this cannot arise in tl1e case of the optative, which is not re~o11larly used in independent sentences without lf.v, except in wishes. :SoPH. 0. C. 1 713, l<ii, p.o) yas bri. ~vas 8avefv :Jxpv(es (so tlw MRs.) is often quoted to show that at least the inclicatiYe with p.~ alone can be used in negative wishes, with the translation, 0 that thou hadst not chosen to die in a foreign land. But the passage is probably corrupt, as the following words &.A.X ep?Jp.Os Bav<s show. See, however, Hermann's note on this passage, and on EuR. Iph. Au1. 575.

734. II. The aorist w<f>eA,ov, ought, and sometimes (in Homer) the imperfect wrpeAAOV, of o<f>e(A,w (Epic o<f>eAAro), owe, debeo, may be used with the infinitive to express a present or past unattained wish. The present infinitive is used when the wish refers to the present or to continued or repeated })ast action, and the aorist (rarely the perfect) when it refers to the past. "flrpeAov or wrpeAAov may be preceded by the particles of wishing, erBe and el ryap, and in negative wishes by #~ (not ov). E.g. "fJcpeA.e -rovTo 1l'ot:v, 1could that he were (now) doing this (lit. he
ought to be doing it), or 11Jauid that he had (habitually) done this Oit. he

294

EXPRESSION OF A WISH

[735

ought to have done this). "il<f>eAe rovro 'l!"otfju-at, would that he had done this. "'flv lJ<f>eA.ov rptrdrfJV 7rep ;xwv Jv 8wp.au-t JLOl:pa.v va[uv, o1 IJ' d.vope:; <TOOt ~JLJLEVat oi' ror' OAovro, 0 that I weTe living with even a thild part, etc., and that those men were safe who then perished. Od. iv. 97. So Il. i. 415. 'AvBp'Os E7retT' w<f>eAA.ov .ip,evovos elvat &Kotns, 8s ifo'rJ vf:JLeu-[v n Kat ai:u-xea 1roA.X &vepw1rwv, 0 that I were the wife of a better man, who knew, etc. I!. vi. 350. T0v o<f>e"A' iv Y~E(T!Tt KaTaKrap,ev ''Apup,ts i'<p, 0 that A1temis had slain her, etc. Il. xix. 59. Ai:(}' IZ<f>e"AA.es u-rparov &A.A.ov IT'rJJha[vuv. I1. xiv. 84. Ai:(}' flJLa mivns"EKropos w<f>EA.er' &vri (}oifs E1I't v-ryvu-i 1re<f>au-eat, W01tld that ye all had been slain instead of HectoT. Il. xxiv. 253. M'r/8' /J<f>d.e-;; A.u-u-eu-(}at &p,vp,ova IT1]Adwva, would that you had not besought the so?> of Peleus. Il. ix. 698. (See 736, below.) So xviii. 86; Od. viii. 312. MfJKer' e7rEtr' IJ<f>etA.ov (?) y6! 7rEp.7rrotu-t p.en'ivat dvopau-w, &XX ij 1rpou-fh 8aveiv -ij e1retra yevu-8at, would that I we1e no longer living with this fifth mce of men, but had eithe1 died before it or been bor?> afte? it. RES. Op. 174. 'O.Au-8at IJ<f>eAov rif8' 1Jf1-EP'h 0 that I had perished on that day. SoPH. 0. T. ll57. M~ 'l!"or' <Z<f>eA.ov At7retv r0v 4Kvpov, 0 that I never had lift Scyros. Id. Ph. 969. See El.I021. Ei:'(}' w<f>eA' 'Apyov> P.0 Ota1rTU!T8at u-Kti<f>os Ko>..xwv ES aiav Kvavf:as 4vp,1rA'rJyaoas. EuR. Med. 1. El yap w<f>eAov oio[ TE dvat o17ToAAO~ ra JLEYtiTTa KaKa E~epya(eu-8at, () that the 'multitude were able, etc. PLAT. Crit. 44 D. El yap w<f>e.A.ov (se. KanMv). Id. Rep. 432 c. ITaB6vrwv f-1'~ 1T"OT' ?!J<f>eAov (se. 'l!"a(}eZv), when they sujfe?"ed what wquld they had neve1 suffered. DEM. xviii. 288; so 320. So ws fl-~7TOT w<f>eAev, XEN. Cyr. iv. 6, 3 (see 737).

735. This form with ?!J<f>e~ov or 0<f>eA.A.ov is the only expression known to Homer for past wishes, the secondary tenses of the indicative being not yet used in this construction, although they were already in good use in past (though not in present) conditions ( 43 :'i). In present wishes, Homer has the present optative (739) as well as the construction with w<f>eA.ov. (See 438.)
736. For an explanation of the origin of the use of IJ<f>eA.ov in wishes, see 424. It is there seen to be analogous to e8et aml xptjv with the infinitive, implying tl1at what ought to be or to have been does not or did not happen. Only after its original meaning was obscured by familiar use could eree or el yap lutve been prefixed to it. MY] ?!J<f>EAov may be explained in the same way; or we may suppose that p,~ originally belonged to the inlinitive, and afterwards came to negative the whole expression. See the examples in 7 34. 737. 'fls, used as in 726, often precedes IJ<f>e.Aov etc. in Homer, and rarely in the Attic poets. E.g. "HA.v8es h 1roAep,ov; ws w<f>eA.es a:0ro8' 6A.f:u-8at, would you had pe1ished there. Il. iii. 428. 'fl;; &,) f''l lJ<j>EAov vGKav rotrjio' br' &UIA<p, 0 that I had not been vict01in1s in such a contest. Od. xi. 548.

740]

PRESENT OR PAST WISHES

295

'lls <J<joe>..Jl 'E.Av17s &no <jov>..ov Ae0"8o.t . Od. xiv. 68. So Il. iiL 173, xxii. 481. 'lls 1rptv 8toa~o.t "'/ <J<jod.es fkEO"OS 8to.ppo.y~vo.t, would that you had split in two bifore you ever taught it. An. Ran. 955.

738. Neither the secondary tenses of the indicative nor the form with <J<joeAol' in wishes can (like the optative) be preceded by the simple d (without -Be or ytfp).

739. (P1esent Wishes in Homm.) In Homer a present onattained wish may be expressed by the present optative, like a present unfulfilled condition ( 438). Here ei(h or el yap generally introduces the wish. E.g.
El yd.p iy<i>v ovTw ye 6.tos 1rats alyt6xow ei'l)v i)f.Lo.Ta 1ravTa, TEKO 8 fLE 7r6Tvta"Hp1], no[fLl)V 8' <1>s T[eT' 'A817vaYJ Kat 'A1r6AAwv, ws vvv ~fLEP1J 1)1le Ko.Kov <joepet 'ApydotO"tv, 0 that I were the son of Zeus, and that Hera were rny mothm, and that I were honouTed as Athena and Apollo a1e honou1ed, etc. Il. xiii. 825. (Here TEKot is nearly equivalent to fL~TYJP eiYJ : cf. a> nKovO"a, 0 rnotheT,
quoted under 732.) Almost the same wish occurs in Il. viii. 538.

"[}. yf.pov, ei8' <1>s fJvp.os vi O"T~fJwfn <jo{A.ounv ws TO yo1!va8' E7rOtTo, /3[YJ il Tot EfL7rOos ELY] dA.A.a O"E y~pas -rdpet DfLoiwv ws 8<joeA.v ns dvopwv lJ.AAos EXEiV, crV 0~ KOVpOTEpauT fJ-TlVO.i, would that, even as thy spi1it is in thy breast, so thy knees obeyed and thy stTength weTe ji1m. Il. iv. 313. At the end we have the more common form of a present wish, 8<joeAEv ns liAAos exetv, would that some other 1nan had it (yfjpds).

,, ' () ' ()' E i"8' WS 1)[JWOfki, [Jil)

~' ~ UE fkOi EfJ-7rWOS EiYJ"

"

"

T<{i KE TaX' dvT~O"Ei fLUXYJS Kopv8a[oAos'EKTWp, 0 that I were again so young, and my sbentJth wmefirm, etc. 11. vii. 157. The same wish, in precisely the same words, occurs also in 11. xi. 670, xxiii. 629, and Od. xiv. 468; also in Il. vii. 132 i'n the form o.t yap, ZEv TE 7rUTp, . . . 1Jf30l ws oT' ... fLUXOVTO. See Od. xiv. 503, ws vvv 'q/3wotp.t, repeating the i<lea of vs. 468. In Od. xviii. 79 we ha1e vvv p.~v p..]T' dYJs, f3ovyatE, p.~n yf.vow, better that thou we1t not now, thou bragga1t, and ha.dst never been born, where yvow looks like a past wish; but not having been born may be included in the present wish of cE'}s: compare TEKOt in 11. xiii. 826 (above). For a.r yd.p iA.w:raaTo, Il. x. 536, see 93 (end).
For the infinitive with a.r see 786.

yap in a past unattained wish in Homer,

740. It has been seen that the use of the moods and tenses in both classes of wishes with d yap and et8e is precisely the same as in the corresponding forms of protasis (455; 410). The analogy with the Latin is also the same as in protasis : -

296

EXPRESSION OF A WISH

[740

d y(Jp Tovro 11'ow['YJ (or 7rOt~(]"euv), 0 si hoc faciat, 0 that he may do tl~is / El yo.p Tovro ~1roct, 0 si hoc faceret, 0 that he were doing this/ El yd.p rovro J1rotrwEv, 0 si hoc fecisset, 0 that l~e had done this ; cl yap JL~ tyevero, utinam ne factum esset, 0 that it had 1wt happened. It must be remembered that it is the futurity of the object of a wish, and not its probability or possibility, that requires the optative. No amount of absurdity or extravagance in a future wish can make anything but the optative proper in expressing it. As Aristotle says (Eth. iii. 2, 7), f3ovA'YJ(]"G<; o' E(]"TL T!VJI aovvarwv, oiov &eava(]"a<;, u'ish may refer to impossibilities, as that we rnay live for eve1; but this very wish would require the optative. So no amount of reasonableness in a present or past. wish can make the imperfect or aorist indicative improper; for we may wish that the most reasonable thing were or had been ours, only such wishing implies that we do not or did not have it..

CHAPTER V.
THE INFINITIVE.

741. The infinitive is originally a verbal noun, expressing the simple idea of the verb. As a verb, it has voices and, tenses; it has a subject (expressed or understood), which may define its number and person; it may have an object and other adjuncts; and, further, it is qualified by adverbs, and not by adjectives. It may have in a potential sense. It thus expresses the verbal idea with much greater _definiteness than the corresponding substantives; compare, for example, wpaTTEW and wpaga with 7rpagc;, as expressions of the idea of doing. 742. The origin of the infinitive in a verbal noun is beyond question. In the oldest Sanskrit certain verbal nouns in the dative express purpose, that is, the object to or for which something is done, and are almost identical in form with the equivalent infinitives in the older Greek. Thus vidmdne, dative of vidman, knowledge (from root vid), may mean for knowing or in order to know (old English for to know); and in Homer we have f8fh<Vat ( = Attic lM1') from the same root Ft8. So Sanskrit davdne, dative of davan, giving (from root da), is represented in Greek by the Cyprian o6Fevat ( = Attic oovvat) from root oo.l It is safe to assuml:l, therefore, that the Greek infinitive was originally developed in a similar way, chiefly from the dative of a primitive verbal noun ; that in the growth of the language this case-form became obscured, its origin as a dative was forgotten, and it

av

1 Whitney (Sanskrit Gmmmar, p. 314) says of these primitive Sanskrit datives: "It is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as infinitive and the ordinary case-uses." See Delbriick, Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 121 ; and :Monro, Hom. Gr. p. 163.

298

THE INFINITIVE

[743

came to be used for other cases of the verbal noun, especially the accusative j that it was allowed to take an object, like the corresponding verb, and afterwards a subject (in the accusative) to make the agent more distinct ; that in course of time, as its rel<Ltion to the verb became closer, it developed tenses like those of the verb, so as to appear as a regular mood of the verb. The final step, taken when the use of the defiuite article was established, was to allow the half-noun and half-verb to have the article and so be declined like a 1wun in four cases, while it still retained its character as a verb. This last step was taken after Homer j but the earlier stages were already passed, more or less decidedly, before the Homeric period, so that they cannot be traced historically. Thus, althou~h the infinitive in Homer retained some of its uses as a dative more distinctly than the later infinitive, it is hardly possible that those who used tl1e Homeric language retained any consciousness of the original dative j for the infinitive was already established as an accusative and a nominative, it had formed its various tenses to express present, past, and future time, and it could even be used with O.v (683). Indeed, the condition in which the infinitive appears in indirect discourse in Homer seems utterly inconsistent with any conscious survival of its force as a dati\'e (see examples in 683).

743. The later addition of the article enhrged the uses of the in'finitive and extended it to new constrnctions, especially to the use with prepositions. It thus gained lL new power of taking adjuncts, not merely single words, hut whole dependent clauses. (See examples in 806.) In all the constructions which were developed before the article came into use with the infinitive, as when it is the suhjcct or the object of a verb, or follows adjectives or nouns, the infinitive continued to be used regularly without the article, although even in these constructions the article mi;;ht be added to elll phasise the infinitive more especially as a noun, or to enable it to carry adjuncts which would otherwise be cumbrous; in other words, all constructions in which the original force of the noun had become obscured or forgotten before the article began to be used generally remained in their original form. On the other hand, newer expressions, in which the infinitive was distinctly felt as a noun in the structure of the sentence, generally added the article to designate the case. 744. The subject of the infinitive, if expressed, is in the accusative. The most indefinite infinitive, so far as :it is a verb, must at least have a subject implied; hut as the infinitive has no person or number in itself, its suuject can remain more obscure than that of a finite verh. Thus KaA6v Jqnv d?rot:lav<t:v, it is

745]

INFI:\ITIVE AS SUBJECT, PHEDICATE, ETC

299

glorious to die, may imply a subject in any number or person, according to the context, while J:rro8vr/crKH<; or 6:rr~8av is restricted to thou or he as its subject. Still, in the former case, <hro8avw must have an implied subject in the accusative; and if this is not poiBted. out by the context, we can supply Tw<f or nv<fs, as sometimes appears when a predicate word agrees with the omitted subject, as in <f"Aav8pw1rov El'vat off (se. nva), one rnust be humane, Isoc. ii. 15, and opwvTa<; ~owv 8avEtV (se. nvds), it is sweeter to die acting, EuR. He!. 814. The infinitive of indirect discourse, which seems to have been developed originally by the Greek language, must always refer to a definite subject, as it represents a finite verb in a definite mood, tense, number, and person. Other infinitives, both with and without the article, may have a subject whenever the seuse demands it, although sometimes the meaning of the leading verb makes it impossible to express an independent subject, as in 7retpamt p.av8dvnv, he tries to leam. In general, when the subject of the infinitive is the same as the subject or object of the leading verb, or when it has been clet1.rly expressed elsewhere in the sentence, it is not repeated with the infinitive.l
A. INFIJ'\ITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE.

Infiniti,ve as SubJ"ect, PTedicate, m Appos,itive.

745. The iflfinitive may be the subject nominative of a finite verb, or the subject accusative of another infinitive. It is especially common as subject,of an impersonal verb or of rTT. It may also be a predicate nominative or accusative, and it may stand in apposition to a noun m the nominative or accusative. E.g. Lvvf.j31] a-lm{i eA8dJI, it hnppened to him to go. 0-&K. EJIE<TTt TOVTO
"lrotfjcrat, it is not possible to do this. 'A,%vaT6v ern TovTo "lrOt?}crat.
'E~~v a-&T<j) (L~l'Hv, he might have 1"C?nained (i.e. to remain 'Was possible

for him).
1

llEI: JLEvetv.

00 fL1Jl' yap n KaKov j3acnAEVEfLEV, for it

ras TOUTWV tbreLAas otlx 'ljrrov crwcppovltoucras 1j ilAAWP TO 1iort KOActtetv, XEN. An. vii. 7' 24 ; TO ev </Jpove'iv avrwv /UfJ.Ur0E, DEM. xix. 269 ; and el rij s 1rof.ews rOv71Ke TO TOVS MiLKOUvTas fJ.Lcre'iv, lb. 289. In the first case the parallelism between Tourwv and lit-Awv caused the anomaly ; in the second, avrwv has a partitive force, as if it were Tovro a&rwv fJ.LfJ.e'icrOe ; and in the tllird, 7rOA<ws is separated from the infinitive by the verb, and the idea is

A few exceptional cases are quoted by Birklein (p. 93) in which the infinitive with the article appears to have a subjective genitive, like an ordinary verbal noun, instead of a subject accusative, These are 'Y''Yvwcnw

whether the hatred of evil-doers has died out (i.e. disappeared from) the state. In none of these cases would a subject accusative be the exact equivalent of the genitive. For undoubted examples in later Greek,. see Trans. of Am. l'kil. Assoc. for 1877, p. 7.

300

THE INFINITIVE

[746

is no bad thing to be a king. Od. i. 392. 'Ad yap ~(3~ Tots y~povrnv
<O p.a(hfv. AEscH. Ag. 584.
IIo,\;(J yap pfi,ov ;xovTas cpvA.anetv

(Compare i. 23, quoted in 790.) 'Hov 1!'oAAovs ix8pov> xetv; Id. xix. 221. floK<t olKov6p.ov &ya8ov Elva~ 3 o l Kdv T~JV ~avTov olKov. XEN. Oec. i. 2. <l>1J0'2 OEi:v TOvTo 1l'O ~~O'a~, he says that it is necessary to do this. (Here 1l'O~~O'a~ as accusative is subject of oEi:v.) To yvwvat J1l'tO'T0fh1JV 1l'ov A.af3 Etv EO'TLV, to learn is to acquire knowledge (pred. nom.). PLAT. Theaet. 209 E. /E:vv(31] To(J<; 'A01Jva[ov<; 8opvf3178~vat, it chanced that the Athenians fell into confusion. THUC. v. l 0. 0~ cpaO'Kwv llvEKTOV Elvat gvyKi0'8at KpaTEi:v f3aO'tAa TWV 11'6AEwv. Id. viii. 52. (Here Kpanw f3aO'tAa Twv 1!'6AEwv is subject of gvyKE;;O'ea~, which is subject of Elva~, the whole being object of cpaO'Kwv.) Els olwvo<; llp~O'Tos, &p.vvEO'ea~ 1I'<pl 1l'aTp1Js, one omen is best, to fight for our country. IL xii. 243. For the subject infinitive in indirect discourse, see 751.

~ KT00'aO'ea~ 1l'avTa 11'cpvK<v. DEM. ii. 26.

Infinitive as ObJect.

746. The infinitive may be the object of a verb, generally appearing as the accusative of the direct object, sometimes as the accusative pf kindred meaning. Here belong (1) the infinitive after verbs of wishing, cmnmanding, and the like (not in indirect discourse), and (2) the infinitive in indirect discourse as the object of verbs of saying and thinking.
For the infinitive in indirect disc?urse, see 7 51.

ObJect Infinitive not in Indirect Discourse.

747. The verbs which take the ordinary object infinitive are in general the same in Greek as in English. Any verb whose action directly implies another action or state as its object, if this object is to be expressed by a verb and not by a noun, may take the infinitive. Such are verbs signifying to wish, ask, advise, entreat, exlwrt, command, persuade, compel, teach, leaTn, accustom, cause, intend, begin, attempt, effect, permit, decide, dare, p1ejeT, choose/ those expressing willingness, unwillingness, eagerness, caution, neglect, dangeT, postponement, forbidding, hindTance, escape, etc.; and all implying ability, fitness, desert, qualification, sufficiency, necessity, or their opposites.
E.g.
1l'O~~O'a.~,

Ato&<rKOV<TW avT0v f3riAAEw, they teach him to shoot. ~E,J,aeov TOVTO they learned to do this. BovAETo.~ A8Etv. Ilapawovp,kv O'OL

749]

ORDINARY OBJECT INFlNITIVE

301

'H w6A.ts KwoweVel. ota<j>Oap~var., .0.vvaTat chreA.Od:v. Tol:s ~vp.. p..cixots e<j>pa(ov 1vat i> TOll 'Icr8p..6v, they told the allies to go to the Isthmus. THUC. iii. 15. Lleop.at vp..wv crvnvwp..~)ll p..ot EXEIJ/. Elwe crTpaT't).{'OtJS iAcr8at, he proposed to choose genemls. 'Awa{'opevovcrw aVTot<; p..~] TOVTO wotFjcrat, they forbid them to do this (815, 1). Tl KwAvcret UVTOJI f3ao(etv 071'0t f3oVAETatj what will pTe-cent hirn from marching whither he pleases ? 'A~tw Aaf'-f3civetv TOvTo, I claim the right to take this. 'A~wvTaL eavetv, he is thmtght to deserve death. Ov 7rE<j>liKE OOliAevew, he is not born to be a slave. 'Avaf3r5.A.A.eTat TOVTO 7rotefv, he
wel8w8at. AlpovvTat woA.ep..efv.
the city is in danger of being destroyed.

Aaovs o' 'ATpetf!~)S d7roAVf'-a[vecreat &.vwyev, and the son of Atreus O?'dered the hosts to pu~ify themselves. Il. i. 313. BovA.of'-' y0 A.aov cr6ov Ef'-f'-EVat ~)' a7rOAecr8at, I wish that the people may be safe, rather than that they perish. Il. i. 117. ''E1ret8ev mhov 1ropevecreat. XEN. An. vi. 2, 13. ''Eoo~e 7rAelv TOV 'AA.Kt/3tr5.81)v, it was decided that Alcibiades should sail. Ta uc. vi. 29. <PvAaK~]v elxe f'-~T' h1r A.e t: v p..1)8va f'-~T' icr7rAel:v, he kept gua1d against any one's s,~iling out or in (815, 1). Id. ii. 69. T oFjTa f'-EAAH<; f'-1J o-& {'E{'WVl!TKHJI TO 7rav; why do you hesitate to speak out the whole? AEsCH. Prom. 627. This use of the infinitive is too familiar to need more illustration. The tenses <.:ommonly used are the present and aorist (87), for examples of which see 96 ; for the perfect see l 09 ami 110 ; for the exce])tional future see 113 ; and for the infinitive with &.v (seldom used in this construction) see 211. For !'-~ and !'-~) ov with the in:finitive (as used above) see 815-817.

postpones doing this.

748. The poets, especially Homer, allow an infinitive after many verbs which commonly do not take this construction. The meaning of the verb, however, makes the sense clear. E.g.
'OovpovTat olK6voe veecrea,, they ?JWU?'n (i.e. long) to go honw. Il. ii. 290. 'E7rw<fnlf'-1Jcrav 'Axawt aloercrea, lepFja, the Achaeans slwuted with applause, (commanding) that they should re-ce?'ence the priest. Il. i. 22. "Ocf>pa ns epptrrJCTt KaKii rH~at, that one m.ay shudder (d?ead) to do evil. ll. iii. 353. ''EKTopa p.e'i:vat f'-Otpa 7rE01)0'EV, Fate bound (jette?"ed) Hector to remain. Il. xxii. 5. For the infinitive of direct ol>ject after verbs of fearing and caution, see 373. For the infinitive (not in indirect discourse) after xpd.w and other verbs meaning to give o.n omcle, see 98.

749. When a noun and a verb (especially EcrT) form an expression which is equivalent to any of the verbs above mentioned (74 7), they may take the infinitive. Some other expressions with a similar force may have the infinitive. E.g.
'Avr5.yK'Y) icrTi 1rrl.vras d1reAOet:v. Klvowos ~~~ aimfi 1raee'iv TL, "OKvos icrTl f'-OL TovTo 7rOLFjcrat. <I>6f3os ecrTiv avT\~ A.(JefF. Ov p.d.vns elp.i Tci<j>avfj 1vwvao, I am not enough of a prophet to decitk, etc. EuR. Hipp. 346. (Here ability is implied in 1'-cfvns Elf'-[.) ''Ap.a~a Jv

302

THE INFINITIVE

[750

allTats ~v, KwAvJl-a oV<ra ('rds 1ruAas) ?TpoO"Bel:vat, a wagon, which prevented them f?orn shutting the gates. Tau c. iv. 6 7. So i1reyeveTo 8~ &A.A.ots TE &A.A.oBt KwAVfWTa 00 a.-&~TJ()fjvat, obstacles to thei1 incnase. Id. i. 16. (See 815, 1.) Tot:s o-Tpartwra.ts 6pt-t0 Jv1mn JKTetxia-at -ro' xwpov. Id. iv. 4. To dmpaAfS Kat f-tEVtV Ka.( atreABELV al v~es ?Ta.pe~ovO"w, safety both to remain and to depart. Id. vi. 18. ''ExovTa -rd)aa-eueO"Ba.t cpua-tv, ta}Jable by nature of being tamed ( =?TecpvK6ra. TtBaa-OJErr&at). PLAT. Polit. 264 A. Ts Wlxav1} f-"1} ovxt ?Tavra. KaTavaA.w&:fjvat ds TO Te8vavat; i.e. how can it be ef/ected that all thiugs shall not be destroyed in death? Id. Phaed. _72 D. (See 815, 2.) t:.ootKa f-t1J ?ToA.A.U. Ka2 xaA.e1ru ds dvayK?JV A.8wfLEV 1roteZv, lest we may come to the necessity of doing. DEM. i. 15. ''flpa a?TtEVat, it is time to go away (like XP1J &nevat, we must go away). PLAT. Ap. 42 A. 'EA.1roas fiXE -rovTo 1ro t~a-at ( = A.trCet TOVTO 7rOt.ija-at), he hopes to do this. But A.7rls TOV EA.eZv, Tauc. ii. 56 (798). OE (wvrES a[Ttot Oave,v, and the living are those 'who caused them to die. SoPH. Ant. 1173. 'We might also hale a.frtot TOV TOVTOVS ea.viv or a.[Twt TO TOUTOUS ()Ul'ELV. (See l 0 1.) So in phrases like 1rOAAOV (or f-ttKpoV) ow n-otElJI Tt, I want 1nuch (or little) of doing anything; trapa fl-iKptJII 1]A.8ov 7rOtEZv n, they came within et little of doing anything; where the idea of riuility, inability, or suJ!lciency appears: so in THuc. vii. 70, (3paxv yap a1rAt1rov 8w.Ko<nat ywa-8a.t. So EJ1-7rOOwv r 0 unp EO'T2v JA.()eZv ( = KwAuH Tovrov JA.8tv), it p1events him from going; where rov A.8ei:v may Le used (807). The infinitive depending on a noun is generally an adnominal genitive with the article Tov. See the examples above, and 798.

750. In laws, treaties, proclamations, and fonnal commands, the infinitive, is often used in the leading sentences, depending on some word like iioo~E, it is enacted, or KEAeVETat, it is C011Wl/lnded / which may be either expressed in a preceding sentence or understood. E.g. TafLa.s 8 Twv iepwv XPYJJl-arwv aZpeZv8at f-"EV EK Twv f-t<''([O'rwv TLf-tTJt-tdrwv T~V o a[pww TOVTWV Ka~ n)v 00Kip.a.a-a.v y[yvea-IJai Ka8a7rEp 1) r<~v O"rpaT'lJ"fWl' Jy-yvero, and (it is enacted) that treasunn of the sacred funds be chosen, etc. PLAT. Leg. 759 E. So in most of the laws (genuine or spurious) standing as quotations in the text of the orators, as in DEM. xxiii. 22: OtKaCetv o~ n)v El' 'Apd<p 1rdy'l! qJoJ!ov Kat rpaut-taro<;; EK 7rpovoas, K.r.A. See AR. Av. 1661. ''ETYJ o elvat TU> crtrovMs 7rEVT<fJKovra, and that the treaty shall continue fifty yeaTS. THuc. v. 18. 'AKovere AE~' roi.s otrA.lras vvvt-tevl dveAop.Evovs 8wtrX &.1rtva.t 7r<f.Aw otKaik AR. Av. 448.

Infinitive in Indirect Discourse.

751. ThP infinitive in indirect discourse is generally the object of a verb of saying or thinkin.IJ or some equivalent, expression. It may also be the subject of a passive verb of this class

755]

INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

303

(as AyEmt), or of such a verb as <PatvETat, it appea1s, or ooKEt, it seems (st'e 754). Here each tense of the infinitive represents the corresponding tense of the indicative (with or without av) or the optative (with av). (See 664, 2.)
For examples see 683 anu 689. For the variotw tenses of the infinitive with representing the indicative or optative with see 204-210.

av,

av,

752. Verbs of hoping, expecting, p1omising, sweaTing, and a few others of like meaning, form an intermediate class between this construction and that of 7 47. For examples of the infinitive (in both constructions) after these verbs, see 136. 753. I. Of the three common verbs signifying to say, <P>w is followed by the infinitive in indirect discourse, d:r.ov by on or w<> and the indicative or optative, while .\yw allows either construction. The active voice of Ayw, however, generally has on or ws.
~egularly

2. Exceptional cases of on or ws- after <Prw are very rare and strange: one occurs in LYs. vii. HJ, os- <PYJrrtv ws- Jyw p.iv r.apHrrn)KHV oi 8' o1Kra., J~np.voJ' Ta r.pp.va. See also XE~. Hell. vi. 3, 7, and PLAT. Gorg. 487 ]) (where a clause with on pl"ecedes <P1)>). 3. Cases of Elr.oF with the infinitive of indi1ect discour~e are less rare, but always exceptional. t-ee Il. xxiv. 113, xviii. 9, guutecl in 68:3 ; Hm. ii. 30; THUG. vii. 35; PLAT. Gorg. 473 A, dr.ov TO d8uaZv Tov 6.8tKEtrr8a, KdKwF etvat. A remarkalJle ca~e of o-0 p:1) with the infiJJitive after dr.E occurs in Eun. Phoen. 1590 (quoted in 296). Eir.ov and the active voice of .\yw take the infinitive chiefly as verbs of commanding (7 4 i).

754. After many verus of this class in the passive both a personal and an illlpersonal construction are allowed : thus, we can say Af.yeTa' Kvpo;; .\8eZv, CyTus is said to have gone, or Aeyemt TOJ' Kvpov f.A8e'iv, it is said that CyTus 1vent. l:,.oi<EW in the meaning 1 seem (video?) usually has the penonal construction, as in E11glish; as oDTOS' ooKE'i ElJ!at, he seems to be. When an infinitive with aJI follows a personal yerh like OoKw, this must be translated by an impersonal construction, to suit the English idiom : thus, OOKEL TLS' EXHV TOVTO must lie translated it seems that some one would have this, although ns- is the subject of OoJ<e~ since we cannot use would with our infinitive to translate

av

xnv &v. 755. When an indirect quotation has been introduced by a.n infinitive, a dependent relative or temporal clause sometimes takes the infinitive by assimilation, where we should expect an indicative or optative. The temporal particles ws-, on, E7rEt, E7rHO~,
as well as the relative pronouns, are used in this constructioiL Herodotus uses even El, ~f, nnd &6n, because, in the same way.

E.g.

304

l'HE INFINITIVE

[756

MeTd 8~, <1>s oiJ Tra-6wBat, IJ.Kea 8t(rpBat (..\eyov(n), and afterwards, when it did not cease, they say that they sought for remedies. HDT. i. 94. (Here we should expect ws ovK e7ra-6eTo.) '!ls, 8' riKoi!<Tat Tovs 7rap6vTas, 86pvf3ov yevf.<TBat (cpaulv), they say that, when those present heard it, there was a tumult. DEM. xix. 195. 'E7rELO~ yeve<TBat E71't Tfj olK'(Tfj 'Ay&.Bwvor;, (EcpYJ) aVE'/'f-1-EVlJV KaTaAap.f3avELV Ti]v 8-6pav. PLAT. Symp. 174 D. "E<P~! E71'EL01J ov EK{3-fjvat :r~v lfvx~v, 7rope-6efTBa. Id. Rep. 614 B. Sows cpavw8at, as it appeared, :l59 D. AyeTat 'A..\Kp.a{wv, O'TE 8~ J...\fifT()a avTOv, TOV '.A7rbAAW ra-6Tl]V T~JI y-fjv ~ ' .. ' " .,. ' ' ' ' XPiJCTa otKE11. T HUC. 11. 102 K at oa-a av f-1-ET ' EKHVWV f3 OVAEVEa-Bat, OVOEVOS va-npov yvwp.v cpav-fjva (cpaa-av). Id. i. 91. (HPre lf3ovA.evovTo would be the common form.) 'Hyovp.El'YJS 8~ J...\'YJ()e[a~ OVK av 7rO'TE cpa'ip.ev avTij xopov KUKUJJI aKOAovB~a-at, dA...\.' -&yies 'TE Kat o[Kawv -i}Bos, cp Kai a-wcppoa--6v'Y)V f'lrE(TBa. PM.T. Rep. 490 C. El yap 8~ oei:v 11'UV'TWS 7rEptBei:va /}).. AI! 'TEI' 'T~V f3aa-tA'Yj['l]v, (e</>YJ) OKat6npov elva M~owv TEI! 7rEptf3aAei:v TovTo, for if he was bound ( = el eoet) to give the lcingdorn to any other, etc. HDT. i. 129. El ifiv e?vat TrjJ Bel! TOVTO p.~ cpf...\ov, if this wme ( = et i}1') not pleasing to God. Id. ii. 64. So iii. 108 (el f-1-1J y[vea-Bat = el JL1J ey[vETO, had there not OCCUrred) ; Vii. 229 (el a7rOVOCTT-fja-at, if he Ju~d returned) ; ii. 172 (el e?vat, if he was); iii. 105 (d p.~ 7rpoA.ap.(3avetv = el P.Tt rrpoAap.(3&.votp.ev). Ttp.fiv "2ap.ovs e</>YJ, 8t6n T(~<f>-fjva o1 TOv rnt7r7rov OYJp.oa-v L'71'0 "2ap.wv. Id. iii. 55. 756. In some cases, particularly when the provisions of a law are quoted, a relative is used with the infinitive, even when no infinitive preceaes. E.g. EBYJKEV f.<ji ots E~EtVa a1I'OK'TVVVVa, he enacted on what conditions it is allowed to kill. DEM. XX. 158. Kai Ota 'TUVTa, av ns d7rOK'TEGVTJ nva, 'T~V f3ovA1JV OtKa(nv eypatfE, ~at ovx a7rep, av (iA.,O, dva ., and he did not enact what should be done if he should be comicted. Id. xxiii. 26. (Here e?vat, the reading of Cod. "2, is amply defended by the preceding example, in whieh all allow JteL'vat.) fJ.eKa yap /J.vopas 11'poa-EA.ovTo avTcp tvp.(3o-6..\ovs, avw i.Sv fl-1J dpwv dva d71'ayEw oTpanav EK n)s 7TbAews. THUC. v. 63.

oe

oe,

oe

757. In narration, the infinitive often appears to sta11d for the indicative. It depends, however, on some word like AeyeTat, it is said, expressed (or at least implied) in something that precedes. E.g.
'A7rtKop.vovs o~ To-ils Cf!olvtKas f.s (h) TO "Apyos TovTo, owTWEa-Bat Tov cpbpTov, and (they say) that the Phoenicians, when now they had come to this Argas, were setting out thei1 cargo fo1 S(t/e. Hm'. i. 1. (Here owT[Bea-Bat is imperfect.) "'AAA', ifJ 11'ai:," cpavat T<)v 'Aa-Tvay'l]v, "OVK dx06p.evat 'TUV'Ta 7rEpt7rAavrf>p.eOa." "'AAA6t Kat ere," cpavat "TOV Kvpov; "opw," K.'T.A. Kat TOV 'Aa-TvayYJV 7rEpea-Bat, "Kat TVL 8~ a-t TeKp.apop.Evos Ayets;" "''On a-," cpava, "opw," K.T.A.. IIpos .,-av.,-a S< Tov 'Aa-.,-vay'l]v el1re'iv, K.T.A. Ka Tov Kvpov EiTrei:v, K.T.A. XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 5 and 6. (Here all these infinitives, and twelve

759)

INFINITIVE AFTER ADJECTIVES ETG.

305

others which follow, depend on Aey<Ta~ in 4.) Ka~ TOY KEAEva-a' oovvat, and he commanded hilm to give it. Id. i. :3, 9. So in HDT. i. 24 the story of Arion and .the dolphin is told in this construction, the infinitives all depending on Aeyo'VO't at the beginning.

Infinitive after Ad:fectives, Adverbs, and Nouns.

758. The infinitive may depend on adjectives denoting ability, fitness, desert, qualification, sufficiency, ?'eadiness, and their opposites; and, in general, those expressing the same

relations as the verbs which govern the infinitive (7 4 7). The omitted subject of the infinitive is the same as the substantive to which the adjective belongs. B.g.
"A~tos

LlvvaTOS 'll'Ot<tv, able to do. LlEtvo~ Aeyetv, skilled in speaking. io-n TaVTa >..af3<'iv, he deserves to receive this. "A(;ws Tt(.Laa-Bat, worthy to be honoured. Ovx ol'os T< ?]v TOVTo U)el:v, he was not able to see this. ITpo8vJ-Ws A.eyetv, eager to speak. "ETot,uos Ktv8vvov v'll'o,uf.vetv, ready to endure danger. ~ ~t ,, ' ' , ~ eEf'-~!TTOKII.(}.1 tKaVWTaTOV Et'll'tV Kat' "fVWVat Kat' 'll'pa 10 at. L YS. ii. 42. Ai yap "1;'1l'pa~at oEtval a-vyKp{n{at Ta Towvra 6vd8ry. DEM. ii. 20. Kvp[av E'll'otrya-av i'll't,UAetu8at 'T~S <vTa~ttlS, they gave it (the Areopagus) power to superintend good order. Isoc. vii. 39. B1)v o~ dovvaTot ~a-av 'll'poa-<f;ep<tv. HDT. iii. 138. MaAaKol KapTep<'iv, too effeminate to endu1e. FLAT. Rep. 556 B. Ta7T'etV~ v,uwv 1) &avow y KapHpeiv (L f.yvwTE, you1minds are too dtdected to pe1'Severe, etc. TRue. ii. 61. (In the last two examples, ,uaAaKo and Ta'll'EtV~govern the infinitive by the idea of inability implied in them.) Xp~p.am 'l!'op(ttv ev'l!'op</JTarov yvv~. AR. Eccl. 236. "2:-o<j;wTepot 8~ (J"v,u<f;optis TUS TWV 'l!'eAas 'll'UVTES ow8pe'iv ry TVxas Tas oiKo8Ev. EuR. Fr. 103. 'E'Il'tUT~,UWV .\iyv TE Ka2 a-tyav. FLAT. Phaedr. 276 A. TaA.A.a Ei.p~(J"H~ v'll'ovpy<Zv ov'ta> rwas KaKOV<;. AR. Fac. 430. For examples of nouns followed by the infinitive in a similar sense, see 749. (See also 766.) 759. The infinitive after TOWVTos oio~ and TO(J"OuTo~ oo-os depends on the idea of ability, fitness, or sufficiency which is expressed in these combinations. The antecedent may be omitted, leaving oEos with the infinitive in the sense of able, fit, likely, and oo-os in that of sufficient. E.g . . TotovTot olot 'll'Wl')pov Ttvos f.pyov f.<j;ea-(Jat, capable of aiming at any vicious act. XEN. Uyr. i. 2, 3. TotaVT'-<S oi'as xn,uwvo<; TE a-Tynv Kat 8ipovs tKavas dva.t. PLAT. Rep. 415 E. ''E<f>8aa-E TO()"O"UTOV oa-ov ITax'l')TU UV"fVWKEVat T~ ..P~<f;ia-,ua, it came enough in advance (of the other ship) jo1 Paches to have already 1ead the decree (the fact that he had read it is inferred, but not expressed: see 584).

ov

THUC. iii. 49.

El7T'ev 6!,; f.yw elp.t olos

d< 'll'OT<

p.<Ta{3aAA<a-8at, that Jam (such)

306

THE INFINITIVE

[760

a man (as) to be always changing. XEX. Hell. ii. 3, 45. Ov yap 1)v wpa Ola TO 7rE0lOV ap8v, joT it was not the proper season to inigate the land. Id. An. ii. :l, 1:3. NEfhOfhEVOi Ta UVTWV EKafTTOi OfTOV dtro(';"jv, each Cltltivating thei1 own land enough (to an extent sufficient) to live upon it. THDC. i. 2. 'E.\AtrETO T;;s vl!lcT0s ofTOV fTKoTafovs 8td.fh!v To trEO[ov, the1e was left enough of the night fo? crossing the plain in the darlc. XEN. An. iv. 1, 5. This conf<trnction suggests at once the analogous use of ovTws WfTTE or WfTTE alone, iu tlw sense of so as, with the infinitive (see 59:3). Here, as witl1 WO'TE, the subject of the infinitive is not restricted as it is in 758.

760. In Homer, the pronominal adjectives Toi:os, TotofTOE, TOWvTo~, TOO'OS, T1)A[Koc;, and troios, without a 1-elative, sometimes take im infinitive in the same way (759); as 1Jf1-EZs o' ov Ti 7'0t0i UfhVVEfhEV, but we are not able to keep it off, Od. ii. 60 ; tro /.o L K' EtT' '08vfTfT'ijl. apvVEf~E)J; Od. xxi. 195. See also Il. vi. 463; Od. iii. 205, vii. 309,

vv

xvii. 20.

761. Certain impersonal verbs (like EVEfTTt, trpf.trtt, trpofT~K<t), which regularly take an infinitive as their subject (745), are used in the participle in a pe?'Sonal sense with the infinitive, the participle having the foJce of oue of the adjectives of 758. Thus Ta eJJovTa Eirr<ZII is equivalent to EVEO'Ti ELtrEZv, what it is pe?mitted to say; 'Ta 7rpOfT1)KOFTU P.,.lJ.~vut is equivalent to trp00'1)1<Ei P')fHjva,, whnt is proper to be said, as if it represented a personal COIJStructionlike TUVTU trpO(T't)KEi P')fJi)vat, these things n1e becominy to be said. E.g. KanO~JII TO trAfifJos Twv eFOvTwv dtrEZv, seeing the number of things that. may be said. Isoc. v. 110. T0v fJEov KaAEt o1>8v 7rpoO',jKovr' ev yoo1s trapafTTaTEtv, she'is calling on the God who ought not to be pnsent at lwmentations. AESCH. Ag. 1079. (ITpocn)KovTa is usetl like adjectives meaning fit, J.lTOper.) Pp a(, e7r<~ 1r p11w v :lcpv> 1rpo T<';;v8E cpwvE'iv. SoPH. 0. T. 9. So Ta 1)fJ.tJJ trapayyE>cfJvTa 8tE~EA () E zjJ ( = a 7rapryyyf:A()7J 1if.LtV OiE~EAfJEtJt). PLA'l'. Tim. 90 E.

762. In the same way (761) certain adjectives, like oKrHos, E'lrtKa[p,.os, f.tr,n)6Ho<;, troo~os, may be used personally with the infinitive; as 8/.,w.,6s EO'Tt TOuTo trotiii', it is right for him to do this (eguivaleut to 8,wt6v EfTTiV avTUII TOUTO 7r0iECJI). E.g. <Prwi 7rOAA<jJ fh1.(611WJ1 ETi TOI~TWII OW[JEW>' o[KaLO<; d:JIO,i TVY6. JJE' 11, I sa.y that I huve a. n:yht to nceive even faT gTeate1 1ewa1ds thnn these. D1m. x1iii. 5:3. 'E8oJ<ow etrLT'tJO<Wt (!J,a, J)T.E~atpEfJ{j llat, they seemed to be convenient persons to be disposed of. Tncc. viii. 70. 8Eparro!EfTfJat E7rtKa[pwt, important persons to be tal.en ca1e of. X~eN. Cyr. viii. 2, 25. TaoE TOtE~ O,VTWJI etr[oo~a YEVEO'fJat, it is to

be expected that this willnsultjrom, it. HDT. i. 89.

IIoAAol

e1r8o~t

TWLT0 TOUTO trd(TE(T ea [ EifTt, it is to be expected that numy will S?~ffer this same thing. Id. vi. 12 (for the future infinitive see 113).

763. Any adjective may take an infinitive to limit its

765]

INFINITIVE AFTER ADJECTIVES ETC.

307

meaning to a particular action; as alcr;xpov opav, disgmcejnl to look npon. The infinitive is here regularly active or middle, even when the passive would seem more natural. The omitted snbject of the infinitive (except when it is passive) is distinct from that of the adjective. E.g.
A1a-xpov yap nS8E y' a-T2 Ka.2 a-a-ofLvotcn 1rv8i;a-8a.t, for this is disgTacejul even for futuTe men to heaT. Il. ii. 119. SoIl. i. 107 and 589. Tovs yap 1nr~p ToVTwv Aoyovs f.J-<ot J-<f.v di'O.'}'KawTctTov<; 7rpOH7rE'iv ~'}'OVfLG.L, vp,Zv OE XP?'J(J"LfJ-WTdTOV<; dKova-a.t, i.e. most necessary for rne to speak, and most useful for you to hear. Dm1. xxi. 24. if>ofJ<pov 7rpoa-7roAEp,ija-at, a ter1ible man to fight against. Id. ii. 22. (OlKia) 1]8a-T?'J v8wtTaa-8at, a house nwst pleasant to live ia. XEN. Mem. iii. 8, 8. XaAE7rWTaTa <vp<'iv, hardest to find: pfia-Ta evTvyxctvHv, easiest to obtain. lb. i. 6, 9. (IToAtu[a) xaAE7r~ a-v('fjv, a fmm of government haTd to live under; aVOfLOS OE (p,ovapxa) xaAe;r~ Kat {JapvTdTTJ ~vvotKija-at. PLAT. Polit. 302 Band E. Aoyo> 8vvaTos KaTav o ij a-at, a. speech capable of being undentood (which it is possible to U1uleTstand). Id. Phaed. 90 D. '0 xpovos {Jpaxv> d~[ws (h-qy~a-aa-8a,, the time is too sho1t for narmting it prope1ly. Id. Menex. 239 B. 'H ooiis E7rtTYJOE[a 7ropEvop,f.vots Kat Aeyetv Kat dKoVetv, convenient bothfor speaking and for heaTing. Id. Symp. 173 B. IIoupov of. Aova-au8at fvxpoupov; which of the two (waters) is colder for bathing? XEN. Mem. iii. 13, 3. (Passive.) (KVvEs) ala-xpa2 opfia-8at (instead of opfiv). Id. Cyn. iii. 3. ''Ea-n 8' 0 Aoyos cptAa7rcx8~p,wv fLEV, pYJ8iJvat 8' OVK aa-Vfk<f>opos. Isoc. xv. 115. The infinitive with adjectives (here and in 758) shows distinct traces of its origin as a dative, though this origin was already forgotten. See 742 (end) and 767. 764. (a) The infinitive after the comparative with ?J depends on the idea of ability or inability implied in tl1e expression. E.g. Tii 'Yap voa-?'Jp,a p,E'i:(ov i] cpf.pctv, for the disease is too heavy to bear. SoPH. 0. T. 1293. (See 763, above.) 'H dv8pw7rLJJY} cpva-t<; da-BwEa-Tepa ~ Aa{J dv TEXVTJJJ ibv av V U7rnpos, hunw.n 1W.ture is too weak to acquire the art of those things of which it has no experience. PLAT. Theaet. 149 C. (See 758.) (b) ''Qa-T or w<; is sometimes expressed before this infinitive; as in XEX. Hell. iv. 8, 23, ifa-&oJJTO avTdV EAUTTW i!xovTa ovvap,w ~ W(J"TE TOVS cpAovs wq)EAE Zv' and Cyr. vi. 4, 17, TU<; aa-7r[Oa<; f'd(ovs i!xova-tv ?J WS 71'0LEtV Tt Kat opav. (See 588.) 765. The infinitive may l.Je used after adverbs which correspond to the adjectives of 763. E.g. Luv{JovAEVTO a.imiJ 7rW<; &v TOt<; fL~V ilvot<; KtXAAta-Ta. 1oci:JJ 7rOWtTo T?]v J~f.Aaa-,v, To'is 8 8va-fl'VEa-t <f>of:J<pJJ7aTa,' he took counsel with hirn how he might proceed forth in a manner most splendid for the friendly to behold, and most terrible for the indisposed. XEN. Cyr. viii 3, 5.

308

THE INFINITIVE

[766

'766. Certain nouns, which correspond il} meaning to adjectives wmch take the infinitive as in 763, may themselves have the same construction. E.g. eav/ha lof.cr8at, a wonderful thing to belwld (like 8avfacr-r6v loEcr8at). Od. viii. 366. See the examples under 7 49. 767. In Homer, verbs expressing excellence or .fitness sometimes take a limiting infinitive, like adjectives of similar meaHing. E.g. ,EK-ropo<; ~(lE yvv~, o<; aptcrTEVEcrK JJ-UXEcr8at, this is the wife of Hector, wlw was the .fint ( = dptcr-ro> ~v) in fighting. Il. vi. 460. 'Op:'JAtK{>]V EKEKa(J"TO opvt8us yvwvat Kat &va!crtjl-a fhV8~cratT8at, he excelled all of his age in knowledge of birds and in decla1ing fate. Od. ii. 158. Oi' npi JI-~V f3ovA1JV Llavawv, 7TEpi o' f(TT~ f1-UXE(J"8at, ye who excel the Damai in counsel and excel them in battle. Il. i. 258. (Here f3ovA~v shows that JhdXECr8at was already felt as a limiting accusative, notwithstanding its primitive force as a dative. See 763, and 742, end.)
768. Even in Attic Greek a limiting infinitive, like the Homeric infinitive just mentioned (767), is sometimes found. Especially dKovnv, aKovcrat, in sound, and opav, l8EI:v, in appearance, are used in this way. E.g. LloKEI:<; ovv Tt 8w.cppnv mhoV<; iod:v xaAKEWS cpaAaKpov Kat crfLKpov; do you think that they differ at all in appearance from a bald little tinker? PLAT. Rep. 495 E. 'AKovcrat 7rayKaAw~; EX<', it is ve1y fine to hear. DEM. xix. 47. ITpayfaTa 7rap~ovcrtv (oi t7r7TOt) E7rtji-EAEcr8at, the horses will be troublesome to tend. XEN. Oyr. i' 5, 46. 739. The Homeric use of dfo'tos, equal, like, with the infinitive belongs here. E.g. AEvKonpot Xtovos, 8EEtv 8' qvefJ-Otcrw OfhOLot, (horses) white1 than snow, and Wee the winds in swiftness Oit. to 1un). Il. x. 4:37. Ov yrip oZ Tt<; OJI-OLO<; E7T L(]"7TE(J" 8a t 7TO(]"tV ~EV, av8pwv -rpEmrdVT<lJV, for none was like him for following with his feet when rnen fled. Il. xiv. 5 21.

Infinitive of Purpose. 770. The infinitive may express a purpose. E.g.

Tpwwv /J.v8pa EKacrTov (El) JAo[fhE8a olvoxo<vELV, if we should choose every rnan of the T1ojans to be our cup-beaTers. Il. ii. 127. Xf.pvtf3a 8' dv<f>7roAos 1rpoxocp mix EvE cpf.povcra, v facr8 a', i.e. b?'ought and ]JO'IcTed water for washing. Od. i. 136. SoIl. i. 3:38, oos ayov, and Il. 107, 108. T~v J~ 'Apdov 7rayov f3ovA1)v E7recrT>)crav hrtji-EAE'icr&a, T~<; VKOCTJhtas, i.e. to guard good 01de1. Isoc. vii. 37. Oi lJ.pxovn<;, ov;; VJI-EL<; EtAcr8E a p X Et V ji-O'V, the 1'Ulers, whom. you chose to rule rne. PLAT. Ap. 28 E. LleKa 8 Twv VEWV 7rpo67r<Jhfav > Tov Jhf.yav Atfheva 7T AEvcra TE Kd Ka-racrKi.facr8a,, Kat K>Jpv~at, K.-r ..A., i.e. they sent them to sail and exrm~ine, and to proclaim, etc.. 'J'Huc. vi. 50. ToDs irr1ras r.apdxov-ro IlEA07rOVV')crot<; ~vcrTpaTEvov. Id. ii. 12. !Eivvf3'1crav Tot<;; IIAaTaLEvcrt 7rapaoovvat crcpas mhovs Kat -rO. o1rAa, XP~cracr8at

773]

INFINITIVE OF PU:RPOSE

309

0 TL av j3ovAwvTa, i.e. to do with the'fl~ whatever they pleased. Id. ii. 4. El j3ovAotpAJa Tljl bnTptfat i} 7l"at:oa<; 7l"a0VCTa ~ XP'lJf'-aTa owcrwcra L, if we should wish to entrust to a.ny one either dtildren to inst1uct or 11wney to keep. XE~. Mem. i. 5, 2. 8eicracr8at 1rap~v ras yvvaZKa<; 7l"LEZv <jJEpovcra>, wonwn b1inginq (something) to drinl,:. Id. Hell. vii. 2, 9. T~v 7r6Aw Kat T?JV aKpav qnAaTTV aVTOt'> 7rapEOWKav, they delivered the city and the citadel to them to guaTd. Ib. iv. 4, 15. "0> yO.p av VftUS AaBn, TOVTOV d<jo[ET roi:<; Owls KoAa[ov. DE)I. xix. 71. 'H e,!pa 'l Jp~ dvcpKTO dcrtvaL rr.iJ 00ji-EV'{i TL EfLOV. XEN. Hell. v. 1, 14. OuK dxov rlpy,!ptov e7rtcrtr[Ecr8at, tlwy had no nwney to buy pmvisions. IJ. An. vii. 1, 7. 'Aptcrrapx<fi 8on 'JfLEpav rl7roAoY'lcra0"8at, i.e. a day to defend himself in. Td. Hell. i. 7, 28. 'Ej~-Uv rov CTOL EfLftATUV 7rapEXLV ov 7ravv OEOOKTa, i.e. to pmctise on. PLA'l'. PhaeJr. 228 E. Ois EVEVOaLji-OVYjcra T o (3tos OfLo{ws Kat EVTEAEVT~crat tvvEftTp~8YJ, i.e. for enjoyment as well as for death. THUC. ii. 44.

771. Here, as in 763, the infinitive is generally active or middle, even where the passi\'C would seem more natural; as KTavEZv /;po vtv 8ocrav, tlwy gave her to me to be killed. Eun. Tro. 8 '7 4. 772. (a) The infinitive is thus used in pro.'e chiefly after verbs signifying to choose or appoint, to gi11e or take, to express the purpose for which anything is given or taken; and also after those signifying to send or br1:ny. (See examples in 77 0.) With the last class the future participle is still more common (840). A final clause after i.'va etc. may aho be use<l in the same sense.
(b) In poetry, the same construction occurs after verbs of motion, like Elftt, ~Kw, and (3atv<u; and also after dj~-[, E7rLft, and 7rapHftL (to be, to be at hand), expressed or understood. E.g. 'AA.A.a ns ;:17 d1rZv 'ATpdBv 'Ayafteftvovt, 7l"otp.vt Aawv, but let some one go to tell Agamemnon. Od. xiv. 496. B~ 8~ 81; v, and he started to ?'Un. Il. ii. 183. Ovol; T<; ECTTLV ap~v Kat Aotyov Uji-VVa, nor is there any one to keep off cuTSe and ?'uin. Il. xxiv. 489. lloAA.ol 8' av crot 'Axaw2 f.va.tpEf1-V ov K 01JVY)a, i.e. fo?' yon to slay whomsoeve1 you cnn. Il. vi. 229. 01, yap 1r' dv,']p olos 'O&vcrcrEJJ<; ~crKEv, ap d7l"o OCKOV dp.vvaL. Od. ii. 59. MavBavELV yap ijKOJl.EV, for we are come to leam. SoPH. 0. C. 12. (c) Even in prose, the infinitive occasionally occurs after dj~-[ in this sense, as in PLA'l'. Phaedr. 229 A, EKE( crKta r' crrt, Kat r.oa Ka8[cr8o.t 1) a1' (3ovAw/'-E8a. KaTaKAtB~vat, there is gmss to sit upon, etc. See also XEx. An. ii. l, 6, 1roAAal 8~ Kat 1rf.ATaL Kat al'-atat .fjcrav <joepEcrBat :fp?lfl-OL, i.e. they wen lift to be ca?Tied a'Way.

773. In Homer and HerotloLUs Elvat is often introduced to denote a purpose, where in Attic Gl'eek a simple Houn, connected directly with the leading verb, would be sufficient. E.g. 8wpYJKa, r6v 1roT oi Kwup'I)S OWK tEw~wv Elvat, :Le. 'Which they gave him as a present (lit. to be a present). IL xi. 20. ABov EZAEro

310

THE INFINITIVE

[774

XHpt 7raxdu, 'ToV p tiv8pe; 7rponpot (}f:O"aV f.ppevat ovpov dpo.Up'YJS,

which former men had placed (to be) as a boundary of the land. Il. xxi. 405. 6.ope'i:os Ka.TaO"T~O"as 'Ap7wf)epvm v1rapxov e lv at L.ap3wv. Hm. V. 25. So in the passive construction: r<iA.wv d7re3xB'YJ 7r<i.O''YJS T'lj> I1r1rov dvat t7r7rapxo>. Id. vii. 154.

774. Even in Attic prose, this use of 'lvat (773) sometimes occurs; as in DEM. xxix. 25, JLV~)fLOVeVOVO'tV dq,8EvTa 'TOVTOV f),n~8epov 'lva t ToTE, they 1emember his having been then 1nanumitted (so as) to be a freeman. So a1>YJaw aiJTii OYJJLo(rta e'lvat, he gives them up to be public PTO]JC1'ty, THUC. ii. 13. 775. The simple infinitive in Homer may express a result as well as a purpose, as W(J'TE is seldom used there in the sense of so as (589). It thus follows many expressions which would not allow it in Attic Greek. E.g. Ts T' ap 0"1>W< 8ewv ~ptOt ~VVEYJK JL<i.xe(J'&atj i.e. who b1ought them into cO?z/lict, so as to contend? Il. i. 8. So i. 151 ; and pt(f:p..evat, ii. 214. 'AA.X on O?J Ko[AYJ V?)V> ?)x8eTo 'TOUrt vf.e(J'&at, when 1ww thei1 ship wns loaded, so as (to be ready) to snil. Od. xv. 457. For the infinitive in consecutive sentences with W(J'TE or ws, and 1>' iJi or f.q,' i[JTE, see 582-600; 608-610. Fo!' the infinitive with 1rpv, see 626-631.
Absol~de

Infinitive. 1

776. The infinitive may stand absolutely in certain parenthetical phrases, expressing a limitation or qualification of some word or of-the whole sentence. 777. l. Most frequent are the simple ws E7ros .l1rei:v and w<; ei1rel:v, so to speak/ and ws ei1rel:v or ei1rEZv with an adverb or other adjunct, sometimes with an object. E.g. Kat ~pyov, ws E7r0<; d7rLV, 1) ov8ev6s 7rpO(J'0~0VTat ~ f3paxos 7r<i.vv, nnd of action, so to speak, they need eitheT none or very little. l'LA'l'. Gorg. 450 D. Plato uses ws E7ro<; Ei-71EtV 77 times. 'Qs d1rE l:v E1rO>, so to speak. AESCH. Pers. 714: so EuR. Hipp. 1162, Her. 167 (see Or. 1). '.\2s 8~ (J'VJJ'TDfLW> d1reZv, to spenlc concisely. Isoc. vii. 26: so PLAT. Tim. 25 E. 'Qs <Tvv<Aovn Ei1rEZv. XEN. Mem. iii. 8, 10. '.\2s El1rEtv. PLAT. Phaedr. 258 E: so Rep. 619 D. '.\2s 11'lrAw<; ehreZv, to speak simply. Isoc. iv. 15 4. '.\2s El' J<EcpaAa.['t' El7rEtv. PLAT. 8ymp. 186 C. 'Q., 'To oA.ov El1rEtv yf.vos. Id. Crat. 192 C. 'Qs r.t To 1rav El1rew. Id. Leg. 667 D. So ws 1rEpt OAYJ> el1reZv fvx?Js, Rep. 577 E. ''Qs ye To OtKato'TaTov El1rEZv. Id. Leg. 624 A. 'Qs 1roAtv el1reZv, spenlcing of a state. Id. Rep. 577 C. Without ws: To <TVJL7rav el7rEtv, HDT. ii. 91; Tnuc. i. 138, vii. 49. 'Es To dKpt/3> Eir.ew. Id. vi. 82. 2:vv BEiJ
1 See Griinewald, DeT fnieformelhajte Infinitiv der Lin~itation im G1iechisehen, in Schanz's Beit?age, Heft 6.

779]

ABSOLUTE INFINITIVE

311

rl7r<lv. PLAT. Prot. 317 B.

To 8' 6p8ov El7r<l:v, dv7rv<va-a, SoPH.

0. T. 1220. 2. Other verbs of saying are used in the same way with ws.
E.g. 's:ls Topi-:Js <f>paa-ai. AEscH. Ag. 1584. 's:ls iK Tov 7rapaxp'ljfwA.ynv. PLAT. Crat. 399 D. ''s:ls y< iv TiJ vvv 7rap6vn Aey<iV. Id. Leg. 857 C. 's:ls gv <f>pa(Eiv. IU. Polit. 282 B. 'Qs 7rpos VfLas Elpfia-8ai, Le. between ourselves. Id. Rep. 595 B. ''Ds y< 7rpos a- Elpija-8at TdA1)8(i. Id. Prot. 339 E. 'Ds f.v TV7r<(!, fL~ 8i' dKpif3<as, Elpija-8ai. Id. Rep.
414 A. For ws

AonJ <l7I"Etv in Herodotus, see

782.

or (less frequently) ws EfLO~ ooK<w means in my opinion, it seems to rne. Other similar expressions are (u)s) rlKaiJ'ai, to make a guess; (u),) IJ'vfLf3aAAELv, to competre, if we mety compare, (ws) dKoviJ'ai, to the eaT ; ws l8rZv or oiJ'ov l8,zv, to the eye, in appenrance , oiJ'ov ip. ElOevat, so far ns my knowledge goes; ws TEKfL'fJpaiJ'8ai, so far as one can judge. E.g. 'A.\.X lopoi !loKEI:v, Tax' ELIJ'H, but, rnethinks, you will soon know. AEscH. Pers. 246: so SoPH. El. 410. .AvT6x8ovES 8oKeHv J0o Ell]'t. HDT. i. 172. '.A7rE7rEfL7rETO 1) IJ'Tpan~, W<; EfLOL /lodov, J71't At{3V1)S KaTaiJ'Tpo<f>1l Id. iv. 167. il.oKELV /l' f.[Lo[. THUC. viii. 64 : so vii. 87. 'AA1)8ry, tfLotyE lloKdv. PLAT. Men. 81 .A. See Id. Rep. 432 B, ws Y" ovTwiJ't 86~ai. Xwpos oil' 1p(y;, ws dntKdiJ'ai. SOPH. 0. C. 16. 's:ls 8vpa&w rlKdl]'ai. EuR. H. F. 713. See HoT. i. 34. 's:ls fLu<pol' fLEyaA<tJ EiKaIJ'at. TRue. iv. 3fi. ~Once dKaiJ'at alone: SoPH. 0. T. 82. qYowp Y' f!v 7rpos v IJ'vfL!3rlAAov, i.e. to compare the waters oue with the other. HDT. iv. 50 (cf. gv 7rpos ev, THGC. ii. 97). "EIJ'Ti OE TOVTO OVTWIJ'~ fLEV dK OVIJ'Ui Aoyov nv' exov, i.e. on first hearing it. DE~L XX. 18. ''ATo7ra, ws ovTw y' dKoviJ'at. PLA~'. Euthyph. 3 B. qns YE vnv8Ev loEfv, as it looks f?'O?n this point. Id. Rep. 4:30 E. "01]'1]'0]1 ro,, V. SAPPH. Fr. 101. ''OI]'a y' w8' 18EtJI. AR. Pac. 856. Ovx, OIJ'OJI y t~' etohai, no, as far as I know. Id. Nub. 1252. See also Eccl. 350, o n Kfip,' dovat, and Thesm. 34, wcnE (i.e. ws n) d.[Lf.y' d8vat, in the same sense. ''s:ls YE TiJ71'ool TEKfL~paiJ'8at. PLAT. Phaedr. 230 B. See also ws y' J0o~ XPiJIJ'8at KpiTV, EuR. Ale. 801 ; ws YE KaTu. TJ)v JfL1JV 86tav a7ro</J~vaiJ'8at, PLAT. Polit. 272 D. See furtlJel, for

778.

'E0o~ 8oKEw

Herodotus, 782.

779. (a) Here belong dAtyov OEw and fLtKpov OEw, wanting little, almost, and the rare 7ro..\.\ov OEZv, faT jnYJn. E.g. IIoAAwv Aoywv ytyvofLvwv 6.\.f.yov OEtv Ka8' EKdiJ'rqv hKAYJIJ'f.av, when rnany speeches are made alnwst in eve1y assembly. DEM. ix. l. MiKpov OEiv OfLOLov f.IJ'Ti T0 6vEt8[(Ew. Id. xviii. 269: so Isoc. iv. 144, viii. 44, 89. ''lv' dll0T 7rOAAou OELV a~wv ovTa, that you may k1ww that he is faT jTom dese1ving, etc. DEM. xxiii. 7 (the only case of 7ro..\.\ov OEtll).

312

THE INFINITIVE

[780

(b) Here M:v is often omitted, leaving o.A..you or p.tKpov in the sense of almost. E.g.
'OA.{yov <f>povoo<; yeyf.v'YJp.at, I am almost gowmyselj, AR. Nub. 722, and fH Kp 0 V KaT'YJKOVnrrav a11'aVTa<;, they came near shooting them .all. DEM. xviii. 151.

780. In many expressions Eivat is used absolutely, and it often seems to us superfluous. The most common case is that of Kwv Elvat, so far as being willing goes, or willingly, used almost exclusively in negative sentences. E.g. OvTE avT6<; E</>'Y} EKWV el'vat 8oVAE1JU'nll. Hm.viii.ll6. SeeTauc.
ii. 89, vi. 14. 'EKwv yap dvat ovov fd!rrO!J-at, willingly I will te.ll no falselwod. hAT. Symp. 215 A. OvK <iJ~J-'YJV y< KaT' <lpxd.s Drro a-ov EKOVTO<; Elvat J~a11'aT'YJ8fJrrErr8at. Id. Gorg. 499 C. ('AvayK'Y} ixe.v) T?JV dfev8Etav Kat Td eKoVTas Elvat p:')8ap.ij 7rpoa-8xea-8at To tfEVOos. Id. Rep. 485 C: ~ee 336 E. One positive sentence occurs, HDT. vii. 164. 781. Other cases of absolute Etvat are To E11'i rr<f>as (11'i <Kdvot<;, E71'i TOVTOt<;, Ka.Ta TovTov) Etvat, so far as they were concerned, etc. Tauc. iv. 28, viii. 48 ; XEN. An. i. 6, 9, Hell. iii. 5, 9 ;-KaTa (El>) 8vvafktv Etvat, lSAE. ii. 32 ; PLAT. Polit. 300 C ;-KaTa TovTo dvat, so far as concerns this. Id. Prot. 317 A ;-T~v 7rpWT'YJY dvat, at first, HDT. i. 153. So especially TO vvv dvat, at present (TO belonging to vvv) : see Isoc. xv. 270; PLAT. Lach. 201 C, Rep. 506 E; XEN Cyr. v. 3, 42 ; also Td T~fJ-<pov tvat, to-day, PLAT. Crat. 396 E. In Aristotle's TO Tt ~F dvat, _the Etvat is probably absolute, and Ti ~v may be a "philosophic" imperfect (40), the expression meaning the original essence (the " what was it ? "). Two expressions have tiJ,: 0., 11'aAaw dvat, considering their antiquity, Tauc. i. 21 ; and ws y< 8taKovov<; <lvat 7TOAEw<;, consideTing that they were servants of a state, i.e. for servants, PLAT. Gorg. 51 7 B.

782. Herodotus has a remarkable variety of expressions of this kind. Besides those already quoted, see the following : T6 L1EA.Ta ea-T~ Kan5.ppvTov T< Kat vEwrrrl, 0<; A.oyq> d7r<tv, dva11'E</>"}vos, and recently, so to spealc, has appea1ed above water. ii. 15. ('!2>
AbJ'<p ciOTeiv is peculiar to Herodotus.) Kai w<; Jp.~ d! p.Ep.v~rr8at rd. nmember rightly what the inteTpreter told me, etc. ii. 125. \Q<; Ef.LE KaTavo<tv, as I understand it. ii. 28. '!2<; p.v vvv ev J.A.axtrrTq> 8'YJ A.wrrat, 11'aJ' dp'YJTat' w<; 8 Jv 11'Aeovt A.oy<p 8'YJA.wrrat, Gi8< i!xEt. ii. 24 and 25. METa 8~, ov 7ToA.A.<(i A.oy<p El11'<Zv, xpovo<; 8t<f>v. i. 61. '!2<; Jp.' U'VfJ-f3aA.A.ofJ-EVOV <ilprrKEV, so fa1 as I find by conjecture. vii. 24. '!2<; Jp.o SoKEH v rrv~J-f3aAAoftEV<p. iv. 87. 'il> Etvat TavTa rr~J-tKpa fJ-EyaA.otrrt fTV!J-f3&A.A.Ew, so far as I may (dvat) compare these small things with great ones. iv. 99 : see ii. 10. '!2<; 'Zd()a<; dvat, for Scythians, considming that they a1e Scythians. iv. 81. '!2<; <tvat Aly{J11'Tov,fo1 Egypt, i.e.for a land like Egypt. ii. 8. M<ya..\a EKn)rraTo XP~fJ-O.Ta ws O.v d'va.L 'Po8w11'w, she gained great sums of mowy for a Rhodopis. ii. 135. (The force of av is very doubtful

o pp.'YJV<V<; !J-Ot ~</>'YJ, so far as I

785]

IN COMMANDS, WISHES, ETC.

313

here; and 'Poow7rtv is often emended to 'Poounrws or 'Poow1rt, neither of which is satisfactory.) 783. The absolute infinitive was probably felt as a limiting accusative ; and in An. Pac. 232, e~tevat yvwfh'YJV f1-0" fhEAAn, we might substitute EfhOL ooK<i:v for yvwf1-1JV Efl~v.l 'fls as used here can hardly be expressed in English ; but it resembles some uses of wa-TE and ws with the infinitive after acljectives in 588. It cannot be demonstrative, as might be supposed from our inadequate translation of ws d1rEi:v, so to speak.

Infinitive in 001n1nands and Prohibitions for the Impemtive. Infinitive in Wishes and Exclamations.
784. 1. The infinitive is sometimes used in the sense of the second person of the imperative, especially in Homer. E.g. T<iJ vvv fl~ 1ron Kat a-v ywatK[ 7r<p ~1rws {vat !"~ o1 flV8ov a7rai!Ta 7rt<j>aV(1"KEflEV, Oil K' EU El?h)s, dA.A.a TO flEV <f>aa-8at, TO 8 Kat KEKPVf"fhEVOJJ dva t, now thetefo?e be thou nevet indulgent to thy wife, etc. Od. xi. 441. So Il. i. 20, 582, ii. 10, xvii. 501 ; Od. x. 297, xi. 72, xvii. 278, xviii 106, xxii. 287. OTs fl0 7r<Ad.(<-tJ!, do 1wt appToach these ( = fl1J 7rEAa(E). AESCH. Prom. 712. IIpiv 8' av TEAVT~fTrJ, E7rtfTX,EZv fl1}0E KaAEEtV KW oA(Jwv, wait, and do not yet call hirn happy. HDT. i. 32. LV of. TUS 7rVA.as dvot~as D1l'EK8Ei:v Kat f7rE{y<rr8at, and do you open the gates, and tush out and press on. THUC. V. 9. 'Eav oio{ TE YWWflea d,p.Zv, <f>avat ?)flaS efEvpryKevat, say that we have found it. PLAT. Rep. 4 73 A. TovTo 1rap' Vfli:v avToZs f3f3aiws yvwvat, undentand this in you1 ownrninds. DEM, viii. 39.
2. In the cases of the second person just given (1 ), the subject is in the nominative. But when the infinitive is equivalent to the third person of the imperative, its subject is in the accusative, as if some word like o6s, grant, were understood. E.g. El flEV KEV MwAaov 'AA.~aJ!Opos KaKa1rE</>JI'{), avTOS 'EAvryv EXETW' Et of. K' 'AA.~ai'Opov KTElV1] M<vEAaos, Tpwas f1l"He' 'EA.Ev'Y)v U1r08ovvat, i.e. let him krep Helen himself,-and let the Ttojans surrender Helen. Il. iii. 281-285. Tn~x.m rrvA.~rras </><pETW, a-wfla 8~ ofKao' EflOJ! OOf"EJ!at 1raAtv (se. avTov). Il. vii. 78. These examples follow the construction of the infinitive in wishes (785). 785. The infinitive with a subject accusative is sometimes used for the optative in the expression of a wish referring to the future. This occurs chiefly in poetry. E.g. Z<v 1ranp, 1) Atava Aaxei:J! ~ Tuoos v16v, Father Zeus, rnay the lot fall on Ajax or on the son of Tydeus ( = A1'as Aax.ot). Il. vii. 179. Z<v ava, TryAipax6v fl-0 EV UJ!Opaa-w oA(3wv elvat, Kat oi 7/'avTa ycivotO'
1

See Grllncwalu, page 17.

314

THE INFINITIVE

[786

ocrrra <f>pwv VCTG p.evow~ (eivat =dry is followed by ykvotTo). Od. xvii. 354. M~ 11'ptv e11'' 1)f.A.wv ovvaG Kat J11't Kve<f>ar; U8e'iv. Il. ii. 413. Ale o TOGawav aio-av OtaKplvov E'l"VJLOV A.6yov dv&plil11'WV. Pr:m. Py. i. 67. ewi 1/'0AITU.G, JL~ JLE oovA.da<; TVXELJI ( = fL'l T-6XOLfJ-t). AESCH. Sept. 253. !::..~JLYJTEp, e-&oaGfLOVELV fLE 8YJCTEU. TE 11'aZ0' f.p.6v. EuR. Supp. 3. 'EpfLa 'p.11'oAa'ie, Tuv yvvaiKa Tuv Jp.av ovT~J p.' cho86o-8at niv T' ep.avToV p.u.Tf.pa, 0 that I could sell my wife and rny moth!!T at this Tate! AR. Ach. 816. "Q Zev, EK)'EVE(]"eat p.ot 'A&ryvatov<; Tto-a(]"&at, may it be peTmitted me to punish the Athenians. HDT. v. 105. '0K6npot 8' llv ~p.f.wv VtK1JCTWO"t, To-6Tov<; niJ a1rcLvn (]"TpaTo71"EOi.p vtKav, i.e. let theiT victoTy count joT the whole anny. Id. ix. 48. This coustl'uction, like the preceding (784, 2), is often explained by an ellipsis of oo<;, gmnt; see Il. iii. 351, 00<; Tt(]"a(]"Oat. Aristarchlis supplied yf.votTo or et1J.

786. In two passages of the Odyssey, we find the infinitive in a wish introduced by ar yap, once in the sense of the optative and once in that of a past tense of the indicative, with the subjed (understood) in the nominative : Ai: yap, TOLO<; EWJI oio<; EO"O"t, . . . 71"UL0a T' Ef1-1JV E,'<.f.fHV Kat EfJ-OS yaf1-f3po<; KaAf.e(]"Bat, 0 that, being such rts yO'It now nre, yon rnight have ( = E!xot<;) my daughtm and be called my son-in-lcvw. Od. vii. 311. Ai: yap, alas N~ptKOV eTAov, . . . TOLOS' EWJI TOt x8t(o<; c</JECTTcLfMJIU.l KU.t UfL1JJIHJI aJJOpa<; fLVYj(]"T1)pas Tcf KE (J"</JEWJI yo-6vaT' EAvCTa, 0 tha.t I had stood by you yesterday and had punished the suitors; then would I have loosened thei1 knees. Od. xxiv. 376. So also AEscn. Cho. 362-366,368. Tl1ese passages agree in construction with the second person of the infinitive in commands (784, 1).

787. The infinitive, with its .subject accusative, may be used in exclamations of surprise or indignation. E.g. 'Ep.e 1T"a&<l:v ni8c., </Jev, Jp~ 71"aAat6cppova, Kanf n yav olKeZv, ,J.T[erov, </J<v, fJ-1JCTo>, that I should sujfeT this, alas! I, with rny thoughts of
old ; and that I should dwell in this land, alas ! an unhonou1ed plague ! AESCH. Eum. 837. 'AA.A.a T0-6(]"8' EfLOt p.a.Tatav yAWCJ"(]"UV w8' d11'av8(]"at KaK(3aA.e'iv E71"YJ TowvTa, that these slwuld thus cast at nw the flowers of their idle tongues, etc. Id. Ag. 1662. "Q ovo-raAawa, rot<fB' llvopa XPYJO"tfLOV </JwJiel:v. SoPH. Aj. 410. TowvTov Tpf.</Jov K-6va, to keep a dog like that! AR. Vesp. 835. Tovrov B~ -!Jf3p(ov dva71" Jl l V 0~, and that he should ue thUS insulting, and should dTaW his breath! DEM. xxi. 209. Compare Mene incepto desisteTe victam! VERG. Aen. i. 37. This jufinitive often has the article T6 (805).

B. INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 1

788. It has been seen that the infinitive without the article
1

See Gildersleeve, Contributions to the History of the Articular Inji;niti1;e,

nsJ

11'\FIKITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE

315

was already established in the Homeric language, in nearly all the constructions in which it was most frequently used in later times. In this simple form it developed its various tenses, and their uses became fixed, especially in indirect discourse; so that the infinitive gradually came to be more of a verb and less of a noun. \Vhen the definite article had become common with nouns, it was soon prefixed to the infinitive, which thus, with all its attributes as a verb unimpaired, was restored to new life as a neuter verbal noun. 1 As a nominative and accusative, it could be used with TO in all the constructions in which the simple infinitive was already familiar as subject or object, although here the older form was preferred except when it was desired .to emphasise the infinitive especially as a nominative or accusative. But in other constructions (especially in the genitive, dative, and accusative with prepositions), and in its wonderful capacity for carrying dependent clauses and adjuncts of every kind, the articular infinitive appears as a new power in the language, of which the older simple infinitive gave hardly an intimation. As might be expected, the articular infinitive found its chief use in the rhetorical language, as in Demosthenes and in the speeches of Thucydides. It appears first in Pindar (for TO in Od. xx. 52 and Hl~S. Frag. clxxi. can hardly be the article), bnt always as a subject nominative, with one doubtful exception. In the dramatists and Herodotus 'it is not uncommon, being generally a nominative or accusative with T~, although it occurs also as a genitive or dative with Tov or Tcf ; and it is found even with prepositions. In Thucydides (especially in the speeches), we find the nominative, accusative, genitive, and dative all used with the greatest freedom (in 135 cases), besides the accusative, genitive, and dative with prepositions (in 163 cases). Its fully developed power of taking dependent clauses must be seen in the Orators, especially in Demosthenes. 2
in Trans. of A m. Phil. Assoc. for 1878, pp. 5.19 ; and The Articular bif!nitive in Xcnophon a,nd Plato, in Am. Jou1. Phil., iii. pp. 193 -202; Birklein, Entwiclcelu,ngsgcschichte des suvstantivirten bif!nitivs, in Schanz's Beitrage, Heft 7. , 1 "Bv the substantial loss of its dative force the infinitive became ver balized ; 'by the assumption of the article it was substantivized again with a decided increment of its power." Am. Jour. Phil. iii. p. 19fi. 2 See the statistics given by Gildersleeve in the Am, Jow-. Phil. viii. p. 332. It appears that the average JJumber of articular infinitives in a 'J'eubner page of Demosthenes is 1. 25 ; of the speeches of Thucydides, 1. 00 ; of X eiJOjllwn {whole), 1.02; of Isocrates, .60; of Antiphon, .50; pf Aeschines, .30; of Andocides, .20; of Isaeus, .25; of Lysias, .12. Hypereides even exceeds Demosthenes. For the actual number of articular infinitives in each author before Aristotle, see Birklein"s table, p. 91.

316

THE INFINITIVE

[789

Articular Infinitive as SubJect

01'

ObJect.

789. Although the infinitive, as subject or object of a verb, generally stands without the article, the article may be prefixed to make the infinitive more prominent as a noun in the structure of the sentence. 790. The infinitive with To may stand as a subject, especially
of i.a-Tv. E.g.
To yvwvat J.,na-T~/1-YJV 1rov A.a(Jefv i.a-rtv, to learn is to acquire knowledge. PLAT. Theaet. 209 E. otKYJV OtOovat 7rOr<pov 7raa-xH v 7[ i.a-nv ~ 1ro teZv; Id. Gorg. 4 76 D. (In the last two examples the subject infinitive has the article to emphasise it, while the p1edicate infinitive stands alone.) To o~ 1ra8eZv fi; 1rpwTov &.8A.wv. PrND. Py. i. 99. Ol!Tot ~8v i.a-n TO if XH v xp-fJ/1-aTa ovTws tiJs dvtap6v TO d1ro(JaA.A.Hv. XEN. Cyr. viii. 3, 42. IToA.MKts ooKeZ Til <j>vA.a~at Tdya8a TOV KT~rrarr8at xaA.emvrepov eCvat, to keep advantages often seem8 to be ha?der than gaining them. DEM. i. 23 (et: ii. 26, quoted in 745, for both construction and sense). TovTo a-n TO dotKeZv, TO 7rA~ov TWV aAAWV [YJTELV i!xew. PLAT. Gorg. 483 C. 'AA.X Ol!l-at, vvv !1-~V i.1rta-KoreZ TOVTots TO KaTop8ovv. DE~!. ii. 20. To yap 8avaTov 00tEvat ovo~v aA.Ao Ea-Ttv ?) OOKELV a-o<f>~v dvat 11-~ OVTa" OOKtV yap doevat E(J"TtV OVK oloev. PLAT. Ap. 29 A. See also 29 C. I~ will be seen by comparison that most of these examples would admit the construction without the article by making the infinitive less prominent as a su~ject nominative. Compare ol!n KAaetv ol!T' oovpw'()at 7rp~7rH, AESCH Sept. ,656, with TOtS 8' oA.(Jots ye Kat Tii vtKaa-8at 1rpe1ret, Ag. 941.

791. The infinitive with TO can stand as an accusative of the direct ohject, sometimes as an accusative of kindred meaning. The relation of such an infinitive with To to the verb is often less close than that of the simple infinitive in a similar case (see 811). E.g.
TA~rro11-at TO KaT8avet:v, I shall dare to die. AESCH. Ag. 1290. "Ea-nv ns, rrnv, os (J"f KWAVa-H TO opav, who will prevent you jTOrn acting. SOPH. Ph. 1241. So E7rUJ"7rEVOEW TO opav, El. 467. a-1revoov o (]"Ot 1rapaww. Id. Ph. 620. To opav oDK 1}8f.A.YJa-av, they weTe unwilling to act (would not act). Id. 0. C. 442. To o' ail ~VVOtKELV Tfjo' 0!1-0V TLS ll.v YVV1J ovvatTo, what wonw.n would be able to live with heT? (to live with her-what woman could do it?). Id. Tr. 545. T0 i1r0 ol'vov 11-1) rr<j>aA.Aw8at E7rt/1-EAe'irr8at, to take care not to be upset by wine. XE::-<. Rep. Lac. v. 7. AlrrxvvovTat TO TOA/1-av. PLAT. Soph. 24 7 C. 2;vve8Cea-8at Tas 'fvxa'is TO T~v 7raTptoa </>tAeZv. LYCURG. 1,00. Kat 7rWS ory TO dpxtxov> lvaL dvBp07rWV 7ratClEVH>; XEN. Oec. xiii. 4 : see also ix. 12. (So 7ratOEVW nva rt.) 'E?rf.a-xov TO evBew> TOt> 'ABYjva[ots E7r t X ope 'iv. THUC. vii. 33 (cf.

To

794]

ARTICULAR INFINITIVE AS SUBJECT OR OBJECT

317

TOVTO J7r~(Txov, ii. 76). OilS TO TV xnp~ 7rd8op.at TO opav, nor arm I persuaded by your vwlenee to act (as you bid me). SoPH. Ph. 1253 (cf. oil 7rd8op.a[ (TQ TO.VTa). KapOlac; EgwTap.a T(, opav, I withd?aw from my resolution (i.e. I consent) to do it. Id. Ant. 1105 : cf. <f>povEi:v fJ-<Tf:yvw, i.e. clu:Lnged his purpose (and resolved) to contemplate, AESCH.
Ag. 221. For Tb 11'~ oil with the infinitive after negatived verbs in this construction (e.g. AR. Ran. 68), see 815, 2, and 814.

792. The infinitive with TO as an object accusative may follow verbs which would not allow the simple infinitive in its place.
E.g.

T6 TEA<vT~(Ta 1ravTwv 'l 7T'c7rpwf-f.v1J KMeKpw<, TiJ 8~ KaAbk a7ro8avtV towv TOtS (T71'0VOa[oc; a7T'EVE0EV, Fate condemned all mankind to death; but a glorious death she reserved for the virtuous. Isoc. i. 43. M6vov opwv TO 7T'a{Etv TOV a),(TK60EVOV, seeing only the beating of the captive. XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 21. T6 p.~v dvof.Hv TE Kat 7rpoopav llyap.a[ (TEV. HDT. ix. 79. The double character of the articular infinitive, as noun and verb, permits it to stand as an object wherever the object accusative of a noun would be allowed.
793. A few of the verbs included in 74 7, which govern the genitive of a noun, allow also the genitive of the infinitive with TOv (798), as well as the simple infinitive. This applies chiefly to UfJ-EAw, E7rtfJ-EAeoJLa, and to the verbs of hindrance etc. included in 807. E.g. 'AfJ-EA?J(T<lS TOV 6py(c(T8at. XEN. Mem. ii. 3, 9. (But dp.<A~(Tas A.f.ycw, PLAT. Phaed. 98 D.) Most verbs of desiring and neglecting take only the simple infinitive. 'E7rtfJ-<Aeop.at, which usually takes o1rws with the future indicative (339), allows also the simple infinitive (TRue. vi. 54), the infinitive with T6 (XEN. Rep. Lac. v. 7), and the infinitive with Tov (Id. Mem. iii. 3, 11). (See 361, 791, and 798.) 794. The infinitive of indirect discourse after verbs of saying and thinking sometimes takes To. Here each tense uf the infinitive preserves its time, and even the infinitive with llv occurs. E.g. "'HfJ-EV 8' ETOtfJ-0 8wvs opKWfJ-OTEtV TiJ 0~7'f Opa(Tal 0~TE T<f! Evv<0Evat TO 1rpayll'a {3ovAcV(Tavn, to sweaT that we neitheT had done it (8pa(Ta0<v) no1 weTe in the secret (fvvt0'0w) of any one who had plotted the deed. SoPH. Aut. 264. 'E~op.<t TiJ 0~ d8f.vat; will you swear tlu:Lt you have no knowledge? lb. 535. Ka1 TO 7rpoH'Ovat y< TOV e.ov T6 0f.AA.ov Kat To 7rpO(TYJ0avHv ~ {3ovA<Ta, TovTo 7raVT<> KaC A.~yoV(Tt Kal vo0{Covcnv. XEN. Ap. 13. See also Hell. v. 2, 36 (814). (With llv.) T-qs f.A1roos yap pxo0a' oopayp.f.vos, ,.(> 0~ r.a8Ev ll.v aAAo 7T'lc~V TO fJ-6p(TtP-OV, for I wrne clinging to the hope that I could suffer nothing except what is fated. SoPH. Ant. 235. For the articular infinitive with O.v in other constructions, see 212.

318

THE INFINITIVE

[795

Infinitive with

rro

after Adfectives and Nouns.

795. In some constructions in which the simple infinitive appears to preserve most distinct traces of its origin as a dative, especially after adjectives or nouns (758; 763; 766), the articular infinitive takes To as au accusative. E.g. To 8 (3q.. 1roAmvv 8pav <{lvv dJL~xavos, but I am helpless to act
in defwncc of the citizens. SoPH. Ant. 79. MaKpos To Kptvat -ravTa xw AOt7r6s xp6vos, a long tirne to settle this. Id. El. 1030 (cf. xp6vo<; f3paxv> OtYJY1]a-aa-Bat, a t~ine short for narrating, under 763). To 0~ j3Ae7rEGv ~To[fLa, ready to cease beholding the light. lb. 1079 (see 758). To rrpoa-TaAat7rwpeZv o,}8e~c:; 1rp6Bv0o> qv. THuc. ii-. 53. To fLEV ~<;; n]v yryv 1JfLWV f.a-{36.AAEtv, K<1v p.-~ EK7rAevrrwp.ev, LKavo[ dO't. Id. vi 17. 'E,8ovmfpwB' ooe Kpwv To 1rp6.0'trELV KaiTo fJovAev<tv, he is here at the 1ight moment to act and advise. SorH. 0. T. 1416. AtTw<; TO d7roKpvetrf3at fL1J TOVTO. FLAT. Lach. 190 E. (This is rare, but see DEM. viii. 56, ix. 63. Arno> generally has the infmitive with Tov, 798, or the simple infinitive, 749.) 'H vavp.-axa o,}xi '8tKaav <!xet TEJ(jLaptrtv TO EKcpoj3rjtrat, the seafight offers no just g1ound for alarm. THuc. ii. 87. Ovo TOV~avt trTavat EO'Ti Baptros, no1 have I coumge to remove you. SoPH. 0. C. 47. The exact force given to these accusatives by those who nsed tl1em is not always clear ; but tl1ey come nearest to the accusative of respect or limitation (as eloos KaAAttrTo<;, rnost beautiful in form). Sometimes the infinitive with T6 has this force, where the simple infinitive could not be used; as in LYCURG. 91, f.,.e[ YE TO f.A.Be~v TOVTov, OLJLaL 0E6v TLVa mh6v E7r' avn)v dyayEtV 'n)v np.-wpav,jm, as to his depa1tu1e, I think that some God led him directly to pltnishment.

tre

796. We occasionally find To with t11e infinitive in the :\hs. in a similar loose construction, where we should expect the infinitive with Tov or Trij in apposition with a preceding genitive or dative. See THUC. vii. 36, -rfi 1rp6npov dp.af3[q.. OoKova-17 elvat, TO avT[7rp'{>pov ~vyKpovrrat, and viii. 87, KaTa(3o(js evEKa TYJS f.s AaKeBap.-o!'a, To Ayetr6at til<; ovK d'OtKeZ, where most editors now read T<jl and TOV against the Mss. But Birklein defends the M~s. readings by HYPER. Epitaph. 2, d~tov 8( JtrTW JrratvEtv T1)v p.-ev 1roAtv ~fLWV r(js 7rpoatpo-ewc:; EVEKEV, TO 7rpoeAtr8o.t OfLOta, . . . Tovs 8 TETAEVTYJI<OTa<; TYJS dvopEas, To p.-~ KaTattrxvvat Tas Twv 1rpoyovw1' dpeTris, where the two infinitives with To explain 7rpoatpEtrEW> and dv'Ope[a<;. (See 804.) 797. The infinitive with To appears in its greatest variety of meanings in the construction of To 01) or To p.-1] ov after verbs implying a negative (811). See also 813 and 814.

799]

INFINITIVE WITH

rov, rep,

AND

'TO

&19

Infinitive with roD, rrj), and as a Noun, in va1ious Constructions.

ro,

798. The infinitive with Tov appears as an adnominal genitive, a genitive after verbs and adjectives and with comparatives, a partitive genitive, a genitive absolute, and a genitive expressing cause, purpose, or motive. E.g.
To v 1r tE i:v ~7rt8vtt[a, the desire to drink. THt;C. vii. 84. II6vovs 'TOV (qv ~7oews ~Yf-LOVO.S VOJ-L('1". XEN. Cyr. i. 5, 12. IIpos n)v m5A.tv 1rpoaf3aA.ovn<; s A7r[Oa ~A8ov 'TOV Udv, i.e. hope of taking the city. Tauc. ii. 56 (see 749). To yap V 1rprhnw 1rapa n)v &~fav a<f>opf-L~ 'TOV KaKw<; <f>poVtV TOt<; avo~'TOtS y/ynTat, fm doing well beyond thei? dese?ts sets fools to thinking ill. DEAf. i. 23. 'H o owyvwf-L'7 avTYJ 'TYJ> EKKAYJITLas 'TO V Ta<; <T1rovoas AA11~r8a,, this vote of the assernbly that the treaty lwd been broken. Tau c. i. 8 7. See XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 4. Llo~T atTLOl Elvat, ap~avn<; TOV Otaf3avHv, by having begun the passage of the 1ive1. XEN. An. i. 4, 15. 'Op/'Df-LVOl Tov 7rpWTo<; i!.KaO'TO<; y y v w ()at, being eager each to be jir.1t. TRue. ii. 6 5. ITap<KcLAH E7rlJ-LEA.ia-{)a, Tov w<; cppovtp.w'TaTov dvat. XEN. Mem. i. 2, 55 ; so iii. 3, 11. (See 793.) 'E7l'E()"XOf1-V Tov OaKpvHv, we ceased to weep. PLAT. Phaed. 117 E. (See below, 807.) Kat 'Yap &~OH> Tov KaTaKov<tv nvos El,()"tv,fO? they are unused to obeying any one. DEM. i. 23. See xxix. 17. ,, A~ws O.VTOZ> EOOKH<; lVal T 0 V row vi ,h 0 VL v. Id. xxi. 134. Tous Kap7rov>, oi' Tov f-L'l OYJptwow> t'iv ~]ttas at'not yEyovacn, the fruits of the emtl~, which are the cause of our not living like beasts. Isoc. iv. 28. Ka'T'Jpa!Ta'TO 'T<fi alTcp roil f-L~ 7TaAal a7T0000IT0at rov jU()"Bov, he cursed hirn who was responsible for the wa:;es not having been paid long before. XEN. An. vii. 7, 48. (AEnos may tnke the simple infinitive and even the infinitive with 'TO. SeP. 74() ancl 795.) IToAAaKt<; OOKEt 'TO cpvA.a~al rdyaea rov Kn/a-aa-Bac xaA<71'WTpov tJIO.l. DEM. i. 23. So XEx. Cyr. i. 5, l :3. NEots To ITt'Yav Kp<Zrrov a-n 'TOV AaA<tV. 1hx. Mon. 387. Tov eapa-ELV TO 71'AeZa-rov EiAl)r:f>on<;, i.e. hnv;:ng become most e1nboldened. Tauc. iv. 34. Ovo~v o1;,. dvato{a> oun Tov lfEVOt:()"Ba 7rapaAetfH. DEAL xxxvii. 45. Eis rouT' EA~AvB TOU VOJLi(ov. Id. xxii. 16. f-L/'aAov f.pyov OVTO> TOU f.av'T0 rO. OEOVTO. 7rapa()"KEVcLtuv f-L'J apKeZv TOVTO. XEN. Mem. ii.
o(

To

1, 8

(~ee

806).

Z1JAW Q'E J-LUAAov ~} 'tt'E rov J-L1]0EV 1)POV'Zv, for want of knowledge. EuR. I. A. 677. (Mvws) TO AIJO'TLKOJI Ka81)pt, rov ra<; 7rpoa-oOOV> J-LUAAov Uvat avT'{', in order that revenues rni{tht come in to him 11W1'e
abundantly. TRue. i. 4. So ii. 22, :32, 7 5, 93 ; XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 9. Tov fl'l ra OtKata 71'0elV, to escape doing what was }ust. DmL xviii. 107. Ilpo> ro 1rpiiytta cplAovKovv-ra A.iyEv Tov Ka'Tar:f>av> /'HEIT Bat. PLAT. Gorg. 457 E. This final use appears first and chiefly in Thucydides.

799. The infinitive with -r<j} may express cause, manner, or

320

THE INFINITIVE

[800

rneans ,- or it may follow verbs, adjectives, and adverbs which take the dative. E.g. Ov8 Tlj! ovvarr8at KO.l tlweEvaL Aiyav E7rapfJck LYS. xxxi. 2. Ovoevt Twv 1ravTwv 1rAov K<KpaTYJK< ip[A,t1r1ros i] TrtJ 1rp6npos 1rpos
TOtS 1rpayp.arrt ytyverr8at. DEM. viii. 11. See xxiii. 9, T~ p.~v aKOVrTO.L, T</l 8' i!py<f!. 'A)..A.d. T<i! <flavepb<;; dvaL TOWVTO<;; wv, by making it plain that he was. such a man. XmN. Mem. i. 2, 3. So Cyr. iv. 5, 9. Q{, yap cry T</) YE KOfYjLtW<; ('ljv IL~wv 1rtfYT<VHV, to trust in an orderly life. I~oc. xv. 24. ''Iva d1rtrTTWO"L Tip ep.~ nnp.'ljO"()at il1r0 oatp.ovwv, that they may dist1ust my having been honound by divine powers. XEN, Ap. 14. Mel:(ov p.f.pos vf.p.ovns Tip p.r) (3o1!AEO"()o.L aAr]Bry (!.vat. THUC. iii. 3. ''lrrov 0~ Tip 7rpOO"TEVLV. AESCH. Ag. 253. T<t> (~v EO"TL TL evavTiov, &nrep T<iJ f.yprryopf.vat TO Ka8E118eiv. PLAT. Phaed. 71 C. "Op.otov EO"TL Tlf! ovEL8(ov. DmM. xviii. 269. Tr;J 7rAOVTEtV l'71"~Koa, obedient to 'wealth. Au. Pl. 14(). ''Ap.a Tcj> np.arr()at. PLAT. Rep. 468 D; so d.p.a T<j) np.av, 468 E.

800. The infinitive with the article, as genitive, dative, or accusative, very often follows prepositions, or adverbs used as prepositions. E.g.
Tov<; yap A.oyov<; 7r<pt TOV np.wp~rraO"()aL <NA.t71'1rOV opw ytyvop.f.vovs, joT I see that the speeches an made about 1Junishing Philip. DmM. iii. 1. IIpo TOV TOVS opKOVS U1rOOOVVaL, bifore taking the oaths. Id. xviii. 26. 'EK TOV 7rpas xapw OYJfLYJYOPELV f.v[ov<;. Id. iii. 3. 'AVTi Tov 1roAts dvat <flpovpwv KaTEO"Tl). THuc. vii. 28; so i. 69. 'A1ro Tou 7r<tpav 8t8ovs vvaos <j>averr8at. Id. i.l38. Ev<Ka TOV 1rAew 7rOtijrrat Tryv V1r(LPXOVO"av ovrr[av. Isoc. i. 19. IIpos T~ fLYJOEV EK Tqs 7rp<O"f3das A.a(3 E t:v' uesides receiving nothing jTO?n tlwembassy. DEM. xix. 229. 'Ev Tip 1roAin7v 7rOLEtO"()at' (Xap{01)p.Ov), i1t rnaking Cha1idemus a citizen. Id. xxiii. 188. 'E()avp.a(ETO E11't Tf <M1Jfl.WS c~ V. XEN. Mem. iv. 8, 2. ''Op.w> Ota TO ~EVOS dvat OllJ<. Ul' orEL aOLK'f]e~vat, on a.ccount of being a stmngeT. lb. ii. 1, 15. IIavTWJI owcppwv f.cpavETO Ka.L td-; 70 TaxV fLaveavE/..V a OEot KaL tls TO KaAWs EKa(J'Ta 1r0tELv. Id. Cyr. i. 3, J. IIp0s To p.<Tp[wv 8eZO"()at 7rE7ratowp.vos. Id. Mem. i. 2, 1; so DEAf. i. 4. IIapa TO alcrxp6v TL V1rOjLEtVO.L. PLAT. Ap. 28 C.

801. The infinitive is not found with dva in any case, with dp.<jl[ in accusative or dative, with Kanf in genitive, with 1rapa in genitive or dative, with 7r<p in dative, with 1rpos in genitive, with v7rip in accusative, or with {7ro in accusative or dative.

802. The genitive of the infinitive with vr.Ep is often equivalent to a :final clause. E.g.
Tas OE~IJ'W;; ai, KEXP'fJJJTa TLJIES V11'Ep TOV TU. fLETpw KILL Ta rTVV1}8'l] fL'l ytyvEO"{JaL Jv TJJ7rOAEO (=ZJ!a JL'~I ytyv1}Ta.c), the soi'icitfdiunswhich some have ernployed in orde1 that moderate counsels a1~d the o1dinary principles mn.y not p1evail in the state. AESCHIN. iii. l. Els Tils rptf)pELS p.f3aJ!TE<; vrrf.p TOV fL~ TO KAEVOfLEVOV 11'0L~(TO.L ( = tJ!a fL~ 7rOL~O"WrTLV),

806]

INFINITIVE WITH

rou, 'Trj), AND TD

321
DEM.

emb(lrking on shipboard that they might avoid doing what was bid. :x:viii. 204.

803. The article cannot ordinarily be omitted when the infinitive follows a preposition. (a) A singular exception occurs in a few cases of dvrl with the simple infinitive in Herodotus. See ils dvTt p.f.v So~A.wv hro[q(TaS

lA.w8pov<; IIep(Ta<; dvat, dvTt Sf. apxw8at 1nr' aA.A.wv apxELv a?TaVTWv, i. 210, where the antithesis of dvTl fLEv oo~Awv makes clJ!Tt of. &pxe(T8at more natural; also vi. 32 (with no antithesis). So vii. 170 (but with a va1ious readillg dVTi Tov). (b) IIA.,jv, except, as an adverb, may have the simple infinitive ; as -r[ llA.A.o ?TAYjv fwo~ A.eyELv, SoPH. Ph. 100. So 1TA1)v yap,ov -rvxev, AEsCH. Eum. 737.

804. An infinitive, with the article in any case, may stand in apposition to a noun in the same case. E. g. 'H TWV 7raWwv dpx17, TO f1-?J Jiiv A.w8pov<; d'vat, ews, K.T.A., the government of children,-not pennitting them to be free, until, etc. PLA~'. Rep. 590 E. TovTo E{TTL TO dotKELV, TO ?TAEOV TWV aAAwv (1JTELV exav. Id. Gorg. 483 c. TovTO 1Tp0(TO[LOLOV EXOV(TL TOZs Tvpavvot<;, T6 7TOAAwv apxetv. Id. Rep. 578 D. T TO~TOV p.aKaptri!Tepov, TOV nl fLLXe~vat; XEN. Cyr. viii. 7, 25. LlOKEt TO~T<jl ow.<f>petV dvYjp TWV O.A.,\wv (wwv, T0 TLfL~' opeye(TOat. Id. Hier. vii. 3; so Oec.
xiv. 10. For a few doubtful cases of the infinitive with TO, in apparent apposition with a genitive or dative, see 7 96.

805. The infinitive with To is used in exclamations of surprise or indignation. E.g. To OE [L7JOE KVV~V orKoeev VcOe'Lv EfLE TOV Ka.Ko8a[p.ov' l!xovra, but to think that I, wretched fellow, should come from home without even rny wp.' An. Nub. 268. T~> p.wpa<;" TO 6.a vop.{(etv, ovra T1JALKOVrov[, what folly! to believe in Zeus, now you a?'e so big! Ib. 819.
For the simple infinitive in these exclamations, see 787.

806. The infinitive with its subject, object, or other adjuncts (sometimes including dependent clauses) may be preceded by the article To, the whole sentence standing as a single noun, either as the subject or object of a verb, as the object of a preposition, or in apposition with a pronoun like TovTo. E.g. To p.v yap 1roAAa d?ToAwAEKvat Kwr-aT6v 1rOAEf1.0VT~> 1JfLETEpa<;; dp.eAe[a.<; O.v ns Odry OtKa[ws T6 of. p.ryTE 1raAat rovTo 1f"7Tov0vat, 7rE</>7J vf.vat TE TLVa 'JfLLV (Tvp.p.ax{av TO~T<UV dvT[pp=ov, iiv {3o11AWJLE0a xp{j(TOaL, Tq> 7rap' JKELVWV EVVOLU<; EUEPJ'ETrtP: &v :!ywye 8e1JV. DKM. i. l 0. T 6 yap ?Tp6> avopa ev'Y)TbV Kat (na Katpov<; nvas l(Tx1~0VTU. ypa<f>ovTas dp0v'7v J.Bava7ov <TvvB~<TBat T~v KO.Ta -rfjs 7T6Aews al(TXVVYJV, Kat d7TOCTTEp{j(Tat 11'~ Jl-OVOV TWV aAAwv dA.A.a KO.~ TWV 7Tapa -r{js
y

322

THE INFINITIVE

[807

'TVX7J~ <il<py<rnwv 'T~V 7rOAtv, Kal TorravTTJ 7r<pwvrrlq, XP~rr&at 7rOVYJ-

plw;; &xrr< p.~ p.ovov Tovs ovra<; 'A87Jvalovs d.\.\ct Ka2 Tovs {;(rr<pov 1ron p..\.\ovras rr<rr8at mivras ~8tK7JKf.vat; 1rws o-Dx2 1rav8etvov rrTv; Id. xix. 55.

Sirnple Infinitive and Infinitive with -rov after Verbs of Hindrance, etc. 1
807. After verbs and other expressions which denote hindrance or fnedom from anything, two forms are allowed, the simple infinitive, and the genitive of the infinitive with rov. Thus we can say (a) .tpyn rr< ToVro 1rww (747) and (b) elp-yn rre rov rovro 7roteZv (798), both with the same meaning, he prevents you from doin,q this. As the infinitive, after verbs implying a negation, can take p.~ to strengthen the previous negation without otherwise affecting the sense (815, 1), we have a third and a fourth form, still with the same meaning: (c) dpyet rre fk'J rovro 'll"OZv, and (d) dp-yEL rr< rov P-'J rovro 'll"oteZv, he prevents you from doing this. (For a fifth form, etpyet rre r6 p,~ rovro 1rotii:v, with the same meaning, see 811.) If the leading verb is itself negatived (or is interrogative with a negative implied), the double negative f~ o0 is generally used instead of f0 in the form (c) with the simple infinitive, but probably never in the form (d) with the genitive of the infinitive; as o-DK eZpyH rre p,1) oti Tovro 'll"oZv, he does not pre11ent you from-doing this (815, 2), but not rov p.~ ov rovro 1rotefv. (See also 811, for r6 fk'l ov.) E. g. ' (a) KaK6v 8E 1r0LOV eTp-ye rovr' E~edivat; SOPH. 0. T. 129.
IIaulo<; <Pp?)TOS, 8v ea VEt V f.ppvfTcLfJ-1JV. EuR. Ale. 11. 'E1l't 'OA.vv8ov d1rorrp,1rovrrw, o1rws dpywrrt rovs EKe'iBEv ,f7rt{3o7]8Eiv. Tncc. i. 132. ''AA.Aws OE 7l"WS 1rop{(Err8at Td E'iTtT'IJOEta opKOV> ~01) Ka-rxovTa> 1}pJis (/foetv). XEN. An. iii. 1, 20. EvooKtp.e'iv f.p,1roowv urp{rrw elvat. PLAT. Euthyd. 305 D. El TOV'TO TtS etpyEt opav bKVo<;, if any hesitr~tion prevents you j1-om doing this. Id. Sop h. 242 <-\.. T~v l8f.av riJ> y{)s ov8v fJ-E KwAvn A.yEtv. Id. Phaed. 108 D. Tov <P.\t1r1rov 1rape.\8e'iv ovK 8vvavro KwAvrrat. DE:>i. v. 20. (b) To v 8~ 8 pa1rETEVH v OE<TfLOL'> d'iTE[p-yovfTt; XEN. :M: em. ii. 1, 113. To -yctp l{Ev00p,El 0V rpa,[JIE(T8at Ka2 TOV rrvyyvt!Jp,T)> nvus TVYx a V i V EfJ-1rOOtiJV J.ULALlTTO, dv8pt!J7rOiS -yl-yJI<Tat. Id. Cyr. iii. 1, 9. EZ'7rEV on KWAVlTEiE (Ci.v) TOV Ka{ELV E1riOVTa>. Id. An. i.l3, 2. 'E7rErTXOfJ-EV -rov OaKpVEiV. PLA1'. ~haed. 117 E (cf. 117 C, quoted in 811). 'A7rE<TXOfJ-1JV rov A.aj3e'i:v Tov OtKaov veKa. DEM. xix. 223. (c) 8vryrov> y' e1ravrra. fk'l 1rporr8epKerr8at p.opov. AEscn. Prom.
1

1 See l\iadvig's Bemerkungen uber einige Puncte der griechischen Worifugungslehre, pp. 47-66.

810]

INFINITIVE AFTER VERBS OF HINDRANCE ETC.

323

248. ToiJp)w <j>vA.&~n a' ovo{l-a fl-~ 7rd.axttv KaKws. SoPH. 0. C. 667. "07rep lax {1-~ n)v IIEA07rDVV1Jaov 7ropfJev, which prevented him jr01n ravaging the Peloponnesus. THuc. i. 73. AteKcf!AvCF fl-~ 8 w</>fJe'i:pat. Id. iii. 49. 'E7reyev<To KWAVfi-o.Ta fl-~ o.il~'f/eqvat. Id. i. 16. IIep7rovCFt K~pvKa, v7ro8e~&pevot CFX~<:rELV -r6v 2,7rapTt~T'fJV fl-~ i.~dvat. HDT. ix. 12. Elpy fl-~ {3A.o.anivLv. PLAT. Phaedr. 251 B. Of, yap (an ''EA.A.1Ja< oiJ8efl-(a EKOvats fl-~ oil oowro.s Myov dvo.t aoils 8ovA.ovs. HDT. viii. 100. (See 815, 2; 816.) Oil 8vvo.Tot ailT~v ., , ' .. ' , , I:. . t" ' )\ LITXELV ELITi 'A pyEWLfl-1] OVK E\iiEVO.L. Id . lX. 12. tf() UfFT bVOV Y O.V oiJov' 6vB', wiT7rp CFtJ vvv, v7r<KTpo.7ro[fl-'YJV fl-~ oB avv<~<cr<f(ELv. SoPH. 0. C. 565. T Ef1-7rOOWV {1-~ o1\Xt 1<(3pt(ofl-El'OV> <hofJav'i:v; XEN. An. iii. 1, 13. (T E07ro8wv implies ov8v EtJ-7ro8wv.) Tvo<; l!.v 8ow fl-~ ovxt 7raf1-7rO.V EVOO.[fi-WV elvat; what would hinder youf?om being pe1jectly happy? Id. Hell. iv. 1, 36.
I

(d) II&:s yap &CFK~s 8vo &vopa> e~n Tov fl-~ Ko.Ta8vvat, i.e. will keep two rnen frorn sinking. XEN. An. iii. 5, 11. ''Ov ovod<; 7rw 7rpofJd> -rov P-~ 7rA.f.ov exv &7r<Tpa7r<To. THuo. i. 76. El o' &p' Ef1-7ro8wv n aBT0 iyf.vTo Tov f1-1J dBil> TOT OtKO.craCFBo.t. DEM. xxxiii. 25. 'H1rcr-ro.-ro r~v 7roA.w f1-<Kp6v &7roAt7rovcrav -rov fl-~ ra., Jax&,..o.ts CFVfJ-<f>opo.l:<; 7r<pt7r<CFE'i:v. Isoo. xv. 122. 'A7roao{3ovvns liv tp7roowv y[yvotVTO TOV fl-~ &pav O.VTOtJS Tb oA.ov ITTpaTEVfJ-0.. XEN. Cyr. ii. 4, 23. Eloo-r<s on iv du<j>o.A.<I: lat -rov f1-1JOev 7raBd:v. Ib. iii. 3, 31 (cf. THuc. vi. 18, quoted in 749). Tov 8 f1-1J (KaKws) 7raa-xv avTot 7racrav aonav i)yn, you were entirely f1ee frorn fear of suffe1ing harm. DEM. xix. 149. 'EvoVCT'J~ ovOEfJ-iU<; ~T' <hoa--rpo<j>qs TOV fl-1J Ta XP1)p.ar' ~X E i V vp.as, there being no longer any escape from the conclusion that you have taken bribes (from you1 having bribes). Id. xxiv. 9. The last two examples show that the genitive of the infinitive eau take p..~, even after nouns implying hindrance or freedorn. In the two followiug, the addition of fl-~ is more peculiar:'H a7ropa Tov fl-~ ~a-vxa(Hv, the inability to rest. TRue. ii. 49. Tv Tov fl-~ ~Vf1-7rAel:v a7rlaT'f, tMough dist1ust of sailing with them; i.e. through unwillingness to sail, caused by distrust. Id. iii. 7 5. 808. The infinitive with Tov p.r) can Le used as a genitive in its ordinary negative sense; as ovn crnv oi-oep.[a 1rp6<j>aa-ts Tjp.f:v Tov fl-~ opav -ravTa, no g1oundfor not doing this. PLAT. Tim. 20 C. See also examples in 798.

809. Although fl-1J oil is more common than p..r) after negatives in the form (c), tl1e simple fl-rJ Bometimes occurs. E.g. Ov 7rOAVV XPDVOV I E7rEITXOV fl-rJ fi-E vavCTTOAEtV Taxv. SOPH. Ph. 349. Ov8 1 Ofi-fl-aro> <f>povpav 7rapqA.e., Tov8e fl-~ A.eva-a-Etv ITToA.ov. Id. Tr. 226. 810. The infinitive in the forms (a), (c), and (d), (but, according to Madvig, not in the form (b), with rov without pf)) may follow negatives in the construction of 807. See the examples.

324

THE INFINITIVE

[811

Infinitive with TO

fl,~ or

TO

fl,~

ov.

811. The infinitive with TO fL~ is used after many verbs and expressions which denote or even imply hi1ulmnce, pTevention, omission, or denial, the fL'!J merely strengtheniug the negative idea of the leading verb. If the leading verb is itself negatived, or is interrogative with a negative implied, TO fL~ ov is generally used with the infinitive instead of TO fL~ (compare 807). This infinitive with TO fL~ or TO fL?J ov is often less closely connected with the leading verb than the simple infiuitive (see 791), and it sometimes denotes merely the 1esult of a prevention or omission. It is sometimes an object accusative, as after expressions of denial; but it oftener resembles the accusative of respect or limitation. It adds a fifth expression, <ZpyH en TO fL:fJ TovTo 1roteZv) to the four already given in 807 as equivalents of he pTevents you from doing this>. and a corresponding form, ovK eZpy a-< TO fL1J ov TOvTo 1row) for he does not prevent yon from doing this. E.g.
Tov 1rAEWTOV OfLLAOV Etpyov TO fL1J 1rpOE~L<JVTas TWV 01rAWV Ta iyyils
T~S 7roAEws KaKovpy<Zv, they prevented them from injuring, etc. THuc.iii. 1. Too~ fL~ A.eqAaT~a-at .\.ovTas a-cpias T?JV 1roAw a-x< Tooe, this pmvented them f1om plundering the city. HDT. v. 101. OTo[ TE i]a-a11 KaTEX~<v To fL1J oaKpvuv, to 1estmin thei1 tean PLAT. Plmed. 117 C (et: 117 E, quoted in 807). 1>6(3os n ~vyyv?J> TO fL?J do<KeZv

a-x1)a-H, will check injustice. AEscH. Emn. 691. Oho <la-w fLOIIO< n 1)fLZv EfL7ro'iSwv To fL?J ?)817 dva< gve.a 1r1D.a< l.a-1r<VOofJ-u. XEN. An. iv. 8, 14. IG/hwva 1rapa TpeZs dcpewav tf'qcpovs To /h~ &avaT'-1! (YJfL<Wa-o.<, i.e. by th1ee voles they allowed Oimon to escape the punishment of deo.Jh. DEM. xxiii. 205. Tpt<; 'iS~ fhOJiat tfijcpot Ot?JVEYKUJI TU fh'l ea_vaTOV T 'fh1)a-c, and only three votes pTevented you f101n condemning him to deajh (lit. made the difference about condmnm:ng, etc.). Ib. 167. See XEN. Cyr. v. 1, 25, and Ag. v. 4. if.>o(Jo<; yap avB' V1rVOV 7rapauraTt TO /h~ (jE(3af.w<; f3A.1)apa a-vfLfJaA.eZv V1rV<!}, i.e. stands uy to pnvent my clo8ing m.y eyes in sleep. AE~CH. Ag. 15. 0-GK EVaVTtW(TOfhat TO fL'l o-6 yeywvEtV 1raV oa-ov 7rpoa-xp()(eTE. Id. Plom. 786. OiiOEV yap aVTlp Tavr' E7rO.pKE(TG T0 fh'l ov 1rE(TEi:v dTtfhW> 1rTWfhar' oiK dvaa-xera, this will 1wt suj{ice to p1e1,ent him f1onL fall-ing, etc. Ib. 918. AEt'lrEt fhEV ovo' & 7rp6a-Bev y)cc;w' TU fL'l ov (Ju.pva-Tov' dvat, they have no lack of being heavily gTievous. SoPH. 0. T. 12:32. MqTo<, Kaa-<yv'JTYJ, / dnfLaa-17> T6 fL'l ov Bavei'v TE a-vv a-o2 TOV Bat1 0l1TU B' ayva-at, do not thinlc me too unworthy to die with thee, etc. Id. Ant. 544. (Compare Ant. 22, and 0. C. 49.) OvK a7rea-xofJ.')V T0 fh'l ovK E7rt TOVTO .\.BEZF, I did 1wt 1'efrainfTom proceeding to this subject. PLAT. Rep. 354 B ; see Crit_ 43 C_ 0-DK &.71"~o-xovTo oi:o' Q1ru TWV cp{A.wv TO fh'l ovxt 1rAEOVEKTEtV avTWV 1rttpaa-Bat. XE!'. Cyr. i. 6, 32. AvT~v fLEV ov pta-ovvT' JKdv'YJv n]v 1roAtv T6 fh1J oil

Sl4]

INFINITIVE WITH

To fl-1J

OR

TO

p.~

oil

325

p,eyaA?JV <'fvat KEDoalp,ova, not grudging that city its right to be great, etc. .AR. Av. 36. (Compare p,f<I'YJfTf.v p,tv KVO't Kvpp,a y!vf.<I'()a,, Il. xvii. 272.) Ouods dvnAeyEt TO f-'l ov AE~UJI 0 Tt Ek(f.(J'TO> 1Jy<t7'at 1rAdfTTOV Ci.~wv i71'[uTaueat, no one objects to saying, etc. XEN. Symp. iii. 3. M1) 71'apifs Tu fL'l ov </>palTat, do not omit to speak of it. SoPH. 0. T. 283. Ovof.va 8vllaa'8at Kpv7rTHY TO fL'l ovx ,}8wr; &v Kat wp,ow E(J'()[tv aVTOJll, that no one is able to prevent people from knowing that he would gladly even eat some of them raw. XE!"f. Hell. iii. 3, 6.

812. The form Tb PTJ is more common here when the leading verb is negative, where re::,rularly Tu fl.>J ov woulJ. be llsed, than p.~ for fL'l ov in the corresponding case (809). Ji:.g. OvK av EfTX6fL?)V TO fi.'J drroK A)JfTO.t TOVftOJI Ci.BA.wv 3cpas. SorH. 0. T. 1387. Tfs O'ov d7r<Ad<jifYJ To p,} a-at dKoAovOEZv; i.e. v:ho failed to follow you? XIC:s-. Cyr. Y. 1, 25. ''AKOS o' oVOEV E7r'fJpkE<rav TO p,T] 7r61ctv p.'Ev lo<r7r<p ovv iix<' 7Tae<Zv. .AEscH . .Ag. 1170. Kal </>YJp.i opcwat KOVK o:rrapvOV[LlLt TU l'''l Soru. .Ant. 443. Oi18' lJ.pV'l')<Tt'> E<TTLV avToi:s TU fi.?J Tave' 1nrp cJ>tA.[mrov 1rpaTTtV, it is not even possible for them, to deny that they d-id these things in the interest of Philip. DEM. xix. 163; so xx.l:35. So perhaps we may explain TO p.~ f71't(3ovAEv<tv in HDT. i. 209 (see 814). 813. Although the infinitiYe with TO I"'J is J;Jost frequently used (as in 811) after verbs containing a negative irlea, it can also have a negative Rense as the object of other verlJs or with adjectives. See 'To p.~ fT<j>alcAw8o.t hr,p.EA<Za-eat (quoted in 791), and TO P-'l (3A.htl' f.To[p,a (quoted in 795), in both of which the infinitive is really negatived l)y p.1. We must distinguish also the use of TOV P.'l with the infinitive as an ordinary negative expresBion (see examples in 798) from that which is explained in 807. Compare, likewise, TU Jl.lJ ov with the infmitive in 814 and in 811. The nature of the lectding verb will always make the force of the negative plain. -yy,, have the same distinction, with the simple infinitive, ]Jetween dvayd(Et (]' p.~ 1..8Ei:v, he compels you not to go (747), am1 dpy<t a'E p.1) A8e'iv, he )J?'events you from going (807).

814. The infinitive with To p.~ ov may he userl i;J a negative sense in various constructions with verbs and expressions which do not have a negative meaning, provided these are themselves negatived or are interrogative implying a negative. Though -ro fLTJ ov is more common here, Tu fL~ is also allowed. E.g. Kov0es 1E p.' O.v trtifJEUJI dJ!()pcfnru;v rO fL1] oVJ< A0'i:v ~ a.J,.6v, .and no man can persuade me not to go aJtm him. A R. Ran. 68. 0{> p.~vTot lirra() YE P.'J o {LeyaA.o7Tpd.yp.wl' n Kat KaKo7rpayp.wl' Elvat, !mt he did not persuade thern that he was not f1tll of great and evil undertakings. XEN. Hell. ,.. 2, 36. (For similar expressions with 1-'-0 o...l

To

without Tb, see 749 and 815, 2.) Toi:s ewi:s ov8v J.v f.xotp.Ev fi.Ep.fa.,.eat Td JL 'J o X~ 7rd.vn.r. 7r'E7rpaxf.vat, we cannot blame the Gods for not

326

THE INFINITIVE

[816

having done everything. Id. Cyr. vii. 5, 42 (cf. TO.VT oilv vp.'iv fLEfl-cpOpm, AR. Nub. 525). Ovo~ O(nov ;p.oty~ ~lvat cpa[v~Tat TO ov f3oYJ-

fl-1

(J.'iv TOlJTOLS Tois A.6yots 7l"rivTa llvopa. PLAT. Leg. 891 A. "AA.oyov TO t-t1 0 V TEfLVHV. Id. Soph. 219 E (see 81 7). Tol:s 0~ ovo~ A.oyos A<L7l"<Tat r6 p.1} ov 7l"OV1Jpo'is <lvat. DEM. xxiv. 69.1 OvKwv Jcrrt fL'YJXavry o-Jo<p.a TO p.ry EK~wov r.t{3ovA.dJnv Efi-o[, there is then no way by which I can believe that he is not plotting against me. HDT. i. 209 (cf. PLAT. Phaed. 72 D). ''E~n rlva yvwp.'l}v A.eynv r6 p.ry <Vp1!11pwKro;; dvat; An. Nub. 1084. ''Ecf>YJ ovx olov T< <lvat TO fJ-YJ d1Tolcr,i:vo.[ fJ-<, he said it was not possible not to condemn nte to death.
FLAT.

Ap. 29

c.

M1) ov

WITH INFINITIVE AND P .ARTICIPLE, AND (RARELY) WITH NoUNS.

815. l. The use of p.~ with the infinitive in the forms (c) and (d) in 807 is to be referred to the general principle, by which the infinitive after all verbs expressing a negative idea (as those of denying, distrusting, concealing, forbidding, preventing, etc.) can always take p.~, to strengthen the negation implie<l in the leading verb. Thus we say dpv<'irat p.Tj J.A.'YJ6s <tvat rovro, he denies that this is true/ d71"'1J)'opw< fL'fJOEva TDVTO 7rat~l:v, he forbade any 01M to do this. This p.~ can, however, be omitted without affecting the sense. 2. An infinitive which fm any reason would take p.1) (either nffecting the infinitive itsel~ as an ordinary negative, or strengthening a preceding negation, as in the case just mentioned) ~enerally takes the double negative ft>J ov, if the verb on which it depends is itself negatived or is interrogative with a negation implied. Thus the example given above, J.pvEZrat p.1) &.>-.."76s Ei:va~ roGro, if we negative the leading verb, generally becomes ovK &pvEZrat ft>J ovK dArJ6~s ~Zi,at rovro, he does not deny that this is true. So, when the original f-<'l really negatives the infinitive, as in 0Kat6v ern P-'J rovrov dcf>dvat, it is just not to acquit hirn, if we negative the leading verb, we commonly have ov o[Ka<ov eiJ"rt p.1] ov TovTov &cpt~vat, it is not just not to acquit him. E.g. '.!ls ovx oiJ"tov IJ"Ot 8v ft?J o v f3ory6dv O<KatoiJ".Uvv, because (you Raid}
it would be impious for yol< 1wt to bring aid to Jjwtice. PLAT. R.ep. 427 E. OvK <iv 1rt8a[{-tT)V fL~ ov EKp.a6e<v cracf>ws, I cannot consent not to learn the wlwle. SOPH. 0. T. 1005. "Avopa o' OVK EIJ"Tt p.?] ov KO.KdV EfLfJ-EVcu, it is not possible jo?' a man not to be base. SnJO:-<. v. 10. See also PLAT. Phaed. 72 D (in 7 49). For exantples in which /h'l oi>

ruo'

strengthens the negation of the leading vmL, see 807.

1 This is cited by Birklein (p. 67) as the only case of the article with p.T] o& in the Orators ; and no case occurs in either Herodotus or Thucydides.

818]

l\1~

ou WITH INFINITIVE .AND PARTICIPLE

327

This applies also to the infinitive with TO JL~

See 811 and 814.

816. When JL~ or JLry oil with the infinitive follows a verb of hindrance, etc. (807), neither JL~ nor JL~ oil can be translated. When vfJ really negatives the infinitive (as in the examples last given), JL~ ov must be translated by one negative. In PLAT. Rep. 368 B, the passage quoted in 427 E (815, 2, above), Socrates had said 8E/3otKa JL~ >o> " ~ > r ova ornov r1 . a1rayop1JEtv Kat JL"YJ f3 OYJ () Hv, bemg prevented from saying JL~ ov f3oYJ(h'iv by the previous JLry ov3'. In XEN. Ap. 34 we have oil-re JL~ JLEJLI!~crOat 3-6vaJLat avTov ovn JLEJLVYJJLEVOS JL~ ovK i1ratvet'v.
I \ \

817. Verbs and expressions which contain such negative ideas as impossibility, difficulty, unwillingness, or irnpropTiety sometimes take JL~ ov (instead of the simple JL~) with the infinitive, to express a real negation, even when the leading verb is not negatived. E.g. 6_.,JJLOV apxovTOS dovva-ra JLry OV KaK6T1)TQ. JyyvwfJat, it is impossible tha.t vice should not come in (as if it were ov ovvaT<f). HDT. iii. 82. " ' '~' "' ' ' \ ~ ' I . ~ W.HVOV EUOKH HVat JL"Yj OV Aa f3 EtJ! avTa. Id. l. 187, ''" I>L(]"TE '11'Q.O"tV alcrx-6v1]V elvat JLll oiJ a-v0"7rovoa(ew, so that all were asharned not to join heartily in the work. XEN. An. ii. 3, 11. So DO"x-6veTo p..~ o -6 cpave0"8at, Cyr. viii. 4, 5. AlO"xp6v EO'T! JL~ o-&xi cpavat. PLAT. Prot. 352 D. IIo.\..\~ avota JLry ovx ~y<'icrBat. Id. Symp. 210 B. So after dv61]TOV, ib. 218 0; after aAoyov, id. Soph. 219 E (see 814). For xa.A.e1r6s followed by JL'J o-6, see example under 819. 818. M1) o-6 is occasionally used with participles in negative sentences, in place of the simple JL~, to express a negative condition. The following cases are quoted : OvKwv 8Kawv t'lvat (6.apZov av8ptav;a.) iO"ravat JLlJ OVK V1repf3a..\..\6JLEVOV 'Toun :!pyoun, i.e. he said that DaTius had no right to set up his statue (in front of that of Sesostris), unless he sU?jJassed hirn in his exploits (=El JL>J {rrrepf30.A..\eTat). HDT. ii. 110. KarappwO'I]O"av JL~ o-6 ' ' ,, .. " 'C \ . T1)V l\I tl\l')TOV OWL/ 'T W(]"t EsAHV fl-l] OV EO VTES VQ.VKpaTope<; they feared that they ?night not be able to captun Miletus without beingmrtsters of the sea (their thought was el JL~ vavKparop~s JcrJLev). Id. vi. 9. Elvarv 8~ oiYK e~EAEVcrEa-Oat :!cpaO'a.v JL'l ov 1rA~pw> 6vTos Tov K'VKAov, they refused to mcwch out on the ninth of the 1nonth (and thcTeafter) until the moon should be full (6.v JL'J 7rA>JpY)S y). Id. vi. 106. 6.vcrriAYYJTOS -y6.p &v dYJv ;otavo JL'J ov KarotKnpwv lopav, fo? I should be hard of heart (817) should I feel no pity fa? such a band of suppliants (El JLTJ KO.TOLKTElpotJLt). SuPH. 0. T. 12. Ov yap O.v JLaKpav rxvcvov Q.VTOS', JL~ ovK i!xwv '' <rvJLf3o..\ov,for I should TWt have tmced it far, if I had attentpted it by myself without any clue. Ib. 220. (For the force of the suborilinate condition of JL?J ovK ;xwv in its relation to the real protasis in av-r6s, see 511.) ''HKHS yap OV KEV~ /'E, To-v.f iyw a-acpws g~otoa, JLll ovxi OEtp.' E/Wt cp(pova-6. n, i.e. you have not come empty-handed,(not at least) without bTinging me some cause for alarm (i.e. ovK d JL~ cppns). Iil. 0. C. 359. (M1) ovxi cpepovO'a adils a condition as a quali1'\ \ ' )

328

THE INFINITIVE

[819

fication to KEV~.) OiJK &pa J<TTl </>tA.'Ov -rep <f>tA.ovvn oi>S~v fl-~ oi!K dvn<f>tA.ovv, unless it loves in return. PLAT. Lys. 212 D. (Cf. <f>[A.ot SE YE oilK llv <fEv fl-~ Tr<pt TroAAov 7rOto-6fi-EVOt iav-ro-6<;, 215 B.) T> yap llv 1}(3ovA1)8YJ fi-tKpa KpSavat, K.-r.A..; oilS' &v d<; fl-~ ov <rVVHSw<; ~rwrcp <rvJ<o<f>av-rovvn, not a man (would have wished for this) if he had not been conscious that he was a sycoplwnt (=El fl-~ <rvv'68<t). DEM. lviii. >I ' r. \ /(3 rf.. >I 13 0 VTE yap Jlavayos, av fl-YJ Y1" Aa YJTat 't'EPOfi-EVo<;, ov7ro-r aJI a-w<rmv avr6v ovr' dJI~P TrEVYJ<; y<yw<; fl-~ ov TEXVYJV fl-U Bwv Svvatr' av da-<f>a..\w<; (rjv TOV f3ov (i.e. El fl-~ fl-dJJot, corresponding to av fi-1J A.af3YJrat). PHILEM. Fr. 213.
>/ ' '
I
)f .)

819. M~ of> occasionally occurs with nouns, in the sam!3 general sense as with participles, to express a negative condition to a negative statement. E.g. AZ TE Tr6Aet<; 7rOAAal Kat xaAETrat Aa.(3EZv, fl-~ of> XPDV'{! J<at
TroAtopK'1:, the citiss were many, and difficult (=not easy, 817) to captu1:e except by time and siege. DEM. xix. 123. TowvTYJ<; 8 Ttfl-1J<; rvxt:v ovx oT6v TE fi-1l oil rov 1roA-D rfi yvrhfi-rJ 8w<f>pov-ra, to attain such honour is not possible except joT one who is of faT tmnscendent wisdom. Isoo. x. 4 7. (If r6v is omitted, Ota<f>povra as a participle belongs under 818.) 820. It may be noted that P-~ ov in poetry always forms one syllable.

CHAPTER VI.
THE P ARTIOIPLE.

821. As the infinitive is a verbal noun, so the participle is a verbal adjective; both retaining all the attributes of a verb which are consistent with their nature. 822. The participle has three uses :-first, it may express an attribute, qualifying a noun like an ordinary adjective (824-831); secondly, it may define the circumstances under which the action of the sentence takes place (832-876); thirdly, it may be joined to a verb to supplernent its meaning, often having a force resembling that of the infinitive (8 77 -919).
823. The distinction between the second and third of these classes is less clearly marked than that between the first and the two others : thus in 1)oerat np.c!Jp.wos, he delights in being honoured, the participle is generally classed as supplementary (881), although it expresses ~ause (838). Even an attributive partieiple may also be circumstantial ; as 6 Jh?J OapE/<; av8pW7rO<;, the 'U1~j/ogged ?nan (824), involves a condition. The three classes are, nevertheless, sufficiently distinct for convenience, though the lines (like many others in syntax) must not be drawn so strictly as to defeat their object. A. ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE.

824. The participle may qualify a noun, like an attributive adjective. Here it may often be translated by a finite verb and a relative, especially when it is preceded by the article. E.g.

II6A.ts KaA.A.<t otacppova-a, a city excelling in beauty.

'Av?)p Ka-

Aws 7rE7rat8<vp.evos,

a ?nan (who has been) well edw;ated.

Ot

7rpf..

330

THE PARTICIPLE

[825

a-{3w:; ot 1rapd. PtA1r1r0V 1rEfLcpfJfvTE>, the ambassadors (who had been) sent from Philip. "AvopE> o1 TovTo 1rot~rrovTE>, men who will do this. 'Ev TU MErrCT1)Vl~;t 'TrOT~ o vrrv yfJ, in the land v:hich was once Messenia. Trruc. iv. 3. 2;Tpauvovrrw J1rl Tas Al6A.ov J'~crovs KaA.ovfLEvas, they sail against the so.called Aeolian islands, lit. the islands called those of Aeolus. Id. iii. 88. A1 ilptrrTaL ooKovrrat Eivat cpvt:rEL>, the natu1es which seem to be best. XE;;r. Mem. iv. 1, 3. Af 1rp'& Tov (TTOfLO.TO<; v~E> va v fLO. xo V(TO. t. THUC. vii. 23. 'E1rE1fd(TfL1)V {Liyav dvat Tov KantA1)cp6Ta Kvovvov T~v 7roAtv, the danger which had overtaken the city. DEM. xviii. 220. '0 fL~ oap ls avBpw1rO<; ov 1fO.t.BElJETO.L. MEN. Mon. 422.

825. The participle with the article may be used substantively, like any adjective. Here it may generally be translated by a finite verb and a relative, the verb expressing the tense of the participle. E.g.
01 KpaTovvTt>, the conque1ors. 01 7fE7rHCTf:Livot, those who have been convinced. 0-DTos f.fJ'n o TOvTo -;rot?]cras, this is the one who did it. OvToC elcrtv oi Vf:La> 7ravTaS dotK~(TOVTES, these are the men who 'Will wrong yon all. ITavns oi 1rap6vTES TOVTo f.wpwv, all who were present saw this. To KpaTovv Tijs r.oA.Ews, the 1uling part of the state. '0 fL~ A.a(36:iv Kat owcpBapds VEVK1)KE T~V WVOVfLEJIOV, he who did not take (the bribe) and become co1rupt has defeated the one who would buy him. Dm1. xviii. 247 (see 841). Twv f.pya(TOfLEVwv Jv6vrwv, there beiny in the count1y those who wo1dd cultivate it (i.e. men to cultivate it). XE;;r. An. ii. 4, 22. (See 826 and 840.) IIa.p.J. Toi:s dpL(J'TOL<; OoKoviTLV {ivat, among those 1tho seent to be best. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 6. "Hv o 6 fLEV T~IJ YVWfL1)V T0.1lT?)V 'drrt~!J ITEliTav8pos, and Peisander was the one who ga've this opinion. THVC. viii. 68. Toi:s 'ApKaBwv crcpnf:pots oli(Tt ~vfLp.axots r.poei:1rov, they p1oclaimed to those of the Arcadians who were thei1 allies. Id. v. 64. 'Acp{KTEov yw cp1]fLL Eiva T~) 1Twcppov<2v o V1J(TO p.e v <p, i.e. one who is to be able to be discreet. XEN.. v
Symp. iv. 26.

826. When the participle, in either of these constructions, refers to a purpose, intention, or expectation, it is generally future, though sometimes present. E.g.
N6t-tov 01J!WfTLI(- T~v ravTa KWAVITOVTO. rWHvTaL TOVTov[, they have publicly enacted this law, which is to prevent these things. DE~L xxi. 49. See XE~. An. ii. 4, 22 in 825. '0 ~Y1J(TO/)-E!JO<; ovods fiiTTat, there will be nobody who will lertd ~ts. Ib. ii. 4, 5. IIoA..Aovs lgofLEV TOVS ETo[p.ws rrvvaywvt&op.-vo1'> 'Jf-tLV. Isoc. viii. 139.
See th . mme common use of the circumstantial future participle to express a pnrpuse, in 840.

827. (a) p,,rticiples, like adjectives, are occasionally used substantively even without the article, in an indefinite sense; generally in the plural. E.g.

829J

ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE

331

~E7r,\Et OWOEKCL Tpt~pns <!xwv E7rt 7l"OAAUS vavs KEKT?JfkEVOVS, he sailed with twelve triremes against men who had ?nany ships. XEN. Hell. v. 1, 19. "0Tav 7roAEfkOVVTWV 7rOAtS dAtfl, whenever C: city of belligerents is taken. Id. Cyr. vii. 5, 73. MeTa TavTa. dcptKvovvTa{ p.ot d7rayyf.AAOVTES OTt 0 1l"CLT~p dcpetTat, there come 'fMSSengers anwuncing, etc. Isoc. xvii. 11. b.1ivatT' &v o-&o' &v iD'xvwv cpvye'i:v, not even a strong man could escape. SoPH. El. 697. 0-&K EO'TL cpt.AovVTa (a lover) ji~ dvncpt.Ae'i0'8at; PLAT. Lys. 212 B. (b) This use in the singular appears especially in Bl'?JT'iJV ovm, one who is a nw1tal. This indefinite expression, though masculine, may refer to l}oth sexes. E.g. 'Ev 7rOtKAots o~ Bv?]TOV ovTa Klf.)c)ceO'tv f3avHv p.ol fh~V o-&oafkWS avev cf>6f3ov, i.e. fm a mortal (like myself) to walk on these rich embroideTies, etc. AEscH. Ag. 923. Kovcf>ws cpf:pew XP'J BvYJTOv ovTa D'vp.cf>opas, (one who is) a mortal (lilce younelf) ?JLust bem calamities lightly (addressed to Medea). EuR. Med. 1018. So in SoPH. Ant. 455 evYJTOV ovB' means a ?JW?'tal (like myself), and refers to Antigone, not to Creon; she means that C1eo11's l)roclamations could not justify her in violating the edicts of the Gods.

828. In the poets, the participle with the article sometimes becomes so com1Jletely a substantive, that it takes an adnominal genitive rather than the case which its verbal force would require. A few expressions like oi 7rpoO'~KovTes, relatives, TO O'Vfh<{>f.pol' or Ta O'VJk<{>f.povTa, gain, advantage, Tit vmipxovra, ?'esources, are thus used even in prose. E.g. '0 hdvov TE Kw v, his fatheT (for iKe'i:vov TEKrfJV). Eun. El 335. Ta p.tKpa O'Vfk<{>povra" T0> 1r6Aews, the small advantages of the state. DEM. xviii. 28. BaO'tAews 7rpoO'~KOVTES nves, certuin relatives of the king. THUC. i. 12 8. 829. (a) The neuter singular of the present participle with the article is sometimes used as an abstract noun, where we should expect the infinitive with the article. This occurs chiefly in Thucydides and in the poets. E.g. 'Ev Ttfl p.1) fl,E AETwvn d~vvETwnpot EO'OVTat, in the want of pmctice they will be less skilful. THUC. i. 142. (Here we should expect v Ttfl fh?J fhEAETav.) rvwTw TO p.f.v OEOlOS aVTOV TOVS EVaVTovs p.aAAov <{>of300'ov, TO 0~ BapO'OVV a0EE<TTpov E0'6fhVOV. Id. i. 36. (Here TO oe8t6s, fear, is used like TO oeStf.vat, and To 8ap<Tovv, coumge, like TO 8aprre'i:v or To BapO'os.) METa TOV Spw fhEvov, with action (like p.Eru TOV opaO'ea,). Id. v. 102. Toil iJ7ra7rtEVat 7TAEOJI -i} TOV fhEVOVTOS T>}v otavotav <!xovO'tv (infin. and partic. combined)" Id. v. 9. Ka2 O'E -y' elO'a~w TO. yap vo<Tovv 1ro8e'i: O'E ~Vfh7rapaO'Tan)V Aa"f3e'i:v. SoPH. Ph. 674 (To vo<Tovv = 'l v60'os). To yap 1ro8ovv liKaO'Tos EKJka8eZv eawv o-&K &v JkE8EtTo, 7rptv Ka8' ?)oov0v KAVElV. Id. Tr. 196. This is really the same use of the neuter singular of an adjective for the corresponding aLstract noun, which is common in ordinary adjectives ; as To KaAOv, beauty, for To KaAAos; To 0Kawv and TO aOtKOV for ?J OtKaWO'VV'] and ~ aOtKa.

332

THE P AHTICIPLE

[830

(b) A similar construction sometimes occurs when a participle and a noun are used like an articular infinitive with its subject, where in English we generally use a finite verb. E.g. ' ~' ..:JOAwva OLXOJl-EVOV EAa(J E vqurns Jl-E"jaAYJ K pourov, , ' "' ' ,, ~ M era o "','
i.e. after Solon was gone (like Jl-Erli ro L:6A.wva oExw()at). HDT. i. 34. 'E1ri rovrov rvpavVEvo vros, in his reign. Id. i. 15 : so viii. 44. ''ErEt 1fEJl-1fTl(! !'-era L:vpaKovcra<; olKtcr()d(Tas, in the fifth yeaT after the foundation of Syracuse. TRue. vi. 3. Compare post urben1 conditam in Latin. Merd. KaAov oihw Kat 1rav-rooa1rOV Aoyov pY) M.v-ra (like fLETd TO PYJ8ijva). PLA.T. Symp. 198 B. Tif 7rOAH o1lT 7roAefLOV KaKWS (J"Vfl-fJav-ros OVTE cna(TEW) 'ffW1fOT ai:nos yf.vero, i.e. the cause of a disastrous result of any war (like rov 7rOAEfLOV nva KwdJs <rvJ1-f3ijvfu). XEN. Mem. i. 2, 63. (c) The same construction occurs in Homer ; as s 1jf.A.wv Karaovvra, fo the going down of the sun, Il. i. 601 j a/ ~Ot </JatVOfLhYJ</Jtv, Il. ix. 682. For the peculiar use of the aorist participle here, see 149.

830. The participle is sometimes used like a predicate adjective, with dfL or yyvofLaL. E.g. T 1fOT E(J"Ttv OVTOS EKE[vov ow<jJf.pwv; in what is this man d~tferent frmn that one (another form for ow</Jf.pl) 1 FLAT. Gorg. 500 c. 'ZvfL<fJf.pov 1)v rif 1roAe, it was advantageous to the state(= (Tvvf.</Jepev). DEt.f. xix. 75. Ovu yd.p 8pacr:Vs o!Y oiiv 1rpoodcras elfL2 r0 ')'E vvv
A.6yl(J. SoPH. 0. T. 90. 'A7rapvE6p,ov6s ern (=<hapvf.Era). HDT. 'H 8~ E<rTt btKa crrao[ovs d1rexovcra, and it (the islanu) is ten stades distant. Id. ix. 51. "Av fi Bf.A.ovcra, 1r<ivr' JfLOV KOfLC(erat, whatever she wants, she always obtains f1om ?'M (for &v 8~AYJ). SoPH. 0. T. 580. "Hv yop 6 8EfLL(J"ToKA.qs {3E(Ja,6-ra-ra O<J </JvcrEws fuxvv OYJAWcras, Kat li$ws 8avfLU(Ta, Themistocles was one who 'fiUtnifestcd, etc. THoc. i. 138. Tov-ro oBK gcrr yt')'VOJl-EVOV 1rap 1)fLZv; is not this something that goes on in ou;- minds? PLaT. Phil. 39 C. Tovro JavovvdE, -rpo1rov nvd. y ,_ yvop,Evop 1] OLKawcr.Uv17 Elva, justice seems somehow to be pToving to be (lit. becoming) this. Id. Rep. 433 B. So with -Dmipxw and the poetic 1fEAOfLal; as TOVTO vmipx<w -DpJis elo6ras ~yovfLa, I thinlc you may be presurned to know this, JJEM. xviii. 95; EJl-EZo AEAaCTfLEVOS E7rAv, Il. xxiii. 69. 831. On the same principle, the participle is used in all periphrastic forms with elfL[ and xw for the 1)erfect, pluperfect, and future perfect. In the future perfect active, the pe1iphrastic form is generally the only one in use ; in the third person plural of the perfect and pluperfect midlllc and passive of most verbs, it is the only form possible. Examples of the 11erfect participle with elp,[ or 1)v as peculiar forms of the perfect and pluperfect, in other persons, are given in 45 ; of l!xw and dxov with the aorist and perfect participle for the perfect and pluperfeet, in 4 7 and 48 ; of ~<rop,a with the perfect and aorist participle for the- future perfect, in 80 and 81.
iii. 99.

835]

CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE

333

B. CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE.

832. The participle may define the cin~m~tances under which an action takes place, agreeing with the nonn or pronoun to which it relates. The negative of such a partici1)le is ov, unless it has a conditional force. The relations expressed by the participle in this use are the following : 833. I. Time, the tenses of the participle denoting various points of time, which is relative to that of the leading verb. E.g.
Tavra El7rwV a7r1/a, when he had said this, he depa1ted. 'A1r~VTYJCTa met Philip as he was depa1ting. Tovro 7rE7rO ~1) Tavra E7rparn crrpanr;c~v, he did these thinrJS while he was geneml. Tavra 1rpd~a crrpar')ywv, he will do these things when he is general. Tvpavv1!cras o n7 rp[a 'h1ras f.xwp1 v7rocr7roJioos f.s L,[yewv, after a 1ule of thTee years. THUC. vi. 59. ?i:vv p).v OH7rJIEtTE" OEL1rV~CTa.JI'TE<; OE a7rEAO.VJIE'TE, i.e. ajte1 supping. XER. Cyr. iii. 1, 37. So vii. 5, 78; An. vii. l, 13.
<P~A.7r7rl(l a1r ~6 vn, I KOTES xa~p~crovcr~v.

834. Cl)rtain temporal participles, agreeing with the subject of a sentence, have almost the force of adverbs. Such are &pxofl-evos, at first/ TEAEVTWV, at last, finally; O~a.A~1rWV (or E7r~crxwv) xp6vov, ajter a while, or 0WAE1rWV xpovov, at intervals; xpov(wv,jor a long
time. E.g. ''A1rep Kat dpXDfJ-Evos ei1rov, as I said also at .first. THuc. iv. 64. TeAEV'TWV ovv E7rt TOVS xporf.xva.s fia., finally then I went to the artisans. PLAT. Ap. 22 C. 'OAtyoJI xp6voJI owA~1rwJ1 eK~v~e1), after a little while he moved. Id. Phaed. 118. 0~ 7To)3w XPOJIOJ' e1r ~cr X w v 1JKE, after (waiting) no long time he came. lb. 59 E. 6.wAd1rovcrav XPOJ,oJI, at intervals (of Clotho's regular movements). Id. Rep. 617 C. ''07rw<; xpov(ov EV fl-EJ!Et {3ovAE1J'T~OV. AESCH. Ag. 847: cf. xpov~ creets, Ib. 727.

835. II. Afeans.

E.g.

A 17 (6f1-evo (wcr~JI, they live by plunde1. XEx. Cyr. iii. 2, 25. Tovs ''EAA')JICCS f.8[3a.~aJI, OJI rpo7rOJI 3 tO~ K0 VJITES ras UVTWl' 7ra.rp[oa.s Kat 1rpos oils 7rOAEfJ-OVJITES P-eydA.'7v ilJI r1)v 'EA.A.d3u. 1rO~?)cretaJI. Isoc. xii. 44. Ou yap dA.A.orpo~s Vfl-W XPWfl-~vo<> 7ra.pao[Yfl-"crw &.A.X olKdo~s, E~oa[fl-OCYLJ' ~ecrn yeJif.cr()a, fen it is by using not fo1eign lmt domestic examples tlwt you can becorne JWosperous. DEM. iii. 23. T&i" J!OfLWJI &1rHpo~ y[yvoJJTaL Ka.l rwv A6ywv, oic;: !),;: x_p6Jf1-<JIOV 6p.tA<Zv rots dv8pw7rots, which we (nvd) must use in our inte1course with men. PLAT. Gorg. 484 D. So often XPWJLEVos in ~he sense of with (cf. 843).

334

THE PARTICIPLE

[8::16

836. Ill.

},fanner and similar relations, including manner

of employment, etc.

E.g.

IJpoEtAETO paAAov TOts VOfLW; EfLfLEVWV J1ro8avEtV 17 7rapaVOfLWV Nv, he preferred to die abiding by the laws, rather than to live disobeying them. X]!]N. Mem. iv. 4, 4. IIpoa~povvnu paAAov o vrw Kp'OavHv &.-rr' &A...\-t)..\wv ~ crvvw</JEAovvTE~ avro1!~, they prefer to get gain by this means from each other, mther than by uniting to aid thenuelves. lb. iii. 5, 16. Ka2 ~ y<Aacracra <f>rJ, and she said with a laugh. PLAT. Symp. 202 B. 'Ap1racravras Ta 01rAa 7ropdJEcr8a~, to ?na?ch having snatched up thei1 M11M (i.e. eagerly). DEM. iii. 20 : cf. olov pfavra> Ta if-ana, PLAT. Rep. 4 74 A.

837. The following participles of manner are used in peculiar senses : ,Ppwv, hastily/ </JEpopEvo~, with a 1ush / dJn1cra~, q~ickly / KUTUTE[J!a~, earnestly; OW.TEtvaf-El!OS and OtUTETUf-tl!OS, with all one's
1night; <f>Baa-as, bejifre (anticipating); ..\a86Jv, secretly; xwv, continwclly / KAatwJ!, to one's sorrow; xatpwv, with impunity (to one's joy).

E.g.
El<> rovro <f>ep<uv 1rEptecrrrJcrE ra 1rpayp.aTa, he mpidly brought things to such a pass. AESCHIN. iii. 82. 'Ds a-1rEa-ov </JEpopEVot f.s ToDs "E..\..\,}vas oi M~llot, 1ohen the Persians feU upon the Greeks with a rush. Hm. vii. 210. So o1x-t)a-Ea-Bat </JEpopEVrJl' Karli (JovF, FLAT. Rep. 4f)2 C. "AFoty &.vvcras ro ,Ppovrurrf}ptoJ!, 1nake haste and open the ihinb:ny-shop. AR: Nub. 181. Ka.raTEtFas f:pw rov iilltKov f3ov E1ra.w?Jv, I will speak earnestly in praise of the unjust life. FLAT; Rep. 358 D: so 367 B. See Rep. 474 A, and XEN. Mem. iv. 2, 23. El'r' dvf.t.p~as fLE ,PBacras, then you opened it (the door) before I could knock. AR. Flut. 1102 : so ;i f.{3aA< ,PBapEvos, Il. v. 119; but in such ex1)1'essions f.,PQ>J f3rLAwv etc. (887) is more common. 'A1ro rcxws &.\.ro ..\a 8 w he leaped from the wall secretly. Il. xii. 3 9 o : cf. .\ v, Bovcra ;i ~7rtJ!ES, SoPH. Ant. 532 ; here again ..\aBov with the Jlarticiple is more common (see 893). T KV7rra{cts X w v; why do you keep JJoking about? AR. N ulJ. 509. K A a. [w 1! &ym rwv8E, you will lay hands on them to your so1TOW. EuR. Her. 2 70 : so So PR. Ant. 7 54. Oil rt xapwv pZc;, you shall not speak with impunity. Id. 0. T. 363; so Ant. 759. 'l'ovrov oDOEtS xapwv &8uoj<JH. FLAT. Gorg. 510 D. Compare ra~afLEJ!ovs, acc01ding to ag1eement, Id. Rep. 416 E.

os

838. IV. Oa1.<se or ground of action. E.g. A<:yw o~ Tovi3' !!vEKa, f3ov..\opEvos 36~at cro2 o1rEp Ef-o, and Ispealc fo1 this nason, because I wish, etc. FLA'l'. Fhaed. 10 2 D. 'A1rExovTo KEpowv, o.l<Ixpd. vop{ovrEs dvat, because they believed thern to bebase. XEN. :M:em. i. 2, 22. T yap l!.v f3ov..\op<vot /J.vopEs cro,Po2 ws &..\rJBws 8a-1roras dp.Etvov<; aDTwv </JEvyotEv, with what object in view, etc. (i.e. wishing what)? PLAT. Phaed. 63 A. Tt yap llclltoTEs cr</Joopa ovrw<; E7rE-yE<J8E; what do you fear, that you wre in such great haste?
XEN.

Hell. i. 7, 26.

841}

CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE

335

For the participle with ~s, used to express a cause assigned by the subject of the sentence, see 864.

839. (a) Here belong -r p.a8wv; and -r 1ra&ibv; both of which have the general force of wherefore? T [ p. aB CiJ v rovro 1rotd; however, })roperly means what put it into his head to do this? or with what idea does he do this? and rl 1ra 86Jv rovro 7roteZ; means what has happened to him that he does this? E.g. T rovro f-LaBCiJv 1rporrypatj;ev; with what idea did he add this to the law? DEM. xx. 127. , T 1ro.Bovrrat, d1rep Ne<j>EAo.t y elrrlv dA.YJBw>, BvYJra'i:> et~arrt yvvo.t~lv; what has happened to thern that they resemble 'liW?'tal women? AR. Nub. 340. (b) These phrases may be used even in dependent sentences, rl becoming o n, and the whole phrase meaning because. E.g. T d~t6s df-Lt 1rafieiv ?} a7roTimJ.t, on p.a8wv ev r0 f3l'f oBx ?jrrvxlav 1}-yov; what do I deserve to suffm 01 pay because I did not keep quiet? i.e. for taking it into my head not to keep quiet? PLAT. Ap. 36 B. "Op.ws &v Ku,Ka i)v, on p.dBovra x_alpetv 7rotd Kat 01r1]0VV; ttould they still be evil because they give us joy in any conceivable rnanner? Id. Prot. 353 D. (In cases like this, the original meaning of the participle is forgotten.) So Euthyd. 283 E and 299 A.

840. V. Purpose, object, or intention, expressed by the future participle, rarely by the present. E.g.
"'H)..()e A.vrr6revos 8vyarpa, he came to mnsmn his daughter. Il. i. IIapEA>)Av&a rrvp.f3ovA.n)rrwv, I have risen to give my advice. Isoc. vi. 1. 'Ef3ovAevrrapro 7rfp7rnv s AaKeoalfoJia Y1'pea-f3w; Tavrd TE EpOVJITO.'> Kat Avrrav8pol' aln)<TOVTO.S E1rL TOS vav<;;, in mder to .say this, and to ask for Lysander as admi1al. XEN. Hell. ii. l, 6. 'Eal' El> 7r6A<fWV (~ mxrp~>) &yn rpw8,w6rvoF ?) a7ro8o.Jiol)p.,vov, 71'0LYJTEOV ravTa, even if it lead any one into war to be wounded m to pe?-ish. PLAT. Crit. 51 B. AVBts o o ~y?)a-6rHos ov8ts rrrat, the1e will be nobody to lead us (=os ?)yf]rrETat). XEN. An. ii. 4, 5. (This }Xtrticiple is also attributive: see 826.) Tiporrf3oA.O.s 7rap<<TKEvd{ovro rtf! TElXet 7rOtr/rr6f-LEl'OL, they prepared (themselves) to 111ake a,ttacks on the wall. THUC. ii. 18. "Ervxov yap (vfje>) olx61-'-evat, 7rEpwyyf.AAova-at f3oYJBdv, jo1 some ships happened to be gone, to give notice to smtd aid. Id. i. 116. So dpvvp.evot, 11. i. 159. Tl1e present here expresses an attendant circumstance (843) as well as a purpose. See also <j>8dpovTE, AESCH.
13. Ag. 652.

841. VI. Condition, the }Jarticiple standing for a protasis, and its tenses representing the various for~11s of condition expressed by the indicative, subjunctive, or optative (472). E ..r;.
Oi'et <TV "AAKYJCTTiV vr.p 'Aop,'fJTOV ar.ol:lcwEZV &v, 1) 'AxtAAEa IIo.Tp6KAlf E7ru7ro8uJ!EtJI, fJ<?J 0 lo f-LE VO'U<;; a8avaTOV jJ-Vi}fLYJV aper>js 7rEpt

336

THE PARTICIPLE

[842

:avrwv tCTwBat, do you think that Alcestis would have died for Adrnetus, etc., if they had not believed, etc. PLAT. Symp. 208 D. (Here Jl-1J oloJJ-&vovs is equivalent to d JJ-~ ~ovro.) 0-D -yfip llv u.-Drots 'JJ-eA.ev Jl-~ rovO' {J7roAaJJ-f3avovCTtv, for it would not have concerned them, unless they had had this idea. DEM. ix. 45. (M~ inroAaJJ-f3avovCTLV = el JJ-~ rovro vTreAaJJ-f3avov.) ''ACTrpwv &v A.BotJJ-' ~A.tov 1rpos dvroA.as Ka~ y~s vep8e, 8vvaros tlv 8pfi.a-at rci8e, if I should be able to do this (el ovvaros etvv). EuR. Ph. 504. So the attributive participles Jl-?J 8apds (824) and JJ-~ A.af36Jv (825). In SoPH. 0. T. 289, TraA.at 8~ Jl-?J 1raptiw BavJJ-a(erat, the construction represents OavJJ-a(oJJ-<V el !1-~ mipeCTnv, we wonder that he is not here (494). For !1-~ o-6 with the participle in negative conditions, where JJ-IJ is more common, see 818. See other examples under 4 7 2.

842. VII. Opposition, lin~itation, or concession, where the participle may often be translated by although. E.g.
Ovros 0~ Kal Jl-ETaTr<JJ-<PB~vat <PaCT Kw V V"lrO TOV Trarpo>, KO.~ A 8 ~V ds r~v olKav, Elo-eA(Mv JJ-EV ov <P1JITLV, f'lrJJJ-o<Pwvros 8' dKov<Ta ypaJJ-JJ-ant:ov dvaytyvifJ<TKOVTOS, KO.~ 1rpOHITEAYJAVBivs Kal aTraVTa OLWJJ-OAOYYJJJ-EVOS 1rpos rov 1rarpa, and this man, although he admits that he was summoned, and although he did go to the house, yet denies that he went in, etc., although he had previously gone in and arranged everything-with my father. DEM. xxviii. 14. 'OA.ya ovvdJJ-EVO 1rpoopf1.v 1repi rov JJ-EAAOVTOS TrOAAa JTrtX<tpovJJ-EV 1rp<frrnv, although we a1e able to foresee few things, etc. XEN. Cyr. iii. 2, 15. 'EA<ilv KO.t 0VV1J0ds av avros i!xELv, -irapowKe, i.e. when he had ,captured it (Olynthus) and might have kept it himself, he surrendered it. DEM. xxiii. l 0 7. The participle in this sense is very often accompanied by Ka1rep and other particles. (See 859.) This construction is the most common equivalent of a clause with although.

843. VIII. Any attendant circwrnstance, the participle being merely descriptive. E.g.
ITapaAaf36vns BotwTovs Kat <PwKtas JCTrparevCTav J1ri .PapCTaAov, they took Boeotians and Phocians with thern and rnarched again~t Phmsalus. THuc.i. 111. ITapayy.\)I.EL r<{) KA.Eapx<f A.a(36vn ~Ketv oCTov ~V avT0 <Trpd.rEVJJ-0., he sends ordms to Cl. to corne with all the a?-rny that he has. XE:'<. An. i. 2, L "EpxEra.t MavoavJ) r~v Kvpov ruv vi~v exovo-a, Mandane comes with her son Gyrus. Id. Cyr. i. 3, L KaraBtwfavns Kat vavs OWOEKO. A.af36vrES TOVS TE avopas dveAOJJ-EVOL d7rE7rAeov, Ka~ rp61rawv ITT~O"a vres dv<XWPYJO'O.V. THuc. ii. 84. Ma Js ITeAO"lrOVVY)<TOV ~XETO 7rpeO'j3Es ayouCTa, one (ship) was gone to Peloponnesus with arnbassado?'S. Id. vii. 25. f'los r<{) ~<v<p ravra <Pepwv, take these and give them to the stranger. Od. xvii. 345. Boi] XP,;,JJ-EVOL, uJith a shout. THUC. ii. 84.

847]

GENITIVE ABSOLUTE

337

844. The participles i!xwv, ll:ywv, Aaf3wv, cpepwv, and xpwp.~vos may often be translated by with: see examples in 843. (For another use of cppwv see 837.) 845. IX. That in which the action of the verb consists. E.g.
Toll' EL1l'E cpwvwv, thus he spake saying. AEscH. Ag. 205. "O<r' ~JLaS a)'a8a OeOpaKaS Elp~VT)V 11'0 t~<Tas, what blessings you have done US in making peace! AR. Pac. 1199. Ev l E7rolTJ<ras dvafhv'1<Tas JLE, you did well in reminding me. PLAT. Phaed. 60 C. See other examples under 150, where the peculiar force of the aorist participle in such cases, denoting the same time with the verb, is illnstrated. 846. The examples show that no exact distinctions of all circumstantial participles are possible, as many express various relations at the same time. See 823.

Genitive Absolute.

847. When a circumstantial participle (832-846) belongs to a substantive which is not grammatically connected with the main construction of the sentence, both the substantive and the participle generally stand in the genitive, in the construction called the genitive absolute. E.g. Oil TtS EfHV (wvTos <rot [3apdas XE'ipas f.1rol<rH, no one '1hile I live
shall lay heavy hands upon you. Il. i. 88. TavT' f.1rpax8YJ K6vwvos fJ-EV <TT p a TT) )'OVVTO s, Eva)'6pov ll TOVTO 1rap a<TX 6vTo s Kat T'~'> 8vvapEws n)v 1rAd<TTY)V 1rapa<r I< n'a<Ta VTO s, these U'e?e accomplished uhile Co11on was geneml, and after Evagoras had thus supplird him, etc. hoc. ix. 56. <Po(:Jov}Lat JL~, 7rpo<TOE~aJLEVWV TWV VVI' av8wT'IJK6TwV avn;; Kat JLL~ )'Vcf>JLJ) 7raVTWV cptAL7r7rL<TUVTWV, ElS T1JI' 'ATrtK1JV (AfJW<TLV dpcp6upot. DJcM, xviii. 176: see xix. 50 (pres, and perf.). 'AcplKETO OEvpo To 1rAoi'ov, )'VOVTWV TWV KEcpaAA.o)vwv avTt'IT"paTTOVTos TOVTov . . . KaTa;rAEtv, the Cephallenians having determined to sail in, although th1:s rnan opposed it. Id. xxxii. 14. 'A8T)vawv 8 TO aVTO TOVTO 7rali6vTwV, Ot7rAa<r[av G.v T~V ovvaJLLV dKa(E<r8at (oi}Lat), i.e. if the Athenians should ever suffer this same thing, etc. THUC, i. 10. ''OAT)s iip T{js 1r6AE0JS E1l'LTP7rOJL~VT)S T0 <rrpaTTJJ'0, flE)'riAa TU TE dl'a8a KaTop8ovVTO~ aliTOV Kat Ta KUKa OWJLapTaVOVTOS ElKoS )'[)'VE<r8cu. XEN. Mem. iii. 1' 3. Tl1e genitive absolute was probably used at first to express time (present or past according to the tense), and afterwards the other circumstantial relations, cause, condition, concession, etc. The construction is most fully developed in Attic prose, especially in the Orators.l
1 See Spieker in Am. Jour. Phil. vi. pp. 310-343, on The Genitive Absolute in the Attic Orators.

338

THE PARTICIPLE

[848

848. A lJarticiple sometimes stands alone in the genitive absolute, when a noun or pro11oun can easily be supplied from the conte~t, or when some general word like av8prf:nrwv or 1rpayparwv is understood. E.g. 01 8 7roAfLw', 1rpo<novrwv, rf.ws pv 1)cn!xa(ov, but the enemy, as they (men before meutioned) came on, for a time kept quiet. XEN. An. v. 4, 16. So f.1ru"yopvwv a:vro{s, when they were called in (when people called them in), TRue. i. 3. Ovrw 8' f.x6vrwv, el,,o,, K.r.A., and things being so (se. 1rpayfLarwv), etc. XEl'. An. iii. 2. 10. OvK f.~a' T01JfL<Vo>, OVK 'ApcptKTvovtKas 0Ka> f.1ray6vrwv, OVf( E7rayyeAAopvwv, ovoapws f.yw 7rpoo8wKa T~V els VfLOS e1lvowv. DEI.I. xviii. 322. (Here the vague idea they is understood with f.1ray6vrwv and f.1rayyEAAofLf.vwv.) So 7rOA<fLo{wrwv, PLAT. Rep. 557 E. . So when the participle denotes a state of the weather; as vovros 7roAA.<!J, when it was raining heavily, XEN. Hell. i. 1, 16. In such cases the participle is masculine, ,6.,6., being understood. See AR. Nub. 370, vovra; and Il. xii. 25, -DE 8' <lpa Ze-6,. 849. A passive participle may stand in the genitive absolute with a clause introduced by on. If the subject of such a clanse is plural, or if there are several subjects, the participle itself may be plural, by a kind of attraction. E.g. "2arpws OT)Awef.vros on f.v TU;;, vav<Tt T.:!JI 'EAA.~vwv ra 7rpayjLUTa f.yvEro, it having been clearly shown, that, etc. TRue. i. 7 4. 'E<TayyEA8ivTwv (),, <'Povt<T<Ta' v~ES f.7f avrovs 1rAov<T,v, it having been announced, that, etc. Id. i. ll 6. So XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 18 ; vi. 2, 19.
850. The genitive absolute is regularly used only wl1en a new subject is introduced into the sentence (84 7) and not when the participle eau be joined with any substantive already belonging to the construction. Yet this principle is sometimes violated, in order to make the participial clause more prominent anrl to express its relation (time, cause, etc.) with greater <>mphasis. E.y. ll.w,(3E(3T)KOTO<; i)OYJ ilEptdEOl>S, 'Jyyf.A.()YJ avTtp on M.iyapa drpe<TTT)KE, when Pmicles had already crossed over, it was announced to him that Megam had revolted. Trwc. i. 114. So sometimes in Latin, but generally with difference in meaning : as Galliam Italiamque tentari se absente nolebat, 0AES. Bell. Civ. i. 29.

Accusative Absolute.

851. The participle of an impersonal verb stands in the accusative absolute, in the neuter singular, with or without

an infinitive, when other participles with their subjects woulll stand in the genitive absolute. Such are f.~6v, 8eoJI, 1rap6v, 1rpo<T~Kov, 7rpf.1rov, 1rapf.xov, pf.Aov,
fLETap.fAOJ,, 8oKo;;v, S6$av, and the like; also passive participles used impersonally (as 7rpo<Traxev, EtpT)fLEvov, 8E8oypvov); and such

854)

ACCUSATIVE ABSOLUTE

339

expressions as d8J)varov ov, it being impossible, composed of an adjective and ov ; also rvx6v, perchance. E.g. Ot 8' ov f3oYJ8~cravn> of.ov vytef> d1r~A.8ov; and did those who
brought no aid when it was necessary escape safe and sound? PLAT. Alcib. i. 115 B. 'A7rAa<; 0~ AJJ7ra<; E~Ov (se. cppew), OVK orrrw Ot7rAas. -EUR. I. T. 688. ITap~xov 0~ T~S 'ArrtYj<; 7rUCTYJ<; apxew EV7rT~w<;, &.A.A.o n a1p~rrrr8e; HDT. v. 49. Ei'i /)~ 7raparrx6v, and when an opportunity o.ffers. TRue. i. 120. Ov 7rporr~Kov, impmpe1'ly. Id. iv. 95. 2:vvo6~av T<{J 1rarpl Kal Tii fLYJTpl, yafLE'i T~v Kva~apov 8vyarf.pa. XEN. Cyr. viii. 5, 28. ElpYJfLfvOV K"Vpwv elvat 0 Tt av TO 7T'A~8o<; rwv ~VfLfLaxwv tf!TJcpCTYJTat. TRue. v. 30. So oeooy{-Lf.vov, id. i. 125; yypafLfLEvov, v. 56 ; and 7rporrnray{-Lf.vov, PLAT. Leg. 902 D. Kal v8f.voe 7T'UALV, 7T' porrTa X 8f.v pot WO TOV O~fLOV Mf.vwva aynv El<; 'EA.A.t)rr1rovTov, <f>x6fLYJ~' DEM. L. 12. IIapK<Aevovr6 T<, dovvarov Bv EV VVKTl aAA<tJ T<t> CTY)fL~Vat. THUC. vii. 44. "Eywy', EcpYJ 0 Kvpo<;, olfLat, /1{-La fLEll rrvvayopwOVTWV ~fLWV, d.fLa of: Kat airrxpov Bv TO dvnA.f.yEtv, K.T.A. XEN. Cyr. ii. 2, 20. (See 876.) 'Avn7raprrKEva(ro eppWfLEVW<;, W<; fLUXYJS En bE~rrov, on the ground that theTe would still be need of a battle. lb. vi. 1, 26. 01 0~ TptaKovra, w<; E~Ov ~OYJ avrot<; rvpavVELV aoew<;, 7rpOEl7rOv, K.T.A., i.e. thinking that it Was now in thei1 powe1, etc. Id. Hell. ii. 4, 1.

852. Rarely the infinitive in the accusative absolute has To ; as alrrxpov Bv TO dvnAeyw, XEN. Cyr. ii. 2, 20 (above) : so v. l, 13 ; PLAT. Rep. 521 A, 604 C.

853. Even the participles of personal verbs sometimes stand with their nouns in the accusative absolute, in all genders and numbers, if they are preceded by ws or wrr7rep (864 ; 86 7). E.g.
llto Kat Toi><; VtL<; Ot 7T'aTfPE> U7T'O TWV 7T'OV1Jpwv av8pw7rWV dpyovCTtV, w<; n)v fL~V TWV XPYJCTTWV OfLtAtav aCTKYJO"tV oi'irrav T~<; dper~<;, n)v 8~ TWv 7rOVYJpwv KaraAvrrtv (se. oiirrav). XEN. Mem. i. 2, 20. NA.ov<; KTWVTat w<; f3oYJ8Wv OEOfLEVot, TWV 8' aoeAcpWll UfLEAOVO"tV, Wrr7T'Ep eK 7T'oAtrwv fL~V ytyvopf.vovs cpAovs, ~ a8Acpwv 8~ ov y t y v o fL f. v ovs, as if friends were made from fellow-citizens, and were not made from brothers. lb. ii. 3, 3. '.12s roi><; Botwrovs n)v rwv 6vofLaTwv rrvv8errtv TWV 6.YJf.tOCT8evov<; dya7T'~CTOVTas. AEBCHIN. iii. 142. ".12rr7T'Ep VfLOS dyvoovvTa<;. Ib. 189. Mf.ytrrrov ovrw OtaKe'irr8at Tct<; yvwfLas VfLWV, ws EKaCTTOV EKOVTa 7rpo8UfLWS 0 Tt av of.v 7i:Ot~CTOVTa. DEM. xiv. 14. 854. The accusative absolute used personally without w<; or (},rr7r<p is very rare. It occurs chiefly with neuter participles which are regularly impersonal. E.g. ITporr?]KoV a&r<{J TOV KA~pov fLEpo<; orrov 7T'Ep EfLOL lSAE. v. 12. Tavra 8 ytv6fLVa, 7T'Ev8w {-Lyal..a rovs Alyv7i:rov<; KaraAafLf3avH. HDT. ii. 66. ''H8'7 dJL<f>orf.pot<; JL~v 8oKovv dvaxwpe'iv, Kvpw8~v 8~ ovo~v, JIVKTO<; TE E7T'tyevof-LEVYJ>, Ot fL~V MaKE8oves exwpovv E7r' otKoV, THUC. iv. 125. 6.6~avra o~ ravra Kal 7T'Epav8vTa Tct rrrptk

340

THE PARTICIPLE

[855

'UVJLaTa d1r~A.8E. XEN. Hell. iii. 2, 19. tl6~av 1JJI-fv TUVT~pecurs in PLAT. Prot. 314 C, where we may supply 7rote!v, or 06~av TavTa may represent ~So~< TavTa. So XEN. An. iv. 1, 13.

Adverbs connected with the Circumstantial Participle.

855. The adverbs T6n, ~817 (T6TE 'l81J), JvTav8a, <lTa, l!1rnra, and ovTw; are often joined to the verb of the sentence in which the te1upoml participle stands, to give greater emphasis to the temporal relation. E.g. 'EKeAevev aDT(Jll <rvvow(:JavTa, 1!1roTa ovTws d7raAAaTT<<r8at, he commanded that, after he had joined them in c1ossing, he should then ntin as he }JTO)'osed. X~<;:--:. An. vii. 1, 4. ITed3op.vwv 8 Twv L,aJL[wv Kat <rxovTWI' T?JV ZayKA1Jv, v8avTa ol Zayi<Aa!ot (3o~8wv avT1l HD1'. vi. 23. 'Ar.ocpvy&w Se Kat TOVTovs, <rTpaT1)yos ovTw 'A81Jva[vJV d7re8f.x8?], and hewing escaped these also, he was then (under these cinurnstances) chosen geneml of the Athenians. Id. vi. 104. 856. ElTa, i!1rnTa, and ovTws sometimes refer in the same way to a participle expressing O)Jposition or limitation; in which case they may be translated by nevertheless, after all. E.g. IIavTwv 8' aTD1rWTaT6v <rn, T>JAtKa1;T1JV d ve A. o as fJ-OpTvp[av vT o1hws ofE<rl7at oeiv Elwif 7ri<rTEVE<ri7at 7rap' VJI-fv, it is most abs~wd of all that, although they have destroyed so important a piece of evidence, they sh01~ld after all think, etc. DEM. xxviii. 5. flHva JLEVT &v 'Trli8ots, El 'ABljvaCE acp iKOJLEVOS, ov TlJS 'EA.A.O:oos 7rAEl(FT1) EIJTtV ~ovr:r[a TOV A.f.y<w, E'TrE tTa <rv vTav8a T01ffov J1-6vos dTvX~<rats, if, although you are come to A thens, you should afte~ all be the only one to fail in obtaining this. Pru\'1'. Gorg. 461 E. 857. ODT(I)S, s,a, TovTo, and s,a, Ta.vTa sometimes refer in the same way to a participle denoting .a cause. E.g. X o fl- [ {w v dJLevovas Kai KpeTTovc; 7rOAA<0v (:Jap(:Japwv VfJ-aS elvaJ, 8 ,a, TO VTo 7rpo<reAa(:Jov, because I believed, etc. XE:-;. An. i. 7, 3. 'YJLaS 8 'JfJ-Et> 'JY1J<rUJLEvo t iKavovs yvwva, ovTw 7rapeA.a(:Jop,ev. PLAT.
Lach. l 78 B.

858. The adverbs &p.a, fLETa~,), Ev8-6s (Ionic lef.ws), avTtKa, &pn, aud ~a<Pv1Js are often connected (in position and in sense) with the te7nporal participle, although grammatically they qualify the verb of the sentence. E.g. <I Ap.a 7r(JOMVV hrHrKO'TrEtTO d Ti 8vvaTOV d?) TOVS 'TrOAEJL[ovc; a<r8eJIEIJTf-(JOVS 7rOtEi:v, as he advanced, he looked at the same tim.e to see whether it wus possible, etc. XEN. Cyr. v. 2, 22. ''AJLa KaTaA.a(36vTEs 7rpo<rEKf:aT6 <r1>t, as soon as they had overtalcen them, they pressed hard upon them. Hm. ix. 57. X EJ<WS fJ-ETa~v op-6<r<rwv E7ra-6<raTo, fJ-O.JITl)[Ov Efh7r00ov YEl'OfJ-EVov, Necho stopped while digging (the canal), etc. Id. ii. 158. IIoA.A.axov 8~ JLE f'TrE<rX< A.yol'Ta fJ-ETa~v, it often checked me

861]

ADVERBS WITH CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE

341

while speaking. PLAT. Ap. 40 B. 'E7Tt7TOvcp dcrK~U'Et cil8h veol 5vns T::, avopcwv fUTepxovrcu, by toilsome discipline, even while they are still young, etc. THUG. ii. 39. Tt/J 8c~llf KE(llf cv8v> d?Toj3Ef3YJKOTt oi Kop{v8wt i7TEKELVTo, the Co1inthians p1essed upon the 1ight win!!, as soon as it wus disemba1ked. Id. iv. 43. 'Ap&fLcVO'> EMfVs KaBuTTafLEVov, beginning as soon as it (the war) molce out. Id. i. I. Ll.tovviTov AeyoviTt w> a vT [ Ka yEvop.<vov E> Tov fLY)pov Jvcpp&tj;aTo Zcvs, they say of Dionysu.s thut, as soon as he was bom, Zeus sewed him into his thigh. Hm. ii. 146. T1Jl' tfVX1JV 8cwpovvTa e~a[<{>vYJ'> a?To8avOVTO<; EKri<TTov, viewing the soul of each one the moment thut he is dead. PLAT. Gorg. 52:3 E. Ka2 ai~Tov fUTa~1, TavTa A.eyovTos oKAEw{as ETVXEV d?ToK[Jtv<ip.EJIO'>. Id. Euthyd. 275 E.

859. The participle expressing opposition, limitatirYn, or concession is often Btrengthened by Ka7TEfl or Ka (after a negative, hy ovof: or {-Lr;o, with or without 1rep), or by Ka2 Tavra, and that too. "OfLws, neve?'theless, may be connected with the participle (like dfLa, etc. in 858 ), belonging, however, grammatically to the

leading verb.

E.g.

''EKTO{Ja Ka2 fLEp.a0 Ta fL&xr;s crx~crEcr8at J[w. Il. ix:. 655. 'E7TotKTdpw of: vw OVU'T1)V0l' EfL7TOS, Ka7TE(l 5vTa ovcrp.cvfj, althou.gh he is 1ny enemy. SoPH. Aj. 122. OvK &v 7T{Ja8o[r;F, o1~>8e 7TEfl 7rp&crcrwv KUKWS. EuR. Ph. 1624. rvvatd 1fcL8ov fL1)0E TdAYJ81) KAlJWJI (= ,ar;o 1]v TdA.]fJ1} KAlliJS). Id. Fr. 44:3. ITd8oy yvva,fl, Ka7rE[J ov iTTpywv OfL<JJ>, a.lthou.gh you a?'e not fond of them. AESCH. Sept. 712. (Here OfL"'" qualifies 1rd8ov ; although, aR usual, it is joined with the participle for emphasis.) 'AotKE~ on avopa 1Jp.'i:v TOV (1'1fOVOa,6ntTOJI 8w.<f>8dpas YEAUJI dva1fd8wJI, Kat TaVTO. OVTW 1fOAEfLWV 5vTa Ttfl yA.wn. XEN. Cyr. ii. 2, 16.

860. In Homer, the two parts of Ka . . . 7TEp are generally separated by the participle, or by some emphatic word conneeted with it. Ka is here very often omitted, so that 7TEfl stands nlone in the sense of although. Both of these uses are found also in tragedy. E.g.

Tov p.v 1raT' dacr, Ka. dxvvp.Evos 7TE{J JTafpov, K<Zcr8at. Il. viii. 125. KaJ Kpa.TEpO> 7TE{J J<1v, fLEJIETW TfltT<LTYJ EVL vo[p)) ll. XV. 195. TT.Aa8t, fL1]TEp Jp.1), Kat dJJCtCTXEO KY)OOfLEV1J 7TE(l, jL'rJ U'E <{>[A:r)JI 7fE{J Jovcrav EV dq,&aAp.o'i:crtv Zowp.a' 8ttJIOfLEV1)V' TOTE o' ov n ovv-,jcrofLa' axvup.EVOS 7fE(I xpat/J'{l-EC)I, I!. i. 586. ICU:yW er' LKvoUp.u.~, Ka~ yvv1} 7rEp ol'xl OJ.LU>S. Eun. Or. 680. '1\fq)ov yap avT1J Ka2 KaTa.crKa<{>a> y<1, yvv~ 7T<p o'Ocra, T<{ioE fL1Jxav1]crofLat. AESCH. Sept. l 037. So 7TE{J alone in Herodotus, as dcrKEV~S 7TE(I J<iw, iii. 131.

861. Ka[Tot was very seldom used like Ka[?TE{J with the participle, its only regular use being with finite verbs. E.g. Oioe fLOt EfLfLEAew> TO ITtTTriKnov vp.ETat, KaTot cro<f>ov 1ra.pa

342

THE PARTICIPLE

[862

</>wTOS elpYJftEVOV, SrMON. Fr. 5, 8 (ap. FLAT. Frot. 339 C). r;IKava {tOt vo1d(w olp~O'Bat, Ka[Tot 7roA).a y 1rapaAt1r6Jv. LYs. xxxi. 34,

862. ''ATe, and oi:a or oTov, as, inasmu.ch as, are used to emphasise a participle denoting the cause or ground of an action. Here the cause assigned is stated merely on the authority of the speaker or writer. (See 864.) E.g.
'0 0~ K vpos, &T 7rafs c:\ V Kai </>tAOKaAos Ka~ </>tAOTtjtOS, ~OETO -rii O'ToAfj, but Gyrus, inasmuch as he was a child (as being a child), etc. XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 3. ''ATE xp6vov JyytVOf1EVOV <Tvxvov, as a lonJ! time intervened. HDT. i. 190: in the same chapter, ota 8 J~e7rtO'Td. ftEVO<. So &-re A1J<f>8ev-rwv, THUC. vii. 85. MO.Aa OE xaAE7rlbS 7ropVOftEVOt, ota 8~ Jv vvKT TE Ka~ <f>6j3<p &7rtOVTE>, els Alyo<T8<J'a &</>tKvovvTat, inasmuch as they were departing by night, etc. XEN. Hell. vi. 4, 26. Otov OE Otd xp6vov &<f>ryttevos, &<TftEVWS Ea J11'~ TdS <Tvv~8ns 8ta-rp<f3as. FLAT. Charm. 153 A. 863. In Herodotus, wO'TE is used in the sense of a-r ; as in i. 8, WO'TE -rav-ra vojt(wv, inasmuch as he believed this. So vi. 136, ljv yctp a8Dva-ros, W<TTE <TYJ7r0fEVOV TOV f'YJPOV. In Tauo. vii. 24, W(]'TE (so the Mss.) yctp TaftLI.f:l XPWftEvwv -rwv 'A8YJva[wv -rot\- -rdxe<T<v, Bekker wrote an for w<Tn, and Stahl reads W<T7rep.

864. 'ns may be prefixed to participles denl'ting a cause or ground or a pu?j)ose, sometimes to other circuJY .tntia~ participles. It shows that what is stated in the pa vlple is stated as the thought or assertion of the subject of the leading verb, or as that of some other person prominent in the sentence, without implying that it is also the thought of the speaker or writer. E.g. Oi f1EV Ott!JKOVTES TODS Ka()' a'VTous ws 7rUVTas VtKwv-res, oi 8'
dp11'ti(ovns ws ~OYJ 7rUVTES vtKwvTes, one side puTsuing tlwse opposed

to them, thinking that they were victorious oveT all ; and the other side
proeeeding to plunde1, thinking that they were all victorious. XEN. An. i. 10, 4. T?JV 7rpo<f>a<TtV E1f0ttTO ws lit<TLOas j3ovAOftVOS eKf3aA.c'tv, he made his pretenee as if he wished to d1ive 01d the Pisidians. lb. i. 2, l. "2vA.AaJtf3rivet Kvpov ws &11'oKTEvwv, he seizes Gyrus with the (avowed) object of putting him to death. lb. i. 1, 3. tlwf3a[J,et ws d[t~IYWV Tov <TtTov. HDT. vi. 28. Oi 'A8YJvaZo< 11'ape<TKeva(ovTo ws 1ro AEft~ Jo v-r.s, the Atlwnians prepaTed with the (avowed) intention of going to wm. Tuuc. ii. 7. 1'6v IIcp<KAEa ev alT{<(- cixov ws 11'd<TavTa <T<j>fis 11'0AE[tiZV Kat 8t EKel:vov TaZs ~vjt<f>opaZs 7rcpt11'<11'TWI<OTE>, they found fault with Pericles, on the ground that lw hnd persuaded them to enyage in the war, and that tlwough him they had become involved 1:n the calamities. Id. ii. 59. (Here Thucydides himself is not responsible for the statements in the participles; as he would be if ws were omitted.) 'A yavaKToiJ<Tw ws {tE')'aAwv nvwv <i11'E<TTP1JfJ-EVot, they an indignant, because (as they allege) they ha7:e been deprived, etc. FLAT. Rep. 329 A. Ba<TtAEi: xapw tcracrtv, t1>s St' EKE'ivov TvxoV<raL T~S a-&rovopJ[as 7(J.VT7]S, i.e. they thank him because (they believe) they have obtained this independence through him.

867]

''flu7rep

AND

w<;

WITH CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE

343

Isoc. iv. 175. 'ils yap elo6Twv 1rep~ G!v f.7r~p</>81'Jcrav dKmJETE, for you hear thrm as men who (you believe) know about what they were sent for. DEM. xix. 5. "EA.eye &appe'iv ws KU.TU.CTTlJCTOJl-~VWV T06TwV ds TO o~ov, he bade them take courage, on the ground that these matters were abnut to be settled as they slwuld be. XE". An. i. 3, 8. 'EK 0~ TOVTWV ev8vs EK~pvTTOV f.~t~vat 1ravTas 8l'J!3aovs, ws Twv Tvpavvwv Te8veC:nwv, because (as they said) the tyrants were dead. Id. Hell. V. 4, 9. 'A7reA.oy~craTO on ovx ws To'is ''EA.A.l'}crt '1fOAJl-lJCT6vTwv crcpwv et7rot, that he said what he did, not because they intended to be at wa1 with the G1eeks. Id. An. v. 6, 3. So w E1rtj3ovA.evovTos T tcrcru.cp~pvovs Tais 1r6A.ecrt, on the ground s that T. was plotting, ib. i. 1, 6. 'ils ov 1rpocrocrovTos (se. Jp.ov) TUS x<'iprLs, . . otoaCTKE, since (as YM~ may feel SU1'e) I will not lay lumds on you, teach me. Id. Mem. ii. 6, 32. 'ils dvapevovvTos Ka~ ovK d1ro8avovp~vov (se. Jp,ov), oVTW 7rapacrKE1Ja(ov,makeyourpreparations in the idea that I shall nnwin and shall not die. I d. Cyr. viii. 4, 27. Nvv o, ws OVTW f.x6vTwv, CTT(>U.TL1JV ws TaXLCTTa EK7r~f-7rET. HDT. viii. 144. So ws j3f.j3awv ov, Tauc. i. 2; DEM. xviii. 207.
865. It is a mistake to suppose that ws implies that the participle does 1wt express the idea of the speaker or writer. It implies nothing whatever on this point, which is determined (if at all) by the context. The question whether the clause with ws gives the real or the pretended opinion of the leading subject is also determined (if at all) by the context. 866. 'ils may also be used before participles standing in indirect discourse with verbs of knowing, etc. (see 916).

867. ''i1cr1rep, as, as it were, with the participle denotes a comparison of the action of the verb with an assumed case. The expression may generally be translated by as if with a verb; but the participle is not felt to be conditional in Greek, as is shown by the negative ov (not p~). E.g.
'ilpxovvTo wu1rep li.A.A.ots f.r.LOELKvvpevoL, they danced as if they were showing off to others (i.e. they danced, not really but in appeamnce showing off). XEN. An. v. 4, 34. T[ f.po1 TOVTO Afyw>, wcr1rep ol.>K f.1rt <Tot o v o n &v f3ovl..11 1rept f.JLov A.yEw; why do you say this to me, as if it wen 110t in you1 power to say what you please about me ? Id. Mem. ii. 6, 3fi. In both these cases, there is a comparison between the action stated in the verb aud dancing or speaking under circumstances stated in the l)rnticipial clause. The if in our translation is a makeshift, which we f\IJ(l convenient in expressing the supposed case in a conditional form, which, however, is not the Greek form. The construction is the same as when wcr7rEp takes a noun, as Tov K[vovvov 1rapeA.8EZv f.7ro1)1JEJ! wu1rEp vf.cpos, it caused the danger to pass by lilce a cloud, DEM. xviii. 188; only we can translate wu1rep vf.cpos, but we could not translate WIJ1r<p vecpos OVTa. ''ilcr1rEp ~ory cracpw> elo6Tes ll 7rpaKTEOJ! f.crTtv, ofJK JBEA.er' dKovttv,

344

THE PARTICIPLE

~(868

you are unwilling to hear, as

if you already lcnew well what should be done.

Isoc. viii. 9. 'Ai-~VTwv 6A.yob 1rp"Os ?roA.A.as- p:vpwoas, wrr1rep Jv d'AA.oTp[ab> fvxaZ<; JJ-EAAovTE> Ktvovvevrrnv, as if they had been about to incur the 1islc with others' lives. Id. iv. 86. T~v ~fl-[U"HaV dA.rJ<pV, (~(r'TrEfl 7rpb'> TOV 6.a T~V x<!Jpav VEJ1-0J1-EVOS, dA.X o-& 7rpb> Toils avfJpw-;rov<; TU> rrvvfJ-~Ka> 7r0i01J}l-EVO>, he has taken half (of the land)
as if he weTe dividing the country with Zeus, and not rnaking a t1eaty with num. lb. 179. IIpb> TOtS aAAOi<;, WU"7rp a-&Tb> tbrAws Kal Jl-d dJVoias ?raJ!Ta<; dpYJK<~> Tov> A.6yovs, </JvAATTEiV f'Jl'~ EKEAEVEJ!, as if he had himself spolcen, etc. DEM. xviii. 276. 01 ''EAA?]VE> ovTw> ~")'dJ!a KTYJ!TaJI, wrr1rep OA?]> T~> 'E,\,\<foos 7rE7rop8?]JLEVYJ>, as 1j the whole of GTeece had been laid waste. Isoc. x. 49. See Id. iv. 53, WIT7rp o1' Tovs- A.oyovs- OvTas-, and XEN. An. iii. 1, 14, v. 7, 24; Mem. ii. 3, 3; Oec. ii. 7. In PLAT. Ap. 35 A, we have wrr-;rEp dfJaJ!aTwJ! JrrofL~vwv EUJ! VJl-EZs a-&Tovs }1-~ a7rOKTEVYJTE, i.e. as if they will be (like nwn who will be) immortal if you do not put them to death, where the future participle indicates that there is no condition (4 7 3). The participle with w!T7rEp generally denotes attendant ci"!:Cp ~oances (843), sometimes manner (836).

868. "rlrr7rEp, like any particle meaning as, can be followed by d and an actual conditiou, the apodosis of which it represents ; as in WU"1fE(J El 7rapHrT6.Tos, as (you would do) if you had l'ived near by, Amsca. Ag. 1201. A participle with Wifr.ep El seems to haYe hardly more conditional force than one with the siwple wrr7rEp; as cp) <{!xov KfLTa.{ct7rov!T' (urr7rEpE2 7rpoKdJ1-evov, you, went off and left me as if I had been laid out, Au. Eecl. 537. s~e WIT7rEfJ el J!O}l-!twv, DEM. XXX. 7. Whet! a real condition is expressed, we generally have wrr7rE(J av ei, as in WU"7rp av er TL> a.ln<i}To, DE11. xviii. 194. But when WIT7rE(J UJ! EL (or wrr7rEpavd) is followed by a participle or a noun without a verb, it is hardly posRible that either of the verbs which were originally nnderstood with O.v aucl t!. (2,27) was felt as im])lied in the language as we find it: indeerl, it woull seldom be possible to supply an actual verb. Thus in op,ows- OiE1fOfJE{,f)YjfT(LJI W(T7rEpavE~ 7r(J01fEfJ,1fOfJ-El10i, they proceeded as if they wen 7tndeT esrmt, Isoc. iv. 148, and in W<r7rEpavd ?)ym)fuJ!ot, as if they believed, Dmr. xviii. 214, WU"7rEp alone would have given essentially the same sense. So in i</Jof3~81J wcr7repa.vEt r.aZs-, PLAT. Gorg. 4 79 A, WIT7rp 1ral>, like a child, would probably have expressed the whole idea with less emphasis.
REMARKS ON

Wif1rE(J

AND

ws-

WI1'H THE pARTICIPLE.

869. l. In Homer ws T<, ~s El, and ~s d TE are used in a sense approaching that of wrrnEp in Attic Greek. 'ns here aH1'ays expresses a comparison, and when El is added the form must originally have included a condition ; but, even in Homer, the force of El had become so weakened that it is hardly possible that any actual verb was felt to be implied in the expression. E.g.

874]

"fl(J"7rp

AND

w<;

WITH PARTICIPLE

345

'Axau;Jv o'trov &Aow;, (;;, r 1l"ov 1) mhos 1rap6Jv i) &.\.\ov dKo-6(J"ac;, you sing as ~J you had been p1esent younelf 01 had heard j1om another. Od. viii. 490. KfpK)) f.mj~~a we; H KT<Jp.Eva~ fHvwfvwv, .l rushed
upon CiTee as if .l were eager to kill her. Od. x. 322: so x. 295. Tov 8' 6 ypwv iv f.rpEq,Ev, dp.q,ayami(op.Evoc; we; d 8' ov viov i6 vra, welcoming him as (if he had been) his own son. IL xvi. 191. IT6.\X oA.oq,vpOJLEVO~ W<; d eavar(JVO K~ono., as (if he were) going to death. n.

xxiv. 327.

Tc; vv O"E ro~a6' <ipEEF, ws EL

KaKOV p(ovO"aF iFw7rfj,

as if you were doing any evil OJ enly. Il. v. 373. Ka7l"FOS yfyvEra~ ~ a!Jrijs, ws d 7rvpo<; al8ojJ.Evow, as (if) when a fire is b1~ming. Il. xxii.

149 ; so Ocl. xix. 39. 2. In Homer ws El may have a noun without a participle. Here the comparative force is srJecially clear, as the diffic.;ulty of supplying a verb with El is specially great: seep! dO"v4>17Aov f.pE~EJ! Q>S d nJ!' (hp.1)TOJ! p.Erava(]'T'')V, he made me of no account, like some dishunound stmnger, Il. ix. 648, xvi. 59. So ws Et TE Kard. 1\ooJ!, as if down st?'eam, Od. xiv. 254 ; ws rE 7rEpi tfvx~s, as it were jo1 my life, Ocl. ix. 423.1

870. The weak conditional force that appears in the Homeric ws El with a participle or a noun (869) helps to explain the perhaps still weaker condition of W(J'7rE(l El or W(J'7rEp av El in Attic Greek (868). 871. The very few cases of ws with the participle in Homer do not indicate that ws had yet begun to develop its later force (864). See Od. xvi. 21' 1TaJ!Ta KVO"EV 1TEP'1>is, W> EK eaJ!arow q,vyoJ!Ta, he kissed
him all over, like one escaped jTo-m death, though we might tran8late since he felt that T. had escaped j?-om death. No such force is possiLle, however, in 11. xxiii.,430, ws oi>K doi'TL eo~Kws, appearing lil;e one who hemd not.

872. Herodotus uses WO"TE with the participle in the sense of although he has u!s with the participle in the Attic sense (864). See examples under 863. 873. 'Ds d (or (JJ(J'Et) and W<; d T avvear occasionally in Attic poetry with nouus or adjectives in th<eir Homeric sense. So p.ar1)p <DCTE [ n<; 7l"~(J'T(t, like some faithful 1notheT, SoPH. El. 234 ; 'lrTV(]'aS w(]'d TE 6vcrp.<vq, spurning heT as cm ene1Jt?f, Aut. 653.
with the participle occasionally seems to have the or oiOJI; as in EuR. Hipp. 1307, 6 S' W0"7rp l)y O!Kaws ovK q)E(]'r.ETO A.6yo,s, inasmuch as he was just, etc. Or is the meaning here he, like a just man? In PLA'l'. Rep. :3:30 E, 1]ro' i>1ro rqs rov y1)pws d(]'8Evdo.s ?} Kai W(]'1l"Ef1 1JD1J f.yy<rf.pw WJ! TWJ! EKEt p.O.A.A6v n Ka8op(j. avra, the same force is generally given to W0"1l"<p. But it may have the comparative force : eithcT because of the feebleness of old age, or pmhaps (feeling) like one who is nearer the other wo'rld, he takes a moTe ca1ejul view of it,-a
''illf7TE(l

an,

874.

same force as

aT

1 See Lange, Pa1tikcl EI, pp. 235-243. I cannot follow Lange (p. 241), in making the Attic ws with the participle the natural successor of the Homeric ws El with the participle.

346

r"

THE P AHTICIPLE

[875

genitive of cause with inr6 and a participle of circumstance being united under ~Tot and ~

Ornission of &>v.
875. The participle ~v is sometimes omitted, leaving a predicate adjective or noun standing by itself. 1. This occurs chiefly after IJ.T<, ota, we;, or Ka7r<p, and much more frequently with predicate adjectives than with nouns. E.g.
'AAAa ytyvuJCrKw <racpwc;, Kat1r<p <r KOTE vos (se. <i>v), T~v y< <r~v aVfi1)v Dfi-W>, althouuh my sight is da1lcened. SoPH. 0. T. 1325. "Ecp'Y) K1JPV~E.V fi-1]0Efi-[av 1r6Atv 0EXE<r8at avTovs, we; 1t'OAEfJ-[ovs (se. livTaS), that no city should receive them., on the ground that they were enemies. XE:-<. An. vi. 6, 9. So we; cp[Aovs 1J01J, Cyr. iii. 2, 25. AvTo emT'Y)<ivov<rw W> dvayKatov dAA' ovx we; dya86v (se. liv), they practise it on the ground that it is necessaTy, and not on the g1ound that it is good. PLAT. Rep. 358 c. "'H fl-1JV ET ZEvc;, Ka7r<p a v8&81]> (se. ~v) cppVWV, lcrTat Ta1t'Hv6s. AESCH. Prom. 907. So in the genitive and accusative abRolute. 'Ds ho11-wv 8~ XPTJpriTwv (se. livTwv). XEN. An. vii. 8, 11. 'Ds Efi-OV p6vTJS 1reAas (se. ovcr'Y)s), since I alone a?n near you. SoPH. 0. C. 83. 'Ds KaAov (se. ~v) dyopv<cr8at avT6v, on the ground that it is good for it (the speech) to be ,qpolcen. THUC. ii. 35. ~V 1rPWTO>, we; OVK avayKatov (se.. 8v) TO KAE11"TEv, alni- 'TOV KAE7r'TOVTa. XEN. Cyr. v. 1, 13. '!ls &pa 1rav'T~ 3~ Aov (se. 8v) on Kotvd. Ta cp[Awv ecrTat. PLAT. Rep. 449 C. (With nouns.) EvBvs, oia 3~ 7rai:s (se. tJv) cpvcrH cptA6t:rTopyo<>, 1jmrd~ETO. avTov, as he was by nat1tre an affectionate child. XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 2. AvTovs <ls T1JV 1roAtnav 'ov 7rapa3<~6fl-8a, &n Tvpavv3os Vfi-V'Y)Tris fsc. livTas), since they sing the praises of tymnny. PLAT. Rep. 568 B.

2. Without the above mentioned particles (875, 1), rarely omitted, and probably only in poetry. E.g.

~v

is

Tovs lipvts, &v vcf>YJ/'1)TWV (se. livTwv) eyw KTQV<Zv ffJ-AAov 1t'aTepa Tov J11-6v, the birds, by whose guidance, etc. SorH. 0. T. 966. So 1260, and 0. c. 1588. Noct's 8a11"TtV cr<j), &.7roppYJTOV m1At (se. ov), do you think of burying him, when it is fO?bidden to the city 1ld. Ant. 44.

3. The adjectives .1Kwv, wilting, and aKwv, unwilling, omit wv like participles. E.g.
'E11-ov 11-~v o<'x K6vTos, against my will. SoPH. Aj. 455. 'AeKovTos lpiio. Il. i. 301. Ntdav Kat /::,Yjp.Ocr8vYJV !iKOJITOS TOV rvA[7r11"0V a1rcrcpa~av. THuc. vii. 86. So AEsCH. Prom. 771. llapa TOVTwv ovK &v 1ron Ari(3ots .Aoyov ovT< hovTwv ovn dK6vTwv. PLAT. Theaet.
180

c.

4. A predicate adjective or noun sometimes stands without ~v, when it is connected by a conjunction to a participle in the same construction. E.g.

877]

COMBINATIONS OF CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLES

347

T JLE ovK .Ao JLE va v {;(3p(w;, &A.A.' h [~a v-ro v; why do you insult me when I am not yet dead, but am before your eyes? SoPH. Ant. 839, A6yw; ll u-vJLBO.s Kai 8ewv dvwJLoTos. EuR. Med. 737: so Or. 457. AvTpa ~f.pwv Kat LKETYJS (se. ~v) Twv 'Axatwv. PLAT. Rep. 393 D. So HnT. i. 60 (J:rroA.e-rrovu-a Ka2 eVetll~s),and 65 (dlleA.~tlleov p.v (JamAdJOVTOS o); THUC. iii. 82 (ovK av exovTWV 7rpo~au-tv ovo' ETOlfLwv). See other examples in Kiihner, vol ii. 491.

Oornbinations of Circumstantial PMticiples. 876. As the participle in the genitive or accusative absolute denotes the same relations (time, cause~ etc.) as the circumstantial participle in its ordinary construction (833-845), both may be used in the same sentence and be connected by conjunctions. ~rhen several participles denoting these relations occur in any sentence, those which belong to substantives already connected with the main construction agree with these in case, while those which refer to some new subjects stand with these in the genitive absolute ; any which are impersonal standing in the accusative absolute. E.g. 01 JLf.v''EA.A.YJI'ESO'Tpa~El'TES 7rapeo-Kevci(ovTo ws TaVTTJ 7rpoo-tOVTOS
(se. TOV (Jao-tA.f.ws) Ka2 8e~6pevot, tlwy prepared themselves with a view to his (the King's) coming up and to receiving him. XEN. An. i. 10, 6. Ka2 7T'clvTa 8ta7rpa~cipevos f.v Tfj eKKAYJo-iq. (KA.wv), Kai tf1)~to-a JLEVWV 'A8T1vawv mh0 Tov 1T'Aovv, Twv Te f.v II1IA.rp o-TpaTYJywv i!va 7rpoo-eA.6pevos, T'lJV avaywy1JV 8td Tcixovs E'TT'OtE'iTo. 'l'HUC. iv. 29. 'A\ (3 taOYJS TOLS II EI\01T'OVV1)0'tOtS V1T'01T'TOS WV, Kat a'TT' avTWV a't'tKO \ ~ /\Kt ~~ pf.v1]S E'TT'tO'TOA~s (},o-T' ct'TT'OKTe'ivat, v'TT'oxwpe'i 7rapd Tto-o-a~pv1)V Id. viii. 45. T~s ')'ClP EfL7rOpias OVK OVO'YJS ovll' E7rtptyvvVTES &oews JA.A.~A.ots olJTe KaTa y~v olJTE .Sta 8aA.ao-o-YJ>, vefLOfLevot Te Ta avTwv i'KaO'TOL OO'OV a7ro(~v Kat 7rEplOvO'{av XPYJfLclTWV OVK if X 0 VTE<; ovof. 'Y0v ~VTEVOVTE<;, UOYJAOV QV 07T'OTE Tt<; E7T'eA8wv Ka1 aTEtxio-TWV UfLa oVT WV aAAOS ct~atp~O'Tat, T~S T Ka8' 1JfLEpav avayKaov Tpo~~S 7T'aVTaxov av 1J')'OVfLVOt E'TT'tKpCtTE'iv, OV xaA7T'W<; U7T'avo-TaVTO. Id. i. 2. Here oVO'YJS and E1T'LfLt')'Vl5vTEr; belong to the leading clause; VEfLO l~evot, !IxovTE>, and <j>vTEvovTEs-corresponding to ~-youfLevot-are in the second line; a8YJA.ov ov depends on VEfLOfLEVot, etc., and introduces the indirect question 01f6T . . . a<]>atp~o-eTat, which contains E7reA.80v .and aTetX{o-Twv ovTwv as circumstantial participles.
0

,,

"

'

'

'

'

'.,/,.

C. SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE.

877. The supplementary participle completes the idea expressed by a verb, by stating that to which its action relates. It often approaches very near the use of the

348

THE PARTICIPLE

[87s

object infinitive. It may belong to either the subject or the object of the verb and agree with it in case. E.g.
ITavOJLEV <T A.yovra, we o~top you f1orn speaking; 1rav6JL8a A.yovrs, we cease speahing.

878. The supplementary participle has two uses. In one of these it corresponds to the infinitive in indirect disconrse, with its tenses representing the same tenses of the direct form ; and in the other it corresponds to the object infinitive in other constructions, so far as it approaches the infinitive at all in meaning. (See 746.)
A.eyovra, we stop you from speaking, with he shows that you spea,k the tTuth / and compare both with KWAJJOfLEV a- A.yEw, we prevent you j1orn speaking, ami cpYJa-[ (Tf A.yEw .rdA.YJ8~, he snys thnt you spenk the tmth.
<T

Compare 1ravoJLv
a-

iMKvva-[

A.yovra

r&.A., 7 8~,

I.

NOT IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

879. I. The participle may be used with verbs signifying

to begin, to continue, to endure, to persevere, to cense, to stop (i.e. enuse to cense), and to peTmit or put up with. E.g. 'Eyw 8' i]pxov xaAE1ravwv, and I was the fint to be ang1y. Il. ii. a7s. 'Apgop.at d7ro Tqs larptK'ijs A.eywv, I will begin rny speech with the art of .rnedicine. PLA'l". Symp. 186 B. AvrYJ 0 olK[YJ litaTAEet JLOVVYJ EAv8pYJ EOV<Ta IIp<Tewv, this ho?se continues to ue the only free one among the Pe?sia?IS. HDT. iii. 83. So Xi:\. An. iv. 3, 2; DE;~f. xviii. l. OvK dv~ofLat (wa-a, I shall not endu.Te life. EvR. Hipp. 354. 'Avxa-8a[ nvw11 Jv rats EKKAJ)a-[as AEyovrwv, to enduTe ceTtain men saying. DE~1. ix. 6. So dJE~Et A.iyovros f.p.ov 7rEpt nn!rwv; will you rtllow 1JW to say? PLAT. Rep. 613 c. With the accusative: Kat ravr' 'Iaa-wv 1rai:8as J~av~ETat 1ra<T X ovras; and will Jason endnre to have his child1en suJfeT this? Eun. MeLl. 74. At7rapET JLEVOVTES, peTseve?'e u.nd hold youT ground. Hm. ix. 48. Oi 8' EKapTepovv 1rpus KVJLU AaKr[(ovTEs. Eun. I. T. 1395. Tpwas 8' ov A1J~W vap(wv, I will not stop slaying T1ojans. Il. xxi. 224. ITav<Tat A.f.yov<Ta, stop talking. Eun. Hi pp. 706 ; so 4i 4. T0v cptAo<Tocp[a.v 7rav<Tov ravra A.eyova-aJI, stop Philosophy from t.ilhing in this style. PLAT. Gorg. 482 A. 'EKlVOt<Tt TU UTa 7r0 t E uc:n OVK ErrtTp1rTEa E<TTl, we rnust not allow tlwm to cwt in this way. HDr. ix. 58. 'H 7r0Ats avroi:s OVK E7rtTpElfH 7rapcL(3a{vOV<Tt T~V VOJLOV, the city will not put Up With theiT tmnsgression of the law. Isoc. xii. l 70.

880. The poets sometimes have the participle with roAJLaw and rA.aw, to endure, to have courage, and with JLEvw, to await, which usually take the infinitive. E.g.

882]

SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE

349

'ET6A,ua {3a.\,\6,uevos. Od. xxiv. 162. T6.\,ua 8' ipwa-a, have the courage to love. EuR. Hipp. 476. T,\~va[ a-e opwa-av av iy&:. 7rapatVuw, that you take coum,ge to do what I shall ad,vise. SoPH. El. 943. So 1rpa8VTa TA'(jvat, endured to be sold, AESCH. Ag. 1041; a-1rdpas rAa, was bold enough to plant, Sept. 7 54. 01;pa ,utvouv VOC!'T'IJO"aVTa aVaKTa, that they might await the king's return. Il. Xiii, 38 (compare iv. 247, ,uev<T Tpwas iA.{),uev;). For the aorist participle in the last three examples, see 148.

881. II. The participle may be used with many verbs which denote a state of the feelings, as those signifying to repent, to be weary, to be pleased, displeased, satisfied, angry, troubled, or asharned. E.g. McT,UfAOJITO TOS 0"7rOVOdS 0~ oe~d,uevot, they ?'epented that they
had not accepted the peace. THUC. iv. 27. Tovs oea-,uc:mt<; fLETfLEAOVTO d 7r o 8 e 8 w K6 T E <;, they 1epented of having 1eturned the p?isoneTS. Id, v. 35. Et ,uer<,uEArla- ol r~v 'E,\A.~cr1rovrov ,uaa-nywa-avn, whethm he 1epented that he had scourged the Hellespont. HDT. vii. 54. 'Eav ns ,u~ a7roKUJLV{/ CrJTwv, pTovided one is not WI!U1'1f of seeking. PLAT. Men. 81 D. T</) ,uv pa xa'i:pov voa-T?)a-avn, they 1ejoiced in his 1eturn. Od. xix. 46;3: so 11. xviii. 259. TtfLWfLEVOL xapova-o they delight to be lwnoured. EuR. Hipp. 8. Xapovcrtv i~traCo,uivot<; ro'i:s olo,uevots ,uf.v civat a-o1;o'i:s oiJcn 8' ov, i.e. they delight in having thern examined. PLAT. Ap. 33 0. In poetry xatpw may have the aecusative : TOV> yap da-cf3c'i:s Bwl eJI1JO'KDVTas o-& xapov<Tt,,for the Gods do not rf!joice in the death of the pious. Eua. Hipp. 1340. L: ,u'i:v <B 1rpaa-crovT' E7rixa[pw. SoPH. Aj. 136. .PtAew with nominative: 1;tA<ts 8 8pwcr' a-&ro cr1;oopa, and you ewe very fond of doing it. AR. Pl. 645. 0~ yap Tis TOi dviaTat 7rap<6VTL Od. xv. 335. T~s AloA.8os xaAE7rWS f.1;tp<v a71'wTEpY)fLEVos, he took it hard that he was deprived of Aeolis. XE~. Hell. iii. 2, 13. 'Y71'o <TfLtKpoTepwF Tt,uw,uevot dya-;rwa-w, they are content to be honouTed by smaller 'fnl!n. PLAT. Rep. 475 B. 'EA.tyXOJLEVot 1)x8ovro, they were vexed at being exposed. XEN. 1v1em. i. 2, 47. Tovs 1;pov[fLovs dyavaKn'i:v d-;ro8J'VD'Kovras 7rpe7r<t, it is 1ight to be indignant when the wise die. PLAT. Phaed. 62 E. 'fls ,uta-w <r' iixu!V. EvR. Supp. 1108. Ov VEfL<<TW 'Ayu.p~EfLl'DJit orpvvovn ,udxea-8at 'Axawvs. Il. iv. 413. 'A8tKOVfLEVO t ,~aAAov opyCov-rat 'l) f3wC6,uevot.. THuc. i. 77. TovTo ovK ala-xvvo,uat AeywJI, I say this witlwut sha1ne (see 903, 1). XEN. Cyr. v. 1, 21. AEo<a-at -;raTf.pa 7rpoA<[7rwv. SoPH. Aj. 506. N tKW,ttevos Aoyota-tv ovK dva[vo,uat, I arn not sorry (non piget) to be ovmconw by 11our wo?ds. AESCH. Ag. 583. EiJ 8paa-as 8 d oDK dva[vo,uat, I do not 1egret that I helped you. EuR. H. F. 1235. ea voila-a OVK &.va[vofLat, I do not regret my death (about to come). Id. I. A. 1503. 'Ava[vof'at T;-; yfjpas v,uwv d(To pw v, I am troubled at the sight, etc. Id. 13acch. 251. ('Avavo,uat, refuse, takes the infinitive: see AESCH. Ag. 1652.) 882. Most of the participles of 881 denote a cause or ground of action, and might be placed under 838. (See 823.)
1,

350

THE PARTICIPLE

[883

883. Ill. The participle with verbs signifying to find, to detect, or to represent, denotes an act or state in which a person or thing is found, detected, or represented. E.g. EvpEv 8' EBpvor.a Kpov811v llrEp ~fLEvov ll..\.A.wv, she found the son Qf Kronos sitting apart. Il. i. 498. So i. 27. '0 o Kqpvg d<j>tK6fLEVO<; EVpE rov<; tfv8pa<; OtE<j>()apfL~vovs, the herald, qohen he came, found the 'llWn already put to death. THuc. ii. 6. ''Hv yap Ei;p()ii A.~ywv (}'o1 rail!, ywy' l!.v EKTrE<j>vyo11v r.a&os, if he shall be found to tell the same sto1')! as you, etc. SoPH. 0. 'l'. 839. KaraAafLf3avov(n n]v ITor[oatav Kat raAAa d<j>E(}'7'1)K6ra, they find Potidaea and the other towns in revolt. TRue. i. 59. Ka.K6s y' (i; v <; <j>[..\.ov<; ,J),[(}'KETat, he is detected in ua.seness. Euu. Med. 84. 'Eav aAiJ<; ETl TOVTO 7r p(trTWV' dr.o&a.vEZ, if you are ever caught doing this again, you shall die. PLAT. Ap. 29 C. So Rep. 389 D. Ba(}'tA~as 7rETrO['Y/KE 'TOVS Jv "Atoov TOV dEl xp6vov nfLwpovfLEVOV>, he has represented kings in Hades as sujjeTing punishment without ceasing. Id. Gorg. 525 D. "AKA'Y/rov 7ro,rnv ('OfL')pos) a() 6 VTa r6v MEvEAEWV 7rt 'T~V 8o[vYJV. Id. Symp. 17 4 c. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish this use of the participle from that of indirect discourse, especially with EvpirrKw. (See 904.)
884. IV. The pal'ticiple (not in indirect discourse) with verbs signifying to he(w, lea.m (heaT of), see, or peTcei'l!e denotes the act which is perceived or heard of (not, as in indirect discourse, the filet that the act occurs). Here the participle approilches very nearbr the ordinary object infinitive in its use, and the tenses of the participle differ only ilS the same tenses of the infinitive differ in such. constructions, the amist not denoting past time (148). E.g. Bapl! 8~ <T'TEvdxovTOS aKOVCTEv, and he hecmd him groaning heavily. Od. viii. 95. Eio cp8EytafL~VOV TEV i) avo~rravro~ aKOVCTEJI, but if he had heard any one call or speak. Od. ix. 497. (The amist participles denote the occurrence of the act, as the present denotes its progress.) "HKovrra of. 7rOTE a.vrov Kat r.Ept <j>[A.wv OtaAE')'OfLEvov, I once hea1d him disconne, etc. (see 886). XEN. Mem. ii. 4, l. Torravm <j>wv~ <raJ!To<; (se. mlTov) elrr'Y/KovrrafLEJ!, so 1nuch we hemd him say. SoPH. 0. C. 1645. "HoYJ 7rWr.orf. TOV 'JKOvrras avTwv ..\.6yov 8t86vro> oB KaTayf.A.arrTov; PLAT. Rep. 49:3 D. .MEydA' EKAVEJI ai!o~rravros. Od. iv. 505. Oil 1rw r.Er.l!rrB,)v ITarp6KAow 8a116vro<;, they had not yet heard of th~ death of Patroclus. Il. xvii. 3 7 7 ; so 42 7. 'Ds r.v8ovTo Tq<; ITvA.ov KaTE<A.1)fLfLEV1JS, when they hea1d of the capt?;n of Pylus. THUC. i v. 6. (But with the accusative, in on r.v()o,ro Tu ll,.\'lfLfL1Jptov iaAwK6~, that he hnd henrd that P. was captund, vii. :31, as indirect discourse. See Classen's note on iv. 6.) 01 T01lTOV<; opolv'T<; r.a<TXOliTas, those who see these suffeT. PJ,AT. Gorg. 525 C. M,) (}'E !8wfLat 8EtvofL~v,7 v. Il. i. 587. So Od. x. 99. T</) K~ fL' !oot~ r.pwro;rrtv
Jvi 7TpofLJ.xoww 1'-''Y<.v-ra, then would you see me mingle with the fore-

most champions. Od. xviii. 379; so 176, 8v ~pw yevo~(}'avnt lOE.

886]

SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE

351

<TBat, to see with a beard. TP 7r6:.7roT' doe~ ~OlJ dyaBov Tt yevop.evov; towhomdidyoueveryetseeanygoodcome? AR.Nub. 1061. "OTava1hov iov J~a[<f>vYJ~ 'lrTa[travTa 1rpo~ -ri) 1r6A.et Kat JKxeavTa -ra-re a&ov Kat eavT6v, w.1wn he sees hint suddenly come into collision with the state and fall overboard with all his belongi'fl1}s. PLAT. Rep. 553 A. El JL~ w<f>BYJtrav JA.B6vT~. THUC. iv. 73. (The aorist participle with a verb of seeing is not common in prose.) AltrB6p.evo~ Aap.7rpoKA.i.a 1rp0~ T~v JLYJTEpa xaA.e7ra[vovTa, perceiving Lamprocles angry with his mother. XEx. Mem. ii. 2, 1. Ovoep.[av 1rJ.'lroT< dyEA.YJv fwB~p.eBa trvtrTatra v i1rt Tov vop.ea. Id. Cyr. i. 1, 2. So also al<TBavop.at with the genitive: 1l<TBYJ<Ta[ p.ov ~ f<voop.apTvpovvTo~ 1) trvKo<{>avTovvTo~; Id. Mem. iv. 4, 11. Olp.a[ <Te ovK <1v <{>a vat yevo p.f. vo v 7rOTe iv travn;; -rov I ' TOWVTOV at<T B' B I think you would not say that you ever knew ' such ElT at, a thing to happen within yourself PLAT. Rep. 440 B. T6v VOYJlTV ~lTTwT', and he peneived him standing. Il. iv. 200.

oe

885. The participle may be used in a similar way, having the same distinction of present and aorist (884), with 1repwpw ('rreptewov), and sometimes with i<{>opw, el<Topw (i1l'e'ioov, eheZoov), and even the simple opw (eioov), in the sense of overlook, allow, or
1wt

to prevent.

E.g.

ov 1repw1{6p.eBa &otKovp.f.vov~, we shall not let our allies be wronged. THUC. i. 86. Me[(w y tyv6p.evov TOV llvBpw1l'ov 1repwpwp.ev, we allow the man to grow gTeater. DEM. ix. 29. 'Yp.fv er.t<TK1J1iTW . . . p.1) 7rEpuoe'i:v T~v ryyep.ov[YJv aiin~ i~ M~oov~ 7repteA.Bo v lT a v, I ailjure you not to see the leadenhip come 1ound again into the hands of the Medes. HDT. iii. 65. M~ 1l'Epdowp.ev v.BtntrBe'i:trav n)v AaKeoa[p.ova Kat KaTa<f>povYJBE'itrav, let us not allow Lacedaemon to be insulted and despised. Isoc. vi. 108. IIepte'i:oe TOV avTov 1ra-rpa Kat (wvTa Twv &vayKa[wv tr1l'a v[(ovTa Kat TEAEvrq<TavTa ov TVXbi'Ta TWV vop.[p.wv, he allowed his own father to rernain in want (pres.) of the 1wcessaries of life while lw lived, and not to receive (aor.) a decent burial when he died. DIN.ii. 8. Kaip.1)tl pYJp.ov EK1l'Etrov<Tav El<Tons, do not see me dTiven out without a friend. EuR. Med. 712. Mry tf loe'i:v Ba v 6v B' V1l'' d<TTWV, not to see me lcilled by citizens. Id. Or. 7 4 6. See other examples of the aorist participle with these verbs in 148. For the infinitive, often in nearly the same sense, see 903, 6.
886. The verbs of perception included in 884 may take the participle also in indirect discourse, with the natural force of each tense preserved (see 904). vVith some of these verbs, the construction of the participle is generally shown by its case : thus dKovw and 1l'vv8c5.vop.at in Attic Greek regularly take the genitive in the construction of 884, and the accusati \'e in indirect discourse. See Ellendt, Lex. Sophocl. s. V. aKOVW, who does not allow an exception in SoPH. Ph. 615. For the less fixed usage of Homer with aKo1~w and 1l'Ev8op.at, see Schmitt in Schanz's Eeitrage, p. 9. Other verbs, as opw, have the accusative regularly in both constructions, but the context generally makes the meaning

Toi~ ~vp.pAxov~

352

THE PARTICIPLE

[881

plain : see, however, ErrR. Hec. 342. AlcrBavoJta sometimes has the genitive, as in some examples in 884, but not in indirect discourse.

887. V. With AavBrivw, to escape the notice oj, Tvyxrivw, to happen, and .pBrivw, to anticipate or get the sta1t of, the participle contains the leading idea of the expression and is usually translated by a verb in English. Here the aorist participle does not denote time past relatively to the leading verb (unless the latter is a present or imperfect), but coincides with it in time (144). Other tenses of the participle express their usual relations of time to the verb (147). E.g.
<PovEa ToD 1rruo~s AavBavE f3 6cr Kw v, he was unconsciously .supporting , the slayeT of his son. HDT. i. 44. ''H erE AavBavEt. 1rpu> Tovs ,PAotJ<; crTexovTa. Twv JxBpwl' KaKa; aTe y011, unaware that ouT enemies' evils an advancing upon OUT friends? SoP H. Ant. 9. Tovs o' f.AaB' El erE ABwv IIp[aj..tos, and Priam entered unnoticed by thern. Il. xxiv. 477; so xvii. l. Mt] ere AriBncrv KE'icr' ~opf.l!Jcracra, le.st the ship be dTiven thither befoTe you know it. Ocl. xii. 220. <PvAacrcrE o' 0 / El> fVWl!TOV, f.l~ A<Ulo 1rap1.t6v. Od. iv. 526. 'Piov t!AaBov JcrEAB6vTE<;; they enteTed rnoTe easily without being noticed. TRue. ii. 2. 'EAcU'toj..tEV 1Jf.lUS mho1s 1raowv oi>8~v 8w,Pf.povTE<;; did we neve1Jind out that all the tirne we were no bette? than children? PLAT. Crit. 49 B. (See 14 7, 2.) 'Apx[oapos aim{> ~f.vos wv Jn~yxavE. TRue. ii. 13. '0 1JYEf.lWV ETvyxaJ'E TE()VYJKW<;, it happe?Wd that the guide had died (was dead). Id. iii. 98. ''ETl!XOV e,Popol. ETEPO' apxol'TE<; ?j01], then happened to be' other Epho1s al1eady in office. Id. v. 36. ''EnxEv 1Jf.lWV ~ ,Pl!A1J 'lr{Jl!TavEvovcra, ou1 t?ibe happened to hold the p1yt(~ny. PLAT. Ap. 32 B. ''ETtJ>(ov Ka(),)f.lEVO<; evTavBa. Id. Eutl1yd. 272 E. 'Ev T0 crK6T<[! yap Tov/ ifnxov i!v8ov Aaf3wv: AR. Eecl. 375. ''Enxov 7rapayEVof.lEVo<; t1r1rov i!xwv, I came, as it happened, t~1:t1~ a horse. PLA'I'. Symp. 221 A. 'Es NaV7rO.KTOV, ?jv enxov 1Jp1)1C6TE<; VEWCJTL, in Naupach;,s, which it happened they had lately captured. THUC. i. l o:3. (See 14 7' 1.) 'Eav f.l~ n<; aDTfj f3oYJ()~cra<; ()EfJv TVX1], unlc>es some God by chance comes to its aid. PLAT. Rep. 492 A; so 495 B. K&v El TJ~XO,EV .!v Tcf 1rapaxp'fjf.la KVKEwva 7rt6vTE<;, even if they should happen to drink a Kl!KEwv on the spot. lb. 408 B. p{)<fvoVCJoV J-,f O.VTd KO.Ta,PEvyovTE<;, they a.re the fi1'St to TUn to them. AESCHIN. iii. 248. Ai>Toi ,P()J)crovTru TODTo opacravTE<;, they 1oill do this for thernselves first. PLA'r. Rep. 37 5 C. ''Eq)Brwav 1roAAc{> TOJJ<; Hf.pcra<; J.7r,KOj.lEVoo, they arrived long bqfore the Persians. HDT. iv. 136. Bol!AOfLEJIOt ,PB{jJJO.o TOV<; 'A()Y]VO.LO'V<; a7roK6j.lEJJOo E<; TO aCJTl!. Id. Yi. 115. <PeavEo 7racrav hr ata.v j3Aa7rTOl!(J' dvBpw7rOl!<;, i.e. she (Ate) hrtrrns men ove1 the whole ea?th before Pmyers can avail. Il. ix. 506. ''Eq){)1) opE~aj.lEVo<;, he hit hirnflnt. Il. XYi. 322. '07r7r6TEpo<; KE .pe1JfYI.V O[JE~Uj.lEl'O<; xp6a KaA6v, whicheve?' shall fi?'St hit. Il. xxiii. 805. OvK ecp()acra.v 7rl!()Oj.lEVOo TUV 7roAEj.lOV KO.~ ?JKOV, no soone?' did they hear of the wm than they came. Isoc. iv. 86. <I>BavotJcr'v (hist. pres.) .hr2 Ttf aKp'f yEV6j.lEJJOo TOV<; 7rOAEj..t[OtJ<;, XEN. An. iii. 4, 49.

893]

PARTICIPLE WITH ~av8avw,

Tvryxavw, ETC.

353

888. So sometimes with ow.A.av&avw and the poetic A.~Bw. E.g. 'l'oravrrr> 7l'OAtrdw;; fhETEXHV, Jv iJ fh~ &aA.~uH XPYJUTb<; wv. Isoc. iii. 16. 0{,8 uE A.~Bw KtVVfhEvos, nor do I eve1 move without your k110tvlcdge. Il. x. 279.

889. Kvpw in poetry takes the participle like Tvyxcivw. E.g. Tovrov oiu()' El (wv KvpE'i:; do you know v:hether perchanee he is alive ? So PH. Ph. 444. "2E(J'W(J' f-hE vo s KvpcZ. AESCH. Pers. 503. 'l'avr' dpYJKis KvpE'i; Id. o. c. 414. 'ExBpo' l)v KvpEZ. EuR. Ale.
954. So crvyKvpew in HDT. viii. 87, with the aorist participle (144):

rrVJ'EKDprycrE

h rwv KaA.vv8wv 7rapa71'E(J'OV(J'a vryv,.

tl

890. "2vfh71'[nw (chiefly in Herodotus) and rrv!hf3aJ,w may take the participle like rvyxd.vw. E.g. Ka2 rboE lupov crvJ'E71'ErrE YEVbf1-EVOJI, and this otheT e1:ent oCC'UTred, as it chanced. HD'l'. ix. 101. "2vverrE7rTWt<EE :pc<; Jov<Ta, it had happened tlutt the1e was a qnamel. Id. i. 82. Ovr(l) yap uuJLPa[J'H &0a Ka.2 1} 'Twvoe e0yFEW KOITfhOVf.J,EP'fJ. Pr,AT. :Menex. 237 C. llavra ~v!hf3avn ytyVOfhJIU. IJ. Phil. 42 c. "07l'OV av ~Vf'-7T71'TT/ Jv '~'1l lfVXii J<aAU.. 1)ery v6vra. Id. Hep. 402 D. '

891. 8a/h[(w, to Eg.

ue

wont or j'lequent, may take the participle.

Ov n KOfht(otJ.EliiJS ye ()dJLi(eF, he was not used to being th1ts cared for. Od. viii. 451. Ov BaJLlC<ts Karaf3alvwv els rov Ilnpa1a, you do not come down to the Pinwus veTy often. PLAT. Rep. 328 C. For exmnpleR of the aori,;t participle with the present or imperfect of some of the above verbs (887-890), retaining its own reference to past time, see 14G. 892. A~ 1\.u.vBJ.v(l) is active and mea.ns to esca1Je the notice of, it mu~t have an ol,ject ex1wessed or unders~ood. When none is expressed, sometimes 7rdvrns is understnorl, and sometimes a reflexive referring to the subject. Thus llAa6E 'Tovro 7rOt?jua<; may mean either he did this 10ithout a?LY one's l~?wwing it (se. 7rdvro.<;), or he did this unconsciously
(se. Eul..J70v).

893. The usual construction of A.avtMJ'"' and cp6,(vw (and rarely that of rvyx<ivw and Kvpw) with the participle may be reversed, these verbs appearing in the participle, and what is generally the participle becoming the verb. E.g. ''Af a1ro ulxeo> iiAro il.a6wv, bw:k f?'om the wrtll he leaped secmtly (for ~A.aeEv li'Apvo>). I!. xii. 390. "07r(I)S /h~ 7rotCJJ!ro.t. EK7TAovs ai,r6eev AaJIB4voJ1TE<;. 'l'HUC. iii. 51. "0> ti !lpaA. 1,e&,uvos, who toolc advantage of me and hit me. Il. v. 119. <I> ()d vo vns 1J01) 01JOVf'-EV n)v l.KE[v(l)v y1jJ!. XEx. Cyr. iii. 3, 18. T~v uf3oi1.1)v .pea(J'aVT<; 71'po~<ar A.aPov. 'l'auc. iv. 127; so ii. 52. 'O'Aiy' dii.YJ()~ 71'oAAd 8 fwo~ >..<:ya Tuxwv, i.e. speaks at mndom. Eun. I. A. 9fi7. I1A.1]0'[ov yap ~v xvpwv,jor he lwppened to l!e new. Sorn. Ph. 371. SeeAJ<scn. Supp. 805.

2A

354

THE PARTICIPLE

[894

894. The phrase oiJ K &v .p () &. v ot s (or ofJK &.v .pO&.vom), you could not be too soon, is used with the participle as an exhortation, meaning the sooner the better. The first and third persons are less common in this sense. E.g.
'Arrorpexwv ovK av .pO&.vots, the sooner you run off the better. AR. Pl. 1133. So HDT. vii. 162 ; XEN. Mem. iii. 11' I. OvK av .p8fwots ..\eywv, the sooner you speak the better. PLAT. Symp. 185 E. OuK &.v .peavotp.t (A.eywv), I rnight as well speak at once. lb. 214 E. El p.~ -np.wp~a-ea-8e TOVTOvs, OVK &v tjl8avot r6 7rA~8os TOVTOtS TOtS eT)p{ots oovAEvov, the people rnight as well be slaves to these beasts at once. DEM. xxiv. 143.

895. VI. The participle, with many verbs signifying to come or to go, contains the leading idea of the expression. Such verbs are oZxop.a.t, to be gone, ~)Kw, to have come, ~pxop.a.t, eip.t, with the Homeric (3~, and ~(3a.v or (3&v, from (3a.vw. Some of these uses are very peculiar. E.g.
~,QtX<T' a7r07rTUJLEVO'>, it flew away and Was gone. Il. ii. 71. 0ZxeTa.t tpEV')'WV 8v ElXES p.apTvpa., the witness whorn you had has run away. AR. PI. 933. ''Iv' el8iJs oils tjlepwv i}Kw A.6yovs, that you rnay know the words I bring with rne. EuR. Or. 1628. "Epxop.a.t err t x etpwv U"Ot em8etga.u-8a.t T~S a.lr{a.s TO .t8os, I arn going to undertake to show you the natun of the cause. PLAT. Phaed. 100 B. OvK epxop.a.t epf:wv <1>s ovrw i) ltA.A.ws rrws ra.vTa. iyf:veTo, I am not going to say that these thin,gs occurred so, or in some other way (cf. French je vais di1e). HDT. i. 5. ''Hte TO.VTT)V a.lvf:wv 8ta rra.vT6s, he always pmised her (he went on praising her, French il alluit la louant toujours : see Baehr's note). Id. i. 12 2. Kat eyci! JLEV lia. Ta<; Etpfg~, E wV' and I was going to speak of p thern in o1der. PLAT. Rep. 449 A; so 562 C. Rq cf>dywv, he took flight. Il. ii. 665 ; so (3~ atga.a-a., ii. 167. Oils JL~ K~pes (3a.v 8a.vaToto tjlf:pova-a. t, Il. ii. 302 ; so xix. 279. 896. VII. Herodotus uses the participle with rrnpwp.a.t, to t?y, and with rro..\A.6s elp.t or y[vop.a.t, rroA.A.os eyKnfwL, and rra.vTows y[JIOfLO.L, to be UTgent / rarely with errefyop.a.t, to press on. E.g. 0 UK E7rELpaTO E t c1 V 6 K vpos, Gyrus did not atternpt to app!oach. 71" i. 77; so i. 84, vi. 50, vii. 9. lloA.A.os ~)v A.ta-a-6p.evos 6 feZvos, the stranger ent?eated urgently. ix, 91. rEA.wv OE 7rOAAos JJIE/(1.70 A.f:ywv Tot&oe, and Gelon spoke 1trgently as follows. vii. 158. T6TE rra.vToZot eyevovTo hKv8a.t 8e6p.Evot 'Iwvwv A.va-a.t rov rr6pov, they begged thern in eve1y way (lit: they took eveTy forrn in begging them), etc. vii. 10. "Hv p.~ errnx8fis va.vJLa.X[TJv rrotdp.evos, if you do not pTess on and fight a naval battle. viii. 68 (but just below, i)v errELx8ii> l'a.vJLO.X~a-a.t). . 897. The participle with rrnpwp.a.t, 7rOAV) E')'KEt.p.a.t, and eyKnp.at alone, occurs occasionally in Attic Greek. So also with rravTa. rrotw and rarely with a-rrovO&(w. E.g. OvK Jpw U"Ot rrpiv av 71"0.VTO.Xii 7rLpa.8w U"KO'TrWV. PLAT. Theaet.

900]

SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE

355

190 E. So ANT. Tetr. A. y. l. IIoAt>s Jvf.Kwro A~ywv. TRue. iv. 22. 'EveKEwTo .pdyovus. Id. ii. 81. ITavTa 1rowvat Kat A.eyovut

<f>d;yovTES rl]v 0wr1v. PLAT. Euthyph. 8 C. Ta 1rAowov Kat 8vvaf1-EWV Btwyfl-UTa T Kat ns <1v ws ti.~ta A6yov <T1l"ovMCot Jl-EJL</>6Jl-EVOS; why should any one seriously censu1e them as if they were worth noticing? Id. Polit. 310 B; so XEN. Oec. ix. 1.

898. VIII. 'A7roOE[KvVf1-, Ka8Cw, and 7rapa<rKEva(w, in the meaning to put into a cmtain condition, to 1ender, may take the participle. E.g. "AJLU Kat T<htT~Ona JL&.Awra ~xovTas d1ro8d~uv Kat Td. <TWJl-aTa llpuna ~xovTas 1rapauKwauew, (I undertake to say) that he will at the same time make them (show them forth) best supplied with provisions, and cmtse them to have their bodies in the best condition. XEN. Cyr. i. 6, 18. BAe7roVT' d7rOOE~w a! o~vnpov TOV AvyKews, I will make you see sha1pe1 than Lynceus. AR. Pl. 21 Q. 'Ed.v KAalovTas dToDs Ka8[uw. PLAT. Ion. 535 E. So XEN. Cyr. ii. 2, 14. See these verbs in Liddell and Scott. 899. IX. 'ApKEW (and aAt<; ElJL[ in poetry), to be sufficient, and t .I ( r-' / ) I f.l \ / > I tKaVOS1 't}OWV, KpE<T<TWV1 afl-HVWV, Or t-'UlTWV Wlth Elfl-, are SOITletunes used in a personal construction with the participle (like o~Ms Elfl-t, etc. 907), where we should expect an impersonal construction with thB infinitive. E.g. 'ApKE(J'W 8vyu~<ovu' Jy0, it will be enough for me to die. SOPH. Ant. 54 7. (We might expect dpKE<TE f.Jl-~ {)y[J(J'KHV.) So apKE[Tw 8<81JAWJLEvov, TRue. v. 9. 'IKavos E</>'YJ dros dTvxwv Elvat, he said that it was enough for himself to be in misfortune. IsAE. ii. 7. Kpduuwv yap ijfT8a Jl-'YJKET' t:lv ~ (wv Tv<f>A6s. SoPH. 0. T. 1368. 'H8ovs EfT(]'8 aKOV<TaVTES, you will be more pleased to hear. DEM. xxiii. 64. So &Ats vouovu' Jyw (se. dJL[), it is enough for me to be a.ffticted. SoP H. 0. T. 10 61.

900. X. The participles {3ovADJLEVos, J()f.A.wv (poetic), ~86JLevos, lWJLevos, dx86JL<vos, 7rpo(J'8<xop.<vos, A7roJLvos, ~A.'OofLEVos (Ionic),
and occasionally others, may agree in case with a dative which depends on <lfL[, ylyvoJLat, or some verb signifying to come, to appear, or to happen. E.g.
"!2s &pa TW TpwE(J'<TtV JeA06J1-EVO<T <f>av~T1JV, thus then did they appear to the delight of the Trojans. Il. vii. 7. 'EJLol 8t K<v dO' Jl-E V <f.> eZ1], and I should be pleased with it. Il. xiv. 108. 'H8oJLf.vowtv ~Jl-rv ot Aoyot yeyova(J't, we are plea.~ed with the proposals mo,de to us. HDT. ix. 46. 8Aovn KtfJl-ol TOVT &v 1jv. SOPH. 0. T. 1356. T<f 1rA~8n o-& {3ovAoJLh<t> ~v, it was not the wish of the majority. THUC. ii. 3 ; so vii. 35. ITpoO'O<X o Jl-~V<t> Jl-Ot Td. T~s dpy~s Dp,wv Js Jfl-{ YYEV'YJTat, I have been expecting the rnanifestations of your wmth against me. Id. ii. 60; so vi. 46. "OT~p -&p..wv Jl-~ dx8oJLv~p diJ. XEN. Cyr. iv. 5, 21.
"Av
(3ovAof1-eVo tS &KoVHv

y TOVToL<ri,

want to hear it. DEM. xviii. 11. ''Opa, Aeyw. PLAT. Rep. 358 D.

.z <rot {3ovAop.iv'f

f1-VYJ<TB~<rop..a<,

if

these shall

(se, E(J'T~v)

356
See also
j

THE PARTICIPLE

[901

'TO~TWV 'Tr~'Tr'Hpap.f.vo tS &v Tt yf.votTO Kat vp.Zv, THUC. and dup.&v<p 0~ uot 1J 'Tr'OtKtA.Efp.wv vvg a7roKpVtft <J>rf.os, you will be glad when spangled-robed night shall hide the light, .AESCH.
V.

111

Prom. 23.
Compare TAc. .Agric. 18: Quibus bellum volentibus erat.

901. XI. In a similar way, the dative of any participle may be used with certain impersonal expressions which take the dative, especially those signifying it is fitting, good, pleasant, ]JTOjitable, or their opposites, and those implying fear or confidence.

E.g.
El r68' aimt <J>(Aov KEKA1]fJ-Ev<t> (se. Jurv), if it pleases him to be thus called. .AESCH. Ag. 161. OBK &.fwv TOVTOtS 1roA.A.6.KtS xp~u8at uvflf301.5Aots, ocs oli8~ a7rag JA.vutrf.A1]U 7rEt8op.(vots (se. vp.Zv), who-m it did not profit you to obey even once. LYs. xxv. 27. <PpovEZv ci.>s 8ttvov i!v8a p.1) TEA1J A1;'(] <J>povovvn, when it dues not profit one to be wise. SoPH. 0. T. 316. 'E7r?JpEro rov 8Eov ~t A.i)ov Ka) &.p.Eti'OI' d17 rft "Z7r6.pra 7ret8op.Ev'(] ois ovros 8t)K v6p.ots, whether it Wtts better for Spa1ta to obey. XEN. Rep. Lac. viii. 5. 'Avrt7rapa.(36.A.A.ovrt (se. Jp.ot) Tdo fpavrov 7rtl81) 7rpos rd. EKdvwv oBI< av U?)8~s d,), it 1C01tld not be unpleasant jot me to cO?npaTe, etc. PLAT. .Ap. 41 B. Ai' 8oKovut KriAAtuTat TWJ! E7f tiTTl]fJ-WV Kat f.p.o2 7rpE7rOt av p.aAtura. Etrt f1o EA 0fJ-E v<p, those which seem to be the noblest of the sciences, nud which it would be most fitting joT rne to study. XE:s. Oec. iv. 1. Touro Kat 7rpE7rtV ~p.o~ 8oKEt Kat &.~wv Ktv8vvevuat olop.E!I<tJ ovrws EXEtV (i.e. 7rpE7rEt p.ot olop.EVCf! rouro ovrws l!xetv), it seems .fitti1u; and worth the Tisk for me to believe ,that this is so. PLAT. Phaed. 114 D. "'.Q, p.1) 'rrn 8pwvn r6.p(3oc;, o1~t< E'Tr'OS <J>of3~z, one who has no dTead of a deed, a woTd does not /Tighten. SOPH. 0. T. 296. So Et p.ot fvvd1] q)Ep0!1Tt p.oZpa TdV EViTE7fTOV ayve[av, may it continue to be my fate to bear, etc. Id. 0. T. 863. With the expressions of 901 the infinitive is more common (903, 7).

Omission of llSv.
902. Occasionally the participle wv is omitted in the constructions of the supplementary participle that have been enumerated (879-901). E.g.
KaraAap.(3avop.w <PtA[7r7rov 7rap6 vrac; 7rpf.o-(3nc;, Kat rovs p.~v <J>[Aovc; EJ! <J>6f34! (se. ovra.c;) TOVS 8' EKd!JOV 8pa.o-Et<;. DEM. xviii. 2 ll. ,AAA' oB 7r~pt6t{era[ tl 0 e~zos &vt7r7fO)J ~se. OVTa.), bnt my uncle will not let me go without a ho1'Se. .AR. Nub. 124. El 8 rt rvyxavEt d1]8s (se. ov). PLA'r. Gorg. 502 B. Tvyxal ( ?jp.(vv EKaUTO> OVK avrapK1]S (se. 0v). Id. Rep. 369 B.
~{J.ETEpovs
1

903]

INFDIJTIVE AND PARTICIPLE WITH Tim SAME VERBS

357

Infinitive witk Verbs which may also have the Supplmnentary Participle.
903. Some verbs which take the supplementary participle allow also the infinitive in a similar construction, but with some difference in the meaning or at least in the point of view. 1. Alax!,voJJ-a~ and aloov/1-a~ with the participle (881) mean I am ashamed of doing (something which I am doing or have done); with the infinitive, I am ashamed to do (something which I lJave not yet done). E.g.
TovTO JJ-EV OVK alax{,VOJJ-U~ A~ywv TOo' "'Eav JJ-EVT)TE 7rap' JJJ-ot d1roOw<Tw" al<Txvvo{Jl-1)1' d1' A~')'E ~ v, this (something just said) I am not ashamed of saying; but I should be asharned to say the following, etc. XEN. Cyr. v. l, 21. Al<TXlJVOfl-a~ i!JJ-ZV El1rEtV niA1)8~, I am ashanwd to tell you the truth (but still I must tell it). PLAT. Ap. 2~~ B. AloovvTa~ TOVS 7rap6vTas a1foAd7rov, i.e. they a?e ashamed to leave them (and do not). XEN. Symp. viii. 35. But aoOE<Ta~ 1faTEpa. 7rpoAE1fwv, be ashamed of leaving you1 fathe? (as you threaten to do), SoPH. Aj. 506. A comparison of the last example with PLAT. Ap. 22 B (above) shows that the choice of the infinitive or l)articiple may depend on the point of view of the speaker in a special case. In Aj. 5 06, the threat is viewed as the inception of the act.

2. 'Av~xo/1-a~, V1fOfJ-EJI(u, TA6.w, and TOAJJ-w with the participle {879; 880) mean to endure something now going on or already done ; with the infinitive, to have the courage or to ventu?'e to do something not yet doue. E.g.
KaTafJ-dJI(LJITE> aJIE<TXOJITO TbV J1f~6vTa J7f2 T0v XWP'Y)V 8~~a<T8at, they nnwined and had the coumge to receive the invade~ of thei?' countTy. HDT. vii. 139. (Cf. OVK aJIE~OfJ-a~ (w<Ta under 879.) So V1fOfJ-dVaJ!Ta Ta 1r6.vTa 1r a<T X E ~ v, taking courage to sv:ffer eve1ythiug. PLAT. Leg. 869 C. (Cf. Jl-1J fJ7rOfJ-EJIEtV tE:!p~1)V J1r ~6 J!Ta, not to await the comi1ig .of Xer~es, Le. not to wait to see his coming, HDT. vii. 120.) "ETAa ovp6.JIWV <f>ws JA.ii.J.~a~. SoPH. Ant. 944. T6AJJ-1)<T6v 7fOTE 6p8w, <f>povEZv. AESCH. Prom. 999. 'Avf.xoJJ-at with the infinitive, and TAJ.w and TOAJl-w with the parti ci 1)1e, are rare.

3. 'A1foK6.p-vw TovTo 1ro~wv (881) is I am weaTy of doing this; &7roK6.JJ-vw TovTo 7fOtEiv is I cease to do this th1ough weminess. E.g. M~TE TaVTa <f>of301JfJ-EVO> a1foK6.Jl-1)S <TUVTbV <TW<T<LL, do '/lOt, through fear of this, despai? of saving you?"Se/j. PLAT. Crit. 45 B. (Cf. OVK a1foK6.fJ-VE!> fl-'Y)XaVWJJ-EVO>, yo1~ are not tired of contriving, XE;-;. Mem. ii. 6, 35.) 4. "Apxofl-a~ (Homeric llpxw) with the participle (879) means to be fiTst in something, to begin with something, or to be at the

358

THE PARTICIPLE

[903

beginning (not at the end) ; with the infinitive, to begin to do something. E.g. "Hp~avro r<l JLaKpn ntx1J 'A81Jva!ot olKoOOJLEfv, the Atheniam begam to build the long walls. THUC. i. 107. .6.eZ EfJ-~ E71'0EKVVVat, ws >I >I f. \ ' \ ~ ~ ~ I \ OVT> 1JPt;;aTO AE'YEV ra (3' \ EI\.7'UF7'a OVTE VVV otaT1\.E 7rpaTTWV Ta. CTVJLcpipovra rep O~fk!/} AESCHIN. iii. 50.
>I \

5. llavw with the participle (879) means to stop what is going on ; with the infinitive, to prevent a future act. E.g.

"E/ ~'IT'avcras I'- a xecr8at, you prevented me from fighting. n. xi. 442. (But!/ E'IT'avcras JLax6JLevov would be you stopped me while fighting.} 'Paif;!I}OOV<; ~'IT'aVCTE aywvt(ecr8at. HDT. v. 67. .
6. llepwpw and the other verbs signifying to overlook or see (in the sense of permit) with the participle (885) mean to see an act done without intetjering to stop it>' with the less frequent infinitive, to permit an act to be done without interfering to prevent it. Strictly speaking, the infinitive here expresses time future to that of the verb, while the time of the participle coincides with that of the verb. Still, both forms may sometimes be used to express practically the same sense, and may even refer to the same event, though the point of view is different. E.g. llepuoel:v ailrov EV rfj CTKevii 'IT'acrv adcr a, to let him sing in full
d1ess. HDT. i. 24. 8aA.acrcrav 'IT'VeVJLara cpacrt oil 1rept6fecr8at cpvcrt rfj .Jwvr~s xpacr8at, they say that the wind.s will not pmmit the sea to follow its own nature. Id. vii. 16. Tovs y<lp 'A81Jvaovs ~A11't(ev Zcrws <iv E71'e~eA8e'iv Kal r0v y~v oi~K <iv 7repuoe'iv 'rJL1)8~vat, for he hoped t7wt the Athenians would pfrhaps co1ne forth and not let their land be ravaged. THuc. ii. 20. But in ii. 18 he has said, 7rpocrof.xoJLevos TOV<; 'A81)va[ovs T~S ,~, ~7' aKepa[ov o1Jcr1)S EVOtiJ(I"EiV 7' Kal KaroKV~(TE}1 'IT'Eptdie'iv ailr0v 7' f'-1) Be I: era v, a!et'xev, that they would be unwilling to see it (the land) ravaged (referring to tht~ same thing with 7rEptt8e'iv T}k1)8~vat, to let it be ravaged, in 20) ; and again in 20, o1 'Axapv~s oil 7rEpt6fecr8at J86Kovv r<l crcpinpa o tarp 8apivra, it did not seem likely that the A charnian s would see their property destroyed.

7. The impersonal expressions of 901 take the infinitive more frequently than the participle, the distinction being similar to that in the last case (6). E.g.
Oil rovro 7rpwrov ~pwra 71'6npov A.</)ov d1J ai~T~i 7rOpevecr8at ~ JL v et v, whether it was better for hirn to go o1 stay. XEN. An. iii. 1, 7. l3ut in XKN. Vect. vi. 2 we have E11'ep~cr8at rovs 8eovs Et A.~ov Kal dp.etvov et1) <'iv 7'1J 7r6AE ovrw Ka"racrKeva(oJLEv'[/ 1 whether it would be better for the state, supposing it to be thus constit1tted; the difference between this and better for the state to be thus constituted (ovrw KaraCTKE1-'aCecr8at) being practically very slight. 8. It is more than doubtful whether A.av8avw, rvyxavw, and cpfJavw (887) ever have the infinitive in cla.ssic Greek. The passages

904]

PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE

859

formerly cited for this are now generally emended, or the readings are doubted: thus, in PLAT. Rep. 333 E, >..aOiiv ifL7rO~ucu must be for A.a(Mv ifL7rOt~uas (Schneider), and in AR. Eq. 935, q,8a[TJ' iA8e'iv, and Nub. 1384, ofJK ~4>8YJS q,p&uat, Meineke reads iA.86w and </>p&uas. See Classen on THUC. iii. 82, ~ </>8&uas Oapu~uat (?).

Il.

PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.

904. The participle is used with verbs signifying to see, to hear or learn, to perceive, to know, to be ignorant of, to remember, to fmyet, to show, to appear, to prove, to acknowledge, and with arrye'A'Aw, to announce, in a sense approaching that of the infinitive in indirect discourse. Here each tense of the participle represents the corresponding tense of the indicative or optative. (See 687.) The participle may belong to either the subject or the object of these verbs, and agree with it in case. E.g.
MefLVYJfLUt a&6v TOVTO 17"0 t~ua vTa, I remember that he did this (i7ro[YJuev); fLE!J-VYJp.at TOVTO 7rO~uas, I 1emember that I did this (i7ro[Tjua). Ol8e TO~Tovs ev 1rp&~oVTas, he knows that they will prosper; ol8e avTOS ev 1r p &~ w Jl, he knows that he himself will prosper. EZ i avTOJI '}'JI~W JIY)fLEpTea 17"dJIT il'e7rOVTa, if I shall find that he tells all without fault. Od. xvii. 549. 'Opw o ,I EpyoY OEWOJI E~npya U"fLEJIY)JI, and 1 see that I have done a te1rible deed. SoPH. Tr. 706. 'Hp.eZs a8VJiaTO ~pwp.EY liJITES TU olKd<f fL(JJIOJI 8vYdfLE 1l"Ept')'EJIE(]"8at, we see that we are unable, etc. (&o~YaTo[ EU"!J-EY). THUC. i. 32. ''HKovU"e KvpoY Jv KtAKL<f liYTa, he heard that Gy1us was in Cilieia. XEN. An. i. 4, 5. ITept T~S xr!Jpas, OT ijKoVOJI OTJOVfLEYYJY, because they heard that it was suffering from mvages. lb. v. 5, 7. ''OmJI KA~TJ nYOS ij ~oYT' 'OpeU"T'YfY, when she hears from auy one tJ,at Orestes is coming. SoPH. EL 293. IIv86p.eYot 'ApTa~ep~YJY YEW<TTt TE(JY7JK6Ta, learning that Artaxerxes had ncently died. Tauc. iv. 50 ; so HDT. vi. 23. 'E1rei 1rp0S aY8pos if(]"8ET 1)0KYffLEYYJ. EuR. Med. 26. "H,U"80JITO TOVS fLET 'AptU"TEW'; E7rt7rapt6VTas. THUC. i. 61. 6.ul. TTJY 'L\[ov o). wrnv Evp[U"Kovu< Jovuav TTJV dpxryv T~s ~xBpYJs (see 883). HnT. i. 5. 'E1rn0aJ1 '}'J!WU"JI a7rUTOVfLEYot, 1L'hen they find out that they are distrusted. XEN. Cyr. vii. 2, 17. ''H,8eU"aJI LWKpcf.TY)JI avTapKEU"TaTa (wYTa. Id. Mem. i. 2, 14. 'Ey 7roAvTp67ro<s yap l;vp.<f>opaZs E7rO':TaYTat Tpaq,eJITES. THOC. ii. 44. 6.w(3ef3A7J!J-EYOS ov JLaY8avet<;. HDT. iii. 1. 'Ewoovp.at <f>avA.os oVU"a. EuR. Hipp. 435. 'Ewo~U"a> yf.yos EmEtKes &8A.{ws otan8efLYoY. PLAT. Criti. 121 B. Tts ovTws evfj8YJS EU"TtJI ifLWJI OU"T!> Jyyoet' T(JJI EKE'i8eJI m5AEfLOJI oevpo ~ ~ 0 J!Ta; D1~M. i. 15. Mef1YYJf1a' KptTlq. T<iJoe ~vY6vTa (]" (i.e. ~vY~U"Ba). PLAT. Charm. 156 A. Mep.Y~jJ.E8' ES K[JI8VJIOJI JA.86YTES fLE'}'aJI (i.e. -.')A.(JofLEl'). EuR. Hec. 244. 'E1rtAeA~ufLeB' ~8f.ws ypoYres <IYTes. Ir1.
1

360

THE PARTICIPLE

[905

Bacch. 188. 'E7rdJc~w 8 TOVTOV ov JLOVOV wp.oAoyl)K6Ta dvat TOV MtA,!av (.Ac{,(Jcpov (with six other participles, }Jerfect, aorist, and present). DEM. xxix. 5. '0 7roA<f1-0> oVTo<; S')Ac!J(J'et fl-<[(wv y<)'<VYJp.f.vo<; avn~v (i.e. f"d(wv ycyevryTat). THUG. i. 21. El cpav~(J'Tat Tav8' wl'-oAoyYJK~>, -:rupa TE Tov 6.YJf1-ocpwvTo> Tos nfl-as dAYJcp~>, avTo<; '!' U1roypriif;a>, 0 lKwv T T~V olK[av, K.T.A. DEM. xxvii. 16. EU/v<; eA<yx(h)(J'<Tat ycAoto<; ~V. XEN. Mem. i. 7' 2. 0DTW<; Of1-0AoyoVf1-EVT) OD(J'a oo-6Ary Kat U1raVTa TOV xpovov al(J'xpw<; (3 w V(J'a, when it was thus admitted that she was a slave and was cdl the time living a life of disgmce. IsAE. vi. 49. El fl-lJ ~~yyctAE 1rpo(J'tov r6 (J'TpaT<Vfl-a, had he not reported that the enemy was advancinrJ. XEN. Hell. vii. 5, 10. 'A1r'JYYaery <I>At1r1r0<; Vf1-LV 'Hpa'iov n'ixo> 1rOAWpKwv, it was Tepmted to you that he 1vas besieging, etc. DEM. iii. 4. Compare the examples of opw, dKovw, and similar verbs here given with t.hose of the same verbs under 884, in which the participle is not in indirect discourse. See other examples of the partieiple in indirect discourse under 87, where examples of the participle with &v may be found (see also
213-21 6).

905. When one of these verbs has for its object an accusative of the reflexive pronoun referring to its subject, the participle generally agrees with the reflexive. Thus we may have either
or
o<~w Ef1-avr6v rowo 11'<1rOtYJK6ra, O<(~w rovro 11'E7rOtYJKW<;.

I shall show that I have done this,

Jfl-aVTov ovx 7rp0(J'~KOVTa, I shall t1'Y to show not only that we have rights i11 the city, but also that I have suJfend, etc. DE~!. lvii. l. (The direct discourse is fl-ET(]'TL T~'> 1roA.ews ~71'-l.v, Kat 1f'E7rov8a a-DTos.

906. The participle of an impersonal verb in this construction r;;tands alone in the neuter singu\ar. The following includes both the personal and the impersonal construction : IInpri(J'ofl-at oe'i~at Kat f'-ETdV TqS 1r6Aew<; lJjJ.tll Kat 1r1rOV8oTa.

Com1Jare 876.)

907. The participle is used in the same way in a personal ()Onstruction with o~A.o<; df1-t and cpavcp6s clf.LL, in preference to an impersonal expression. So with 7rrlt(J'To<; y[vofl-at. in Herodotus. E.g. A1)A6, 7 ryv ol61'-cvo>, K.r.A., it was evident that he thought, etc.
(This is equivalent to o~A.ov i]v OTL OLOtTO. See 'A1rLKop.evot p.v cpavepo[ El(J't E<; ''Oaot~' 1r6Atv, it is e~Vident that they came to the city Oasis. HDT. iii. 26. '.Q, J1rrit(J'TOS JyJ1 <To rovro Jpyar:rl'-f.vo<;, when it becarne known (heaTd of) that he had done this. Id. ii. 119. Similar is the participle with <j>avep6v 7T'OLW; as <j>avep'Ov 7T'acrw E7rOLYJ(J'av o-DK l8q. 7roAEf1-0VVT<'>, they made it evident to all that they were not fighting for themselves. LYCURG. 50.
XEN.

An. ii. 5, 27.

899; 912.)

912]

PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURBE

361

908. When crvvo~8a and crvyy ~y v6Jcr KW have a dative of the 1ejlexive referring to the subject, a participle may stand either in the dative agreeing with the reflexive, or in the nominative agreeing with the subject; as cr-vvo~8a Jp.(WTif! 1JO~K1/f1-EV1f! (or lJ8~K?JfhEJ'o>), I am conscious to myself that I have been wronged.

E.g.
21 B.
'Ey<il oVTE fhEYa oVTE CTJhu<pov gl)vo~ou. Ef.WVTDJ cro<j>0s wv. PLAT. Ap. 'Ep.avT<(i ~vv?78ew ov8v E7rtcrTafhEVCJJ. lb. 22 D.

909. When the participle of indirect discourse belongs to an infinitive depending on a verb with an object dative to which the participle refers, the participle stands in the dative. E.g.
L:v0f3f37JKE Tots 7rpoECTTYJ~<6cr~ ~<a~ Ta)u\.a 7rA~v (avrovs oiop.evo~s 1rwA.eL'v 1rpwTov<; avrov> 7rE7rpa~<o<nv ala-8a-8a,, it has been the lot of those who wen in authmity and who thought they we1e selling eve1ythiny except themselves, to find that they have sold themselves first. DEM. xviii. 46.

910. Some verbs which regularly l1ave the infiuitive or on and ws in indirect discourse occasionally take the participle. E.g.
NoftC avopa dya86v d7rOJ<Tdvwv, think that you are puttinq to death a good mwn. XEN. An. Yi. 6, 24. 'Avef31JCTETO epeovcra <j>A.ov r.6a-~v ~voov J6vTa. Od. xxiii. 1. 8av6vr' '0pECT1'1)l' JIVV TE Kat 1raA.a~ A.yw. SoPH. El. 676. See 0. C. 1579; EuR. Hel. 1076. 01! Tp'(>.Xs yvv~ TEJ<OV(]'a KOfh'lraa-nev aJJ 1!'ore, i.e. none could boast that she was the mother (of mch child1en), ~TeKov being the direct fonn. EuR. Tro. 477. Mer6v av 11"0U A.f.yo~TO. hAT. Phil 22 E. '2JhEpO~JI /h'l"~n i!Jh'iv J6vTa A.oyCea-Be. Hm. iii. 65. Ov yd.p cvTvxwv dpvl}<Yofha~, for I will not deny that I am happy. EuR. Ale. 1158. So dpveZ KaraKn1s; Id. Or. 1581.

course.

911. The participle wJJ is sometimes omitted in indirect disE.g.

2:v 8~ (]'(OS rcre~ (se. wv), but know that you are safe. SOPH. 0. c. 1210. Eiows dTpe1rel:s i!p.fis (se. ovTa>). DEAf. iv. 18; so iv..u. "AyyeA.A.e 1l'a(]'wv d&A.,wraT'Y)V Jp. (se. oilcrav). EuR. Hec. 423.
912. The verbs included in 904 may also be i'ollowed by a clause with on or WS in indirect discourse. \Vhen 81jX6v Jcrrw and <j>avep6v Ja-nv are used impersonally, they regularly take on or ws. E.g. ''HLa-8ero on TO Mvwvo<; (]'TpflTEl>Jha :)o'l v K~At~<< >jv. Xl,X. An. i. 2, 21. Aia-BavecrBe ws d8vfhWS )A.Bov. lb. iii. 1, 40. 'AKovovres OTL OVTOS 7rOACet 7'0 xwpov. lb. vi. 6, 4. Toa-ovr6v y' ol8a Kdp. aVT1JV, on dA.yw. SoPH. El. a:32. Tavra t(]'aa-cv on <j>va-e. re Ka~ ruxYJ -y{yveTat. PLAT. Prot. :32:3 D. 6.~A.ov (se. e<n{JJ) (5,., o1hw> EXEL XEN.
An. i. 3, 9. <Pavepov on o!J.r! av 6pq.~iv olJre '2d8a,s W<A.otev &v ?haywviCwBat. Id. Mem. iii. 9, 2. Tovro <f>avepov, ws . . . A.yopev.
PLAT.

oe

Soph. 237 D.

362

THE PARTICIPLE

[913

913. Verbs signifying to remember or to know may have o-rE, when, and the indicative, to emphasise the temporal relation. E.g. El ylip JLEJWfJUaL OT eyw (FOt 6:7rEKptvap:fJV, for if you remember (the
time) when I answered you, etc. PL.A.T. Men. 79 D. Olu8' xpvueots ecpaVYJ <Ti>v 071"A.DLS. EuR. Hec. 112. SoIl. XV. 18. (See 519, end.)

on

Infinitive with the Verbs of 904.

914. Many of the verbs which regularly have the participle in indirect discourse (904) may also take the infinitive in nearly or quite the same sense. 1. 'AKovw, 71"vv8avo}Lat, and alufJavoJLat, which have the participle both in indirect discourse (904) and in the other construction (884-886), sometimes take the infinitive in indirect discourse, in a sense differing little, if at all, from that of the participle. E.g. 'AKOVW o Kat aAAa fJvYJ 1T"OAAa TOtav-ra lv a I ' I hear that there (IIoAAa are also many other such nations. XEN. An. ii. 5, 13.
-rotav-ra .5vTa would apparently mean the same.) So Mem. iv. 2, 4. 'AKoVw all-r6v epE'i:v, I hear that he will say. DEM. xix. 202. (Qompare SOPH. EL 293, under 904.) ITvv8avoflEVOS -r6v 8ovKvo[OYJV K-r~u[v T fXEIV Ka~ Q71" avTOV ovva<rfJat EV TOtS 71"PWTOI,S. THUG. iv. 105. s~ DEM. xix. 201. J:lu8avOJLEVOS aB-roils JLEYa 11"apct f3autAEt 6.apE['' ovvau8at. THUG. Vl. 59.
1

2. 'Opw has the participle in, both constructions (904; 886), but the infinitive (of indirect discourse) only in THUG. viii. 60 (according to Kiihuer, 484, 2): ewpwv oBKf.TL avEV vavJLaxas otov T dva I ES -rryv X[ov f3oYJfJ~uat, where Kriiger brackets dvat.

3. 'Ayyf.AA.w may have the infinitive in indirect discourse, in place of the regular participle (904). E.g. '0 'A<r<rlipws Els n)v xwpav aBTOV EJLf3aA.dv dyyf.AAETat, is reported to have invaded his country. XEN. Cyr, v. 3, 30.

4. 'OJLoAoyw, to admit or grant, is but rarely followed by the participle (904), and generally takes the infinitive of indirect discourse. E.g.
'OJLoAoyE'iTat 11"p6s 71"av-rwv Kpa-rw-ros ory YEVE<T8at 8Epa11"VHY (Tov> cp[Aov>). XEN. An. i. 9, 20. (See 136.)

5. cf>a[voJLat, to appear, which gmera1ly takes the participle in indirect discourse (904), sometimes has the infinitive. The distinction generally holds that cpavETat <Tocp6s ~v means he is manifestly wise, while cpa[vETat uocpo> Etvat means he seems to be wise,- but in some cases the two constructions cannot be distinguished in sense. E.g.

915)

INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF 904

363

Tfj cpwvfj uacpws KA. a lo v Jcpalvero, by his voice he seemed plainly to be weeping (but he really was not). Xf:N. Symp. i. 15. Compare Ka ucpt ilvoos JcpavTo Jwv, and he was plainly well disposed towards them, HDT. vii. 173. But see also AESCH. Ag. 593, rrAa-yKT6<; ovu' Jcpaw6p.YJv, I appeared to be crazed, said by Clytemnestra of herself, after she was shown to have been right. TovT6 p.ot 8HoTaTov cpa[v<Tat -y v E 8 a t, this seems to me to have been a most wonde1jul event. u HDT. vii. 137.
915. Other verbs of this class (904) may be used in a peculiar sense, in which they have the infinitive not in indirect discourse. Others, again, allow both constructions of the in:finitive ; while -yt-yvwO"KW and vpO"KW have the infinitive in three different senses. 1. MavOavw, p.~p.vrwat, and E'll"tAavOavop.at, in the sense of learn, 1emember, and forget to do anything, take the ordinary Qbject infinitive. E.g. 'E7rct p.aOov lp.p.cvat JueM, ald Kat 7rpwTOtUt f1-Ttt Tpw<U<T4 p.-ax<a-Oat, since I learned to be bmve, etc. Il. vi. 444. Tov<; 7rpoooTas
yap p.tu<tv p.a8ov. AEsCH. Prom. 1068. So XEK. An. iii. 2, 25. M<p.v~uew av~p ayae6, ElJ!at, let him remember to be a brave man. lb. iii. 2, 39 (with wv it would mean let hi1n remember that he is a brave man). M<p.v~uovTat ovpo U7r07rEf1-7rHV. Id. Cyr. viii. 6, 6. 'E7r<Aa0op.YJv Tov<; KaolcrKovs EKcppEtv, I forgot to bring out the urns. AR. Vesp. 853. 'OA.lyov E'li"<AaOofL()' .lnl:v. PLAT. Rep. 563 B.

2. (a) Otoa and E'll"unafLat, which regularly have the participle in indirect discourse, take the ordinary infinitive in the sense of know how to do anything. E.g. M~ lfvo', E'll"tcrTafh<Vo> rnf.cpa <l1T"Etv, do not be false, when you know how to spealc truly. Il. iv. 404. Oio' E7rt 0~ta, oio' J'/1"' aptO"TEptt vwfL1)CTat (3wv. IL vii. 238. Tipo(3aAAEuBat ll' i) (3A.1rEtv ~vavT[ov ov-r' olOEV oil! 0EAEI.. DEM. iv. 40. So :B:uR. Hipp. 729, Med. 664. E ZK t V o' 01lK E'/I"EuTaTat KaKOt<;, she knows not how to yield to troubles. SoPH. Ant. 4 72 ; so Aj. 666 ; EuR. Hipp. 996. (b) But these verbs in the sense to know or to believe sometimes take the infinitive (like the participle) in indirect discourse. This is rare in prose, except with E'li"LO"TafLat, to believe, in Herodotus. E.g.
"IuOt Ttt crKA~p llyav cppov~(haTa '11"['/I"Tetv J.LdAtu-ra, lcnow that too stubborn spirits are rnost apt to fall (like '11"['/I"TOVTa). SOPH. Ant. 4 7 3. (Oloa with the participle follows in 477.) Ei'i vvv i~'ll"[crTw Twvof. fL' alO"XVVYJV xetv. Id. El. 616; so 0. T. 690, Ant. 1092; AEscH. Pers. 337. Ei'i tCT(h TOVTOV lO"xvpw<; avta0"8at. XEN. Cyr. viii. 3, 44; so viii. 7, 12. 'E?rtO"nfp.evot TOTE TEA<vT~uat, believi1~g that he (Cyrus) had then perished. HDT. i. 122; so iii. 66, 134, and 140, vii. 172. See iO"Bt fL~1ToT' av TVXELV, SOPH. Ph. 1329; and Too' ZcrOt, p.~ Y~fLat, EuR. :M:ed. 593; cf. I. A. 1005.

364

THE PARTICIPLE

[915

3. rtyVu)O'KW, besides its COllStl'UCtion With the p[trticiple in indirect discourse (904), has three uses with the infinitive:(a) In the meaning to decide or judge, with the infinitive in indirect discourse; as TO o' rO'oV dvTa7r60oT, yv6VT!> TOVTOV Etvat TOV Katp!w, making up your mindr; that this is that tirne, etc., THuc. i. 43 ; so HDT. ix. 71; XEx. An. i. 9, 17. (b) In the meaniug to determine or ?'esolve, with the ordinary object infinitive; as 'AA.varTa eyvwO'aV oovvat T?JV 8vyarpa 'AO'rvayei; they decided that Alyattes sho1tld give his daughter to Astyages, HDT. i. 7 4; so XEN. Hell. iv. 6, 9, yvw Bt,f,KEtv, and iii 1, 12 ; Isoc. xvii. 16.
(c) Occasionally in the meaning to learn (eyvwv), with the object infinitive, like JLav8avw and JLf'.JL"'IfLa' (1); as i:va /'"<{) Tpe<{onv T?JV y AwO'O'av >)O'vxwrepav, that lw 1nay learn to keep his tong ne 11wre quiet,
SoPH. Ant. 1089.

4. !:::.dKvvfL' and other verbs signifying to show, besides the participle in indirect discourse (904), may take an object infinitive in the sense to show how to do anything. E.g. 'A7rEOEt~av ol o)yefL6ve; AafLf3aJ Etv .ra E7rm]8na, the guides instructed them to take provisions. XEN. An. ii. 3, 14. !:::.taiT1)T'qpw Tot> rlv8p,J,7rot> 1reoEKvvov Tov JLEV 8povs x e' v lf;vxEtva, rov 8 XEifLWVo> dAeewa, I taught the men to keep their dwellings cool in summer and 'IWrm in winter. Id. Oec, ix. 4.
1

5. !:::.YJAW sometimes has the infinitive (like the regular participle,,904) in indirect discourse; and sometimes in the sense of command (malce lcnown) it has the ordinary object infinitive. E.g. !:::.YJAO'i<; yap a-&rov O'Wpov ?J K i 1J XP')fLUTWV exovTa, for you indicate that he ha.s come with a heap of money. AR. Pl. 269. !:::.YJAovvrE<; r.pocre0'8at ra KEKYJPVYfLEl'a, showin_q that they a.ccepted the te?'1l18 which weTe announced. THuc. iv. 38. Kqp1iyp.an 8o)A.ov rovs A.wfhp{as 8wfLvovs <o> 1rp0> O'lJfLfLU-xov a-&rov 7rape'iFat, he pToclainwd that those who wanted f?'eedom should come to him as to an ally. XEN.
Ag. i. 33.

6. (a) Eilp0'Kw, which has two constructions with the participle (883; 904), occasionally has the infinitive in indirect discourse. E.g. EvpiCTI<E 7rp~yfLa ol dvat EAavViV E7rt TdS :ZapOt>, he found that he mu.st (r.p1yfLa JLO' ECTTi, mihi opus est) nwnh to 8ardes. HDT. i. 79 : so i. 125, vii. 12. See PLAT. Leg. 699 B. (b) The middle may take the Ol'dinary object infinitive in the sense of discove?' how to <1o anything. E.g. 0-&ods A.v1rac; evpero 1ravEiv, no one eve?' found out how to stop pains. EuR. Med. 195.

917)

PARTICIPLE WITH w~

365

(c) The middle may also have the infinitive in tl1e sense of procure by asking. E.g. ITapa 8~ cr<fcrt <VpovTo 7l'apd. ITavcrav[<w ~ern J'a' ITon8at1]TEWV TOD> 1rapovra>, they gained (the favour) f1orn Pa11,sanias that tlwse 1rho were present frorn Potidaea should stand next to themseZves. HDT. ix. 28.

'1., witk the Pa1'ticiple in Indi1ect DiscouTse. 916. The participle in indirect discourse may be preceded by <i>s, which implies that the thought of the participle is expressed as that of the leading subject, or as that of some person prominent. in the sentence. (See 864.) \Vhen this is already implied in the context, as it often is, <i>s adds ouly emphasis to the expression. Thus tcr6t TavTa o1hw<; ~xovTa means know that this is so; but wet lils ..-avTa ~xovTa means know that (ns you may assume) this is so, i.e. be assured that this is so. E. g. '!2., fLTJOEv doo/ t<T8t jl iSv dvunopeZ>, undentand (that you rnust
look upon) 1ne as knowing 1wthing of what you seek. SoPH. Ph. 253. '&Is fL1)1<ET' OVTa ICeZvov v q)aEt vou, think of hirn as no longer living. Ib. 415. 'Qs Tavr' E1f!CTTW opWfJ-EV, OV fLEAAOV'T' ETl, undentU11d that (as you may assume) these thitgs <<1e going on, ete. lb. 567. TavTa ril TJ)o' w<; TAWV f.<j>atVE'TO. Id. 0. c. 630. Kat 'TOVTO E7fl(J'TU0'8w KpotCTOS, lils VCTTEpov aAoVs 'T~S 7r7rpWfJ-EJI1)S, and let (';oesus unde;stand this, that he was cnptured latm than it was fated fm him to be. HDT. i. 91. 'Qs fL1l 'Jh1roA~crwv Zcre, T1JI' f.Jh0v q)pva,, be "ssured that you will not buy me off from my deter'rnination. So PH. Ant. 1063. 6.1]Aoi:s o' ws T< <TY)fLUJIWJ! VEov, you show that you have SO'f!Jething new in your mind to disclose. lb. 242. 6.0..\o<; ECTTlJI ws Tl opacrdwv KaKov, it is vmy plctin that he wishes to do some hcmn. Id. Aj. ::\2(). 6.~Aos i/v Kvpos <~s CT7l'<llowv, Gyms slwwed that he was in haste. XmN. An. i. 5, 9. t..{jAot ECTECT8E w<; 6pyt(OfJ-EJIOl TOLS 7rE7l'pa:yJl-EVOlS, you will show tlwt you a1e angry. LYs. xii. 90. llarpa T~F cr::Jl! dyy<Awv lil s ovK i!T' ovT a, (he comes) to announce that yo1t1' fatheT is no moTe. SoPH. 0. 'l'. 956. (In vs. 959, the messenger himself says di ZCT&' EK<LvOI' &avacrtfJ-OV f3<f3~J<oTa.) Tile force of ws here can seldom be well expressed in English.

917. In place of the participle with ws in i)](]irect li.-course, we may have a circumstantial participle with ws in thH genitive or accusative absolute, followed by a verb to which the participle would naturally be the object. E.g. 'f.ls illS' f.xoJ!Twv Twv3' f:TrCTTacr8a{ ere XP1], you. must understand that this is so; lit. believing this to be so, you must undentand (it is so).
SoPir. Aj. 281 ; see Schneidewin's note.

By an entirely different

construction this comes IJractical\y to the same meaning as ws 08'

<!xovTa

Tuil' E7rt<TTa.lT0a{ erE XP~

'Qs To{vvv oYTwv rwvS< <Tot Jl-aeerv

366

THg PARTICIPLE

[918

-rr&.pa, in the belief that this is so, you may learn it, i.e. you may learn that this is so. AESCH. Prom. 760. '!h -rroAEJ1-0V <~v-ro<; -rrap' VJ1-t7Jv d1rayy<AW; shall I announce from you that there is war ? lit. shall I 'fltake a report from you on the assumption that there is war? XEN. An. ii. I, 21. '!2<; mfvv J1-0L ooKovv, oVTw<; i'cr8t, know that I think so very decidedly; lit. in the belief that this seems so to me, understand accordingly. Id.Mem. iv. 2, 30. 'Sh Jl'-ov dywvtOVJ'-~vov, oil-rw<; y[yvwcrK<, know that I shall contend. Id. Cyr. ii. 3, 15.

918. 'Os with the participle in the genitive or accusative absolute, used as in 917, may depend on verbs or expressions which do not take the participle without in indirect discourse. E.g. 'fls OVKET' ovrwv TWI' TEKVWV cpp6vn(< 81], think of it, that your

ws

children are no longer living, lit. knowing that your children are no longer living, think of it. EuR. Med. 1311. 'fls Kat Twv crTpanwTwv Kat rwv ~Yf'-6vwv VJ1-GV 1'-~ J1-<J1-1rTWV Y"f<VYJJ1-EVWV, OVTW T~V -yvwf'-YJV exen, be of this mind, that both your soldie1'8 and thel:r leade1'8 have been free from blame. TRue. vii. 15. 'fl> Jl'-ov ovv l6vTos o1rYI &v Kat VJ1-Et<;, OVTW T~V "fVWJ1-YJV exae, be of this opinion, that I shall go wherever you do. XEN. An. i. 3, 6. 'fls ro[vvv 1'-~ aKOVcrop.f.vwv, OVTWS 0Lavoiw8e, make up your minds then that we shall not hear; lit. knowing then that we shall not hea1, so malce up your minds. PLAT. Rer.i. 327 C. 'Ev TOVTOL<; J1-EV w<; OtOaKrov oVCTYJ'> T0> dper0s A.i-ytt, here he speaks of virtue as a thing thctt cwh be taught. Id. Men. 95 E. 'Y7ro8if'-EVOL w<; T01~Tov oVTws E!xovTos, 1rpot'wl'-ev, having premised that this is so,. let us proceed. Id. Rep. 437 A. f:ltavoYJ8evTe<; 6J<; l6vrwv 6.mfvrwv dd Kat pe6vrwv, thinlcing of all things as moving and influx. Id. Crat. 439 c. OvTW CTK07rWJ1-EV, w<; rax' G.v, el rvxot, Kat TOVTWV KdKevwv crvl'-f3avTwv, let us look at the case, feeling that both this and that might pe1haps happen if it shmtld so chance; lit. with the idea that both this and that might perhaps happen if it should so chance, let us look at it in this light. DEM. xxiii. 58. 'Os 8Eov afJTOV rE8Jiclvat. Id. xxi. 70.

919. Verbs of saying and thinking which do not take the participle in indirect discourse sometimes have the participle (in the accusative or nominative) with ws, which in some cases approaches very near indirect discourse, and in others is more like a circumstantial participle. E.g.
'PpovT(e8' w<; rovTOLS rE Kat crocpwTepo~<; (j).,).. oun rovrwv 7rAEocrw 1'-axovl'-evot, conside1 that you will have to fight with these, etc. SoPrr. EL 1370 (cf. EuR. Med. 1311, quote<l in 918). Ayovcrtv ~1'-a> w> oA.wA.6ras, they spealc of us as lost. AESCH. Ag. 672. 'fls OVK U7rt~IDV ovo~ 1rUTTEV(}'WV 1...-yets; do you speak with a nsolution not to yield or to believe? So PH. 0. T. 625. Kal'-f3vcrq<; "Iwva<; 1'-~v Kat AloA.ia<; w> oovA.ovs 1rarpwovs 6vra<; v6J1-t(e, he thought of Ionians and Aeolians as hisfathe?'s slaves. HDT. ii. l. '!<; cr-rpar'Yjyl]crovra ip.~ fL'78<ts A<yerw, let no one speak of rne as the one who is to be geneml. XEN. An. i. 3, 15. 'Eo6KeL 7rOAAa ~0?) d,\YJBevcrat 1'0taVra, ra ovra

919]
'T

PARTICIPLE WITH

W\'

367

~, OV'Ta Ka2 'Td fk~ OV'Ta <1ls oiJK ovra, he was thought to have already repo?"ted t1uly 'litany such occurrences, (repmting) what wa.9 real as 1eal, and what was unreal as unreal. lb. iv. 4, 15. ''Orav ti!s 7TET6fkVOL EV T</) V7TV'f owvowvraL, when in their sleep they fancv them,selves flying. PLAT. Theaet. 158 B.

CHAPTER VII.
VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -r~o<:: AND
-7'0V.
I

920. The verbal in -r~o<:: is used in both a personal and an impersonal construction. 921. In the personal construction, the verbal is always ; passive in sense. It expresses neces8ity (like the Latin participle in -dus) and agrees with its subject in case. This construction is, of course, restricted to transitive verbs.

E.g.
?r6Ats i(}"-r[, the city must be benefited by you.. ''A .AA. as (vavs) iK -rwv ~VfLJJ.d.xwv fLTO.?rfL7r-rea.s tva.t (e</>17), he said tha~ othms mnst be sent jo1. THuc. vi. 25. Ov ylip 1rpo -r~s dA.'Y]8[as TfL'Y}Teos dv!jp, a man 1nust not be honou1ed bejo1e the truth. PLAT. Rep. 595 C. '01'-of.as </>'Y}(}"2v dmf(}"as tvat Ka2 TLfL'Y}Tea.s ~ t(J"OV. Ib. 561 C. <Ppd.(ovns <ils oil (J"</>t 7rptorr-re'Y} a-r2 ~ 'E..\A.as d?roAA.vfLEV1J. HDT. vii. Hi8.
(}"0

'il<j>EA.'Y}TEa.

XEN ..Mem. iii. 6, 3.

922. The substantive denoting the agent is here in the dative ..

Ell'- is often omitted.

923. In the impersonal construction (which is the more common), the verbal is in the neuter of the nominative singular (sometimes plural), with eO'rL expressed or understood. The expression is equivalent to oe, (one) rnust, with the innitive active or middle of the verb to which the verbal belongs. This construction is practically active in sense, and allows transitive verbals to have an object in the same case which would follow their verbs. The agent is generally expressed by the dative, sometimes by the aecusative. E.g.

926]

VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -7"EO<; AND

-'TEOV

369

TavTa ~p:iv .(or ~piis) 1I"Ot'r)T~ov Jrrr{, we m11st do this, equiv:~lent to Tavra ~fLaS OEt 71"0t~crat. 0 lcrr~ov raOE, we natst bear these things. EuR. Or. 769. IIHcrr~ov TrfOE (se. cro[), you must obey in this (=OEt 11"E[8Ecr8at). SoPH. Ph. 994. 'A7raAAaJ<T~ov a1hov (Tov CTWfLaros), Kat avriJ Tfj tfvxii 8wrov avra rd. 7rpayp.ara (=0t <haAACTTEcr8at O.VTOV, KO.~ rii tfvxii 8Eacr8at TiJ. 7rpcfyp.ara), We 'll?USt free ourselves from it (the body), a11d wth the soul itself we rnust CO'nternplate things themselves. PLAT. Phaed. 66 E. if>rw~ 0~ otxii f3orJ8YJTEOV El'vat To2s 7rpa:yfLacrtv VfLZv, I say tlat you nmst give as.,istance in two ways. DEAL i. 17. T av avr{i 11"0Y)TEOV r'Y); what would he be obliged to do? XEN. Mem. i. 7, 2. 'Etfrycp{cravro 11"0 AEfLYJT~a Etva.t ( ,- CEtv 7rOAfLEtv), they voted that they 'ln?tSt go to '!l'a?'. THUO. i. 88. T~v xwpat<, J~ ijs avTOLS OpfLWfJ-EVOS 11"0AfL'r)T~a 1JV Id. vi. 50. OuT p.t<:-8ocpoPYJTEOV 0:..\..\ovs ~ Tovs crTpaTEvop.evovs, ovTE fLE8EKreov rwv r.payfLcfTwv 7rAdocrtv ~ 11"EVTaKtCTXt..\ots. Id. viii. 65. (Here both the accusative and the dative of the agent are found: see 926.) 'Hp.Zv oi ~Vp.fLaxot dya8o~, oils ov 7rapaooTEO. TOtS 'A8ryvafots Jcr .. ~v, ovoi o[Kats Kat ..\6yots OtaKptTEa fL?J ..\oyrp Ka~ (~p.(i.s) UVTOVS f3..\a11"TOfLEVOVS, d..\..\a TtfJ-WPYJTEO. Jv Tcfxct Kat 11"aJITt cr8evH (=oils ov 0G r)fLa> 7rapaoovvat, K.T.A.). Id. i. 86. 'I .. ov lJ.v Et'r) 8mcrofLvovs (se. ~p.os), it wm~ld be best jo1 us to go and see her. XEN. Mem. iii. 11, l. OvoEvt Tpomp cpafL'Ev KovTas dotKYJTov El'vat. PLA'l'. Crit. 49 A. 'Arap ov yvvatKwv ovo7ror' cr8' ~TT1JTEa ~p.Zv (=o,j yvvatKwv OEt ~rracr8at), but we must ne1>er be beaten by women. AR. Lys. 450. So SoPH. Ant. 678. It will be seen that this construction admits verbals of both transitive and intransitive verbs.

924. Tl1e Latin participle in -dus is used in the same personal construction as the Greek verbal in -ros ; as epistula scribenda est, emCTT6AYJ ypa-;rra Jcrrh', a letter nwst be written. The impersonal construction is found in Latin, but generally only with verbs which do not take an object accusative, as Eundum est tibi (ireov f.crr[ crot),-Moriendum est omnihus,-Bello utendum est nob.is (rrji 11"0AEfL'f XPYJCTTeov ecrTtV ~fL'i:v), we must employ wa1. See Madvig's Latin Gramma1, 421. Occasionally the efulier Latin nees even the ol>ject accnsative, like the Greek; as Aeternas quoniam poenas in morte timendum est, Lucn. i. 112.

925. A sentence sometimes begins with an impersonal verbal in -rov and is continued, with an infinitive, the- latter depending on OEL implied in the verbal. E.g. ITavraxov 11"0Y)TEOV lJ.v KA{ro ~ 71"0Ats KO.~~ 7TU.Tpts, ij -;re8EtV a1h~v. PLAT. Crit. 51 B. 926. The dative and the accusative of the agent are both allowed with the verbal in -TEOV (or -Tea); although the equivalent Oe'i: with the infinitive has only the accusative Thus we can say rovro ~,u'iv 11"otryrov or rovro ~p.as 1I"Ot'r)T'>v, but only Tovro ~fLO.s OEt 7rotE'i:v.

APPENDIX.
I.
THE RELATION OF THE OPTATIVE TO THE SUBJUNCTIVE .AND OTHER MOODS. IN the chapter on the general view of the moods, no attempt was made to assign to either the subjunctive or the optative a single "fundamental idea" from which all the uses of the mood could be derived, except so far as the idea of futurity was shown to belong essentially to the subjunctive in all its most primitive uses. It would be impossible to include under one fundamental idea all the actual uses of any mood in Greek, except the imperative; for even the indicative is used to express unfulfilled conditions, unaccomplished wishes, and .unattained purposes, none of which can be brought under the ideas of "declaration" or "absolute assertion" commonly attributed to this mood. .Again, it is not to be expected that the true fundamental idea of any mood should include all its uses in a developed language ; for the fortunes of language often depend on causes which are quite independent of the original essence of the forms employed, and which seldom can be referred to invariable laws of thought. The same idea can be expressed in two cognate languages by different moods : as he qoould have seen is LOV <'iv in Greek and vidisset in Latin, while in Sanskrit it would be expressed by a past augmented future equivalent to the Greek EfkEAAev otf;e<:r8at (see 428). Even within the Greek itself, we have if he were wise expressed by l <:ro~6s d7J in Homer and by el <:ro~os ~v in Attic; and in Homer, both oBK &v yvws and oBK &v yvo[7Js can mean you would not have discerned, while the latter can meau also you would not discern (in the same future sense as in Attic). One doctrine of the original meaning of the Greek subjunctive and optative has gained such general approval of late, that it is entitled to special consideration. This teaches that the fundamental idea of the subjunctive is will, and that of the optative is wish. In the subjunctive, the idea of will appears especially in exhortations and prohibitions and

372

APPENDIX

[I

in expressions of purpose. It can also be used to explain the subjunctive in protasis, by understanding A.8y in ~v >..8y to mean originally let him go, suppose hV!n to go (in some case). But before we can decide that will is the fundamental idea of the subjunctive, or even that it is a necessary and essential part of the idea of this mood, we must ask, first, whether it is essential to those uses of the subjunctive which we have a right on other grounds to call the most primitive; and, secondly, whether there is any other idea equally essential and equally primitive, from which the idea of will could have been evolved more simply and naturally than this could have been evolved from the idea of will. The subjnnctive nowhere bears more distinct marks of primitive simplicity thau when it appears in Homer as a simple future; as in ov
yap 1rW To[ovs t8ov dvf.pa<; ov8 t8wp.at, for never yet have I seen such men, nor shall I ever see thmn, Il. i. 262, and in Ka[ troT TL<; dtryrnv, and some one will say, Il. vi. 459, followed by W> TroT TL<; Jpf.EL in

vs. 462, referring to the same thing. Se~ other examples in 284. In this sense it is negatived by ov, like an indicative ; and it may be modified by KE or &v, like the future indicative in Homer, and thus acquire a potential sense (see 285 and 286). It is seldom that any modal form (except a plain indicative) is found so free from associations which might affect its meaning and conceal its original character. It has, moreover, its exact counterpart in Sanskrit in the Vedic subjunctive, which is negatived by na, the equivalent of ov.l This simple subj\(nctive has no element of will. It expresses what the speaker regrets as readily as what he is resolved to do. Thus in both the examples above quoted, the subjunctive expresses an act which is decidedly contrary to the speaker's will and wish. This subjunctive and the future indicative run parallel in all their constructions, and the former expresses will only so far as the latter does. The only character that is beyond question in this subjunctive is its reference to future time, and if we were left to this use alone, we should have no hesitation in designating the subjunctive as a form expressing futurity like a future tense. As this use cannot be deduced from the subjunctive as an expression of will, let us see whether the opposite process, the evolution from the simple future meaning of the uses in which will appears, is any easier and does any less violence to the principles of the language. The use of the subjunctive which strikes every one as coming next in simplicity to the Homeric construction just described is seen in exhortations, like iwp.Ev, let us go, and (in its negative form) in prohibitions, like I"~ iwp.Ev, let us not go, p.~ dtrY)TE TOvTo, do not say this. This use of the subjunctive is found also in Sanskrit, and its negative is there generally (though not always) ma', the equivalent of !'-~ It thus appears that the marked distinction which is seen in the early Greek between iwf-LEV, we shall go, and iwf-LEV, let us go, in both positive
1 See Delbriick, Syntaktische Forschungen, i. (Oonjunctiv und Optativ), pp. 23-25.

I]

RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS

373

and negative forms, was probably inherited from an ancestral language, so that we need not seek for the development of this distinction within the Greek itself. It is obvious that the future element is equally strong in both expressions, while the hortatory subjunctive also expresses will. Now it is much more natural to suppose that a future form expressing exhortation or prohibition originated in a form expressing mere futurity, than that the IHerely future form originated in the exhortation or prohibition. VI'e cannot derive ovK l8wp.at, 1 shall not see, from p..~ Z8wp.at, let me not see. But it is by no means impossible that, in some language which was a common aucestor of Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit, subjunctive (i.e. originally future) forms came to be used to express both commands and prohibitions; that, when these imperative expreRsions became distinguished from the subjunctive in its ordinary future sense, they ado1)ted the negative (the ance~tor of rna' and p..~) which was used with similar imperative forms, though tl1is use of the negative might not at first be very rigid ; and that thus p.~ lwp.Ev, in the sense let us not go, became established in early Greek as opposed to ovK Zwp.Ev, we shall not go. In Sanskrit, however, the use of nw/ in such cases was less fixed, and here na' (the equivalent of ov) is sometimes found with the subjunctive in prohibitions.! This last is what we should have if in xnpt 8' ov favrrw;; 7rOTE, you shall never touch me, Eua. Med. 1320, we could substitute an Homeric subjunctive (e.g. lf;a1!rrys) for the future indicative. The cases of p.~ with the futlll'e in prohibitions given in 70, like p.~ (3o1A~rrErr8e El8vat, do not wish to lcnow, DEM. xxiii. 117, are too few to be of much weight in the discussion ; hut they seem to show an abortive tendency to establish the future indicative with p.~ by the side of the subjunctive in prohibitions. What the future could do in an imperative sense is shown by examples like 7raVTW<;; 8~ TOVTO 8pd.rrw;;, but by all ?n~ans do this, AR. Nub. 1352, and others quoted in 69; but the natural negative here was ov, not p.~, as iu ov favrrE''> above. If the origin of the interrogative subjunctive in appeals ( 287) and of its negative p.~ has been correctly explained in 288 and 291, this is merely an interrogative form of the subjunctive in exhortations and prohibitions, and calls for no special discussion here. The origin of the use of the sulJjunctive with ov p.~ is still too uncertain to give this construction much weight in determining the essential character of the subjunctive. If the view of this construction which is advocated in this work (see Appenl1ix II.) is accepted, the form is an offshoot of the prohibitory subjunctive. If it is thought to be an original construction, expressing a strong denial or prohibition by its own force, the subjunctive appears in its original future force. whatever theory we may have of the origin of this subjunctive, the form is interchangeable in use wit.h the future indicative. In dependent sentences, the subjunctive is used in two constructions, -in so-called final clallses, and in conditional sentences. In negative
1

See Delbriick, Oonjunctiv und Optativ, p. 112.

374

APPENDIX

[r

final constructions with JL~, the subjunctive wM originally prohibitive

( 262, 307); in positive clauses with the final particles, it expresses

something aimed at, that is, an object of will. But here, as in independent sentences, to derive the more complex from the more simple is far more natural than the reverse. Further, in all final constructions the future indicative may be used in the same sense as the subjunctive; this could hardly be done if the subjunctive contained an essential element of will which is wanting in the future. Again, the subjunctive is very common in final constr11ctions after past tenses, where the optative is the regular form (318); it cannot be supposed that the idea of will is present in such final clauses when they have the subjunctive (as they generally do in Thucydides) and is absent when they have the optative (as is more common in Xenophon). In conditional sentences, although we may explain the subjunctive as originally hortatory, ~v f.A8v meaning let him come (we will suppose), it is more natural to refer this use to the primitive use of the subjunctive as a simple future, KEY eA8n (or el f.A8n), in case he shall come, making a supposition of a future event of which the Homeric EA.8v, he will come, might make a statement (see 11 and 398). We thus avoid the necessity of explaining the indicative and the subjunctive in protasis on different principles. As each of the various tenses of the indicative with et expresses a supposition in the time which it naturally denotes ( 3, c), so the subjunctive is a natural form to express a future supposition. Thus, as el yev~O'ETa~ rovro supposes what yev~O'ETa~ rovro states, et yf.vvra~ rovro naturally supposes what (in the older languag;e) yf.vi]ra~ rovro, this will happen, states. As the former cannot be explained by the idea of will, it seems unnecessary and illogical to introduce this idea to account for the latter. What has been said of ordinary conditional sentences applies also to relative conditions. The only use of the subjunctive in conditions which cannot be derived from the simple future meaning is that in general suppositions; but the undeveloped state of this construction in Homer and other considerations make it highly probable, if not certain, that this is a use of the subjunctive which grew up within the Greek language itself at a comparatively late period, and that it is not one of the primitive uses of the mood. (See 11, b, 400, 40 1.) It is certain that no trace of the subjunctive as a mood of will can be seen in its aetual use in conditional sentences. Thus ~v r~v ?T6A~v i!AwO'~ could always be said as properly by the friends as by the enemies of a city, by the besieged as well as by the besiegers. In Il. iii 71, 6?T?T6TEp6s KE v~K~O''(I, spoken by Priam, is, as an expression, perfectly neutral as regards the hope or desire of victory. It may be Baid with truth, that the primitive meaning of a verbal form is apt to be weakened, or even to disappear, in actual use. But is it logical to assume a lost meaning to account for an expression, when the meaning which remains accounts for it satisfactorily without external help 1 When we find ~v i!A.wO'~ T~v ?T6A~v actually expressing a mere future supposition, with no idea of will, in all periods of the language, and

er

I]

RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS

375

when we find EAIJJO"t meaning they will capture in the earliest period that we know, why should we assume an original idea of will (which was afterwards lost) in ~v EAWO"t to account for its actual meaning 1 The view of the conditional sentence here adopted is confirmed by paratactic conditions like the following : 8{J(J"HS 8~ 'T?7V ?Ta8' " ev8a T[vas <vxas pEtS; EuR. I. A. 1185, where e-u(J"<t') mahs a supposition, supposing you shall sacrifice the gi1l, which would generally be expressed by El e-u(J"(t') or 1}v e&vs : so aOLKEt 'Tt<; EKt!Jv and ~~f1-ap'T~ 'Tt') aKwv, both expressing suppositions, DE:M. xviii. 274.1 On these grounds we may feel justified in regarding the subjunctive as originally and essentially a form for expressing future time, which the Greek inherited, with its subdivision into an absolute future negatived by ov and a hortatory future negatived by f-~, and used in independent sentences. The name optative mood (t'}'KNO"t> <VK'TtK~), which was invented by grammarians long after the usages of the language were settled, designated the mood by the only use which it then had in independent sentences without av, that of wishing. It is evident that this name in itself is no ground for assuming that wishing was the primitive function, or even an essential function, of the optative, any more than the name of the subjunctive (f!yKAL(J"tS irrromK'TtK~) would lead us to assume dependence as an original or necessary characteristic of that mood. We have already mentioned the theory that the optative is the mood of u-ish, as the complement of that which makes the subjunctive the mood of will. This theory finds no support in the potential use of the Ol)tative with Or without K~ Or av, Which is the only independent use of the optative except in wi8hes and exhortations. Surely a7T6Aot'TO av, he would peTish, can never have been developed from d1r6Aot'To, may he perish, for the former is no more likely to be said by one who wishes the death of a person than by one who fears it, and there is nothing in the addition of &v or KE which can reasonably be supposed to change a form, which in itself expl"esses wi&h, to a neutral form or even to one expressing what is feared. The fundamental distinction in negative sentences between f-~7 a7T6AotTO and oi>K /lv a?T6Aot'TO (or OVK a7T6Aot'TO) is still more significant. Nor can any support for the theory be found in dependent final constructions or in indirect discourse. No one would see a distinction of will and wish in E8v and foot in f.pxeTat i:va lov TovTo and ~]A.B<v i:va l8ot TovTo, or in cpo(3ovf1-at f-~7 f!A8TJ and cpo(3~8-qv f-~ f!A8ot,-not to speak of ?JA8Ev i:va toot 'TOV'TO and rjA.8w i:va rov 'TOVTO. Still less would any one dream of looking for wish in the optative in d7TEv on :!.\Bot, he said that he had come, or in ?jpeTo d ns < l-q (J"ocpwnpos. In all these dependent constructions, the optlttive is only the representative of the subjunctive or indicative when these are, as it were, transferred to the past by depending on a verb of past time ; but, if wish were the fundamental idea of the optative, we should hardly expect this to vanish so utterly, since
1

See C. F. Hermann, de Protasi Paratactica, p. 7.

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the essential character of the optative would naturally be especially marked where it is used by a fixed principle of the language as a substitute for an indicative or a subjunctive. The only strong argument for the theory tl1at the optative is primarily the mood of wish is found in the optative with <l in protasis. It is maintaineJ that a gradual development of this conditional form from the simple optative in a wish can be actually seen in Homer. The strongest nnJ. most attractive statement of this argument is given by Lange in his elaborate, but unfortunately unfinished, treatise on the particle <l in Homer.! Delbriick's treatment of the optative in his Syntaktische Forschungen, vol. i., is based on this doctrine. When Lange states (p. 485) that, of 200 examples of d with the optative in Homer, 136 are expressions of wish, the majority seems decisive; although we may even here withholq our judgment until we examine the majority and also see what the minority of 64 have to say. The majority of 136 is made up as follows:1. Ordinary wishes with <l yrlp, cZ(), (ar yrlp, aZB<), or <l, like a(fJ' OVTWS, Evp.at, <t>Aos .0.ti 7raTpi yhotTo, Od. xiv. 440; ar yap OVTWS 0 . "()' WS TJ WOGfLL, [3' o fLO fL7rUOS f1] 1 Il Xl. " '(3 , " . H'l], Il , lV. 189 ; et ?} O' 670. (Of these there are 38 cases.)
2. Case~ in "hieh a wish with d and the optative (like the expressions just quoted) is followed by an apodosis expressing a consequence which would follow the fulfilment of the wish. Thus the last example in 1 appears in Il. vii. 157 with such an apodosis : -

e!8' ~1f3~otp,t, f3TJ 13 fOL p.noo> c<,r Ti) K< T.ix' avT~<TE JJ-UXTJS KopvfJatoAos'EKTwp.
If we put a comma at the enJ of the first verse, we have a full conditional sentence. In many cases it is doubtful which punctuation is correct. Lange incluJ.es under this head even such sentences as ll. vii. 28, dAA' d p.o n 7r[Bow, T6 KEY 1roAv Kp8wv <L1J, and Od. xx. 381. (Of these there are 28 cases.)
3. Ordinary conditional sentences, in which the fusion between the optative with El expressing a wish (i.e. supposing something that is desired) and a following apodosis with KE or &.v is said to be complete, as in Il. xiii. 485 : -

ws

cd yap op.T]AtK[TJ y< ycvo[p.<Ba T08' J1r2 ()vp.'{), attfa KEV 0~ </>epOtTO p,eya KpaTOS {j K </><pO[fL'YJV (Of these there are 19 cases, against 18 otherwise similar cases in
which the optative with cl supposes something not desired.)
4. Cases of w11ich the following are examples:-i}AvBol', Et Ttl'rl p.ot KA1J1J06l'a 7raTp6s b[CJ'r.ots, Od. iv. 317.
1 Der Honwrische Gebrauch der Partikel El, von Ludwig Limge, des vi. Randes der Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classc der Konigl. Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften No. 4. Lange l1imself, nevertheless, believes the optative to be originally the mood of" Einbildungskraft," not of wish.

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7rd.'1I"T'f/VEV

o'

dvd. Tri.Jpyov 'Axatwv,

et nJ

tootTO

~YEJJ-Dvwv, os rs oi dp~v erapounv dp,15vat, Il. xii. 333.

Such examples are variously explained, but the protasis generally refers to something that is desired. (Of these there are 43 cases.) 5. Ordinary cm1ditional sentences in which el with the optative expressing a wish follows an apodo~is ; as in Il. xxii. 20, ~ u-' &1' rura[fLYJI', d fWt i5{;vaf1JS ye 7rape;1 These differ from those in :; only in the po8ition of the protasis. (Of these there are 8 cases of wishes, against 33 in which no wish is implied, of which last 17 are concessive.) The minority of 64 examples, in which ei with the optative does not express a wish, is made up of ihe 18 dissenting cases under 3, the 33 under 5 which contain no wishes, 5 exceptional cases (as Lange views them) under 4 (2 with doubtful readings), and 8 cases of ~s el with the optative in similes, like Zu-av ws ei' TE 7rvpb xOwv 7rU<ra V~fJ-OtTO, Il. ii. 780. It will be seen that the strength of the argument lies in the gradual development of the optativ\l conditional sentence which is supposed to appear in 1, 2, and 3. This is further enforced by reference to cases in which the simple optative in a wish (without any form of el) is followed by an apodosis, like the equivalent optatives with el in 2, thus showing the absence of a conditional force in the latter. See Od.xv. 180:ovrw vvv Zevs 8e'f/, Jp[yooV7ros 7rO<rtsHp'f/>" ,-.p KEV TO! Ka2 KEt8! ee<p &s e-&xero~JJ-'f/V. Since the two clauses are grammatically independent here, it is argued that they must be equally so in the examples in 2. The whole argument is based on the important assumption that the optative with el, e yd.p, etc. in a wish is the same in origin with the simple optative in a wish, so that el yvotro rovro and y~votro rovro both come to mean may this be done in the same way, by a wishing power inherent in the optative itself; and from this it is argued that el yvotro ro-uro as a protasis is used in a more primitive and natural ';ense when what is supposed iH desired by the speaker than when it i8 not. Unless we assume this as proved, and reject the opposite alternative which makes the optative with el in a wish a protasis with a suppressed apodosis, we have no right to count the examples in 1 and 2 as evidence that the optative with el denotes a wish by its own nature; for it would be reasoning in a circle to quote these as proof that the optative itself denotes wish, in a discussion which aims at establishing the nature and meaning of the optative in these very expressions. Again, the real nature of the 43 conditions with l and the optative in 4 is in question in this discussion; and it is inadmissible here to assume at the outset that they express wish in themselves and then to use them as evidence that wishing is the original function of the optative. Proof is needed, therefore, that the optati,es in 1, 2, and 4 (that is, in 109 of the 136 wishing optatives in Homer)

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actually express wish by their own force, so that they can properly be used as independent testimony here. Until at least a reasonable presumption in favour of this view is established, we are without evidence that there is any such gradual development of the optative condition as is claimed. We must therefore depend at present on the only cases about which no doubts exist, the complete conditional sentences in 3 and 5, to determine whether the optative with el involves the idea of wish without regard to tlte nature of its apodosis. If it should be found that the idea of wish preponderates in these optatives, we should have a convincing proof that the same is true of the optatives in 1, 2, and 4, whether these are viewed as protases or as original wishes. A slight inspection of Lange's statistics will show that the question is not to be settled in this simple way. Of the 37 optatives in 3, 19 suppose something that is wished for, while 18 do the opposite. Of the 41 in 5, only 8 suppose desirable things, while 33 do not. Therefore, in the 78 plain cases of d with the optative in conditions in Homer, we find only 27 expressing wishes. If we confine ourselves to the cases in 3, where the protasis precedes, we find as equal a division as is possible (19: 18), showing very plainly that even here wish has nothing whatever to do with the form of expression. Indeed, if we take El with the optative in protasis by itself, what is there to indicate that it involves a wish 7 It cannot be doubted that this form is the equivalent of the English if Jw should go an<l if we should see him; and who would attempt to find any such idea as wish in these expressions? Unless we are prepared to maintain that if we should be saved expresses the original idea of the English construction better than if we should perish, we must be slow to assert that el U"w(htp.ev gives the spirit of tl1e Greek 'Optative better than El &:,ro8avotp.ev. \Ve must remember also the large class of conditional relative sentences which have the optative. This optative cannot be explained on any different principle fron~ the optative with e1, and yet who would 1nofess to find anything like the idea of wish in on> pe(ot, Od. i. 47, <r p.1) drJ, xi. 490, or in Il. vi. 330, 521, xiii. 344, xiv. 248 1 I give the first six examples that I meet. It is obvious at once that we must recur to the examples in 1 and 2, and see whether these establish any such strong presumption as will justify us in making wish the fundamental iJea of the optative with el, notwithstanding the fact that a large majority of the optatives in protasis in Homer have a contrary meaning. In dealing with the examples in 1 and 2, it will be assumed that el, EWE, el yap, and al, are., ai yap all have the same origin, and involve the same })article d or al which is used in protasis.l The question in regard to the wishes in 1 amounts to this : is it more probable that the optative here is merely the wishing optative, preceded by a sort of exclamatory particle e1,2 so that yi:votTO and El yi:votTo are merely
See Lange, pp. 311, 312 ; and footnote to 379 of this work. Lange, p. 484, calls l "eine zur Einleitung von Wiinschen und Fallsetzungen geeignete interjecUonsartige Partikel." See also p. 565.
2

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different forms of an exclamation, 0 may it be done f-or that El y~votTo in a wish is the same as el y~votTo in protasis, meaning if it should only be done, deriving its force as a wish from the unconscious suppression of an apodosis like how happy I should be or it would be well ? The difficulty of explaining El in an ordinary protasis like El ~A8Ev, if he came, as in any sense exclamatory is a great obstacle in the way of Lange's view ; but his alternative is equally hard, to make El in a wish radically different from El in a protasis. In the incomplete state of Lange's work, it is impossible to see how successfully he would have surmounted this difficulty. But, apart from this, we are compelled on his theory to believe that the parallel construction of El y6.p and Et8E with the past tenses of the indicative in wishes is radically different in principle from that of El etc. with the optative. The former is a later construction; but is it possible that the traditions of so fixed an expression as El with the optative in wishes could have so utterly vanished that, while El yap y~votTo, rnay it be done, had no conditional force, El yap ey~vETo TovTo, 0 that this had been done, was felt as conditional ? It is impossible to explain El yap y~vETo except as an elliptical protasis, since there is no form of wish like y~vETo (alone) corresponding to y~votTo, may it be done. Even if we could suppose that El yap yevETo was formed ignorantly on the analogy of El yap y~votTo, it would be incredible that p.1) yevotTo should not have engendered a corresponding p.~ E)'EVETO. But why is it thought necessary or probable tl1at y~votTo and El rap )'EVOTO should have had the same origin ? If We Can trust OUf feelings in the use of our own language, it is beyond doubt that our expressions of wish, like may help. conw and 0 if lwlp shottld (or would) wnw ! are entirely independent constructions, and also that the latter is a condition with its conclusion suppressed. Why should we not accept the same simple distinction in the Greek forms, and admit that the Greek had two ways of expressing a future wish, one by the simple optative, the other by a protasis with its apodosis suppressed 1 Absolute proof is, of course, impossible in such a case ; but it is surely safe to maintain that no such strong presumption is established in favour of identity of construction in y~votTo and d y~votTo in wishes, as to make it probable that El y~votTo in protasis was originally a form of wish, in face of the fact that only a small j)roportion of Homer's undoubted protases with El and the optative express wishes. But it may be ~aid that the peculiar examples of half-formed ~onditional sentences in 2 (p. 376) establish the theory of the development of the conditional optative out of a wish. But this connecting link loses its value, when it is seen that it connects merely one construction, in which the wishing force of the optative is at least questionable, with another in which there is no positive evidence of any wishing force at all. If the ordinary theory of the suppression of an apodosis with ei yap yvotTo in a wish is correct, we must suppose that the suppressed apodosis was seldom felt in a tlefiuite form of words any more than it is with our 0 if he would come. But it might sometimes

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happen that an actual expression of a definite result of the fulfilment of a wish would suit the case better than the uncertain reference to a fulfilment, which the mere clause with if suggests. We have an excellent illustration of this when a wish is repeated as a protasis in almost the same words, and is then followed by an apodosis. See Od. iii. 217-22:3 (quoted in 730), where El yap <I ~s EeEA.ot is first a simple wish, and then is repeated as Et (]'' ovrws EeiAot., with the apOllosis r<iJ Kev ns, etc. naturally following. The oft-recurring verse ''(}' WS 'Y'(3' ,, ) WOt{Lt, (3' OE fLOt EfL7rEOOS HT) appears ll1 I! . XI. 6~0 , XXlll, '1 ~ , . I ... H t1) ~I 629, and Od. xiv. 468 (if Bekker is right in omitting vss. 503-506) as a simple wish with no addition; but in Il. vii. 15 7 it stands as a yd.p 1Jf3<i>P: <ts, repetition of the wish contained in vss. 132, 133, etc., and is followed by the apodosis T!p KE rax' dvT~(]'EtE fLaX1)S Kopv(}aoAos "EKrwp. In the other exampleR, we have simply the wish 0 if I were young aguin, with its vague unexpressed apodosis ; but in Il. vii. 157 the result is expres~ed in the definite form, then would Hector meet his match. See Od. xvii. 496 and xv. 536 (quoted in 730), in both of which a definite apodosis expressing a result takes the place of the usual suppressed conclusion. A distinction of Ol)tatives with El into wishes and suppositions, based on the wishing or non-wishing nature of the verb, is often arbitrary. Thus Lange quotes, among his " paratactic " wishes followed by an apodosis in a distinct sentence (that is, half-developed conditional sentences), Il. xvii. 102 : -

ar

El oi 7T'OV Al'altT6s YE {3o?)v dya8ow 7T'V8ofLYJV,

K' afJTtS l6vTES J1T't{LVIJCTatfLE(}a xapfL'Y)S, while he gives as an ordinary conditional sentence IJ. xxiv. 653 : -

a{L</>W

rwv d 'rtS (TE Zoo tTO 8m}v Otd JIDKra f'iA<UVCLV, avr[K' &v Jgd7rot '.!l.ya{LEfLVOJ!t 7i'Ot0~Jit Aat~V.

His ground for distinction is merely that the former expresses a wish, while the latter does not. Even if both sentences were held to be simply conditional (as they 1)roLably are), it would still be claimed that the optative is used in a more legitimate and primiti1'e Rense in the former than in the latter. But is not the patent fact that there is really no essential distinction between these two optatives with El (taken as conditions) a strong argument against tbe whole doctrine which derives the optative in protasis from the optative in wi;;hes 1 As to the 43 examples in 4, in which the optative with El obviously stands without any exrlressed apodosis, I must refer to the discussion of these in 486-493, where they are explained as protases which contain within themselves an implied clause of purpose as the apodosis. Whoever will compare the examples of the optative in 488 with those of the subjunctive in 487, or those of tlw optative in Delbriick's Conjunctiv 1md Optativ, pp. 236-238, wi1h those of the subjunctive in pp. 171-175, will probably be satisfied that the greater part of these optatives represent original subjunctives, whieh are regularly used in this sense after primary tenses, while the original optatives that occur after primary tenses in this construction are not more frequent than

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they are in ordinary protasis in Homer (see 499-501). Thus {3-Yf IIavoapov otNp.Evos d 7l'Ov i<jHvpot, he went seeking Pandarus, in case he should find him anywhere (i.e. to find P. if haply he might), Il. v. 16 7, represents an original form f3a[vw IT&voapov otNp.Evos, ~v ?Tov <j>El~pw. This is true, whatever theory we hold as to the nature of the condition here. Again, this form is equally adapted io suppositions which are not objects of wish or desire ; as in TRue. vi. 100, 1rpur; T~v ?ToAw, El E?Ttf3oYJ8o'iEV, xc!Jpovv, they marched towanls the city, in case the enemy should rush out (to be ready to meet them if they should rush out). So in Od. xxii. 381 : -

?T<i7l'TYJVEV o' '00VO"E-f>S xa8' ~UV Oop.ov, d TLS :iT' avopwv (wos V?TOKAO?TE07'0 aA:VO"KWV K~pa p.EAatvav,
where Ulysses is said to have searched the house, in case any one of the suitors should still be alive and be concealed (i.e. to find any such). This is quite as natural an expression as Il. xii. 333, ?Ta?TTYJVEV d nv' [oo LTO ~yEp.ovwv, where the protasis supposes something desired. The idea of pur1)ose which these sentences imply makes it natural that the supposition should be a desirable one in the majority of cases ; but no independent support for the theory we are discussing can be found in them. We come then to the following conclusions. The theory that wish is the fundamental idea of the optative finds no support in conditional sentences with El and the optative in Homer, for among 78 full sentences of this class, only 27 express suppositions which are desired by the speaker. The other optatives with El wl1ich are said to express wishes stand without apodosis, and the nature of these expressions is itself in question in this discussion. As the presence of the idea of wish in the optative in ordinary conditions would have been a strong proof that the same idea is inherent in these other optatives, so the conspicuous aLsence of wish in the former creates a presumption against its existence in the latter; for it appears that, eve:J if the optative with <l in wishes does expreRs the wish by its own natural force, this force l1as not passed over into the ordinary optative in protasis, even in Homer. \Ve have to consider, therefore, whether in spite of this presumption it can be established that the optative is the mood of wish, or that the two forms of optative in wishes (with and without d) are identical in origin and construction. The theory of their identity obliges us to believe that d is a sort of exclamatory particle ; whereas the older view, which has the authority of Aristarchus ( 723), that the optative with El in wishes is a protasis with a suppre~sed apodosis, avoids this difficulty by making the form of wish tl1e Pame as that of protasis. The new theory also compels us to explain the past tenses of the indicative with d and the optative with d in "i~hes on different principles. The cases in 2 (p. 376) of an optative with El in a wish followed by an apodosis in a separate sentence are easily exp1ained by supposing an actual apodosis to be expressed in them, where commonly only a general idea of satisfaction (like Ku.Aws !iF exot) is understood. The cases of d with

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the optative without an apodosis in 4 are to be explained by the implied apodosis: they are not necessarily expressions of desi1e, awl the optative here generally represents an original subjunctive. As a negative result, we do not find in the Homeric examples as a whole any satisfactory proof that wish is the fundamental idea, or even an essential idea, of the optative. For the original meaning of the optative we must go, not to the developed wish, still less to the developed potential construction with tlv or to the protasis with El, but rather to certain simpler and less decided expressions, a few of which remain in Homer. In Il. iv. 17-19 we have a full conditional sentenoe,

o'

ai'J 7TWS r6oe 1racn <j>(Aov Kat ~0~ 7TEAOtTO,

~TOt p.ev olK~OtTO 7T6AtS ITpu1pow avaKTOS, ai'ins 'ApydT}V 'EA.~VTJV MEvEAaos ayotTO.

o'

This may be translated, and 'if moreove1 this should be welcome and pleasing to all, king Priarn's city may continue to be a dwelling-place, and Menelaus may take Argive Helen home again. But olK~OtTO and ayotTO (without K~ or av) here do not make the usual potential apodosis, nor do they express a wish ; and yet a very slight change in the thought would make them either of these. With K~ or av added, the meaning would be Priarn's city would continue to be, etc.; without av, in the ordinary language it would be nwy Priam's city continue to be, etc. The same general result happens to be expressed in other passages in various ways. In Il. iii. 71-7 5 Paris proposes the duel with Menelaus, and says:d7T7T6TEpo~ 0~ K VLK~O"'[/ Kpe{O"O"WV T y~VT}Tat, KT~p.a8' V..&w J~ mivTa yvvaZK<i TE oZKao' dy~O"ew o1 o' /iAAot <j>tA6TTjTa Kat opKta ?TtO"Ta mp.6vTES vatotT Tpo{TJV Jpt{3ti!AaKa, TOt o V~0"8wv "A pyos ES t7T7TO OTOV. , ' '(3 Here dye0"8w is nsed with the same general idea in mind as ayotTO in iv. 19, and va{otTE is like olK~OtTo. This example would rather lead us to understand both &yotTo and olKeotTo as wishes. But in iii. 255 we have Tci' o KE vtK~O"avn yvv~ Kat KT1)p.a()' e?TotTo, where Tlj} vtK~O"avn is equimlent to d?T7T6TEp6s KE vtK~O"YJ in 71, and E7TOtT6 KE is potential, though expressing the same general idea as dy0"8w and ayotTO above. Also, in iii. 256 we have vatotp.Ev (like vatotTl in 7 4) and vovTat (as future). Again, in iii. 138 Iris says to Helen TP o KE vtK~O"avn <j>{ATJ K KA~ O"YJ aKotTts, where KEKA~O"YJ KE is potential, referring to the same result as e?TotTo K, &yotTo, and dy0"8w. These passages show a use of the optative without K~ which comes very near to that of the optative with KE, and also to that of the imperative and of the future (with and without KE). This neutral use of the optative is generally called "conce~sive." In other cases, the optative without Ke has a more decided potential force; aR in Il. xxiii. 151' vvv o' E7Tt ov veop.a )' <j>ATJV ES 7TaTp[oa. yawl', IT::~.Tp6K.\.<p 1jpwt K6p,TJV o?TaO"atp.t <j>epE0"8at, I would fain send.

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383

So in Il. xv. 45, aimlp TO Kat Kdvt.p Jy~ 7rapaJLV8TJua[JLTJV, I should advise him. In IL xxi. 274, E7rHTa o Kaf. n 7!'a8otJLL may be either then let me suffer anything (i.e. let me perish), or then would I suffeJ anything: that the latter is the true meaning is made more probable by xix. 321, ov JLEV yap n KaKwTEpov lL\.A.o Tra8otJLt.for nothing else that is worse could I suffer, where ov shows that the optative is potential. On the other hand, ii1 Il. xxiv. 148, JL7JO ns lL\...\.os d.JLa Tpwwv ZTw av1)p K~p-v~ Ts o1 E7r0 TO yEpaTEpos, i.e. let no othe? of the Trojans go with hirn; only let an elde1 herald accompany him (or a hemld may accompany him), the general sense and the prec.eding imperative seem to show that E7rotro is hortatory. Compare Il. iii. 40i, JL7JO' En uoi:cn 'Tl'DOEuuw vTrouTpefoas "OA.vJLTrov, between two pairs of imperatives, where JL7JOE shows the nature of the expression. Again, in Il. vi. 164, -rd)va7Js, it IIpoZr', i] Kd.KTavE BEAAEpocpovTYJV, we may doubt whether 7E8va7J> means you n-.ust die or may you die (i.e. die), although the <5onnexion with KaKTavE leads us to the latter interpretation : here .also compare Il. iii. 407. The tendency is not very strong in either direction in these passages, as is plain from the difficulty whi eh we sometimes feel in deciding which the direction actually is in a given case.1 But as the. potential and the wishing forms are generally clc"al'ly distinguished in Homer, we must look upon the few neutral expressions that we find as relics of an earlier stage of the language, in which the optative without Ke or liv was freely used in the sense of ol~<eotro and liyotTo in I!. iv. 18, 19. Such expressions could not be used in negative sentences, at least after o-6 and JL~ were established in their l'egular force, as the use of either negative would at once decide tl1e character of the sentence. In the earlier language ..\.8otJLL and tOOtfu, I may go and I may see, probably corresponded to the subjunctives :U..8w and Zow, I shall go and I shall see, as weaker forms for expressing future time. But both moods had inherited another use, by which ..\.8w and .i'ow meant let me go and let nw see, while ..\.8otf-L and ZootJLL meant nwy I go and nw.y I see. The reasous given ahove, for thinking a derivation Of the hortatory subjunctive from the simple future expression more probable than the reverse, npply equally to the corresponding uses of the optative. Iu these neutral optatives, of which Il. iv. 18, 19 gives the most striking examples, we probably come nearest to the primitive use out of which the two most common uses of the independent or)tative
1 To show the uncertainty that exists concerning some of these optatives in the minds of modern scholars, I give some of the most recent translations of four of them. Il. vi. 164: You mrty us well die, Monro ; I pmy thut you may die, Leaf (ed.); Die, Proetus, Leaf (transl.); Du wi1st selbst sterben ?niissen, Delhriick. 11. xxiii. lfi1: ];nay ns well give, Monro; "The optative expresses a wish," I should lilce to give it, ?WI!J I be allowed to give it, Leaf; l1nuy give, .Myers ; Ich we;-de 1nitgeben, DelbrLick. Il. xxi. 27 4 : I am Tendy to suffer, Monro; Perish; the?o let come what mny, Leaf ; After that let come to me what may, l\1 yers. Il. xxiv. 149: Only a herald may follow, Monro; I permit a herald to go with him, Leaf; Let some older herald attend on him, lliyers.

384

APPENDIX

[r

(potential and wishing) were developed. Before the Homeric period tlwse two uses were already established, the potential with its mark of K~ or tiv and its negative o-&, and the wishing with no external mark and its negative 1'-'1 It is hardly possible that the first potential use of the optati,e was marked by K~ or tiv, for we find undoubted potential optatives in Homer without either of these particles (see 240), and even in Attic poetry such indefinite expressions as ovK ;ere' oern~, ovK ~ere' o1rw~, etc. have the optative without &v ( 241). Although the early Greek, even in Homel', did not always use Klc or &v with the potential optative, there is no evidence that it ever failed to distinguish the wishing optative in negative sentences by the use of fL-1, while the potential was always negatived by o-&. The Sanskrit optative, which must lJave had a common origin with the Greek, appears in its earliest use in the state in which we have supposed the early Greek optative to have been, i.e. used both in a 1)otential sense and in wishes without any par-ticle like KE or aJ!, and occasionally in a neutral or concessive sense. But while the negative na (=oil) is always found in the potential use, we have both nu1' ( = JL'~J) and nd in wishes and similar expressions in which the Greek has only 1'-'~J.l The same l)eculiarity
1 See Delbriick, Gonj. u. Opt. pp. 26, 194, 198, 199. Whitney, who agrees generally with Delb;-~iek in deriving the other uses of the Sanskrit optative from the idea of wish or desire, says of the actual use of the mood (Sanslc?it Grconmar, 573): "But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes naturally over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes a softened imperative; and on the other hand, it comes to signify what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be, and so hecomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is weakened into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so becomes at last a softened statement of wlpt is." Ag,tin, in 574: ''Subjunctive and optatil'e run closely parallel with one another in the oldest lapguage in their use in independent clauses, and are hardly distinguishable in dependent." In 575: "1'he difference between imperative anti subjunctive and optative, in their fundamental and most characteristic uses, is one of degree. . . . There is, in fact, nothing in the eal'liest employment of these modes to prove that they might not all be specialised uses of forms originally equivalent-haviug, for instance, a general future meaning." In 581 : "ln all dependent constructions, it is still harder even in the oldest language to establish a distinctiou betweeu snl,junctivc and optative: a method of use of either is scarcely to be fount.! to which the other does not furnish a practical equivaleut." The original relation of the Sanskrit subjunctive and optative here stated closely resembles what I believe to have been the origiual relation of the Greek subjunctive and optative, the optative being essentially a sort of weaker subjunctive, both expressing essentially the same ideas. My own view would, I think, agree substantially with that suggested by Delbriick (Syntalctische Forschungen, iv. p. 117) as an alternative to his earlier view presented in his Conjunctiv und Optativ (vol. i. of the same work) eight years before: "Eine andere l\fi:iglichkeit ware, in beiden Modi den jatu1ischen Sinn zu fiuden, tmd zwar im Conj. die Bezeichnung der nahen, im Opt. die der ferneren Zukunft. Unterdieser Voraussetztmg miisste die. von mir Synt. Forsch. i. gewiihlte Anordnung giinzlich umgestaltet werdeu." I was, of course, uot aware of this important con~ession of D'lbriick when I suggested ill the same month (August, 1879), in my Ureek Grammar, p. 258, the rela.tion of the optative to the subjunctive which is advocated in the present work. Since the above was written, Delbriick in his Alt-Indische Syntax: has

I)

RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS

385

has been noticed in the use of negatives with the subjunctive (p. 373). It is probable that at some early period the Greek had two parallel uses of the subjunctive and optative in independent sentences, as follows;I!A8w, I shall go (neg. o-6), or let me go (neg. JL~) eA.8ys, thou wilt go ( " ), or go thou ( " ) :IA.8u, he will go ( , ), or let him go ( , ) eA.8otfLt, I may or might go (neg. o-6), or may I go (neg. JL~) eA.Oots, thou mayest or mightest go ( , ), or mayest thou go ( , EA.8ot, he may or might go ( , ), or may he go ( , Although the Greek which is best known to us did not use the second and third persons of the subjunctive in a hortatory sense, there can be little doubt that such a use existed in the earlier language, as appears from the use in Sanskrit and in Latin, and from the Greek prohibitions with JL~ (See 258.) In an Elean inscription we find two cases of the third person: TO o fa<jJUTfLO. .. avaTE8~ Jv TO lapov TW 6.tos TW '0AvJL7rw, and (voted) that the decree be set up, etc.; and also f.mfLaEwv 1T"Ot~aTat (subj.) NtK6opofLop 6 f3wA.oyp6.<f>op, that N. have charge, etc.l Both moods alike developed a distinct potential use, which was distinguished from the other by K~ or liv; and in Homer we have forms like eAOw K and K parallel with eA.8otjL K and EA8ot K, all negatived by o-6. The potential subjunctive, however, did not survive the Epic period, while the potential optative became fixed in the language. The future indicative also developed a potential form with K~ or liv, which appears to have survived the potential subjunctive, at least in the colloquial language. The English l1as no form except its vague I may take to express the various shades of meaning denoted by EAOVJLa KE, f.AwJLat, f.A.wJLa KE, and EA.oJLTJV, which once stood between f.AovJLat, I shall tl'tke, and EAOLJLTJV liv, I should take. (See 399.) The subjunctive, therefore, in its two chief use in independent sentences, from which all others are derived, was originally accompanied by a weaker future form, the optative, expressing the same idea less distinctly and decidedly. Let us now see how this weaker subjunctive (or future) form enters into the various dependent constructions, that is, into conditional and final sentences and indirect discourse. The only dependent construction in which the optative is an original form, not representing another mood after a past tense, is that of protasis (including the conditional relative clause, but excluding the past generic

aeu

expressed an opinion (in contradiction to his earlier view, discussed above), that the potential and wishing functions of the optative are distinct in their orirn. Delbriick, Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 117, quotes these passages from Cauer (No. 116). In p. 118 he says of this use: "Es ist nicht zu bezweifeln, dass dieser Conjunctiv-Typus im Griechischen ausstarb, weil der Imperativ dem Bediirfniss geniigte." See also i. p. 20.

2 c

386

APPENDIX

[I

condition). Here we see the sam~ relation between d.v (or 1) V..8w and l D.JJotfLt, if I shall 110 and if I should go, as between the original A.8w, I shall go, and A.8otJLt, I may (or might) go, the optative being a less distinct and vivid form for presenting a future supposition, it may be for presenting the same supposition which has already been presented by the subjunctive. The distinction, whatever it may be thought to be, is that which appears in our distinction of shall antl should, and there will always be differences of opinion as to the exact nature of this.! The objections to deriving this form of condition from the optative in wishes have already been considered. On the theory that the protasis is an offshoot of the conditional relative clause (see 398), we should understand 1 A.8w as meaning originally in case (i.e. in the case in which) I shall go or rnay go, and d f.A8otfLt in case I should go or rnight go,-should and rnight being here merely weakeneu formR of shall and may. (Homeric optatives referring to the present are discussed below.) In the whole class of final sentences, in which the subjunctive anrl optative am probably the only primitive forms, the optative always represents a dependent subjunctive in the changed relation to its leading verb in which it is placed when this verb is changed from present or future to past time, a change which we represent by our change~ from rnay to ?night or from shall to should; as f.pxErat Zva Z817 rovro, he comes that he ?nay see this, ljA.8Ev fva Zoo t rovro, he carne that he might see this, etc. The thought in the dependent clause is in both cases what would be expressed originally by Z11a Zow, adapted to different chcum~tances; and the original subjunctive U'va 17 ) could alway~ be retained, even after past tenses, and by some writers it was generally retai1ied ( 318-321). The change is, in fact, the same which iB made in indirect discourse whm~ the leadiug verl.1 is past, since a past final clause always expresBes the past thought of the leading subject ( 703). This relation to indirect discourse is especially clear when the future indicative is used after primary tmJSes, with the future optath'e corresponding to it after past tenses. The optative of indirect di8course has much wider relations, which were greatly extended. as the language developed. Here the optative represents not merely the subjunctive but also the indicative in the changed relation in which these are placed by a change of the leading verb from present or future to past time, the tenses of the o1Jtative (with some restrictions) representing the corresponding tenses of Pither subjunctiv,~ or indicative at pleasure, the present including ah'o the imperfect. In the development of the language, the want of an optaiive

ro

1 For an attempt to make this distinction more clear and to rernoYe some difficulties concerning it, see my paper on "Shall and Should in Protasio and their Greek Equivalents," in the Tmnsactions qf the Am. Phil. Assoc.jm1876, pp. 87-107, and in the English Joumal qf Philology, vol. viii. no.l5, pp.18.38. I hav~e there given the best answer il1 my power to the objection that my

explanation of the optative in protasis as "fess distinct and vivid" than the

subjunctive lacks distinctness; this answer is, briefly, that my statement is as distinct as the distinction itself to which it refers.

(I

RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS

387

form to represent the future indicative was felt, and the future optatiYe was added to the verb to supply the need, appearing first in Pindar. In Homer, this use of the optative is imperfectly dt>velolJed, as the optative with on or(~\; in a quotation representing a simple indicative is still unknown ( 671). Still the Homeric language has most of the other constructions of iudirect discourse, including the optative in indirect questions representing both the indicative and the subjunctive. This optative in Homer appears (as we should expect) more as the correlative of the subjunctive than as that of the indicative. In indirect discourse, as in final constructions, the optative is not absolutely demanded after ]last tenses; and in some writers the origiJ1al indicatives and subjunctives are more common ( 670). The future optative, as a new form, is always less frePly used tl1an the older tenses. In final constructions and in indirect discour~e tl1e optative appears as a subjunctive or indicative (as it were) tramferred to the l'ast, and it here has many points in CO!lltnon with tl1e Latin iwperfect an<l Jlluperfect subjunctive. In Homer, moreover, the present optative is regularly used in present unreal conditions and conclmitns, and both present and aorist optative with K~ occasiona1ly refer to the past lib; the imperfect and aorist indicative with K~ or These mes, tal;en in connexion with the secondary terminations of the optative, might lead us to think that the optative was originally a past expression, so that Ka KEV i!v8' d7!'6AotTo, and now he would have peri-hed there, Il. Y. 311, would represent the regular use of the 11rimitiYe optative, instead of being (as is commonly thought) a rare excPption. Against this view, however, there are many conBiderations to 1 e urged. 1. The optative is fully established in Homer in wi,hes and conclitions as a future expression, and nlso in Jwesent unreal eonditions, the imperfect indicative here being still confined (like the aorist) to the past. In past unreal collllitions the optative neYer appears in protasis, and only rarely iu apodosis, the aorist indicative being already establisl1ed here before Homer. 'l'hus, while ovK &v {VOtl)> iu IJ. v. 85 means you would not have discerned, it would uommonly mean, even in Homer, you would not discern (as future), and the common Homeric expression in Il. v. 85 would be ovK &v E')'VW>. The evidence of the Homeric language, therefore, shows that the present optative is the original form in present unreal conditions and conclusions and in present unattained wishes, but is opposed to the view that the optative was ever regularly past. 2. It is hardly possible that the past umeal conditional preceded in deYelopment the ordinary future supposition. Every primitive language must have needed expressions like if he should go he would see th1:s before it ventured upon if he had gone he would have seen this. If now we suppose that ovK &v ')'VO[YJS had originally the seme you wojdd not have discerned, we must assume that the Greek expressed this idea before it could express you would not discem (future), for the language never had any other form to express the latter. V.,T e cannot hesitate, therefore, to find in the common future meaning of OVK av yvo[YJS the

av.

vv

388

APPENDIX

[I

original force of the expression, and to look upon the occasional reference to the past as a relic of an early attempt to express you would not have discerned by a form already appropriated to another use. 3. The Homeric optative in conditional sentences agrees remarkably with the Sanskrit in both the Jutnre and the present use, the Sanskrit optative being used both in future and in unreal present conditions and conclusions, but not in past conditions or conclusious. This seems :;) show that the Greek inherited the two priucipal Homeric uses of :he optative, (1) iu future conditions awl wishes, and (2) in pTesent unreal conditions and unattained wishes, while, so far as our evidence :;oes, the occasional use of the optative in past potential expressions is cm extension of its use beyond its hereditary limits made by the early Greek itself. 4. The argument drawn from the past tenses of the Latin subjunctive will not apply to Greek conditional sentences, for here the present an<l perfect subjunctive in Latin (not the imperfect and pluperfect) correspond to the Greek optative in its most frequent use, and in the older Latin these primary tenses sometimes express present unreal conditions. The most natural view seems to be, that the primitive optative, before it came into the Greek language, was a weak future form, like he may go and may he go, from which on one side came its potential and its future conditional use, aud on the other side its use in exhortations and wishe~. These uses would naturally all be established before there was any occasion to express either an unreal condition or an unattained wish. 'l'he need of a form for present unreal conditions and present unattained wishes would naturally come next, and the present optative was made 'to include these also, no practical diffieulty being caused by having a siugle form for it would be as both pres<mt and future, none being felt in Homer and none being 11ow felt in Eugli"h. In this state the O])tative probably came into tl1e Greek, hcfo1e any attempt was made to extend its use to past nnreal conditions. \Vheu tt form was rer1uired for tl1ese, the optative may have been used at fi1st, on the analogy of present unreal conditim1s ; but here the serious diliieulty of using U7rOAo~'TO KE for he would have JJe?'?'shed when it was aheady familiar iu the sense he W01fld perish (hereafter) proLaL>ly prevented the establishment of this usage. Before our evidence begins, the past tenses of the indicative were firmly established iu past unreal conditions, wl1ile the optative was here a rare exce]'tion, even in apoclosis, and was never used in protasis. But no attempt was yet ma<le to dislorlge the present optative from present unreal conditions or the corresponcliug wishes, although the use of r'J<joEAov or <oq,EAAov in Homer shows that a llast indicative in a present sense was not absolutely repugnant even to the early usagr. But afterwarrls a new tendency prevailed, and the imperfect indicative took the p1ac" of the optative in present unreal conrlitions, still retaining its older use (with the aol'i,t) in past conditions. The Greek, Sausluit, aml Latin appear

II)

ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF

olJ

/"~

389

to have developed their expressions of past unreal conditions independently. The Sanskrit, which seldom needed such a form, nserl its past future, as the Greek occasionally used lp.d.A.ov with the infinitive (see 428). The optative in past general snppositions only repreRents the corresponding subjunctive transferred to the past. This is, moreover, i1ot to be treated as a primiti,e use of the optative, for reasons which t~pply also to the generic subjunctive (see 11, b, and l 7). If the optative, at the time of its origin in some ancestral language, ever actually existed as a past form, as its terminations certainly seem to indicate, no effect has come down to the Greek from this remote origin, except perhaps the use of the optative to represent the subjunctive (and aftervrards the indicative) transferred to the past in final constructions and indirect discourse. Even here, its relation to the subjunctive, which is probably all that is primitive in thiH use, is substantially that of a "remoter future," as it is in independent sentences and in protasis.

II.
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF

ov fiilJ

WITH

THE SUBJUNCTIVE AND THE FUTURE INDICATIVE. 1 THE origin of the construction of ov p.~ has never been satisfactorily explained. \Vhile there is a general agreement as to the meaning of the two forms of expression in which this double negative occurs, that (1) ov JL1J -yiiv,]Ta.L or ov fL1J -ywq<Tna.L i~ it will1wt ha;ppen, and (2) ov p.1) Ka.-ra.f31J<TH is do not come down, there is great diversity of opinion as to the manner in which these meanings are obtaiued fmm the Greek expressions, and still greater as to the origin of the coustrudions themselves. Most scholars have explained expressions of denial with ov fLlJ and those of pTohibition on entirely different theories, which involve different views of the functions of the 11egatives in the two forms. The explanation of the expressions of denid.l (like ov p..1) -y~v'Y)-ra.L) which has gained most favour is that of an ellipsis after ov of a verb or other form denoting fear, on which fL~ -ykvYJ-rcu depends ; so that the full form would be ov oos E<TTL p.~ -yiiv'Y)Tat, theTe is no jea1 that it will happen. Since a strong argument for this ellipsis is the existence of such examples as ov cp6f3os p.~ <TE d-ycf-yw, XEN. Mem. ii. 1, 25, and ovxL oos p.1) <TE cpLA~<Tl], AR. Eccl. 650, which, by omitting cp6f3os and 8o<;, would become ov fL1J <TE d-ycl.-yw and ovxL fL~ <TE cpLA~<T1J, it can hardly be said that this is supposed to be one of the unconscious ellipses which are no longer felt in actual use. This explanation,
1 Reprinted, with a few changes, from the Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. i. pp. 65-76.

390

APPENDIX

[u

however, does not help to account for the prohibitions in the second person, like DV f:L~ KaTaf3~cra, for there is no freak of language by which ov lleD<; ecrTt f:L~ Kamf3iJ> or even ov llED<; ecrTt f:L~ KaTa{3~cr<t (if we can suppose such an expression) could be transformed into ov JL~ KaTaf:J~crn, in the sense do not come down. The prohibitions have, therefore, generally been explained, on Elmsley's theory, as interrogative ; and ov JL~ KaTaf3~cr<t; is supposed to mean will you not not come down? i.e. do not come down. All subjunctives that are found in these prohibitions, as in ov JL~ crKt!Jfv> f:L1JllE 7rOt~U"TJ>, AR. Nub. 296, have generally been condemned since Brunck and Elmsley, and such subjunctives are seldom seen in recent editions of the dramatists. But all attempts to explain these constructions of ov JL~ on different theories lead to fatal difficulties. We cannot make all the prohibitions interrogative, nor can we change all the prohibitory subjunctives to futures without violence to the text; nor are all cases of DV f:L~ with the second person of the subjunctive or of the future prohibitory. The following examples show a complete transition from one of the uses of ov f:L~ to the other, and yet no line of distinction, on which different theories of construction can reasonably be based, can be drawn between any two of them : OilTot rr 'AxatwF, o'toa, f:L~ n> vf3pcrv, no one of the Achaeans, I am s1we, will insult you. SoPH. Aj. 560. Oil crot JL~ f:LEeefof:La[ 7rOTE, I never will follow you. Id. El. 1052. Koi,xl !-'0 1ra.Ucr1JcreE, and you will not cease. AR. Lys. 704. 'AA.A' oil "TroT' ~ .lf:Lov y f:L?J 1raev> T68,, but, you shall never SV:f!m thisfro?n ?ne. SOPH. El. 1029. Ov !-'~ 7f"OT e<; ~JI LKvpoF eK7rAE.Ucrvs, you shall never sail off to Scyros. Id. Ph. 381. Ov JL?l crKt!JfTJ> .. dA.A.' v<P~JLn, do not jeer (i.e. you shall not jeer), but hold youT tongue. AR. Nub. 296 (this cannot he interrogative). Ov JL~ 7rpocro[crEt<; XEtpa f:L1)0 afEt 7f"E7rAwF, do not bring your hand near me, noT touch my gaTments. EuR. Hipp. 606 (generally made interrogative). . It should be made a first requisite of any theory that it shall explain all these cases on the same general principle. A preliminary question to be settled, if possiLle, is whether ov and JL?J merely combine to make a single strong negative, or whether ov as an independent adverb negatives /-'~ and the verb taken together. The difficulty either of conceiving oil and f:L?J as forming a single strong negative, as ov and DVOEJI or 1-''l and /-'1J8EF often do, or of understanding how /-'~ yeJI't)Tat, which by itself cannot mean it will not happen, can be strengthened by ov into an expresBion with this very mealling, has made it impossible to defeud the former view on any recognised principle, even when it was adopted for want of something better, as in the earlier editions of the present work. The supposed analogy of JL~ ov forming a single negative with the infinitive will hardly hold as a support of this; for, while WP. cannot have a sentence like DVX ocrt6JI Jcr,-, !-'~ ov (3a 1 B<'iv continued by an infinitive with ov8~ (e.g. by ovo df'{;JI<creat), we frequently have sentences like ov !-'~ KaAE'is f'E JL1JOE KaTE pE I>> TOVJIOf:La, where f'1JOE continues the prohibition without
1 1

II]

ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF

ov J.L~
ov

391

repeating oll, showing the distinct force of each part of this double negative. But this only brings out .nore emphatically the perplexing is an question that lies at the basis of the whole discussion. If independent negative, as by every principle of Greek negatives it should be, what does it negative 1 It is clear that there is only one active negative in oll jL1J yf:vYJTat, it will not happen; and oll IL~ U"K<i>fvs, do not jeer, surely does not have one more active negative than IL~ U"KWtf1J>.l It seems obvious, therefore, that if oll is an independent negative in jL1J yf:vYJTat, the negative force of the IL~ must in some way be in aheyance, as otherwise the two simple negatives would make the sentence as a whole positive. We may naturally turn for a suggestion here to the principal form of expression in which the negative force of vfJ seems to be in abeyance,-to Plato's favourite subjunctive with !L0 as a form of cautious assertion, as !L0 <f>avA)Jll i), I think it will prove to he bad, Crat. 425 B. (See 264 aiJd the examples.) Such expressions are, practically, cautious affirmative statements, the fear that something may prove true having by usage softened into a suspicion, and this again into an idea of probability or possibility, so .that P.0 <{>avA.ov fj, which originally meant may it not prove bad (as I fear it may), has come to mean I suspect it may prove bad, and finally, I think it will p1ot:e bad or it will probably prove bad. The expression, however, always retains at least the implication that the fact thus stated is an object of apprehension to some one, though it has lost all of its original reference to such apprehension on tl1e part of the speaker. 2 If now a writer wished to express the negative of one of these cautious assertions, in which the original force of vfJ has practically disappeared, be would say, for example, oi. 00 <{>avA.ov fJ, it will not prove to be bad. We thus have a simple explanation of such sentences as !L0 oTos i fjs, you will not be able, PLAT. Rep. 341 B, and oi jL1J 8vva.T0s ill, I shall 1wt be able, ld. Phil. 48 D, the former being the negative of f.L'J oT6,. i fis, I suspect you will be able, the latter of !L0 ovva.Tus i!J, I s1~spect that I

ov

ov

Joumal of Philology, iii. Pl' 203, 205), that ou is an independent negative, nay, while p:f} introduces a question which expects a negative answer, was evidently held by the copyists of some or the best .Mss. of Aristophanes or by

'l'he idea suggested rather than advocated by Gil<lersleeve

(America?~

their predecessors: thus, Rav. and several Paris .M ss. have oO pi} tJ"KWlfTJS (or <YKWlf'YJS) in Nub. 296; V en. 474 has oO pi} A'YJP~"TJS in Nub. 367, and oil pi} "Aa"A?j<YELs in 505. See the M s. readings given in 1'ransactions of the Arn.erican Philological Association for 1869-70, p. 52. 2 I give the following passages of Plato, with Jowett's translation, to illustrate this idiom:"AA"Aws oi: <Yvvfip<w pi} <jJaD"Aov 7i Ka1 ov Kaf! boov, w<jJl"A< 'Eppoy<v<s, if they
'Ep,uoyvovs, "fAi<Yxpa Vi} OAK~ aifr'Y) ri}s opOLOT'Y)TOS, avayKawv of: i1 KaL ri/) </JopnKi/) ro>'m;> 7rpo<YxpBa-Ba<, rv ~uvBv. but thefo1ce of 1'Cse?nblance, as Hermogcnes says,

are not, the composition of them, my dem Hermogcnes, will be a sorry piece of work, and in the wrong di1ection. Crat. 425 B. 'A"AM pi} ws a'A'Y)Bws, ro roil is a mean thing ; and the mcclumical aid of convention must be furthe? entployed. I b. 435 C. Mi] ovocv li"A"Ao tJ"K<1rr.!ov 7i, the only question which rema,ins to be considered is, etc. Crit. 48 C.

392

APPENDIX

(II

shall be able. So, by prefixing oB to p.1) dvayKal:ov fj, it may be necessary, we have ov p.~ avayKal:ov ~, it will not be necessmy. (See footnote, p. 394.) This use of f.l,~ with the independent subjunctive in Plato, is, however, confined to the present subjunctive, and generally to li (or ~XV with an adverb), while ov p.~ generally has the aorist subjunctive or the future indicative, and only rarely the present subjunc.tive, even in Plato. (See examples in 295.) Still, the successful application of the principle to the few present subjunctives which are like those above quoted indicates that we are on the right track. The independent subjunctive with /L~ is by no means confined to the Platonic construction above mentioned, although this is its chief repre~entrttive in Attic Greek. It is familiar in Homer in expressions of apprehension combined with a desire to avert tl1e object of fear; as p.~ o~ v~a~ lAwn, may they not seize the shitJS (as 1 fea? they may), Il. xvi. 128. (See 261.) In such expressions sometimes the fear itself and sometimes the desire to avert the danger is more prominent; see Otl. v. 415: IL~ 1rws tl ~K{3a[J,ovra (36.A.v A.BaKt 7rpo-rc 7r-rpYJ Kv/La !L~y' dpmi~av, /LEAEYJ o tLOt E<T<TETU.I. OP/L~, i.e. I fea?' that sorne wave may dash rne upon a rock as I am erne1'!}ing from the sea, and my ejf01-t will (then) be in vain (the clause of fear being merged in a direct statement). See also Il. ii. 195, xviii. 8; Od. v. 356, xvi. 255. Between Homer and Plato, we find only eight cases of independent pj (or !L1J oB) with the subjunctive ; 1 but in these we can see the traJJsition from Homer's clause of apprehension to Plato's cautious assertion. (See 264.) In four of these cases, the speaker expresses fear and a desire to avert its object. These are EuR. A.lc. 315, p.1) <roDs 8ta<PBEpu yU.!Lol>>",-Or. 776, !Li] A.J.(3w<Ti <r' &<rtL<vo~.,-H. F. 1399, &AA' dp.a !L1J <Tot<; ~o/Lop~wp.a~o mi7rAots,_:.Rhes. 115, !L1J ov !LOA'{/> 7roAtv. In the other four we see either the cautious assertion found in Plato or a uear approach to it. In HDT. v. 79, we have &A.A.a p.aAAoJ' IL~ ov -rovro fj To /LU.l!T'~wv, but I suspect mther that this will prove not to be the Tneaning of the oracle (precisely Plato's usage). Cases of IL'l ov of course illustrate this use of !L1J with the subjunctive equally witlJ those of tl1e simple p.~. In Eun. Tro. 982, Hecuba says to Helen, IL'l ov 7r<CfJ'1)S <To,Po6~, I suspect you will not convince wise people, with the same sarcastic tone which is in Plato's IL'l oiK iJ OtOU.KTOl' &pen], I suspect it will prove that vi1tue is not a tMng to be taught, Men. 94 E (said by Socrates, who is arguing that virtue is ov 8tba.K-rov). In A.n. Eccl. 795, most editions have /L~ yap ov Aaf3v~ o1rot (se. ra.v-ra Ka.-ra81)>, where the Mss. give an impossible A.d(3ots), I suspect you will not find a place to put them down, with the same affectation of anxiety as in the two preceding examples. In XEN. Mem. iv. 2, 12, we bave one of the rare interrogative forms of the subjunctive with /L~, in which Euthydemus says to Socrate$, IL~ ovv ov 86vw!La' (v. l 8vva0a) yw -r.l -ri}s OGKaw<TVVYJ'i pya OtYJYI)<Ta<rBat; do yo11, suspect that I shall be 1 I depend here on Weber's statistics, given in his Entwickelungsgeschichte der A bsichtssatze.

II]

ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF

ov fl,~

393

(or am) unable to explain the works of Justice? He adds, Kct2 v1) fl[' liywyE Ta T~> aotK [as, I asswe you, I can explain those of Injustice. Here the spirit of the expression is the same as in the other cases. Compare the similar interrogatives in Plato : Phaed. 64 0, Rep. 603 0, Parm. 163 D, Sisypl1. :387 C. But for the eight cases of independent /h~ that have been quoted, we should never know that the construction existed between Homer and Plato. We have goorl gmund for believing that it remained as a colloquial idiom in the language, though it seldom ap])eared in literature until Plato 1evived it and restored it to common use as a half-sarcastic form of expressing mildly a disagreeable truth. In Plaio, the construction is not confined to this peculiar sense, for we find cases in which honest apprehension is ex11ressed as in the older use. IVeber quotes Euthyd. 272 0, JL~ Totv ~~votv n<; Ta~Tb TovTo ovEtM<TJ), I am af?aid some one may insult the two strangers in this same way (or let no one iusult them, as I fear some one may); also Symp. 193 B, Ka1 Jh~ p.ot -lxrroAaf317, I hope he will not answer me; and Leg. 861 E, p.1] TO[J!VJI n> ot1}'Tat. It appears, therefore, that the independent subjunctive with p.~ was in good use in the fifth century B.c. in the two senses illustrated by EuR. Or. 776, p.0 A.af3(JJ<T[ <T<, I fem they may seize you, and by EuR. Tro. 982, p.1) ov 7rE<:r1)S <:ro<f>ovs, I suspect you will jail to convince wise people. From the persistence of the original meaning, even in Plato, we may probably assume that the expression more frequently included the idea of apprehension which is essential to it in Homer. But the other examples show that JL0 A.a{3w<T <Te must have been in equally good use in the sense I suspect they will seize you (implying no apprehension). If now we suppose ov to be pl'efixed to JL1) A.6.(3w<T (rE, we shall have ov p.1) A.a(3w<T[ <T, which could be said with the meaning I an1 not afraid that they will seize you, and equally well with the meaning they sha.ll not seize you. The former sense agrees precisely with that of some of tl1e older uses of ov Jh1J with the subjunctive. If the strange example from Parmenides (vs. 121) is genuine, we have a,} p.1) 11'0TE TL> <TE (3poTC)JI yJicfJf'-7) 7rap<Aa<T<:rJ), the?e is no danger thctt any mmtal will surpass you in wisdom. In AESCH. Sept. 38 (one of the oldest cases, 467 n.c.), ou n JL1J Ary<j:,Bw 86A.<tJ, I have no feaT of being ca11ght by any triclc, we can easily understand ov fl-1J ATJ<j:,Bw as the negative of p.~ ATJ</:>Bw, I fear I may be ca?tght. So in Parmenides we have the negative of JL1J Ti> en 7rap<Aa<r<T1), I fea' some one may JJurpass you. Ov JL~ ns ovHoi<:rll would be a natural uegative of JL~ n> 6vH8<T1J, I feaT s0?1W one may insult, in PLAT. Eutlqd. 272 0. So, where there is llO denial of apprehension, ov JL1J 1rafJ17s Tooe, you shall not s11jfer this, SoPH. El. 1029, may be the negative of p.1) 1ra817s ToOE, I suspect you will suffer this; and o~ JL1J h11'AEV<TTJ>, Id. Phil. :381, may be the negative of JL0 EK'lr AEV<TJ]S, I suspect you will sail away. So ov JL1J vavs a<f,opfL<T17 (Kirchoff, -<:r1J>) xBov6>, 1rptv &v, etc., you shall not move yoU? ships from the shme, until, etc., EuR. I. T. 18, will be the negative of JL1l vavs a<j:,opJL<:r7J, I suspect you will move yo1tr sl1ips. These expressions with ov JL~ were always colloquial, as were also (at

394

APPENDIX

[u

least in Attic Greek) the expressions with p~ and the subjunctive from which they are here supposed to have sprung.! If it is thought that the limited number of cases of independent p~ with the subjunctive not implying apprehension do not justify the assumptions which have been based on them, it is easy to see how the change from the denial of an apprehension to the denial of a suspicion might have taken place within the ov p~ construction itself. If we suppose such expressions as ov 1'-YJ A:YJ<f>Bw and ov f'-'1 r[s <YE v(3prr17 to have been established as the negatives of p1) A:YJ<f>Bw, I jea1 I may be caught, and p~ rs rr v(3prrn, I jewr some one may insult you, they must soon have fallen out of this relation to the parent forms, and have been felt in use to be mere future negative assertions, so that they could not long be restricted to sentences in which apprehension was implied. Thus, ov 1'-YJ vavs d<f>opprrn xBov6s would soon become as natural to those who used these forms as the older ov p~ r[s rrE v(3prrn. According to this view, ov p~ with the subjunctive would come into the language in the sense .::: a denial of an apprehension, which is essentially the sa111e general sense as that. supposed by the theory of an ellipsis of 8os errrv. But there is a great advantage in dispensing with this troublesome and improbable ellipsis, and deriving the meaning from the sentence as it stands. There is surely no more ground for assuming this ellipsis here than in the independent subjunctive with p~, which is an older construction than the depemlent subjunctive with p~. And if we accept p~ rs rJ v(3prrn as a complete construction, without the help of 8os errrv, it is absurd to invent an ellipsis to explain ov "'~ r[s {]' v(3par~ as a shorter form for ov 8os f.rrrt p~ rs {]' v(3prrv. In fact, dispensing with this ellipsis removes the most fatal objection to the view of the sentence on which the old theory was based.
1

It may perhaps be urged, in opposition to the view here presented, that

negative of p/q M{3w1Tl in that of I fear they n~ay seize you, because the regular negative of this is p/ry ou M{3w1Ti <T<, as we may call 1-'~ ou 1riCJy~ CJolj>Dv~ (Euu. Tro. 982) the negative of 1-'~ 1T'EliTTI~ ITDij>Dvs. But DU in 1-'~ ou 7rEliTTIS uegatives only the verb, whereas DU in Du f.'~ 1T'Ei1Ty~ would negative the whole expression 1-''fl 1rd1Ty~. Mi} DU 1rfi<Ty~ is a cautious negative, meaning I suspect you will not convince thern, corresponding in a certain way to !-'~ 1rdiTT/S, I suspect you will convince them. But Du f.'~ 7rElCJys would be the true negative of 1-'~ 7rElCJT/S, denying it absolutely, in the seuse there is no ground for suspicion that you will convince them, or (sometimes) there is no fear that you will convince them, i.e. you u'ill not convince thent. There is all the difference in the world between suspecting a negative (e.g. suspecting that something will not l1appen) and negativing a suspicion (e.g. denying that there is any suspicion that something will happen). Surely no. one could understand 1-'~ DV iivvaro~ <i>, I suspect I shall not be able, 'as the negative of 1-''fl iivvaro~ w, I suspect I shall be able. The real negative is much rather DV !-'~ iiuvaros w, there is no chance that I shall be able, in PLAT. Phi!. 48 D. The negative power of DU in negativing 1-''fl A6.f3w1Tl IT< in its sense of I fear they may seize yo1t is perhaps still mnre apparent. \Vhereas Jl.~ Du '\6.{3w,.L "'' in this sense would mean I am nfnrJrl they mny not seize you, Du 1-''fJ A&.{3w1Tl CJ< would mean I do not fear (or there is no danger) that they will seize you, which is felt as a strong negative, they will not seize you.

ou p/q Mf3wCJi IT<, they will not seize you, cannot be the <T< in its sense of 1 suspect they -will seize you, or even

rr]

ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF

ov jJ.,~

395

In whichever of the two ways above sugge~ted the subjnnctiYe with ?-~ came to express a simple future denial, it was only natural that the Attic Greek should soon begin to )lse the future indicative in place of the subjunctive in the same sense. Thus we have in SoPH. El. 1052, ov ~rot fh1J JJ-<fJi.fofha[ 1rou, and in AR. Ran. 508, fJ-?J d Jyw 7r<pLofofhat, both expressing denial. At this stage all recollection of the original clause with f>l and the subjuuctive must 1Jave been lost, as there was no corresl)onding clause with J-t~ and the future indicative in common use, of which JL0 with tlJe future could be the negative. A most striking proof of the entire loss of this tradition is given lJy examples of indirect quotation of ?-~ with the future, In SoPH. Ph. 611 we have rri T' dAAa 1rctvT' f.Bi:IT7rtiTEv, Kat Tct7ri 'fpo[a<; 7rEpyatl WS' olJ v1 7rOTE 7rEpiTOLV .l JJ-1) TOVO u:yotVTO, the direct form being ov ?-'fJ ?rOTE ?rEpiT7' f.av JL~ TOJIO ayrwfk In XEN. Hell. i. 6, 32, d7rl' on 'l 'i?rctpTYJ olJ8v fh~ KctKWV o1KttTat avTov ci?ro8avovTos, the future indicative is retained in an otherwise similar construction. In EuR. Ph. 1590, we find el?re 'l'Hpe~r[as olJ f~ 1rore, ~rov 'T~JIOE y~v olKOVVTOS, EV ?rpct~ov ?T6Atv, representing f1J ?roTE d! ?rpct~n. We could not explain o-& fh>J 1rpct~HV as an independent expression on any theory, either with or without an ellij)sis. Such forms show the advanced stage which the construction of JJ-0 had reached. (See 296.) We find in the Roman comic poets a few cases of neque with haud in the same clause, forming a single negative. Such are PLAUT. Bacch. 1037, Neque ego haud connnittam ut, si quid peccatum siet, fecisse dicas de mea sententia ; and TER. Andr. 205, Neque tu haud dices tibi non praedictum. Neque haud may fairly be supposed to be a translation of o-&8 JL0 in a Greek original. If it is, it shows that the Roman poet understood o-& fl-'l with the subjunctive or the future indicative as a simple expression of denial. When ov JL~ with the future indicative had been established as a J'egu]ar form of future aenial, the second lJel'SOn singular probably began to be used as a form of prol1ibition. As the future could be used in positive commands in an imperative sense, as in ?ravTws 8 70VTO opctiTHS, out by all means do this, AR. Nub. 1352, it could also take the simple oil in prohibitions, as in XELPi olJ tfa-6~rHs ?ron, you ~hall not touch me with youT hand, Ol' do not touch me, Eun. Med. 1320. (See 69.) The dramatists soon introduced the new form with JL0 into such prohibitions, generally with the future indicative, but occasionally with the more primitive subjunctive. Thus ov fh>J KaTaf30~rn had the sense of do not come down, derived from you shall not corne down, as fa-6~rELs (above) from meaning you shall not touch came to mean do not tm.wh. One of the strongest objections to the older views of the forms with ov fL1l is that they generally require a distinct ex1)lanation of this prohibitory construction. Elmsley's theory of a question with two negatives, explaining ov fh~ KaTaf30~ra; as will you NOT NOT corne down? hence do not C0'1ne down, was stated in the QuarteTly Review for June 1812, and in his note to Eun. Med. 1120

ov

ov

ov

ov

ov

ov

ov

ov

396

APPENDIX

(II

(1151 Dind.). Many who do not adopt Elmsley's theory in full still accept the interrogative form, and these sentences are now generally printed as questions. Long before Elmsley, the famous "Canon Davesianus" had proscribed all sigmatic aorist subjunctives with ov fl-"J as well as with o1rws 11-~ This edict removed nearly or quite all the troublesome subjunctives that would have opposed Elmsley's view, and left only the future indicative in his doubly-negatived questions, which of course required an indicative. This again Ret up an artificial distinction in form between the prohibitory construction allowing only the future indicative; and the other construction allowing both subjunctive and future indicative. But it has been more and more evident in later years that this distinction in form between the two constructions cannot be maintained. It was seen by Brunck, before Elmsley's interrogative theory appeared, that it would be absurd to distinguish sentences like TavTa ov 11-~ 1roT' n)v L,Kvpov EK7r AEVfT17" E!xwv, you shall never sail away to Scy1os with these arms, SoPH. Ph. 381, from ov 11-~ KaTaj3~rJn, you shall not come down, AR. Vesp. 397. He therefore wrote EK7rA1'JO"HS in the former, with the note "soloece vulgo legitur EK7rAdxrvs." But EK7r AeVrJns proved to be even a greater solecism than EK7r A.dxrvs was thought to be, for the only classic future of 1r A.w is the middle 1r A1)(]'0fJ-a.t or 7rAevryovf1-at, and EK7rAe1)0'H will not suit the verse. So lK7r AdJO"TJS had to be restored. Again, while almost all the sentences containing a prohibition with ov fh'IJ, followed by a positive command with dA.A.<i or o, could adm.it of Elmsley's punctuation and interpretatio'n,-as ov 11-'l AaA~O'ElS dA.A.' ctKoAov8~rJELS ij-to[; AR. Nub. 505, explained as won't you not talk nonsense rmd follow me ?-another passage of the Clouds resisted both of these and also the prescribed form. In 296, the Mss. have 'ov 11-~ (]'Kwfvs pJo 1Tot~(]'17> d1rep o[ Tpv-yo8af1-oves o1JTot dA.A' eixfn)fJ-H. Bnmck emended this without hesitation to ov 11-~ (]'Kwfets fl-YJOE 1rot~rras, with the note "soloece vulgo (]'Kwtfns . 1TOt'rJ0'17>" But there was no IJlace for Elmsley's interrogative mark, which could not stand after the imperative, and could not be inserted after ovrot without implying that the other sentences (like Nub. 505 above) were wrongly punctuated. The emendation O"Kwfets was as unfortunate as EK7rAE1JO'Ets, as the future of O"Kw7rrw is (]'Kwfofl-at, not (]'Kwfw, so that a further emendation to <TKwf<L was needed. In this battered condition, and with no interrogative mark to help the interpretation, the passage usually appears, even in the latest editions. (See 298, 300, 30 1.) So long as it is proposed to explain these prohibitions and the ordinary denials with ov 11-~ on entirely different theories, with nothing common to the two constructions, it may not seem unreasonable to force a few examples like Nub. 296 and 367 into conformity with the general usage. But on any theory whicl1 makes no distinction in construction between the prohibitions and the other negative expressions of denial or refusal (for example, between ov 0~ iK1TAEV0'1)S, you shall not sail away, and ov 11-~ KaTaj3~(]'H, do not come down, i.e. you shall not come

es

JI]

ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF

ov Ji"iJ

397

down), there is no more reason for objecting to ov p.~ crKwtfus than to oi p.~ EK1l"Ad!CTTJS. An occasional subjunctive, like ov p.~ crKwtfTJ> or ov p.~ AYJp'r)crTJS, is indeed no more than we should naturally expect in a construction which had its origin in the subjunctive. In such expressions, further, the analogy of the equivalent Jl.~ crKwtf1JS and p.1) ).:qp~CT[]'> would tend to make the aorist subjunctive unol>jectiollable and perfectly natural. A reference to the list of passages quoted on page 390 will show tl1e inconsistencies into which every one must fall who attempts to explain the l)rohibitions and the clauses of denial on different theories. We cannot separate ov J1.1J crKwtfvs from ov l''l EK7r Ae1!crns in construction, nor the latter from ov JL1J 1raevs, 11or this again from OV p.q TtS v[3p[CTl)> On any CO!lSistellt principle of iutmpretation_l Sentences of one class have been claimed as decisive witnesses in favour of the interrogative theory. They are represented by ov ea<rO"OV OLO"W;, JLY)8' d.7rUTT'qCTEi<; f.Jl.O{; will you not ?nOTe quickly extend it (your hand), and 1wt distrust rne? SorH. Tr. 1183. These are undoubted questions, but there is no construction with ov Jl.~ in them. They consist of one question with ov, implying an affirmative answer, will you 1wt "extend your hand? anti another with Jl.~, implying a negative answer, and you will not distmst me, will yon? The compound of the two has the general sense expressed in the first translation above. (See 299 and the examples.) In conclusion, we may sum up the result of tl1e investigation as follows. The original construction of ov Jl-~ with the subjunctive was developed as a negative form of the independent subjunctive with Jl.~, which had already become an expression of apprehension with desire to avert its object, even if it l1ad not passed into the stage of a cautious assertion ; in either case, the real negative force of p.~ was in abeyance. The aorist subjunctive is the most common form here, the present being less frequent. This form of future denial next admitted the future indicative in the same sense as the subjunctive. The second person singular of this future with ov I"~ was used by the dramatists as a prohibition, without abandoning the sense wl1ich the future can always have in both positive and negative commands. In these prohibitions the future indicative, in which tl1ey had their origin, is generally used ; but the subjunctive occasionally occurs, being analogous to the ordinary amist subjunctive with JL~ in prohibitions; e.g. JLll vKc!;tfns supporting ou JL1J CTKwtfvs. 2
1 For a further discussion of the form of the sentences with DV p.-1}, in eonnexion with that of clauses witl1 B1rws and with the Canon Davesianus, see J'rans. of the Am. Phil. Assoc. for 1869-70, pp. 46-55. 2 Since this paper was written, I have seen that Kvicala, in two articles on DV p..-1} in the Zcitschrift fur die oe8terreickischen Gyrnnasien for 1856, proposed an explanation of. DV p.-1} with the subjunctive, which at one impoltant point came very near the view now presented. He states two (apparently theoretical) meanings which he supposes p.'l] &d.vY/s to have had at some period (zwei Bedeutungsentwickelungen): one, "Du wirst doch wol am Ende, trotzdem dass ich cs abzuwehreu suche, sterbeu ; " the other, "Ich Jiirchte,

398

APPENDIX

[III

III.
STATISTICS OF THE USE OF THE FINAL PARTICLES.
following t.ables are based on the statistics given by Dr. Philipp Weber in his Entwickelungsgeschichte der Absichtssi.itze. l. Statistics of the use of the Final Particles in pure final clauses by different authors.
THE
\ J

I
"'Os.

'Oij>pa.l "Orppa "'Iva. i K< or li.v.

Homer

223fl.4-- m 242:381--98 11 (opt.)

10 11

o~ li.v 1 "'01rws. j or ws K<. I

"'01rws llv

with Subj.'

Hom. Hymns Hesiod Pindar Aeschylus

Sophocles

I ...
1

5 11

i 2(opt.) 1 1 3 1 3 3 11 (opt.) 1
11 5

...
. ..

...
...

Euripides Aristophanes Herodotus

Thucydides

. .. ... ...
. ..

... . .. ...
.. .

Xenophon Plato .
Ten Orators.

... ...
...

... ...
...

2 23 14 52 1 , 71 182 / 183 34 107 16,1 52 1 i 213 83 368 1 ) 579 83 or 4 9

1 11

27 14
ll 1 87

31 19 18 5 13 6
114 221 ' 23 I 42 l 14

7
24 5

. ..

DemiJsthenes

. ..

.. .

~53 I ...

i . ..

14 25 12 4

By prefixing ou to p.'f! 6d.vns in these meanings, he arrives at two uses of ou p.f) with tl1e ~ub junctive. The second meaning comes so near the independent subjunctive with p.{] in Homer, that it is surprising that neither this nor the equal1y important p.-f) in Plato is mentioned. But no use is made of the advantage here gained in explaining ou 1'1i with the futme indicative, either in prohibitious or in denials. 'The prohibitions are made interrogative, ov p.?) OVO"/-'ev'f!s fO"; being explained as "Nicht wahr '1--du wirst doch nicht feindselig seyn 1" The future of denial is explained simply as developed from the interrogative ft1ture, as a form of reply to this, by leaving out the interrogative element. 1 For B1rws li.v with the optative in Attic Greek, see 330. 2 Omitting Od. xxi. 201. 3 In Agam. 364 B1rws has the optative with li.v. 4 Two of these occur in Lysistr. 1265, 1305, in the Xopos Aa.Kwvwv: the third is in Eccl. 286. 5 Including 10 with future indicative. 6 "OKws. See 'Weber's erratum for his p. 130. 7 Omitting Cyr. viii. 3, 2 (see p. 400, footuote), and Xcnophon's peculiar cases of ws li.v with the optative (see 326, 2). See Appendix IV. 8 weber omits Dinarchus in p. 18~ (see his p. 182). 9 DEM. xxiv. 146 is omitted, as ws oaunot be fi!Jal there. The only sure examples of ws final in the orators are ANT. v. 53, vi. 15 ; AJS'D. i. 99. Lvs. xxviu. 14 is probably corrupt (see Am. Jour. Phil. vi. p. 56).

dass du doch wol (trotz meiner Abwehr) sterhen werdest."

m]

STATISTICS OF THE USE OF THE FINAL PARTICLES

399

2. Statistics of tl1e use of the four Final Particles in pure final clauses in the Iliad and the Odyssey.
SuBJ.

"Ocppa (pure) {

gd.
Od.

89 82 171

FuT. INn. 2 2

OPT.

22 ...... 113 26 ...... 0d. 110

Il.

48

-223 2 6 8 2 4 6

ocppa

Ke

{ ll.

1 6

l.. .... Il. o...... Od.

1

''Ocpp' &v

{ Il. Od.

2 3 5

o...... Il.
l. ..... Od .
I

Total cases of ocppa 237

n. .. Iva (pure) . { Od. 48

45 93

22 ...... Il. 30 ...... 0d.

5~

67 78 -145 (1<>18.1. 16 8 24

n, (pure)
.,,Q,
I<

'

{ Il. 10 Od. 2
12

6 ...... 11. 6 ...... 0d. 12

{Il. Od.
{ Il.

11 9 20 3 6

O...... Il. 11 5 ...... 0d . 14

5 25 4 9 -13

<g, &v

Od.

l. ..... Il. 3 ...... 0d.

4

Total cases of

ws
2 7

62

"01l"WS (pure) { Od. Il.

0 1

0 1 1

2 ...... Il.

5 ...... 0d.

9 (total).

3. Examples of ws and O?l"WS in object clauses in Homer after verbs ()f planning, t1ying, etc. (see 341 ). Simple with subjunctive : Il. ii. 4 (some read opt.), Od. v. 24. (2.) ''Q, KE with subjunctive: Il. iv. 66 ( = 71), ix. 112, xv. 2:35, xxi. 459; Od. i. 205, ii. 168, 316, 368, v. 31, vii. 192. (10.) Simple (hrw> with subjunctive: 11. iii. 19, 110, xvii. 635, 713, Od. i. 77, xiii. 365, 386. (7.) ''Orrw> KE with subjunctive: Od. i. 270,295, iv. 545; so Il. ix. 681, if this is subjunctive. (4.)

ws

400

APPENDIX

[rv

'Us with optative: Il. h:. 181; Od. vi. 112. (2.) ..01l'ws with optative: Il. xiv. 160, xxi. 137, xxiv. 680; Od. iii. 129, viii. 345, ix. . 420, 554, xi. 229, 480, XV. 170, 203. (11.) Weber cites 071'71'W'> KEV O'O(jl> in Il. ix. 681 as optative, and omits Od. iii. 19 as a suspected verse, The following verbs are used to introduce this construction in Homer : </>pa(op..at and its compounds, 14 times; {JovAdJw and {JovA~v el?l'el:v, 5 times ; 11'Hpw, 5 times; fUPf'fJp{(w, 4 times; opp..a[vw and Ata-a-op..at, each twice; and vow, AEva-a-w, p..~nv v</>7Jvov, and JW~a-op..at,. each once. (36.)

IV.
XENOPHON'S PECULIAR USE OF w~, w~ &v, AND 8'Tl'wc; &v IN FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES.
IN FINAL CLAUSES.

I. ('il <; and aV.). 1. It is well known that Xenophon is almost the only writer of Attic prose who uses w> freely in the final constructions. Weber's statistics (p. 398) show that while ws is the favourite final particle in tragedy, it is hmdly found in Aristophanes, Thucydides, Plato, and the Orators. Xenophon forms a strange exception to the prose usage, having w; or ws dv in 91 of his pure final clauses. There is nothing peculiar in his use of final W<; with either subjunctive or optative, as it merely takes the place of anotl1er final particle. 2. In his use of w<; dv in fir1al clauses, however, several pet!uliarities appear, which show that Xe.nophon felt the original force of tiJ~ as a relative adverb of manner ( 312). The following examples occur.l (a) Of eight cases of w<; dv with the subjlmctive, six are normal, while two show the relative force of w<; :'EO:o-a.t X~ "To1s dvopas 'T(, fJ-ETpwv dr.oKOtjh'l]e:;;vat, tiJs aJ! SvvwvTa' v?l'VOftaxEZv, that they be able to fight againsi sleep. Cyr. ii. 4, 26. 'Sk il' av fhaeus, dvntKOVO'OV. An. ii. 5, 16. 'AA. A' E1J'E(T8a.t XP~ Kal 7rpoo-xnv T6v vovv, tiJs ctll Tb ?l'apayyEAAOftEVOV 0Vl!1)lf8E '7I'OtEtV. An. vi. 3, 18. So Cyr. viii. 7, 9 ; Ag. xi. 1; Eques. iv. 4. 'ils ltv 81! v 'I} 'T a [ a-ot oa-TpaT6s 1J'EcrBat, T<p fJ-EO'f{l T~> O'?l'OVO~> ~yoi!, lead on at a '!Mdium rate ~f speed, that the arm!! may be able to follow yo1t. Cyr. ii. 4, 28. (The analogy of the following cases of the optative may justify the translation, lead at a rate at which the army may be able to follow you.) Ai ftEV KJ'~jhat ds fJ-EYE8os o1l ftUAa av~ov"Tat,
1 See Weber, p. 224, where the examples of the optative with ws /lv are also given. Weber cites Cyr. viii. 3, 2 as an example of the subjunctive; hut this section has ws liv ei;a'Y'YElXn as a relative clause, but no final clause. I have a<lded Cyr. vii. 5, 81 and Eques. ix. 3 to the examples of the optative given by \\' cbcr

w'

IV]
~'

XENOPHON'S USE OF

C:, W> liv,

AND 07T(J)~

liv

401

' , ( !1\ /' , , c ' \ , \ \ ,.. 7rpus oE TavTas ws av (]'VfLfLETpws EXTJ (]'VValJsETO.t Kat TO a11.11.0 (]'WfLa, i.e. the rest of the (horse's) body grows so as to be in the right proportion to the legs. Eqnes. i. 16. These two cases are (as Weber says of those of the optative) on the line between final and consecutive sentences. The original relative and conditional force of ws ( 312, 2) can here be plainly seen. (b) The original relative force of ~s, as, is much more apparent when ws O.v takes the optative in Xenophon with a potential force, especially after primary tenses. These examples occur : ITpo(]'<f>poV(]'w ~> llv JvooZev To eKtrWfLa EBAT)trT6mTa T</) fLEAAovn tr[vEw, they ojj"eJ" the cup in the nwst convenient way in which they cun present it for the one who is to drink (lit. as they can present it most conveniently). Cyr. i. 3, 8. 'ih o' llv Kat Ot tr6&s EiEv n;; ttrtr<p Kpd.n(]'TOt, El fLEV ns EXE' pcf.w aO"K'Y}(]'tV, EKdV1J E(]'TW, if any one has any easier exmcisefm lceepiug the ho1se's feet as strong as possible. Hi pp. i. 16. So also Eques. ix. 3 : OVTWS o;i) cls TU 80.nov (XP~) trpouyttv, ~ .. llv wiA.t(]'Ta Aav8d.vot avTov t11"11"0S cls To Ta xv d<f>tKVOVfLEVOS. '0 ,ApfLEVW<; <f>of3e'iTo, OTt o</>8~a-w8at ffJ-EAAE Td f3a(]'{AHa olKoilofLEW J.px6fLEVos, o\s ltv tKaVd atrOfLrLXE(]'8at d'Y), beginning to build his palace so that it would be capable of defence (in a manner in which it would be). Cyr. iii. l, l. "Eoogev a"!]np TOVTO 7("0(~(]'();(., on ~Kt(]'Ta &v Etrt<f>86vws <rtrd.vt6s TE Kai O"EfLI'O'> </>a v d 17, to do this so that he would appear, etc. Cyr. vii. 5, 37. (Here the separation of O.v from w<; makes the potential nature of <f>ave[7J O.v especially plain.) El iliv fLEV fLd.At<TTa &.v8pwrrot Jtrt81!fLOlXTtV 0 oulp,wv TUVTa ~fL'iV O"VfLtrapE(]'KEUaKev, W<; o' av 1JOUTTa Tav-ra cj>a[votTO a"!]T6<; TtS avT<ji TUVTa trapa<TKVd.(]'tt, K.T.A., if, while God has helped to p1ovide for tis what men 1nost desi1e, any one will then JJTovicle these for himself so that they would appear most ag1eeable to him, etc. Cyr. vii. 5, 81. "i,vv-rent-yp.f.vov fLEV OVTWS 1JYE TU (]'TpaTEVfLa w<; a.v ~1/"tKOVpeZv fLrLAtUTU EaVT<ji ovvatTO, ?J<TVXWS OE WfTtrEp av trap8f.vos ?J a-wcj>poVE(]'TrLT'Y} trpof3avot, he led the anny sa "rdered that it would be best able to help hirn, and as quietly a., the mo.<t modest maiden would walk. Ag. vi. 7. (Compare this with Cyr. ii. 4, 28 under a, and compare ~" a]l and w(]"11"Ep av here.) See 329, 2, for similar cases in Demosthenes. II. ("Otrws.) Xenophon's favourite final particle is otrws, but there is nothing peculiar in his use of it in pure final clauses with either subjunctive or optative. He further uses otrws O.v with the subjunctive 'like other Attic writers (see examples in 328). With the optative he uses otrwc; in four cases with a distinct final and an equally distinct pote11tial force. These examples aro: quoted in 330. The only other case is THuc. vii. 65.

ws

av

IN OBJECT CLAUSES AFTER VERBS OF

striving

ETC.

Xenophon is more peculiar in his use of ws, ws O.v, and 07TWS av m these clauses than in pure final clauses. Here he generally uses otrwc; with tl1e future indicative, subjunctive, and optative, and occasionally 2D

402

APPENDIX

[rv

01rw<; tlv with the subjunctive, like other Attic writers (see examples in

339 and 348). But he distinctly violates Attic usage by having ws (in
the sense of o?rws) with both subjundive and future indicative, and with the present, aorist, and future optative ; also ws IJ.v with both subjunctive and optative and <ir.ws tlv with the optative; and further by allowing the optative with ws tlv and 01rws l1v to follow both 1)rimary and secondai'Y tenses. His use of ws &v and o1rw<; av with the optative, especially after primary tenses, shows strongly the original relative and interrogative force of w<; and 8r.ws. The examples of the exceptional uses are these. ('Sh.) 'E7rt,UEAovvrat ws ;XU oi!rw<;. Oec. xx. 8. LKo'll'drw rd. EfL7rporr8w, ws fLY) DEV ~[LOS ..\a I), let him keep a loolc-01tt in front, to see that nothing escapes us. An. vi. 3, 14. llws 8' ov (XP~) cpv..\a~arr8o.t W> fL'J J(c<i 'lf-Las rdro 8vvalf8ij 'll'Ot~rrat; Hell. ii. 3, 33. 'E7rE,UEAovro ws ft'J Kw..\ vo t v To 7ropEVErr8at, they took care that they should not be prevented j1om marching. Cyr. vi. 3, 2. 'E7rEJLEA~8YJ ws rv X o t E v 7T(tVrwv rwv KaAwv. Cyr. vii. 3, 17.1 'ns of. KaAws E~ H rd. v,unpa, EfLOt ,UEA1J!TH (like the regular ()1('(J)S E~n). Cyr. iii. 2, 13. 'E-rrEJLEA1]87] ~ 01T'WS cpv..\6v n a7T'O<rTf]<rETat ?J 07rWS TO a'lT'O!T'l'dV ,u~ a7rOA1)TaL ?) ws Kai (JarrLAElJS ft'l 8vv-r}rrerat 1rpay,uara 7T'apxEw (two regular cases of 01rws with one case of ws). Ag. vii. 7. llpoei1rov ws ,U1)0EtS Ktvf]rrotro ,UYJO~ &va~otro. Hell. ii. 1, 22. ens v.) Subj. 6rrrL &v yv0 &yaBa Elvat i1T'L,UEAt<r8at ws &v 1r paX {)1l Hi pp. ix. 2. Ov cppEt Kap1rov i)v ,ulj ns J1rt,ueMjrat ws &v ravra 'll'Epo.[v,JTat. Ibid. Opt. 'E1rt,uf..\ovrat ws ctJI (3..\nrrTot < lEv o1 7roAi:rat, they take cme that (of the way by which) the citizens may be the best. Cyr. i. 2, 5. 'E7rt,ueA.ov,uEvos Tovrov ws &v 1rpaxBe7J, seeing how this could be doue. Cyr. i. 6, 23. So Hipp. i. 12; Eques. ix. 3. ''Hv 7vwrnv (avr6J!) 011Va,uEvov r.apctrrKev6.(ttv ws &)I 1rA.f.ov i! x o ' v rwv 7roAe,u{wv, 1rpos 8 'l'O{JTOLS KdKeivo ..\6./]wrnJI d;; r?}ll yvW,U'Y)JI WS ovr' &v ElK~ ovr' (Lvev Bewv 'Jyryrra tr' &v i1rt 7T'OAE,u{ov>, 'll'avra ravro. 7rL8avoTcpovs 1rotei. Hipp. vi. 6. (Compare ws &v 7rAf.ov i!xotEv, to provide means by which they could be snperior, with w<; ovK 'lY'J<rat-r' l1v, to get the idea that he 1vo1dd not lead, indirect discourse). <ns &v drrcpa..\rrrara yE el8d,)v 61r6<Tov ro rrrpuTE"t;Jl-U i<Tnv E7ro{ovv, I took the cou1se by which I should lcnow 'most accurately the size of the army. Oyr. vi. 3, 18. Alrr8avofJ-evos (avr~v) avTE7rt,UeAov,uvYJV ws Kat drrt6vn dYJ a1lr0 ra 8ov-ra, Kat, Et 'll'OTE &rr8evf]rrnev, ws ,U'Y)Oev'Us &v of.otro,

To

1 See also ws witll the subjunctive in An. iii. 1, 35 and 41 ; Cyr. i. 6, 24; Hell. v. 4, 33; Oec. vii. 34 (bls), xx. 4. (bis) and 16; Rep. Lac. xiv. 4; and ws with the optative in An. i. I, 5; Cyr. v. 1, 18, vi. 3, 4, viii. 1, 42; Hell. iii. 4, 15, v. 2, 1 and 5 ; Ages. i. 19 and 22 and 23, ii. 31 ; Rep. Lac. iii. 3. This list includes all object clauses with simple ws not given above. All Weber's examples of these clauses inXenophon which have ws with the future, ws ll.v with the subjunctive or optative, or ihrws fiv witl1 the optative are quoted or cited in the text above, except Oyr. vii. 5, 81, whicll is classeJ with final claus0s in p. 401.

v]

CONSTRUCTION OF

eOH, xpiJv,

ETC. WITH INFINITIVE

V.

403

EK miVTWV TOVTWV ~AfcrKETO epwn. Cyr.

1, 18.

(Here the protasis

d 7rOTE dcr8EvrjcretEv causes the change from 6Js with the simple optative
to the potential ws J.tYJOEVOS av OEOLTO, in which the ~eparation of av from 6ls is to be noticed.) 'EK1rE7I'OVYJJ.tEVOVS WS av Kpa1'lCTTOL cl'Ev, thoroughly trained to be the best (in the way in which they would be best). Hell. vi. 4, 28. So Cyr. v. 2, 2 ; Rep. Lac. vi. 1. ('[hws a V with Opt.) Three examples after primary tenses are especially peculiar. KEAEVEtS fl-E f7rlfhEAEtcr8at 07rWS av P-~ 1rf1VTa1raCTtV d,\YJ8ws 7rEVYJS yho w, you bid me see how you could escape becoming in truth absolutely poor. Oec. ii. 9. 2:K07rW 07rWS av lbs p~crTa OtayotEV, ~P-EtS o' av fhaALCTTa &v cvcppatvoP-E8a BEWfhEVOl aVTOVS, I try to see how they might live the easiest lives, and how we might take vwst delight in beholding them. Symp. vii. 2. T ov T~V ovvaP-tv EAE~a>, 07rWS elo6TE<; 7rpo<; TaVTa (3ovAevcr6w&a O'li'W\i &v apuna dy wv t(o [fhEBa, that u:e might take counsel( 324) how we might fight the best. Cyr. ii. 1, 4. Here belongs also PLAT. Lys. 207 E, 7rpo8vfhOVV1'at 071"W\i av EiYoat}.tovoYJ> (349). ' ~ '8 ' \ I <I >\ >\ I >I ElU'YJA EJI E7rl(3 OVAEVCTa\i 071"W\i av f1AV71'07'f17'U EL7r0L, cyr. 1. 4, 13. 2:K071'WJI 8' av 011"W\i &v Kat ?J 7r(tCTa dpx?J Kf11'Exovro Kat aAAYJ 7f pocrr trv o tTo, ~rrjcraTo. Cyr. vii. 5, 70. So iv. 2, 34, viii. 1, 14 and 4 7. 'EAO)'t(6P-E8a 6,, iKavov EtYJ Et Tt\i ovvatTO f71'lfhEAYJ8Tfvat O'li'W> QJ! KaAos Kara8os revotro. Cyr. i. 6, 7. (Was the oratio recta here {)7rWS av '}'EVYJTUL ?) 'Ef3ovAEVETO 57rWS &v fh~ {3apus t'f) TOtS ~Ufh}.ta XOLS. Hell. iii. 2, l. So vii. 1, 33; An. iv. 3, 14, v. 7, 20. ITav! f7rO[YJCTV 071"WS av ot' EKdvov Ef'Kpt8dYJ. Hell. iv. l, 40. T<tJ fhEJI 8E0 OVOEJI EKOLJ!WCTaVTO 07rWS av ~ dpryv'f) yevo lTO, avToi OE f.fJovAEVOVTO. Hell. vii. l, 2 7.

en

V.
ON SOME DISPUTED POINTS IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF goH, xpfiv, ETC. WITH THE INFINITIVE.l SUPPLEMENT
1rpocr~KEV, ~Tjv,
TO

415-423.

THE familiar construction by which EOEL, xp1v or expqJ!, ELKOS ?jv, and other imperfects denoting obligation, propriety, or possibility, are used with the infinitive in an idiomatic sense, the whole expression becoming a form of potential indicative, and generally implying the opposite of the action or the negation of the infinitive, has already been explained in 415-423. Some additional remarks, however, seem necessary, to guard against prevailing misapprehensions. The important distinction between this idiomatic construction and the use of these imperfects as ordinary past tenses ( 41 7) is generally
1 Many parts of this paper are identical with the article with the same title in the Harvard &udies in Classical Philology, vol. i. pp. 77-88.

404

APPENDIX

[v

indicated only by the context, and not by the words themselves. It may even be doubtful in some cases which meaning is intended. Thu~, in DEM. xviii. 190, r rilv rrvP-f3ovA.ov Jxp~v 1rOt(tV; ov . . >..a-Bat; nothing in the words shows whether the action of EAerr8at is rea1 or not ; but the following rovro ro[vvv e1rovqrra shows that the questions refer merely to a l)ast duty which the speaker actually perfortued. Indeed, the idiomatic use of ~OH etc. with the infinitive may be found in the same sentence with the ordinary use of these imperfecta as past teuses without reference to any condition. A familiar case is in the New Testament, :M:ATTH. xxiii. 23, ravra 8~ EO 1rot~rrat K<iKEtva !'-~ d<j>EI:vat, these (the weightier matters of the law) onght ye to have done, and yet not to have left the others (taking tithes) undone. 'rh is is equivalent to two sentences, -raV-ra on Vf1-0S 7rot~<Tac, ye ought to have done these (which ye did not do), and eKEL:va EOH VfLaS fL1J dcpEtvat, ye wme right in not leaving those undone (which ye did not leave undone). We have a decisive proof of the idiomatic use when the present infinitive with EOE etc. refers to present time, as when XP~V <TE rovTo 1rOEtv means you ought to be doing this (but are not) ; for these words without the potential force could mean only it was (once) your duJy to do this. This use of a past tense to express present time, which is found in Greek, Latin, and EngliBh ( 417), is an important characteristic of this idiom. It is generally laid down as an absolute rule that in this idiom the opposite of the infinitive is always implied. See Kriiger, 53, 2, 7, \\'here the usual formula is given, that with EOH rovro yyvw8at we must understand &A.A' OV yyv~Tat, but with oH av TOVTO yyv~<TeaL we Iimst understand aA.A.' ov OEZ. This principle was first formulated, I believe, by G. Hermann.l It 'covers nearly all the ordinary cases, and has gene!'ally been found to be a convenient working rule, though many passages show that it is not of universal applicatiou. The following three classes of examples show the need of a more flexible formula. (1) In the following cases the opposite of the leading verb is implied far more than that of the infinitive, the action of the latter in the first case being emphatically affirmed : HDT. i. 39 (xp~v <T 1rotii<tv Ta 7rotEs), DEM. ix. 6, xxxiii. 37, and EuR. Med. 490 (reading crvyyvwrrrov ijv). These are quoted and discussed iu 422, l. (2) In concessive sentences introduced by Kal el, even if, ov8' el, not even if, or d, although, which contain umeal conditions, the action
1

See Hermann, de Particula Av, i. 12.

l'ha "opposite" implied in a negative expression of this kind (even when the negation belongs to the leading verb) is au affirmative. Thus ov 7rpo!FfJK<v >.0/iv, he ought not to have gone, implies aXX' 1jAfhv, as 1!0, rourous p.-1) Nv im]Jlies d.XM {;S;,!lv.

oiwqv, Hermaun says: "XpfJv dicit, quia oportere indicat sine condiciolle: nee potest opponi, aXX ov XP~ : nam si oportet, quomodo potest non oportere 1 At non omnia fiunt, quae O]Jortebat. Ita9ue- quod opponere pates, aliud est: aXX' OVK g!Jn."

XP~"

o'

In discussing Sol'H. Elec. 1505,

VIlvs dva.t

'T~VOe TOtS 7r8.<nv

'>)

CONSTRUCTION OF

gOt, XPfJv,

ETC. WITH INFINITIVE

405

or negation of the apodosis must be distinctly affirmed ( 412, 3). Here, therefore, the common formula cannot be applied. See Isoc. xviii. 19, and IsAE. vi. 44, quoted in 422, 2; and the . ' ' " , ' ' " , r:~ f 0 ll 0Wll1g. Kat yap aVEl! TDVTWV c l.e. KCH Et' JL1) HXETE TOVTOV<;) Er:;'fJV TOt 1ro teo v TaVTa, i.e. even if you had not all rnankind with you, you tould still do what yo1~ ?liiW do. HD'r. vii. 56. (Here TavTa 7rOttHV is of course affirmed.) El yap -~v a7racrt 7rpo8ry'A.a Ta JLEAAoVTa ye!n)crecr&a,, . . . ovo' Ol~TW<; a1TOlTTUTEDV Tfj 7T'OAEt T01JTWV ~v, i.e. Athens ought not even then to have withdrawn jTorn this policy, which she followed (a7rDCTTaTEDV ,jv = a7rOCTT1'jvaG NieG). DEM. xviii. 199. See also DEM. XV. 28. El yap p:ry8v dxeTe TWV a'AA.wv A.oycracr8at, JL18' f.cj>' ilJLWV avTwv oTo[ TE 1JTE TaVTU crvvei:vat, 1jv l8ei:v 7rapcf.8etyJLa 'OA.vv8ovs TOl!Tovcr, for although you had no other cases to consider, and could not learn this lesson in your own experience, you ?llight have seen an example in thr.se Olynthians. Id. xxiii. 107. These exa111ples are important as showing that there is llothing in an expression like ~qv crot 7rDtei:v TOVTo, even in its idiomatic sense, which necessmily involves the denial of the action of 7l'atdv. (3) In some conces~ive examples, in which the apodosis ought to 1Je affirmed, we find the action of the infinitive denied. See SoPH. 0. T. 255, THDC. i. 38, Isoc. xii. 7.1, quoted in 422, 2. These are important as slwwing that the real apodosis in these expressions ll'ith 8et etc. is not to l.Je foulld in the infinitive alone. It is well known that the imperfects in question (without av) can l)e used with the infinitive in two ways,-(a) alone, with no protasis expressed or implied except the condition which is contained in the expression itself, as in EOEL er JA.BeZv, you ought to have yone; anc1 (b) as the apodosis of an unreal condition, as in d oi5T6s ere EKeAEvcTEv, EOEL CT JA.BEZv, if he had commanded you, you should have gone. It will be notice<[ that all the examples qnoted al.Jove under (1) and (2) are of the latter class, for in HDT. vii. 56, avw TOvTwv reJ.1resents El fL'l <rxeTe TovTovs. If now we take the apodoses of these sentences apcnt from their protases, we shall J\nd that no one of them can then have the meaning which it now has. For example, in HDT. i. 39, XP~JI ere 7TOtEtV rli 7rDLfEL> would not be Greek at all as a potential expi'e"ion, for xpi]v <r< 7rOtE<tV would mean you ow;ht to do (wmetl1ing which you do not do). In D~<:M. xxxiii. 37, Jvi]v aln&.cracr8at by i1self would mean he might have cha,Tged me (but did not). Ov~< (~Tjv o~r<f 8tKcf.(ecr8at (Isoc. xviii. 19) could mean only he co1~ld not maintain n suit as he cloes; that is, it would me'an nothing without a protasis. Ov 7rpoafjt<ev avTovs EvKT~p.ovos Elvat (ISAE. vi. 44) by itself would mean they ought not to belong to E.'s house as they do. OvK d7T'o<TTaTeov 1)v (DEM. xviii. 199) alone would mean she ou::ht nnt to have withdmwn as she did. So 1v l8<Zv 7rapcfi'>etyp.a (Id. xxiii. 1 07) would mean you might have seen (but you did not see) an example. (Compare DEl>I. xxviii, 10, T~v Sw8~K'f/V -lJ<f>av[KaT, i~ o}s >iv d0vat T~V dA.~Betav, the will, from which we nvight know the tT1tth.) When these potential eXl)ressions without stand alone, they

av

4-06

APPENDIX

[v

always imply the opposite of the action or the negation of the infinitive ; so that d~<o> ?)v a-E TovTo 1raBE'i:v by itself can mean only you would propedy have sujfeTed this (but you did not). This is necessary because the equivalent of this form, TOVTO llv e1ra8e;; El To dJrOs e7ra8Es, always involves ovK e1ra8Es TovTo, since TOVTO and TO El~<6s are here made identical, and To El~<:os e1raBEs is denied. When, however, one of these eXJH'e;;,ions is made the apodusis of an unreal condition external to itself, it may be so modified by the new condition as no longer to imply the opposite of the infinitive as before. Tl1is is the case with the four examples under (1), in which we certainly do not find ov. 7r0LEELS, aAAo Aeyn Kat a-vp.f3ovAEl!Ei, OVK iJntia-aro) and oDK 1)paa-fJ1]s im1)lied in the form of expression. The apparent paradox here is explained by the principle stated in 511, that when several protases, not co-onlinate, belong to the same sentence, one always contains the leading condition, to which the rest of the sentence (including the other conditions) forms the conclusion; and when this leaLliHg condition is unreal, it makes all subordinate past or present conditions also unreal, so far as the supposed case is concerned, without regard tu their own nature. A sentence like this, If you had been an Athenian, yon would have been laughed at if you had talked as you did, shows the principle clearly. This has become the relation of the unreal protasis involved in ElKos fjv a-E TovTo 7ra8E'i:v, when this expression is made the apodosis of a new unreal condition. Thus, when XP~" a-E 7rotnv in HDT. i. 39, which by !tself could admit only an umeal object, follows El l!7rd ooovTos d1r nAwT~a-nv ~, even Td. 7rotens can be its object, and the whole can mean if the drearn had said I was to pmish by a tooth, you would do what you now do if you did what.was Tight. The new chief protasis that has come in has changed the wlwle relation of the old implied protasis to the sentence as a whole. It is often difficult to express in English the exact force of these expressions, even when no external protasis is added, and the opposite of the infinitive (not that of the leading verb) is therefore implied. Thus, a common translation of DEM. xviii. 248, oiJB' ayvw~ov~a-a[ Tt Bav~aU'TOv fjv TOVS 1roAAovs 7rpGs f.~e, it woulrl have been no wonder if the rnass of the people had been somewlwt umnindful ofme (W e~:>termann translates entschuldbar gewesen wiin), would seem to require ljv av. But the strength of the apodosis lies in the infinitive, and the meaning (fully developed) is, the mass of the people m.ight have been somewhat 'l.ln1nindjul of me (1lYI'W~OJI1]0"UV av n) without doing an!Jth>:ng wondeTful (i.e. if they had done a VeTY natural thiny). With Bav~aa-TOV av 1JV there would have been an undue emphasis thrown upon Bav~aa-Tov. In PLAT. Rep. 474 D, aAAlJ! E7rp7rV A.yuv A.yas is equivalent to aAAos EAE"jV llv 7rp7r6VTWS ll A.yns, another v;nuld becomingly say what you say, the opposite of A.yHv being implied. E7rpE7rEV llv Aeynv would have caused a change of em1)hasis, but would have sub'tantially the same general meaning, it would have been becoming for another to say what you say. See also DEM. xviii. 16, xlv 69, and

v]
PLAT.

CONSTRUCTION OF

eDet,

XP~V, ETC. WITH INFINITIVE

407

Euthycl. 304 D, quoted in 419; and the discussion of EuR. Med. 490 in 422, l. \Ve have seen that we cannot make the denial of the action of the infinitive an absolute test of the proper use of the form without &v wl1ere there is an external protasis added to the condition implied in the expression itself. The examples last quoted show that we cannot make the denial of the leading verb an absolute test of the proper use of the fornl with &v. In fact, this idiom is too flexible and too dependent on the momentary feeling of the speaker or writer to subject itself to any such strict rules as are usually forced upon it. The following rules seem to me to be as exact as the Greek usage warrants.l 1. The form without tiv is used when the infinitive is the principal word, on which the chief force of the expression falls, while the leading verb is an auxiliary which we can express by ought, might, co1old, or by an adverlJ. 2. On the other hand, when the chief force falls on t.he necessity, l)l'O})riety, or possibility of the act, and not on the act itself, the leading verb has av, like any other imperfect in a similar apodosis. Examples of the form with are generally regular. See those quoted in 423. 2 A standard case is DEM. iv. 1, El Til Uovra ovro~ o-vJ'E(3ovAEvo-av, o~oev &v Vftfis vvv i!8H (3ovA<veo-8at, if these had given you the necesswy advice, there would be no need of your delibemting now. Here, as in all the ten exal11J)les of ~8H quoted by La Roche, we find on &.v in its meaning theTe would be (or would have been) need, whereas in the form without av we generally have EOH in the sense of ought, expressing obligation and not necessity. Of course, the idea of necessity is incompatible with that of an act not done. If La Roche's statistics are complete here, we see that the Greeks almost always expressed obligation or propriety, and generally expressed possibility, by the form without av, reserving EOEG av for the idea of necessity, and t1Jv tiv for a few cases in which the idea of possibility was to be made specially em1)hatic. It is not surprising, under these circumstances, that the form without should often be used where we are at first inclined to think tiv

av

av

av

When an external protasis is added, there is no necessity for any denial of the action of the apO<losis at all (see 412). But this denial, though not essential, is generally implie<l in the apodosis of an unreal condition, and the apodosis (as a whole) happens to be denied in all the cases of the construction of Ni etc. with the infinitive whirh are discussed here. No notice is taken, therefore, of the principle of 412 in this discussion. . 2 See La Roche on "li.v bei Ui und ~?jv " in the Zeitschrift juT die oester'eichischen Gyrnnasien for 1876, pp. 588-591. He professes to give all the cases ; but his twenty -one examples of l!ii< li.v include eleven in which fli<t has the genitiYe of a noun and no infinitive. Omitting these, we have only ten of i!OH li.v with the infinitive: 'l'nuc. i. 74; LYs. Frag. 56 (88 Scheibe); Isoc. xv. 17; !sAE. iv. 4; DEM. iv. 1; PLAT. Rep. 328 0, Theaet. 169 E, Gorg. 514 A, Ale. i. 119 B; DEM. lvii. 47 (only the last three affirmative); with four of lfi)v liv: LYs. iv. 13, Frag. 47 (79 Scheibe); IsAE. x. 13: DBM. xxiv. 146. He finds xp?]v liv only in LYs. xii. 48, wl1ere he proposes to omit av, overlooking xpfiv llv 7rpoa-ooK?ja-at in DEM. xviii. 195. Both of these passages are discussed below, pp. 4.09, 410.

408

APPENDIX

[v

is required. It must be remembered that the real apodosis here is not the central infinithe alone, but this infinitive modifie<l by the idea of obligation, propriety, or possibility in the leading verb, tha't is, conditioned by the implied protasis which the expression includes (see 420). This modification may h so slight as to leave the infinitive the only important word in th<o apJ(lo~i.;; in this case the opposite of the infinitive is generally implied, as it, always is when no protasis is added: thus, Eun. .M:ed. 520, XP0v a-', dTrEP ~u-()a f1-1J KaKiJ>, 1na-avra fLE ya{LEW ya{LOV r6voE, iJ11plies dA.A' ovK yafLEL> 1rda-a> f<E. It may be so great as to make the itlea of obligation etc. a prominent factor in the apodosis, still stopping short of the point at which this.favourite Greek idiom was abandoned and an ordinary apodosis with av was substituted in its place. The Greeks prefened the form without av almost always where we can expreHs the apodosis by the 1erb of the infinitive with ought, m.ir;ht, or could, or with an adverb, although we sometimes find it bard to express the combined idea in English without giving uud ue force to the leading verb. Sometimes, when the idea of obligation, propriety, or possibility is specially prominent in the apodosis, although no av is used, the opposite that is suggested combines this idea with that of the infinitive. This is the case with the examples in (1), in which the distinction between the two forms is very slight and of little practical account. In HD1'. i. 39, the apodosis is you would then JWOJmly do what you now do (or you tvould then, if yo1t dirl what you mtght, do what you now do), imlJlying now you d? not do this properly. With xp(jv av it would have been it 1EOuld then be yoU? duty to do what you now do, the chief force being transferred from the act to the duty or uecessi ty. Still, this change might have "!Jeen made without othenrise affecting the sense. In DEM. ix. 6, the apodosis is in that case the speaker would JWOperly tallc of nothing else than this (implying now he may p1operly talk of anotheT matter) ; wheJeas with fioH av it would he the1e would then be no need of his talking of cmything else, with greater emphasis on the EOH and with a change of weaning. In DEM. xxiii. 37, v0v alnaa-aa-ea, means he might then possibly have accused me, implying he could not possibly acc1tse me as it was; with EV~V av it would have been it would then have ueen possible foT him to accuse nw, the emphasis being trausferred with no other change of sense. The same is true of Euu. Med. 490. Likewise, in Isoo. xviii. 21, the apodosis, in that case we ought not to wonder at him or we should not pTO]JeTly wondeT at him, is equivalent to o!JK ilv WavP-a(ofLEV d~[ws, with the opposite implied, now 1ve do wonder at hint lJTOpe1ly (vvv eavfLa(ofLEV d~[ws). This combination of two ideas in an apodosis of this kind is analogous to that which we often find in an ordinary apodosis with av ; thus, in Isoo. Yi. 8 7' o!Jx OVTW o' <'lv 7rpo(){,fLW> J1rt rov 7roAEfLOV VfLaS 7rapmifAow, El fL?J T?JV Elp0vYJV Jwpwv alu-xp!iv Ju-ofLEVYJV, I should not exhort you with all th-is zeal to waT, did I not see, etc., the apodosis which is denied includes oih-w 7rpo(){,fLw>. A striking illustration of the modification of the infinitive in an apodosis 0f this kind by the force of the leading verb may be seen in

Y]

CONSTRUCTION OF

eoet, XPTJll, ETC. WITH INFINITIVE

409

the examples under (3). Here in concessive sentences, in which the apodosis must he affirmed, we find the adion of the infiuiti\es denied. This shows that the infinitive alone is not the real apodosis. In SOPH. 0. T. 255, the actual apodosis is you would not prope1ly leave the guilt unpuTged (implying you do not p1operly leave it). In TB:uc. i. 38, the apodosis is they would jaiTly hare yielded (implying they did not yield, but it was fair that they sho1tld). In Isoc. xii. 71, it is they would dese1vedly have 1eceived, = eTvxov O:v d~{ws (implying that it was only undeservedly that they jailed to nceive the reward). The remarks that have been made above apply also to the concessive sentences in (2), in which nothing in the apodosis is denied. Here, too, the form with av might hnve been used by transferring the force of the expres~ion from the infinitive to the leading verb. It has been seen that if&t av with the infinitive differs from i!Bct without av in meaning as well as in the balance of empl1asis. On the other hand, ~q]! av differs from Jgqv only in the latter respect. See 1SA.E. X. 13, 70 p)v 7ra7pt avTijs, El 7ratll<; appEVES P-0 JycvoJ!To, OVK 0. v Jgql' aJ!EV TaVTYJS tna()(fT()at, i.e. in that case he would not have been permitted (by law) to leave his da.ughter out of his will; and DEM. xxi v. 146, ovT< yap ll v J~ij v ilfL'iv TLfhav 3n XP0 7T'a()E'iv ~ d7roTfo-at, i.e. if this law were passed, you would not have the power (which you now have) of assessing pe11alties. Compare with these Isoc. xviii. 19, ovK J~ijv avT<ji lltKa(EfT()aL, he could not (in that case) maintain a suit, where ~~v av would only give more emphasis to the possibility, which is done in the preceding examples. For the ordinary use of Jtijv and the infinitive see PLAT. Crit. 52 C, t~v fTOL <f>vy~> Ttfh~fTafTBat El (3ovAov, you might have proposed exile as your penalty if you had wished to (implying only ov <f>vyFjr; np)fTw). It remains to discuss two passages in which x_pijv a11 occurs, with a view to La Roche's disbelief in the existence of this form (see footnote 2, p. 407). In DEM. xviii. 195, we have x_p~v and x_p~v Clv in close succession, with no essential change in meaning except the difference in emphasis above meutioned. The sentence is : El fLETa 8YJf3aCwv 1JfhLJI &ywvt(OfLEJ!OtS ODTuJ> c'lfLapTo 7rpa~aL, T xpijv 7rpofTOOKaJ! d PYJ8~ TovTov> EfTXOfLEV fTVfhfhaxovs; . . . Kat El vvv Tptwv 1Jf1-Epwv d7ro T'/js 'ATnK'ljs oool' T'ljs fLUXYJS YEVOfLEl'YJS TocrovTo> K[v8vvos Kai <f>o(Jos 7r<pdfTTYJ n)v 7rOAtv, T 0. v, d 7rov T~s x_i.bpas Tm1Til TovTo 7T'aBos fTVJ!Ef3YJ, 7rpofTOoKYjfTat x_pijv; i.e. when it was fated that we should fare as we did with the Thebans on OUT side, what ought we to hcwe expected (which we did not .find ounelves expecting) if we had not secu1ed even these as allies ? And, if so great dangeT and terTOT surrounded the city when the battle was fought two OT t!wee days' journey frmn Attica, what should we have had to expect (which we did not nally have to expect) if this calamity had occurred within our own country?. Here the unreal supposition of not having secured the Tl1ebans as allies, or (its probable consequence) the battle of Chaeronea lJaving been fought in Attica, suits either form of apodosis, T{ x_pij11 7T'pofTOOKU11; or T[ av XPiil' 7rpoCTOoKijfTaL j the expectation itself in the former case, and the

410

APPENDIX

[v

necessity for the expectation in the latter, being specially emph~ised. It is hard to believe that the orator felt any important change in the general force of his question when he added av in the second case. In LYs. xii. 32, we have, addressed to Eratosthenes, XP~V o ue, et;rep ?jufJa XPYJfTT'Os, 1rOAV pJ1A.A.ov TO'i:<; Jl-EAAOVfTLV ao[KWS Q1rOfJaveZfTfJat Jl-YJVVT?JV yevufJat i} rovs dMKws a7rOAOVf1-EVOV<; fTVAAaf'-f3&v et v, if you had been an honest man, you ought to have become a11 informer in behalf of those who were about to suffer death unJustly, much rather than (and not) to have a1Tested (as you did) those who were doomed to perish unjustly; but in 48, referring to the same man and the same acts, the orator says er7rep 1]v dv~p dyafJus, Exp0v av 1rPWTOV Jl-EV !'-~ 7rapav6f1-W> &pxetv, ;1rELTa rfl f3ovA. f'-YJVVT?JV yevf.ufJat, K.r.A.., if he had been an honest man, he would have had, first, to abstain from lawlessness in office, and, next, to come befo1e the Senate as an informer, etc. La Roche proposes to omit &v in the second passage, because it would be absurd to suppose that dA.A' exp-~v is implied in the sense that E. had a ?'ight to be lawless in office ("er durfte 7rapav6f1-W'> apxew ") because he was not honest. What is implied is rather dA.A' oDK exp~v !'-~ 7rapav6J1-w> apxew, i.e. not being an honest man, he did not have to abstain from lawlessness in office, etc., which we can understand without absurdity. The passage, like so many sentences of this class, is simply an argument to prove that E. was not honest. If he had been honest (it is said), he would have had to do certain things (which, it is implied, all honest men do); but he did not do these (as is stated, el> n)v dpx~v KO..TafTTOS dya8ov Jl-EV oDOEVOS f'-ETEfTXEV, &A.A.wv of. 1rOAAwv) ; therefore he was not honest. There is a slight slip in showing (in the words last quoted) that he did not do the things in question, and not that he did not have to do them; so that of the two constructions, xp~v in 32 and Jxp~v av in 48, the former is more strictly logical. This use of xp~v &v is the counterpart of that of xp-fjv, EOEL, ev~v, and 8aVJ1-afTTOV ~V in the passages quoted above (1), where the forms with av might have 1een used. The Latin follows precisely the same principle as the Greek in the use of such imperfects as debebat, licebat ( = XfY(jv, ~-fjv), and deberet, liceret ( = XP~v av, ~0v &v), with reference to present time. But when such expressions are past, the Latin uses debuit or debuerat in the sense of XP~v, and debuisset for XP0v &v, both with the present infinitive; while the Greek keeps the imperfect in all cases. See Crc. Phil. ii. 99, Quem patris loco, si ulla in te pietas esset, colere debebas ( = XP~v ue <PtA.E'i:v), you ought to love (but you do not) ; and Cluent. 18, Cluentio ignoscere debebitis quod haec a me dici patiatur; mihi ignoscere non debe1es si tacerem ( = oD &v U'E EJl-o uvyytyv0uKELV XP~V El eu[ywv), it would not ue right for you to pardon me if I were silent. In the former case the emphasis falls on cole?'e; in the latter on non deberes, which is in strong antithesis to debebitis. See also Crc. Verr. ii. 5, 50: Qui ex foedere ipso navem vel usque ad Oceanum, si imperassemus, rnittere debuerunt, ei, ne in freto ante sua tecta et domos navigarePt, . . pretio abs te ius foederis et imperii conclicionem

412

APPENDIX
I

[VI

~istinct antecedents, when these depend on expressions implying doubt, perplexity, or ignorance. See examples in 572, 2. Thus, in ov yap ti.AA.ov oio' or'l' A.yw, we cannot distinguish the modal force of the suujuuctive from that in ov yap oio' OT'f' O:A.A.'l' >..yw, the suujuuctive lJeing deliuerative in both. The former is the result of a siwple evolutiou, by which a relative clause derives its modal force from an iuterrogative form. Whatever fiual force is felt in the expression co1ues from the intimate relation between the deliberative and the hortatory subjunctive (see 291 ). See A. Sidgwick in the Classical Review for 1891, p. 148. We have the evolution actually going on in XEN. An. i. 7, 7, where IL~ ovK lxw TL ow is interrogative and p.~ ovK E"xw tKo.vov> ot> llw is purely relative, while the modal force of ow must be the same iu both. See also XEN. Hellen. i. 3, 21, SoPH. I'hil. 692, THEOC. xxv. 218. In AESCH. Prom. 470, LYs. xxiv. 1, Isoc. xxi. 1, we ma,y call the dependent clause an iudirect question, depending directly on the idea I cannot (could not) see. See Tarbell in Classical Review for 1891, p. 302. 4. While most of the 011tatives quoted in this discussion are simply explained as correlatives of the deliberative subjunctive, a very different problem is presented by the examples in 573. In SoPH. Tr. 90.), Kpvtfra.rr' a.ur~v (v8a. p.~ TL> drrCoot, we cauuot suppose an Attic coustruction like Kpvif;w lp.aur~v f!v8:L JL~ n> dcr{on, for we should certainly find drroif;fr:J.L, as in SoPH. Aj. 6:'58, Kpvif;w r6o' E"y:x:o> l.v()p. p.~ TL'> btffTUL. (For au occasional future optative, see 574.) In Au. Ran. 97, orrn<; AaKOL clearly expresses purpose, and we cannot think pf substituting ouTL> A.aKn for it; and ouTLc; cpBf.ytra.L, the true Attic expression, is fouud in the next verse: the latter decides the force of orrn> A.aKot. It would seem that the optative, which is further removed than the subjunctive from the original deliberative construction, took another step in the process of "extension," and gave us a few such expressions as have been quoted. Another case of final optative is PLAT. Rep. 398 B, oc; ... fJ.LJLOLTO KILt ... AyoL. In Rep. 578 E, 1 TL> 8wv <ivopa 8dYJ de; Ep1Jp.{av, o7Tou avr~ JL7JOdc; JLEAAoL f3o"YJ8~uELv, {f some God should put a man in a desert, where there should be nobody likely to help Mm, we might take the second clause as either final or conditio11al; it probauly combines a final with a conditional force, expressing- the purpose of putting the man into a desert and also continuing- the condition of the preceding clause. In SorH. Phi!. 279-282, opwvra (l)ast) vav> jif{iwrra>, O.vopa o' o-&OEv' EvTO'TT"OV (se. Ovra), oVx Oa-rts &.pKfcretc.v oVO' Ocrrts uvAA&.{3ot.ro, 1 formerly classed the optatives with those in 573; but it now seems to me that ovodc; ~VT01rO> E(TTLV OO"TL> apKrru would be as natural as EJJ-Ot yap ovKr' c!uriv fi> on f3A.,.w in Aj. 514, and I have therefore included this passage with the examples under 573, 2.

414
Pers.

INDEX TO THE EXAM:PLES Sept. 859 Acharn. 955 1021 373 1060 148, 36 880 Av. 54 373 790 120 480 1015 131 860 1037 180 628 1048 194 290 1057 280 295 Suppl. 228 448 328 233 461 447 472 700 447 474 759 155 499 964 629 772 1186 447 924 1187 1350 ANDOCIDES. 1390 1494 642 I. 7 1508 428 21 1598 687 23 1661 43 324, 628 1679 711 49 136 Eccles. 151 62 236 81 614, 702 297 427 II. 12 350 607 1V. 20 355 375 ANTIPHON. 495 537 I, 2 419 623 355 12 629 355 23 719, 425 v. 1 794 212 8 795 525 19 952 686 21 1000 38 37 218 Eq_uit. 80 38 112 580 66 453 31 78 495 146 79 696 244 VI. 11 698 136 23 917 494 29 926 31 45 935 653 Tetr. A. a, 2 1252 414 ,8, 13 1256 897 -y, 1 1295 Lysist. 384 A.RJSTOPHANES. 450 511 339 Ach:nn. 26 704 108 133 917 68 312 1223 282 343 712 720 754
536 355
Nub.

[AksCHYLt:S 273 228 348 811 253 489 273 242 686 39 750 296 658 407 627 252 89 103 472 275 326 513 750 99 426 758 275 778 47 887 324 868 348 648 331 679 264 273 686 348 370 273 273 60 454 348 348 903 8 227 355 210 324 923 162 295
~86

915 2 337 613 1 426 608 437 702 450 587 1 457 889 503 608 510 777 1 714 608 730 454 791 290 912 900 23 Prom. 68 272, 277 152 333, 732 642 165 203 347, 353 807 248 241 292 447 311 260 332 617 375 617 457 470 572 2 , 677 633 479 236 616 236 617 74 625 747 627 f:ll7 697 326 705 784 712 333 747 917 760 875 8 771 811 786 328 824 482 834 681 905 907 681, 875 1 811 918 979 94, 177, 455 999 903 2 1002 260 1049 725 1051 7'25 1068 915 1 38 295 Sept. 76 118 472 195 447 196 199 295 250 70 253 785 540 257 281 ~95 429 127
462

633, 71,

333,

144,

llO

656 662

790 410

662 816

295 785

63 116

328 227, 483 36 178, 505

DEMOSTHENES)

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

415
4 2 3 17 7 97 490 710 597 710

Nub.

124 125 181 229 268 296 340 367 370 439 489 493 505 509 520 525 535 614 680
722

297, 300, 297,

87,

902 Pac. 29 837 Pint. 476 2 805 298 301 839 301 848 525 273 369 l{an. 298 837 722 814 489 259 246

779
348 472 805 283 472 148, 884 8J4
211

739 792 819 824 904 1061 1084 1130 1141 1151 1177 1192 1250 1252 1255 1277 1301 1342 1352 1364 1369 1383 1384
1426

1433 1435 1436 1458 1489

127 55fj 273 331 531 778 722 122 76 596 69, 298 513 513 472 903 8 Vesp. 109 478 77 104 61:3 5
613 33:3
3

1199 1302 146 210 269 603 645 889 933 1027 1102 1133 1 23 68 259 298 339 377 462 508 509 524 579 586 627 830 866 871 955 959 1022 ]120 1125 1281 1378 1446 1449 1459 Thesrn. 34 372 706 870
10~1

150, 845 296 799 898 915 5 290 8Rl 7o5 895 79 837 894 287 323 791, 81-i 218 298 489 273 298 295 148 298 403 178, 444 273 235, 236 425 251 737 245 244 324 252 648 251 56:-l 510 580 778
252

Eth. x. 3, 9, Met. X. 5, Pol. II. 9,

Ill. 4,

CALLINUS.

Fragm. r. 13 17
CRATINUS.

470 470 360

Fragrn. 108
DEMOSTHENES.

I.

1 2 4 10 12 15 16 17 20 22 23 26

II.

8 9 10 11 12 14 18 20
22

713 364, 565 800 109, 806 96 575, 749, 904 96 923 519 675 745, 790, 798 178, 265, 505 236, 681, 687 155, 533 155, 157, 171 f65 89, 462 218, 228 160 758, 790
763

47
2ti0

Pac.

135 137 232 409

411

71

613 2 222 783 331 180 758

778

283 397 415 835 853 919 1047 1386

AmsToTLK

190 674 297 108 787 91 ;, 1

642 ()80 3&4

23 24 26
!I I.

Eth.

430
8[>6

Ill. VI.

r. 5, 6 2, 7
2, 6

221 740 109

~6\l

1 3 4 6 9 10 12 13 14 17 20
21 23 25

494, 496 494 601, 745. 790 607, 800 800 904 318
113

259 628 628 472 419 836 1Hl

835

1179
1182

532 30

X.

1, 3 2, 4

265

109

416
III.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

(DEMOSTHENES

IV.

33 34 36 1 2 5 6 11 15 17 18 20 21 27 39 40 41 43 44 45 50 51

410, 510, 410, 89, 16,

513 323 561 423, 511, 613 2 136 413 532 510
4~?

,_

v. 15
VI,

20 3
8

9 11 13 20 22 25 29 37 1 11 31 35 38 39 56 65 1
6

VIII.

IX.

12 13 15 23 29 45 46
48

54 63

168 506, 911 283 529, 552 537 529, 552 915 2 659, 911 494 295 218 80, 444, 689 1 156, 525, 533, 722 628 807 329 2 579 707 587 2 96 119, 188, 224, 479 119 339 220 329 2 419 799 711 592 275 784 795 634 92, 705, 779 422 ', 879 47 245 139, 141 187 885 841 287 210, 598 369 ' 677 795

67 595 69 90, 532 70 216 478 71 75 295, 370 76 561, 722 x. 40 607 XIV. 2 79 14 853 328 23 387 XV. 23 184, 591 XVI. 4 185 5 172 12 348 17 313 1 19 357 28 879 XVIII. 1 403 10 900 11 404 12 419 13 14 419, 528 419 16 21 500 45, 431 23 244 24 26 689 2, 800 317 27 28 419, 828 339 32 33 94, 96 472 34 40 601, 711 . 42 59 247 43 536 45 909 46 563 47 613 1 48 49 472, 476 3, 717 53 762 56 60 139 63 35 69 35, 56 71 35, 56 73 79 410, 717 56 80 35 87 41 88 182 89 830 95 101 245, 506 798 107 147 123 124 289 509 141 696 145
IX.

XVIII.

XIX.

148 151 160 169 172 174 176 188 189 190 191 194 195 199 200 201 204 206 207 211 214 217 220 223 224 225 228 244 247 257 258 269 276 283 288 303 305 318 320 322 1 2
3

447, 119, 227, 423,

236,

403,

214, 779,

103,

5
6

9
14

16 21 22 23 25 29 32 33 37 39 40

103, 122,

690 779 494 66fi 2 428 711 847 867 419 509 419 868 510 422 2 247 96 802 504 864 902 868 510 824 503 245 220 472 536 825 590 374 799 867 594 734 27 312" 317 734 848 318 10:1 113 864 109 705 178 556 113 683 711 35 35 557 32 697
683

683 172, 687, 711

DEMOSTHENES).
XIX.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

XIX,

417
XXIII.

41 45 47 48 50 51 55 58 71 72 73 74 75 85 88 91 94 99 120 122 123 124 129 130 137 148 149 150 151 152 156 159 163 172 177 189 192 195 201 202 218 221 223 225 229 240 250 253 257 262 269 289 298 299 305 308 312 316

689 1 274 768 681, 683 847 226 806 247 770 591 623 137, 384, 4763, 683 830 245 289 245 274 369 677 669 2 421, 819 117, 417, 683 140 119, 683 708 119 807 99 90, 691 594 226 428 812 506 142, 687 35 35 755 914 914 606 745 110, 807 182 96, 800 287, 689 3 339 711 331 519 744ll 376, 744n 328 348 119 472, 594 206
339

XX.

XXI,

317 318 320 324 342 18 96 127 129 135 143 155 157 158 24 33 34 35 37 49 64 66 69 104

105 109 119 134 151 170 205 209 211 xxn. 2 11 16 17 22 59 64 XXIII. 7 9 12 22 25 26 38 48
54

58 62 64 68 69
74

696 88, 292 576 216 184, 778 637 839 236 812 236 664 339 756 763 421 90 292 503 826 525, 552 689 1 519 45, 669 2, 689 2 697 565 122, 685 798 354 187 384 787 259 669 2 323 798 236 563 669 2 289 172, 336, 779 799 689 2 750 421 756 421 528, 552 402 215, 918 339 899 590 462
462

XXIV.

107 422 2, 70, 167 170 118, 188 205 7 9 35 44 46 64 69 106 143 145 146 147 189

117

XXV. XXVII.

11

XXVIII.

XXIX.

XXX,

75 76 86

462 462 576

E

33 1 2 3 16 17 28 37 40 48 49 124 1 , 52 56 207, 683, 57 58 63 66 67 447' 5 333, 10 14 20 21 168, 529, 5 113, 591, 17 333, 25 47 5 113, 6 7 10 14 19 672, 20 116 4, 173, 673 23 669 2 25 689 1

842 279 811 136 800 811 707 807 502 336 476 ~ 107 814 313 1 894 323 312n 323 473 374 180 587 1 587 1 519 904 47 312n 503 130 168 670 447 223, 689 3 244 419 410 677 519 856 419 842 727 447, 552 519, 904 798 774 602 591 692 868 103 412 689 3

418
XXX, XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

(DEMOSTHENES

33 14 14 25 30 34 36 37 38 29 39 45 18 26 23 30 12 42 7 15 19 35 69 83 16 35 38 45 58

XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XL. XLII. XLill. XLV.

XLVIII, XLIX.

, L.

LI. LIII,

12 55 59 67 3
I

LIV. LV. LVII.

18 24 25 15 14 26 1 3
14

16 44 65 13 3

LVIII. Erot.

55, 56, 627 653 143, 847 421, 510, 511, 807 580 580 556 422 1 421 349 707 798 387 182 412 419 136 312n 220 685 312n 245 419 607 691 205, 683, 689 3 580 220 409, 506 851 124 1, 669 2 592 689 3 419 598, 599 l 03 528 528 606 G53 580 906 214 669 1 90, 529, 690 103, 455 144 818 607

DrNARCHUS.
I,

10

333

12 102

711

711

595 630 f47 DIONYS. HALIC. Elect. 17 335 De Thuc. IJiom. 484 500 12, 1 568 919 EucLID. 962 967 106 I. 9 10G1 112 Hec. EuRIPIDES. 132 244 807 Alcest. 11 342 220 48 423 241 52 511 241 113 712 414 125 633 730 128 802 669 1 139 836 227 182 863 264 315 1039 414 360 1042 61 386 1056 732 536 1099 89, 462 671 1113 94, 462 755 1124 613 1 758 1138 669 1 784 1233 7i8 801 648 Helen. 107 848 174 889 954 814 732 1072 1010 910 1158 1076 376 Androm.. 60 1085 588 80 2'l6 , Heracl. 167 85 248 478 254 270 256 333 451 365 626 481 354 755 731 297 757 791 242 929 1051 633 1145 419 Here. F. 278 1208 504 904 Bacch. 188 538 881 251 594 47 302 713 256 341 718 298 343 746 367 272, 2i7 1059 326 510 12,35 287 719 1399 146 1140 1417 723 1252 180 Hiprol. 8 1258 213 253 131 Oycl. 346 505 198 353 505 474 354 324 561
II.

885

Cycl.

2i2 272 609 74 828 197 365 136 256 7, 68 732 519, 913 633 904 886 911 72 72 584, 587 1

44i
181, 723 407 295 287 287 287 432 72 365 447 598, 599 181 744 505 910 505 7771 371 837 253 369 562, 732 376 136, 706 489 272 38 354 778 295 136 257 881 264 289 881 297 749 72 879

RERODOTt:S] Hippol. 393

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

419

435 474 476 508 567 606 657 706 729 732 746 995 996 1066 1162 1186 1307 1327 1340 1410 Ion 80 374 671 758 760 1113 1560 !ph. A. 462 489 539 575 677 957 1005 1189 1240 1503 !ph. T. 19 27 67 321 385 439 467 688 995 1014 1051 1108 1203 1395 1 Med. 26 33 74 78 84 90 195

124 3 j Med 904 879 880 478 257 298 410 879 915 2 181 136 384 915 2 68 7771 242 874 588 881 723 74 Orest. 505 181 68 74 72 27 127 633 348 733 798 893 9152 505 454 881 642 38 369 272 245 Phoeu. 181 347 851 376 98 339 27 253 Rhes. 879 734 904 Suppl. 47 879 61, 627 883 47 915 6

287 346 352 381 461 490 568 586 593 664 712 737 894 931 941 1018 1151 1173 1249 1311 1320 1 157 272 379 418 457 566 680 746 769 770 776 1060 1132 1147 1212 1218 1357 1581 1628 92 263 300 504 895 1357 1590 1624 115 294 568 3 520 603 621 796 1066 1084

881 136 Suppl. 1108 910 447 Troad. 477 505 730 447 874 490, 771 447 494 890 347 688 422 1 970 596 973 443 264 982 421 447 915 2 Fragm. 5 758 103 915 2 402 885 294 525 875' 417 251 424 155 333 495 442 220 859 443 827 156 1057 298, 300 633 HEltODOTUS. 448 I. 1 918, 919 757 69 2 238, 443 1 5 895, 904 777 8 417, 863 447 9 27, 339, 447 371 602 257 11 537 13 634 875' 15 829 503 18 550 860 20 348 148, 264, 22 118, 122, 885 136, 328 923 24 757, 903 6 365 27 47 264 28 48 272 30 118, 136 508 31 1241, 580, 447 669 2 447 32 447, 642, 648 648, 784 648 33 580 910 34 778, 829 895 369 36 326 365 47, 706 37 39 422 1 74 41 841 47 290 44 700, 713, 598, 599 714, 887 60 296, 753 875 4 61 859 782 63 264 33, 171 616 633 67 68 633 36, 713 69 36 785 70 443 505 505 71 447, 580 181 72 653 728 73 48 297 74 915 3 5J.O, 511 75 48, 329 1

420
I.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

(HERODOTUS

77 78 79 82 83 84 85 89 91 94 98 99

lOO llO
115 116 117 120 122 125 127 129 133 143 152 153 158 163 165 171 172 187 189 190 199 202 209 210 216 1 2 8 10 13 15 24 25 28 30 43 44 49 50 64 66 85 91 93

II-

896 651 915 6 890 669 2 1>96 27 253, 7o2 173, 350, 916 755 616 329 1 462 329 1 616 124 I, 669 2 619, 620 410 895, 915 2 915 6 654 755 462 550 329 1 781 616 608 365, 659, 685 532 778 619, .817 594 862 295 616 812, 814 803 540 919 651 782 782 163, 532 782 782 782 782 753 710 653 706 710 755 854 540 777 1 322

II.

III.

109 110 115 II9 121 125 126 135 143 146 147 150 157 158 162 172 179 1 12 26 31 36 44 51 55 65 66 75 82 83 84 85 99 105

616, 339, 608,

885,

610,

. 108

593,

IV.

115 ll6 ll9 130 131 134 138 139 140 142 146 148 159 46 50 66. 78 81 87 97 99 118 148, ll9

162 818 711 907 693 782 350 782 616 858 98 532 56 858 127 755 685 904 600 907 620 339 350 162 755 910 915 2 121 1 817 879 347 347 830 594, 755 755 706 706 164 608 860 915 2 758 36 915 2 274 608 162 347 540 778 540 164 782 782 236 782 290, 421 618

130 136 157 167 184 196 v. 25 30 36 49 67 79 92 98 101 105 118 YI. 9 11 12
IV.

6~8,

o77,

47, 855,

23 27 28 32 37 45 49 50 52 75 79 . 82 85 104 106 108 110 115 116 136 VII. 5 8 9 10 12 16 18 24 46 53 54 56 60 62 103 106

494, 651, 537,

576,

liS

120 137

164 887 698 778 608 653 773 489 145 851 903 5 265 616 350 8ll 785 653 818 685 537, 762 904 532 864 803 136 651 700 896 489 616 634 648 280 855 818 661 634 887 660 863 722 651 896 896 915 6 903 6 578 782 575 295 881 422 2 619 152 354 152 601 903 2 914

ILIAD] VII.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

421
I.

VIII.

139 141 145 153 154 158 161 162 164 168 170 172 173 175 176 180 210 213 214 220 229 235 239 4 6 7 32D 1 , 22 27 35 44 68 87 145,

IX.

93 637, 100 116 136 144 627, 12 14 16 22 329 1, 28 37 45 46 48 51 3291, 57 58 52, 61 70 71 443, 73 79 86 653 87 896 91 101 145, 146, 890

903 2 617 489 610 773 896 347 894 780 921 803 915 2 914 653 329 1 443 837 677 443 98 755 365 634 617 489 653 512 593 52 829 896 146, 889 653 807 780 443 864 807 489 673 634 915 6 593 879 900 785 830 858 879 593 660 915 3 593 792 653

IX.

102
HEBIOD.

355

11 42 43 174 485 665 692 738 Theog. 222 723 725 18 Scut. 40 Fragm. 171
Oper.
HoMER. I.

39 47 589 734 505 505 501 640 640 240 240 644 626 788

Iliad. 8 11 13 18 20 22 2528 26 257, 27 28 32 56 60 61 64 66 76 81 468, 82 83 88 97 626, 107 116 117 118 120 128 132 135 447, 136 137 201,

139 150 151 159 161

775 713 840 722 784 748 132 272 883 263 326 713 460 407 669 1 487 136 512 620 669 1 847 657 763 476 1 747 317 709 444 713 482 344 447, 512 196 289 775 840 136, 683

II.

538 163 468 166 174 196, 356 402 178 285 184 677 188 519 193 285 205 487 207 218 161, 533 52 221 713 231 232 472 529 242 244 713 455 255 258 767 262 6, 284 442 271 301 875 3 302 474 313 747 322 250 324 201, 285, 452 452 327 770 338 453 341 322 344 353 424 363 259 407 487 415 734 420 487 57 465 57 466 519 493 883 498 509 615 518 519 521 683 522 307, 310, 317 345 523 524 317, 474 671 537 554 538 93 555 558 359 564 402 263 565 482 580 582 784 860 586 884 587 763 589 601 829 342 3 8 251 10 784

422

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

[ILIAD

u. 36

43 45 71 72 80 435 n, 83 87 97 106 107 57, 108 119 127 139 89, 147 167 150, 183 188 195 198 214 236 250 252 259 722, 290 299
30:2

III.

331 348 349 354 362 364 378 381 413 435 440 488 597 665 687 780 794 23 25 28 33 72 109 110 173 192 220 223 255 281 287

251,

657,

460,

548,

444,

76 57 57 895 487 438 487 29 488 57 770 770 763 770 529 544 895 772 532 261 532 775 256 237 344 723 748 669 1 895 616 657 669 1 657 312 1 444 879 317 785 256 327 499 689 2 895 241 485 698 585 468 127 548 13 538 342 737 251 442 442 13 784 568

III.

288 291 612, 316 351 353 366 392 393 407 428 450 459 IV. 14 17 18 234, 13, 19 88 114 141 164 176 178 379 n, 189 191 200 223 234 238 247 491, 262 313 321 334 553, 351 . 404 259, 410 413 418 421 429 482 Y. 22 85 185, 119 837, 127 129 161 183 192 224 228 232 258 273 279 287
298

450 613 3 677 785 748 127 442 683 725 737 488 568 677 13 725 725 488 657 547 571 196 723 723 568 884 442 259 529 880 468 739 402 698 683 915 2 260 881 256 244 442 549 247 442 893 318 379n 545 669 1 570 450 107 450 453 461 487 651
365

v. 311
331 350 373 374 388 407 411 433 456 487 597 639 679 684 696 715 vr. 49 93 128 146 164 176 191 229 258 281 284 285 309 329 340 348 350 351 361 431 444 448 459 460 462 463 506 521 7 28 39 48 78 132 157 179 197 238 242 273 303 305

709,

403,

148,

528,

6,

VII.

301 302 303

696 240 442

440 709 447 869 475 440 538 352: 674 219 259 544 119 435 259 52 407 460 487 503 564 725 700 687 772 615 487, 728 148 442 487 531 257 656 734 528 345 262 915 1 571 284 767 284 760 544 531 900 455 487 240 784 739 739 785 284 91S 2 487 435 57 57

ILIAD] Yll.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

423
XIII.

VIII,

IX.

340 375 387 394 401 414 32 36 111 125 130 143 196 251 282 338 366 373 452 538 39 42 112 121 141 165 167 171 179 191 251 283 304 312 318 320 323 362 388 397 403 413 415 481 488 500 506 509 519 525 587 608 648 655 682 684
698

322 488 488 487, 488 669 1 553 709 317 6691 860 435 234 461 709 487 544 435 571 626 739 365 589 342 284 460 568 196 487 342 553 344 460 542 532, 534 501 155 545 505 499 529 657
61

x. 19
39 55 62 98

lOO

XI.

702 704 x. 5

61 48f> 646 532 887 161 25 542 636 683 475, 869 859 136, 829 209, 683 734 529 89 544

XII,

111 117 183 222 225 246 279 321 329 437 485 488 5:16 537 538 556 20 21 22 67 116 269 341 386 391 404 415 439 442 467 470 492 504 670 791 792 797 799 25 329 r, 58 122 167 223 238 243 245 453, 302 333 488, 390 837, 407 436
37

488 263, 306, 365 487 7 93 366, 492 723 424 545 499 468 240 888 136 686 769 545 615 739 93, 94 93, 307 240 773 710 671 546 468 544 613 1 286, 499 468 290 29 671 903 5 485 262 548 435 739 487, 725 491
487

XIY.

XY.

127 172 234 236 292 317 321 329 343 368 377 389 492 667 674 741 743 807 825 826 77 78 81 84 108 125 133 163 190 247 261 267 521 16 18 31 36 45 70 162 164 170 179 195 197 213 223 227 232 297
323

487 848 442 488 546 453 468 745 512

468

225 621, 626 539 487 256 554 177 615 531 136 505 158, 548 485 98 674 689 1 487 488 739 739 616 487 538 734 900 476 1 161 488 240 531 365 196 769 491 519, 913 491 686 240 616 385 263, 342, 352, 354 544 136 860 240 451 27 664 615
4.87

XIII.

38

568 893 136 636 880 148

XVI.

349 403 588 697 701 39 41 59

546 284 491 626 442

136

487
487

869

424
xvr. 83

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

[ILIAD XXIII.

XVII.

XVIII,

XIX.

539 84 312 2, 326, 487 99 181 128 261, 307 191 869 192 475 227 551 242 324 263 468 296 547 322 144, 626, 660, 887 559 723 638 244 724 487 860 491, 492 1 887 2 144 38 505 70 440 155 77 89 144 121 487 245 487 272 811 338 683 366 442 377 884 402 687 427 884 475 476 1 501 784 623 709 626 709 652 487 654 669 1 692 487 8 261, 307 9 683, 753 86 734 88 322 134 260 135 639 190 639, 644 192 476 1 199 487 211 487 259 881 321 488 333 29 457 487 531 464 524 553 600 487 59 734
279
895

XIX.
XX:.

XXI.

384 423 26 lOO 129 172 226 228 257 265 285 301 435 464 466 490 100
Ill

137 224 293 327 405 459 475 517 522 556 563 576 580
XXII.

5 10 17 86 108 122 149 150 191 253 266 304 317 331 348 358 381 389 392 410 419 438 445 481
505

312 321 330

624, 626 13, 240 329 1

XXIII.

7 40 69

488 624, 626 447 499, 626 385 487 532 532 626 671 240 324 491 488 671 548 624 571 342 879 487 36 773 342 257 352 547 505 261 468 624, 639, 644 748 671 626 453 236 261 869 475 468 234 651 722 29 683 241, 570 352 256 512 256 485 487 674 671 737 285 256 488 830

XXIV.

71 82 274 430 490 526 546 629 653 656 792 805 893 74 113 116 183 220 222 227 239 253 264 301 327 328 357 477 489 543 551 563 569 582 584 653 667 751 768 781

257, 310 487 438 871 435 :l99, 437 424 739 57 57 476 1 144, 887 499 181 683, 753 487 613 3 435n 438 542 719 734 180 487 869 475 487 144, 887 772 ll9 284, 624 709 263 317 263 286 476 1 163 401, 468 639

Odyssey.
I.

40 47 56 76 93 115 136 167 187 204 205 217 231 232 236 279

529 177, 239, 531, 726 324 342 487 488 770 468 482 453 342 528 719 428 440, 719 487

()DYSSEY]

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

425
VIII,

r. 281 287 295 360 379 382 390 392 414 rr. 31 43 53 54 59 60
111 144 158 184 186 216 218 220 222 274 312 332 340 351 360 373 17 19 55 83 92 124 129 166 205 217 223 231 284 327 359 34 97 166 171 178 193 195 222 317
322

77

III.

IV.

487 505 342 52 487 713 472 745 501 286 286 329 1 542 772 760 613 4 317 487 767 438 487 487 505 505 284 385 664 491, 492 488 488 487 641 310 356, 359 259 487 487 442 342 671, 674 723, 760 730 455 240 317 357 327 487 734 570 429 435n, 637 234 532 542 488
487

401 463 475 487 505 526 544 545 600 664 668 692 712 733 735 746 747 799 831 V. 2 23 57 73 123 143 216 221 240 300 328 356 368 385 394 415 417 439 465 467 473 484 VI. 57 79 112 188 189 255 286 vu. 36 51 192 204 280 293 309 311
IV.
VI.1I.

181,

308,

614, 487, 261, 262,

342,

29 345 641 669 1 884 887 244 342 542 683 626 286 669 1 225 725 641 657 614 474 317 342 615 442 613 1 326 710 453 700 369 544 261 545 698 544 261 488 488 290 262 365 501 180 614 342 538 539 317 554 475 501 352 468 613 1 442 760 786
329 1

147 181 251 299 312 344 352 366 451 490 516 523 546 579 IX. 136 228 241 267 304 314 317 355 375 376 391 418 420 423 475 497 554 x. 99 147 174 269 295 297 322 416 420 538 XI. 72 104 110 159 313 418 441 479 489 548 628 XII. 16 96 102 112
137

532 119 326 709 734 356 460 766 891 869 119 545 538 318 311 488 442 488 245 485 488 568 614 698 544 488 342, 488 869 76 884 342 884 488 639, 657 236 869 784 869 485 485 568 784 505 505 468 136 247 784 342, 488 531 737 488 146 468 236 491 325n 487 887
505

20

335 363 388

544 435 499

95 133 138

884 256 501

156 215 220

426
XII. 295 325 334 345 348 382 385, 383 437 XIII. 86 182 209 214 215 309 322 335 340 365 376 383 386 401 415 XIV. 56 68 118 119 122 156 181 253 254 312 333 373 407 440 460 468 496 488, 503 XV. 12 19 263 310 312 1, 312 335 431 457 458 509 7, 536 537 545 XVI. 21 24 73
87

INDEX TO. THE EXAMPLES

(ODYSSEY
XIX.

709 476 1 488 460 453 447 284 615 442 487 39 538 257 710 636 639 671 342 344 428 342 329 1 669" 501 737 487 491 240 534 317 475 869 317 570 468 181 723 488 739 772 739 261 261 259 568 487 881 180 775 568 287 730 329 1 728 871
37

xvr. 131

XVII.

168 218 221 255 297 381 437 7 10 20 24 51 60 75 120 126 164 223 250 278 322 330 345 354 362 366 368 383 475 496 539 549 556 593 595 79 106 132 134 142 176 202 261 265 272 318 368 379 402 20 39 81 94 310 367 403 463 510

669 1 259 6G6 435 261 329 1 261 284 639, 6&7 327 589, 760 261
487 487

XX.

312 1
669~

XXI.

XVIII.

544 329 1 461 322 784 532 150 843 785 358 485 669 2 476 1 403 730 196, 499 444, 687, 904 687 29 352 739 784 539 538 531 884 181 244 487 519 450 181 884 626
311

XXII.

518 524 589 28 38 52 79 121 138 224 331 333 335 342 114 161 194 195 201 293 35 76 91 139 166 213 2;i2 262 287 302 381 414 468
l

XXIII.

XXIV.

XIX.

677
468 468

180, 261

98 116

475, 869 259 531 671 329 1 614 HoMERIC 568 881 Ap. Del. I 554 49

29 42 91 125 134 150 309 51 83 162 182 216 237 248 254 333 376 404 491

544 677 4GO 344. 344 788 181 127 532 488 433 709 539 539 505 542 287 760 726 532 719 487 488 257 677 261 487 99 784 546 488, 490 532 544 910 687 636 488 236 329 1 614 656 435 329 1 880 674 487 671 260 554 329 1 786 687 13, 366, 492 329 1
HYMNS.

284 636

LYSIA~)

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

&

427
VIII, IX. X. XI. XII.

Pyth. 8 148 178 Cer. 96 195 202 334 Mere. 521 525 V en. 151 214
Ap.

270 475 342 632 636 636 636 644 685 685 626 671

HYPERIDES. Epitaph. 2 Euxen. xx. 10

796
( 4) 648

lSAEUS.
I.

u.

26
7

10
HI.

32 28 39 51 IV. 18 v. 12 21
VI.

35 44 49 vn. 30 xx. 16 17 1 X. 13
XI.

li'ragm.

22 24 27 4 22

25 899 130, 134, 574 781 421 594 595 421 854 627 387 130 422 2 904 348 607 597 425, 590 423 335 136 189 594 425 425

!SOCRATES.
I.

II.

19 33 43 44 3 8 15 16
37 2

nr.

16

50 800 89 792 386 46 455 744 339 339 328 576, 888

32 14 16 19 21 28 38 42 43 44 45 48 53 64 73 74 83 86 87 95 96 103 113 142 144 148 !54 157 165 175 179 185 189 v. 8 23 31 56 66 70 93 110 133 1 VI. 26 51 60 84 87 107 1('8 vu. 26 37 39 vrrr. 9 18 20 44 89 107 126
JII. IV.

590 105
647

637 607 798 109 587 1 5871 572 590 710 867 607 259 109 245 868, 887 660 96 148 146 575 472 779 868 777 1 490 613 3 864 867 575 576 292 669 2 601 410 576 627 259 761 687, 688 840
627

139 5 56 47 49 47 49 20 44 71 91 103 144 170 255

11

826 333 139. 847 819 867 455

576

XIII. XIV.

XV.

XVI.

19 18 38 57 6 7 17 24 115 122 130 270 5

11

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX. XX. XXI.

15 16 22 29 19 21 51 20 22
14 11

13

595 835 422 2 634 601 595 879 594 245 419 642 365 146 292 687, 688 496 799 763 807 447 781 644 605, 827 614, 702 695, 915 3 131 421 422. 422 1 333 496 377 630 412 130

588 377 604 410 447 885 777 1 770 758 867 444 89, 444
779

LYCURGUS. Leoc.

3 50 60 61 91 99 lOO 135

246, 598 907 136 96 795 98 791 628

LYSIAS.

r.

26

711

779 597 631

29 34 40

355 45 333

428
I. 42 II. 22 42 Ill. 7 V. 2 VII. 11 19 24 37 X. 15 25 XII. 14 15 22 27 31 32 37 48 60 68 70 74 76 90 15 25 45 47 51 62 76 78 85 94 8 16 28 31 51 55 61 36 18 4 12 22 26 27 8 9 12 13 32 2 34 23 27

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

(LYSIAS 621 240 467 541 181 209 501 155 402 627 129 436 632 155 627 181 540 501 500

XIII.

XV.

XVIII. XIX.

xx.
XXI. XXII. XXV. XXVII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII.

333 689 2 758 634 591 685 753 428 431 594 682 32, 116 2, 689 2 689 2 246 146 419 423 613 a 423 430 151 689 2 690 695 916 127, 697 614 689 2 127 368 384 384 462 431 505 504 594 628 707 101 630 519 419 594 647 613 2 535 613 1 901 206 206, 371 12P 70 387 799
861

MEXANDER. Fragm. 294 598 Monost. 45 387 397 422 MIMNERMUS. r.2 177, 558, 722 541 541 156 46 66 798 70 824

Pyth. IV. 43 118 145

v. 651
120 VII. 20 VIII. 13 15 IX. 54 113 126 Nem. rv. 3 28 VII. 17 VIII. 19 35 IX. 44 Isthm. rr. 33 IV. (v.) 14

n. 9 Ill. 1

421, 528 590

NEW TESTAMENT. 446 23 288 12 150 1 PLATO. 433 24 288 Alcib. r. 115 B 25 851 437n 13 II. 143 D 594 40 357 Apol. 17 c 260 288 41 D 412, 510, 446 35 511, 528, 357 34 552 288 39 18 0 244, 477 150 24 20A 76 150 33 B 696 437n 27 669~ 21A 446 17 B 73, 669 2, 908 0 669 2 'PHILEMON. D 525 22 B 162, 903 1 156 Fragm. 120 834 0 818 213 D 908 240 251 PINDAH. 25 B 384, 403, 503 467 Olymp. r. 64 331 260 108 208, 209 D 594 540 Ill. 11 27 D 685 469 VI. 11 280 800 700 49 E 509, 770 485 vu. 1 29A 790 540 VIII. 10 0 197, 610, 632 IX. 57 790, 814, 240 x. 21 883 317 x. (xr.) 31 30B 216 632 XIII. 65 D 150 499 105 32B 887 XJY, 20 317 D 410 785 Pyth. I. 67 881 330 72 346, 359 867 500 35A 81 36B 839 790 99 0 130, 644 541 lOO 685 209 37 A m. llO Matth. VI. VII. XXII. XXVI. Mark VI. XI. Luke IX. XVIII. XXIII. John xrrr. XVIII. I. Acts X. XVII. Cor. II. v.

PLATO]

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES Euthyd. 302 B E 304D 305 c D Euthjph. 3 B 4E

429

37 B 113,685 c 565 39 A 265, 587 3 40B 858 901 41 B 749 42A 862 Charm. 153 A 156 A 687, 904 283 157 B 163A 369 164B 563 528 171 E Cratyl. 192 c 777 1 251 385B 391 A 208 3960 613 2 781 E 399D 777 2 401 D 105 402A 236 425 B 265, 6691 430D 280 436 B 265, 375 439 c 918 Critias 108 c 156 121 B 904 Cri to 318 43B 811 c 44 B 421, 479 734 D 45 B 186, 903 3 109 46A 40 47 D 48 c 265, 479 265 D 923 49A B 147, 887 c 92, 339 687 50 A B 711 51 B 840, 925 136 E 550 52 B c 136, 421 136 D 208 53D 264 Euthyd. 272 C 887 E 275 E 6891, 858 689 2 276 E 105 278D 839 283E 236 290A 658 2950 306 D 283 296A 706 E 722 D 299A 839 302 A 531, 552

Apol.

781 580 Laches 201 c 777 1 290 Leges 624A 667 D 419 777 1 594 146 677 E 678D 644 807 692D 596 778 915 s 699 B 370 712E 897 195 BC 736 B 108 414 12D 737 B 540 13D 219 759 E 219 l4A 750 799D 643 410 c 800 E 253, 291 15 D 131, 173 806A 594 414 Gorgias 447 D 1 450 D 857 c . 777 2 777 861 E 264 457 E 373, 798 461 E 856 869 c 903 2 669 887 c 292 462D E 265, 309 891 A 814 902D 8.11 473A 753 718 917 E 190 474B ;.};);) 790 959 B 476D (iJ:', 968 c 479A 227,377, 868 Lysis 207 E 349, ;J;/1 212 B 827 c 96, 582, 818 587",606 D 531 214 E 481 A 348, 444 482A 879 215 B 525, 531, 818 483 c 790, 804 484D 835 218D 369 186 Men ex. 237 c 890 486 B 239 B 487 D 144, 339, 763 753 240D 443 241 B 4890 26 664 242B 495D 274 27 245A 4990 780 619 5000 830 Men a 71A 609 902 502B 72 B 414 339 c 195 503A 613 2 74 B 510 506B c 77A 278 77 79]) 519, 913 !HOD 292, 837 81 A 778 512 D 267, 269 423 D 881 514A 840 637 515 B 339 86D 516 E 410, 412, 637 89 B 173, 336 476 3 781 269 517 B c 519 522 I~ 373 E 91 D 523E 858 494 920 525 c 884 531 94E 265 883 D 95E 918 Hipp. Maj. 301A 103 Parmen.163 D 268 535 E 898 Phaedo 58 A 24 Ion E 536 B 572 580 59D 95, 532, Laches 178 B 857 190E 613 6 795 194A 494 E 834 60A 196 c 369 7ll

4-30
Phaedo

INDEX TO TIJli: EXAMPLES

[PL.UO

60 c 150, 845 881 62 E 838 63A 268 64 c 923 66 E 550 67 A 68 B 455 365 70A 669 J D 799 71 c 72 c 177 D 749, 81.4, 815 410 73A 369 84E 90D 763 91 c 370, 478 D 366, 492 940 685 95 D 675 g 287 97 A 387 793 98D lOO B 29, 895 101 D 6134,702 838 102D 30 103 D 292 106 D 108 D 807 645 11413 901 D 811 117 c 807 D E 798, 807, 811 834 118 Phae.lr. 227 C 723 D 296, 602 402 228A E 287, 770 772 229A 230A 39 B 778 159 23213 654 E 642 242A 251 B 807 136 254 B 257 c 47, 365 77fl 258 E 263E 287 265 B 244 266A 634 588 269 D 602 274A 758 276A 279 c 722 268 Phileb. 12D 367 13A 289 I5D

Phileb.

588 E 253, 291 781 300 0 763 302 B 763 E 897 310 13 62 Protag. 310 A 723 D 311 B, C 414 414 D 269 312A 313 0 277, 283 92 314A R 588 854 0 496 315 E 127 316 c 781 317 A 777 I B 62 D 320A 627 912 323D 155 328 B 329 B 409, 506 332D 89 719 333 c 335 c 30, 333, 717, 719 D 30, 717 685 336D 588 338 c 861 339 c ]~ 777 2 3510 476 4 817 352D 839 353 D Re pub. 327 c 490, 918 328 c 423, 891 864 329 A 681 330A 365 D 874 E 95 3310 555 332A
333E

16 B 21 B 22 I~ 39 c 420 47D 48D 63A 64 B Politic. 264A 272D 281 D 282B 295A

236 Re pub. 669 1 910 830 890 146 295 89 236 749 778 650

777 2

903 8

336 J) E

274 780

337 A 690 B 274, 287, 293 / E 355 339A 355 340 B 700 341 B 295 346 E 685 3490 347 352E 226 354 B 811 35813 489 c 875 1 D 837, 900 359D 755 360 B 575, 579 c 31, 226 365D 609 367 B 837 368 B 365, 816 369B 902 370D 180 372E 287 374D 247 375 c 144, 887 376A 89, 91 c 67 379 B 556 389 D 883 393]) 875 4 E 132, 263, 306 397 D 68 398A 226 402 B 644 890 D 405 c 550 408B 887 c 402 412A 73 B 65 D 531 414A 777 2 215 c 415B 355 0 98 E 31, 579, 759 416A 584 0 579 E 837 427 E 136, 815, 816 428A 528 430 A 119, 130, 188 778 E 432B 778 c 489, 734 2 433A 121

SD!ONIDES]

INDEX TO THE EXAMPL-ES Re pub. 554B

4:H

Repub. 433B 588, 830 348 E 489 434A 918 437 A 226 439 B E 673 884 440B 40 441D 895 449A 875 1 0 697 450A 431 D 367 451A D 174, 6G9 1 2G7 4570 799 468D 799 E 784 473A D 444, 445 474 A 836, 837 419 D 881 475B 228 477 A 478D 22, 143 780 485 0 236 487 E 348 488 0 410 489 B 676 490A B 31, 159 0 159, 7G5 887 492A 837 c 295 E 884 493D 887 49513 768 E 22 496E 296 499 B 613 4 501 B 105 502A 278 506D 781 E 508 C, D 563 513 509 0 185 515D E 226, G43 690 M6 A G90 518A G07 519A D 777 1 852 521A 40 522A 545D 65. 531 549B 355 E 552E 293 105, <553A 148,884 MJO D

572 287, Symp. 194 D 189 198A 293 829 B 758 556 B 328 531 199A 557 B 414 848 D E 836 690 202B 559A 220 D 921 5610 208 D 841 105 E 210 B 817 895 5620 2120 478 915 1 56313 E 339 287 5640 213 D 354 328 567 A 214E 894 875 1 568B 215A 780 685 572E 218 0 817 573 0 118, 136 1 220 D 618 577 0, E 777 221A 887 804 578D 496 573 Theaet. 142A E D 689 2 195 579D 143E 172 287 580 B l44B 46 476 4 581 D 145B 369 804 590 E 2 764 1490 777 595 B 155 A 531, 552, 921 0 685 690 598 0 97 0 268 6030 158 B 919 852 604 0 163D 669 1 105 607 0 165D 637 256 610 B 169 B 648 879 613 0 174A 189 103 614A 1800 875" 755 B 1830 552 88 615 B E 365 D 197, 208 1860 527 834 617 0 190E 897 489 618 0 1920 489 620 D 412, 472 202A 421 268 Sisyph. 387 0 209E 96, 745, 814 Sophist 219 E 790 489 2260 414 912 Theag. 123 B 237 D 130 239 B 256 Timaeus 18 0 200 808 212A 807 25E 791 777 1 247 0 2613 220 195 E 560 609 251 E 62 648 57 B 763 Symp. 173 B 31 136 780 J74A 31 883 790 0 76J 90E 755 D 119 175 0 5871 D SAPPHO. 238 E 778 Fragm. 101 894 185E 454 118, l 186 B 879 771 1 0 155 188A SrMoNmEs. 193B 264 861 172 v. 8 E 815 10 1940 265
4

432
V.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

(SIMONIDES

LVIII, LXXXV,

20 5 7 10

540 540 540 540

.Ajax

Antig. SIMON. AMORG,

J.

VII.

12 15 69 97
SOLON.

647 470 470 470

IV. XII. XIII.

XXVII.

30 1 9 29 55 75 3

470 470 540 470 540 541 540

SoPHOOLES. Ajax

20 21 39 45 75 88 119 122 136 281 326 389 403 410 455 496 506 536 550 555 556 560 567 659 666 674 715 742 965 986 1077 1082 1131 1183 1217 1264

26 47 719 412 299 245 245 859 881 917 916 219 289 787 875 3 454 881, 903 1 60 722 620 360 295 355 565 915 2 155 713 644, 648 648 317 228 159 384 620 181 723

1325 5871 Antig. 710 1334 722 260 1335 754 5871 1419 628 755 887 759 9 839 19 317 887 22 47, 811 944 32 47 1032 41 362, 669 1 1063 44 875 2 1089 669 1 61 1092 223 69 1105 403 76 1114 795 79 1168 529 91 1173 447 93 1253 5871 96 1255 403 98 1339 534 '178 40 472 Elect. 185 42 215 281, 347 47 223 706 56 447 229 81 794 235 126 212 236 234 240 239, 472 293 916 242 332 264 794 333 270 677 352 705 276 379 278 369 410 292 608 424 447 324 465 561 373 467 390 197, 208 554 415 617 556 443 812 616 237 444 628 455 827 637 915 2 472 676 915 2 473 696 148 476 697 478 159 699 484 407 701 532 837 744 251 534 753 794 535 780 811 544 796 899 547 834 236 552 943 532 580 963 242 605 992 648 619 1004 236 646 1021 236 652 1029 653 475, 873 1030 666 234", 555 1052 923 678 1079 686, 706 685 1131 580 696

471 478 837 414 837 8754 454 903 2 501 916 915 3 9152. 791 92 254 101, 749 369 472 ' 237 328 295 710 322 287 726 475, 873 904, 914 912 223 718 565 778 33 447 791 505 410, 412 915 2 190 237 910 556 827 47 47 144 617 598 708 447 880 136, 706 410 447 734 295 795 295 795 659

'

SOPHOCLES]

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

433
90, 613 3 103, 883 447, 448 447 499 723, 901 471 713 916 875 2 62 317 899 815 723 370 81 734 732 7771 540 811 700 875 2 764 875 l 580 900 899 333, 812 333 565 795 565 410 272 669 1 146 360 51, 447, 601 688 803 295 580 710 916 580 573 258 181 376 809 118 893 295 916 419 245

Elect. 1134 1172 1176 1204 1205 1281 1309 1331 1370 1402 1426 1439 1450 1478 1482 1505 Oed. Col. 11 12 16 36 47 49 52 77 82 83 84 119 125 146 170 174 176 271 310 342 359 395 405 414 442 450 473 509 565 575 628 630 656 667 731 761 797 816 817 848 909 951
956

964

333 Oed. Col. 602 969 146 601 974 317 1023 245 1040 371 1121 410 1180 919 1210 339 1350 371 1352 1443 180 238 1528 710 1579 211 1588 419 1645 322 1680 772 1713 778 1724 627 1769 795 Oed. Tyr. 9 811 12 519 71 620 82 601 83 875 1 84 713 90 146 129 247 198 247 216 289 220 257 221 295 255 602 283 287 289 419 296 818 316 540 346 325D 363 889 364 791 374 295 390 253 395 471 505 807 523 328 543 447 548 916 580 688 591 807 625 259 637 214 650 688 662 81 690 47 701 295 736 642 747 410 775 69 796 244 817

Oed. Tyr. 834 503, 588, 839 718 843 503 846 295 851 90 863 688 354 874 918 911 588 956 575 966 454 1003 227 1005 910 1061 2 875 1065 148, 884 1068 580 1074 733 1146 324 1157 1217 489 1220 761 .231 818 1232 317 1245 778 1260 247 1293 608 1325 830 1335 807 1356 471 1368 505 1387 412, 818 511 1391 422 2 1412 1416 811 841 1437 901 1511 901 1518 550 Philoct. 22 837 30 317 54 211 75 718 687 79 643 100 244 103 253 178 706 232 830 253 219 255 281 919 300 299 287 324 337 718 915 2 349 47 357 654 371 92 381 415 633 574 418 580 426
F

434
Phi!oct. 443 444 519 526 539 551 567 572 594 600 611 615 617 620 623 656 674 761 764 812 825 917 941 961 969 978 994 1068 1233 1239 1241 1253 1259 1329 1342 1363 1362 1394 Trachin. 2 24 37
148

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

[SOPHOCLES
I.

196
~97

226 401 545 550 575 587 590 604 608 618 631 632 655 669 687 706

249 Trachin.739 800 889 801 354 896 256, 403 903 256 644 934 916 944 244 946 953 136 48 973 296 978 297, 886 1109 1125 675 1129 791 1183 136 1233 588 237, 829 Fragm. 280 450 287 620 719 THEOCRITUS. 326 90, 648 4 I. 136 643 734 THUCYDJDES. 39 r. 1 923 2 140, 324 864, 72 3 119, 245, 246 4 791 5 791 9 238, 505 915 2 10 143, 444 419 11 47 12 141, 113 16 749, 629, 650 17 365 21 532, 47 620 22 829 23 629 24 809 669 J 25 124 3 , 27 791 28 367 29 587 2, 606 31 478 32 608 339, 355 35 525, 36 648 348 37 38 368 39 627 43 643 211 45 51 614, 702 904 57

687 565 257 412 573 710 467 648 181 290 298 181 608 365 299 101 713 260

58
I

59 61 62 63 65 68 69
70

71 72 73 74 76

77
444 79 83 86
87

489, 689 2, 704 883 904 807 677 1, 318 313 47, 627 653, 687, 800 90, 144, 155, 171, 466 105 57 214, 807 849 215, 223, 687, 688, 807 881

57
519 885, 923 798 923 128, 190, 3 , 614, 613 669 2 33, 669 2, 695, 704, 755 695 695 532 151 147, 610, 887 903 4 151 843 610 850 151 840, 849 151 98, 6.35, 685
555, 851

858 759,
876

88 90 91 93 95 99 101 103 107 108 111 113 114 115 116 117 118 120 121 125 126 128 129 131 132 134 136 137

848 798 669 1 410, 412 472, 847 564 143 807 476. 781, 904 530 96 96 677 113 478 591 318 904 707 829 421 422 2 627
915 3

695
635

339

387, 494 851 98, 317 828 50 478 634 76 373 27, 620, 689 2, 711

THUCYDJDES)
I.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

435
IV.

138 689 8 , 777 1, 800, 830 139 683, 685 142 505, 829 n. 2 669 2, 887 3 127' 318, 900 4 677, 770 5 689 2 , 695 883 6 864 7 8 122, 527 174 11 12 627, 770 13 116 r, 306, 627, 669 2, 774, 887 35 15 17 688 18 148, 840, 903 6 20 148, 207, 683, 903 6 21 699, 714, 715 798, 22 24 696 32 96, 798 90, 532 34 35 875 1 37 467 39 500, 858 40 687, 688 223 41 42 113 44 770, 904 45 155 49 211, 807 893 52 795 53 56 749, 798 864 59 60 364, 503, 713, 900 61 525, 758 532 62 219 63 78, 534 64 65 564, 634, 653, 798 67 489, 695 747 69 675 72 798 75 791 76 208 so 897 81
84

n. 92
93 97 102 1 3 4
11

Ill.

58 368, 798 778 98, 755 811 799 339 205

67
71

15 16 21 22 26 28 29 32 34 40 46 49 51 53 70 74 75 80 82 83 88 89 98 102 104
Ill
IV.

747

114 3 4
6

13

IG
17 22 24 26 27 28 29 34 36 38 41 42
43

843

87 89

795 156, 780

46 50 61 64

565, 567 603 321, 64.3 113 113, 587 2, 591, 619, 620, 687 635 691 591 503, 689 1 339 759, 807 893 365, 369 339 427 807 365 875<, 903 8 365 824 207, 525 564, 887 588, 614 635 146 587 2, 591 140, 824 74.9 884 677 620 540 897 136 550 881 117, 683, 781 876 798 778 711, 915. 620 696 858 620 904 29 834

V.

94 95 105 110 115 117 119 121 125 126 127 128 133 4 7 9 10 14 18 26 27 30 35 36 37 38 40 44 49 56
61

73

295,

113,

136, 784,

749 136 884 550 851 914 373 113 643 620 113 854 580 893 313 1 144 489 30 681, 829, 899 745 588
750

113, 588, 355,

123, 683,

63 64
66

619 339 851 142, 881 887 490 428 594 687 188, 685, 689 3 851 652 756
825

69 82 102 105
111
VI.

2 3 4 6 9 10
11

616 295, 296 208 829 372 556, 900 27, 126, 244 149, 829 655 113 89 648
576, 577

12 13 14
16

590
370

17

780 28, 159 107, 795

436
VI.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

[THUS,YDIDES

18 20 21 25 29 30 31 35 37 38 41 46 50 54 57 58 59 61 63 66

71

77

74 75

78 79 82 88 91 92 96 101.1 102 VII. 2 6 10 11 13 15 17 21 23 24 25 27 28 31 33 34 35 36 38 39 42 44

224, 292, 749, 807 28, 722 454 921 648, 701, 747 128, 136 37, 339 236 207 215, 648 490 900 770, 923 361, 793 113, 211 653 833, 914 113, 144, 689 3 30 208 659 36 126, 489 32 419 490 777 1 588 32, 326 503 147, 321 490, 696 683, 685 144 109, 211 467 113 472 918 374 113 824 863 843 695 472, 800 884 791 609, 713, 714 753, 900 796 476 2 364, 635 215, 550, 592 851

VII.

46 136, 47 48 49 50 56 59 490, 60 61 136, 63 65 67 313 1, 70 109, 71 162, 72 77 80 82 83 587 2, 96, 84 85 86 87 9 648, 12 24 25 45 48 50 52 55 60 64 65 66 68 70

489 687 557 7771 629 113 696 696 211 653 330 377 749 466, 635 109 374
689~

I,

1, 5 6 10 2, 1 2 21 26 3, 1 6 8 9 14 15 17

VIII,

71
74 76 87 88

490 591 798 862 875 3 778 659, 698 660 653 208 588, 658, 876 781 150 745 113 914 778 923 462 825 762 208 113 594 796 41

TYRTAEUS,

XI. X !I.

16 34 35

470 540 470

XENOPHON.

Anabasis.
I.

l,

2
3

33 58 59, 864

4, 5 7 12 13 15 18 5, 8 9 13 llO 6, 2 807 8 711 9 781 7, 3 274, 857 7 572 2 , 677 8, 12 51 13 339 9, 3 236 10 689 3 17 915 3 20 914 21 317 27 534 10, 4 864 5 116 3, 677 6 876 9 365 16 683, 687 17 677 30, 670 rr. 1, 3 4 410, 424 6 772 8 489 10 654, 669 1, 681 21 917 23 669 2 2, 12 295 21 1161, 669 2 3, 2 618 6 690 10 608 11 817 13 759 14 915 4

534, 587 1 864 472, 658 843, 864 136 912 634 30, 31 223, 229, 918 30, 864 912 47 919 144, 180, 373 904 495, 697 30, 689 2 618, 689 2 798 318, 669 2 244 916

XENOPHON]
II.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

437
I.

3, 18 19 20 24 25 29 4, 3 5 17 19 22 5, 12 13 14 16
27

III,

6, 10 12 21 27 1, 2 7 13
14

16 18 20 38 40 2, 9 10 17 25 27 29 36 39 3, 12 4, 8 29 49 5, 3 7 11 13 15 18 1, 5 6
11

205, 683 687 136 618 601 90, 529 180 79, 826, 840 89, 317 505 1241, 825, 826 575 197, 914 226 326 2, 907 689 30 94, 532 94, 317 535 674 903 7 807 136, 867 658 180 807 94, 180 94, 912 124 2, 689 21 848 494 89, 915 1 89, 317 59 184 915 1 672 618 365 519, 617, 887 365 608 807 670 689 2 695
759

IV.

5, 13 30 7, 1 16 8, 7
14

V.

1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,

VI.

1,

2, 3, 4, 6,

VII.

1,

3, 4, 6, 7,

IV.

13 2, 4 10 3, 2 4, 6 15 5, 1

365 427 854 618 472 879 610 S19 652

25 1 4 10 17 1 16 34 2 7 3 21 5 24 26 17 19 25 26 28 29 32 13 18 9 4 9 24 25 4 7 8 13 16 33 11 13 43 2 13 23 11 24 31 48 55 57

8, 11

462 629, 646 48 535 681 811 150 124 2, 689 2 617 172 221, 689 2 525 848 867 617 904 864 364 642 867 103, 365 348 36 690 689 3 368 681 412 747 326 525 912 875 1 910 121 2, 689 2 855 770 478 833 689 2 128, 617 89,441 675 144 330 136 333 94, 455 744n 365 798 689 3 644 875 1

2, 2

3,

4,

5,

6,

rr. 1,

2,

3,
4,

Cyropaedia. r. 1, 2

532, 884 2, 1 126, 587 1, 683

155, 171, 466 759 3 351 5 8 608, 645 348 10 410 16 1 800, 843 875 1 2 862 3 5&6 757 9 757, 798 707 10 613 4 11 30 13 18 277 2 365 4 798 696 7 13 677 14 644, 698 18 849 21 698, 792 23 652, 658 25 317 27 123, 188, 683 12 798 13 527, 685, 798 339 14 3 531, 552 578 7 10 365 18 224, 898 19 555 180 22 28 687 32 811 7 669 1 94, 455 8 9 508 30 563 31 531, 552 3 384, 495 8 644, 695 9 695 898 14 16 859 20 851, 852 90 5 6 367 917 15 7 124 ', 669 2 10 555 12 317 180 17 23 807 28 312 2 31 578

438
III.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES

[XENOPHON

IV.

V.

1, 1 3 128, 8 317, 9 37 2, 1 8 295, 13 351, 15 25 835, 26 3, 4 18 613 8, 31 60 1, 1 13 16 18 2, 7 8 13 39 3, 3 10 11 15 4, 4 1161, 5, 9 19 21 24 26 37 46 52 6, 3 1, 13 852, 21 881, 25 811, 2, 3 9 365, 12 21 22 36 3, 13 177, 27 30 136, 42 47 95, 55 4, 11 12 16 21 30 35 5, 13

377 689 2 711 807 833 690 296 444 842 875 1 135 613 1 893 807 627 690 854 278 354 107 608 608 278 495 628 588 127 670 799 376 900 29 30 613 5 768 218 734 875 1 903 1 812 565 658 371 328 858 631 613 4 444 914 781 604 462, 532 608 220 619 278 444 462 88, 444

v. 5, 13
21 30 34 48 17 21 26 38 40 19 30 39 2 18 19 17 10 18 38 17 19 3 7 13

VI.

1,

2, 3, 4, 1, 2, 3,

VII.

162,

VIII.

5, 6 37 41 42 46 59 73 77 78 81 82 1, 5 10 38 43 44 2, 21 25 3, 5
6

685,

96, 256, 130, 130, 339, 239,

33 42 44 4, 5 16 27 5, 12 28 6, 6 7, 12 15 24 25 27

445 512 604 410 348 376 136 851 723 590 849 371 136 351 351 588 764 533 685 244 904 669 2 711 695 295 617 329 2 654 814 609 689 2 827 631 833 608 364 296 689 2 629 339 617 472 762 765 348 330 790 915 2 817

Hellenica.
I.

I!,

1, 16 29 .6, 7 32 7, 5 7 26 28 1, 4
6

22 3, 2
11

130, 134, 134,

4,
rrr.

1, 2, . 3, 4, 5,

IV.

1,

33 35 45 48 51 1 8 18 12 15 20 6 13 19 20 6 9 9 18 9 10 23 36 38

643,

649,

142, 614,

244,

89,

677, 680

864 564 851 9151 915 2 373 482 220, 804 608

2, 3 4, 15 16 6, 9 7, 3 8, 2 16 23 30 v. 1, 14 18 19 34 2, 2
13

848 613 1 689 2 296 673 245 838 770 669 2 840 351 565, 574 57 4, 610 312ll 708 759 702 432 851 587 3 702 915 8 617 689 3 689i 881 854 698 811 339 39 555 781 377 605 807 94, 723 296 770 608 915 3 687 689 2 330 764 330 770 251 827 30 689 2
30

29 32 36

99 689 2 794, 814

XENOPHON]
'V.

Il\DEX TO THE EXAMPLES

I. II.

439
IV.

3, 25 26 4, 7
9

614 136 110, 136 8 116 2, 689 2

864

34
VI.

707
536

1, 5

14
2.

s;
4,

376 594
555

7, 3 1, 8 15 16 17 18 2, 1 3

71, 96,

7
14 3, 3
4
9

7
6

26

'27 37
5, 21 23
52
VII.

753 689 2 862 _31 619 175 629

555

8[)3, 531,

12 4, 1
6, 2

531 798 800 807 407 531 884 556, 601 150 306 867 713 793 552
884

3, 3 4, 4
11 16 6, 7 13 8, 1 2

46
2lf!, 479, 654, 8:36

884 317
94, 177
16:2, 466

7
Scripta .Minora. Ages.
I.

597 800 713

II.

6
29

.
I.

1, 23 34 35 38 2, 9 3, 7 4, 34 37 39 5, 3 10

669 2 672, 693 e69 673 770 555 689 2 536 677 130 904

552,

32 35 36 7, 2 13 9, 2 3 10, 2 nr. 1, 3 10 2, 1 3 3, 3
11

Memorabilia.

89, 793, 236,

410 1, 5 697 13 206 16 2, 1 5871, 800 799 3 702 6 7 131, 306, 697 904 14 654 17 140 18 853 20 838 22 36 287, 293 685 39 732 46 881 47 798 55 829 63 691 3, 3 236 5 588 6 4, 19 693, 714 770 5. 2 3 374, 506
6,
4 9

5, 1 6

7
16 6, 3 16
8, 8

IY.

10 9, 2 11, 1 12, 6 13, 3 1, 3

2,

894, 588,

4
6

10 12 20 23 30 32 39 40 3, 1

35

531

7, 2

763 904, 923

94,

130 690 610 IY. 696 6 JX. 2 563 XI. 3 467 13 794 .1\pol. 14 251, 799 34 816 Cyneg. m. 3 763 6 648 348 'VI. 23 VII. 10 306 IX. 4 324 508 XII. 22 312 2 Eques. l. 16 IV. 3 348 Hi er. Vll. 3 804 Yl!J. 3 254 Xl. 15 295 Hi pp. J. 16 329 2 JX. 2 281, 351 Oecon. I. 2 745 13 604 1 rr. 7 867 777 912 I 901 IV. 1 4 287, 293 923 1 587 YII. 5 130, 339 20 572 7133 180 39 824 713 YllT. 8 365 897 JX. l 361, 915 4 4 914 791 12 825 XII. 1 648, 650 124 3 791 Xll!. 4 268 X!Y. 10 804 531 690 XY. 2 837 351 XX. 8 917 528 556 Rep.Ath.r. 16 155 Rep. Lac. v. 7 791, 793 901 V!ll. 5 365 X!Y. 5 65 462 914 361 Syrup. I. 15 525 623 689 1 864 903 3 867 654 580 531 370 317 847 292 339 317 251 798 287 532 236 836 921 370 763

10 33 4 8 31 1

689 2

915 5
652

440
Symp. n. 11
III. IV.

INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 365 811 714 278 Symp.

IV.

3
6 8

VII. VIII.

26 37 2 25

825 485 351 339

Symp.vm.35 Vectig. v. 9 10 VI. 2

9031 180 180 9037

LATIN AUTHORS. CAES. Bell. Civ. Crc. Offic. Phi!. HoR. Sat. LUCRET. TAc. Agric. VERG. Aen.
1.

I. Ill. VIII.
II.

I.
I.

29 108 95 31 1, 43 112 18 37

850 120 95 120 726 924

900
787

ADDITIONAL EXAMPLES. Choeph. Eum. Sept. Suppl.

362-366, 368 786 347 771 347 627 471 91 423 148 893 805 AmsToPH. Ran. 573 97 195 ARISTOT. Pol. Ill. 6, 1 DEMOSTH. XXI. 611 16 XXI. 918 70 EuRIP. 572 2 I. T. 588 4541 Orest. 1534 Ho~L XXIV. 568, 778 259 I!. XYIII. 336 568 Od. 148 PLAT. Prot. 324B Repub. 398B '573 498D 148 347 SoLON XIII. 38 SoPH. Aj. 521 471 Elect. 540 225 572 2 Phi!. 938 XEN. Ages. v. 4 811 6892 Anab. II. 1, 3

AESCH.

GREEK INDEX.
N.B.-The references are made to the Sections.

'A-yo.vo.wrlw El 494. 'Aya1rw <l 494.

'Ayy{'A\w in indirect discourse, w. partic. 904, w. infin. 914 3 A-ye or l!:yn w. imperative 251 ; w. subj. 255, 257; w. o1rws and fut. indiC. 276. "Aywv, with, 844. 'AotKEw as 1erfect 27. Ai, atlh, at yap, 379 (w. note) : see
El, Ei'li, El yap. Al/Uof"a' w. pmtic. 881, w. infin. 903 1 Al<T86.vof.Lat w. partic., not in indirect

discourse 884, 88o, in ind. disc. 904, 914 1, 687; w. infin. 914 1 Alaxp6s, alr;xvv'fJ, alr;xvvof"at, w. negative force, followed by p.i) ov w. infin. 817 (cf. 647). Air;xpov ~v w. infin. without tl.v, potential, 415, 416 : see "EoEL. Air;xvvof.Lnt w. partic. 881, w. infin. 903 1 Al<TXVVOJL<U El 494. Afnos w. intin. (sometimes w. ToO or To) 749, 795, 798 ; w. aor. in fin. 101. 'AK01/w w. gen. of partic., not in indirect discourse, 884, 886 ; w. aor. partic., not past, 148 : w. accus. of partic. in ind. disc. 904, 886 ; w. infin. 914 1 'AKOU<Tat or ws ci.KOU<TO.t as absol. infin. 778. "Awv without O!v 875 3 "A"'Ats <111-l w. partic. 899. 'A"'A!<TKOJJ.O.t as perfect 27. 'AI\M (like 0) in apodosis 512, 513, 564, for d p.i) iit' 11.1\'Ao 513. 'A"AM
VVP

513.

"AJLa. w. temporal participle 858. 'Ap.elvwv eiJL w. partic. 899. Av (a) and Kl or Klv, adverbs, two uses of, potential and conditional,

192 ; often not translatable 193 theories of 194, 398, 401 ; distinc: tions of IJ.v and d 194, 401. With Indicative. Not used w. pres. and perf. 195 ; w. future in potential sense, in early poets 196, in Attic (rare) 197 ; ei' Ke w. fut. (Hom.) 451. With secondary tenses in potential sense and in apodosis 198, 243, 410; aorist w. d K<, once in Hom., 437; w. imper[ and aor. in iterative sense 199, 162, 164, 249. with Subjunctive. In protasis (in d.v, i.iv, 'ijv, Epic L KE or ar K<) 192 2, 200, 201 2 , 381, 382, 444, 450, 462 ; may be omitted in epic and lyric poets 453, 468, 469, 470, seldom omitted in Attic poets 454 1, 471, probably not in Attic prose 454 2 ; er K< or at K<, if ha.ply, in case that, in Homer 487, 491, Ed.v or 1jv in same sense in other Greek 489, 490. In conditional relative sentences 200, 522, 529, 532 ; commonly omitted by Hom. in generlll conditions 538, sometimes in future cond. 539 ; om. in other poets 540, in prose (rare and doubtful) 540. Seldom w. ws and subj. in Hom. similes 543. With l!ws, .until, 613 3 5 ; w. tl.xpt, ~Lixpt, ti.xpt oil, and p.txpt ov, 618, 619 ; in e/r;be and es 0 tl.v 616; w. frTTf 617; w. 5</>po., until, 615 ; sometimes omitted w. words meaning until 620. With vplv 642, 645, never in Homer or Hesiod 639, 640; sometimes omitted in Attic 648. In final clauses w. ws, li'll'ws, and ~</>pa. 192 2, 200, 201 2, 325-328 ; in object clauses, w. ws

442

GHEEK IXDEX
226. Without verb, potential 227, w. rei. or <i 228. Retained in indirect discourse after past tenses w. potential (seldom w. conditional} forms 667 4 Tax' /J.v, perhaps, 221. "Av(O:), conjunction, for d liv, 192 2, 381, 382. See Ei. 'Avaivo!-'a.<, uses w. partic. and in fin. 881 (end). 'Ava<pew, give oracular 1esponse, w. pres. and aor. infiu. 98 : see 8ctr71'l!'w and Xpaw. 'Avexo!-'a< w. partk. 879, w. infin.

and li71'ws in Hom. 341, 342, 343, 071'WS av in Attic 348, Ws llv in Xen. 3511, ws /J,v once in Herod. 347.

Epic use w. subj. iu potential sense and in apod. 201 ', 285, 452, 235, 399, 401. Regularly omitted when eonditional su bj. becomes opt. after ptst tense> 667 4, 689 ",rarely retained 692, 702, 649. See Subjunctive. With Optative. In potential sense and in apod. 202, 232, 233, 234, 455, 531, never w. fut opt. 203, 459 ; rarely omitted 240-242. In protasis : d KE (once Et 1rcp liv) 903 2 in Hom. 460 ; w. pot. opt. in "Avo<a and d.voYJros w. negative force, present cond. 409, 458, 506 ; 1 or _ followed by fLTJ ov w. in fin., 817 d Kc, ~~ haply, in case that, in Hom. (cf. 647). 488, 491. With conditional relative 'Avvtra.s, quickly, 837. and opt. in Hom. 542 ; w. pot. opt. "A~wv -f}v w. in fin. without ii.v, potential,. 415, 416: see "Eo". in Attic 557 ; aT K in a past gen. cond. in Hom. 542; dtr6K w. opt., 'A7rLKatra< as absol. infin. 778. ouce in Hom., 616. 1Ip1v ll.v w. 'A7roi!ElKvvfL< w. participle 898. opt. 649. In final clauses w. ws 'A7roKaf1.Vw w. partic. 881, w. infin. 903 3. and 6cppa. in Hom. and w. ws and i!Kws in Herod. 329 1 (cf. 358), ws llv 'ATroq>f}va.triJa< w. ws, as absolute infin. in Attic (w. pot. opt.) 329 2, o1rws 778. liv ( w. pot. opt.) 330 ; in ouject 'Apa., rare in indirect questions 665 1. clauses w. ws alltl 07rWS in Xen. (w. 'Apdw w. participle 899. pot. opt.) 3512 (see Appendix IV.), "Apn w. temporal participle 858. o1rws ll.v (once) in Plato 349, DKWS liv "ApxofLa.< (Hom. lipxw) w. partic. 879, in Herod. 350; aftel' verbs offwring w. infin. 903 ' 'Apxbwvos, at first, w. f1.1J aud pot. opt. 368. See 834. Optatil'e. 'AtrpV'f' TLVL LVO.L 900. Witlt Infinitive, always potential "AT w. causal participle 862. or in apodosis, 204 ; chiefly ln Mmip (like ii) in apodosis 512. indirect discourse 211, 4791, 683 AvTiKa. w. temporal participle 858. (see exam pies), 751 ; sometimes iu 'Ax8ofLEV'f' rw1 ETva.' 900. other co11structions 211, 212; w. "Axp< anc1 fLexp<, until, 514, 611, 612; nsed like gws 618 ; w. snbj. without pres .. infin. 205, w. perf. 206, w. aor. 207, w. fut. (rare in Attic) 208; ll.v 620. "AXP' ov and 1-'EXP' ov 619. rare in early poets 209 ; rep res. iterative impt: or aor. w. liv 210; Ba.lvw w. infin. of pmpose 772 ; f3fj w. infin. and article 212, 794. aml gf3av ((3av) w. par tic. 895. Expl'%sions like OoKii: TtS av w. Bc(:lYJKEva< as 1wesent 49. Bchiwv ElfLl w. partic. 899. infin., how to be translated 754. With participle, always potential BovAH or (3ot;f-.wlh w. interrogative or in apodosis 213, never in protasis subj. 287, 288. 217, 224; w. pres. partic. 214, w. Bou!-.cvw w. o7rWS or ws and subj. or opt. (Hom.) 341-343. aor. 215, w. fut. (rare) 216; iu indirect discourse 479 I, 687 (see Bovf-.ofLa< w. fut. infin. (rare) 113, w. 904) ; never in Homer or PinJar in fin. and liv 21 L Bovl\opiv'l' nvt 213 (end). c[vac 900. See 'Ef3ovA.6fLYJV. With subj., closely jninctl to particle or relative word 218, 381, reyovva.<, to be, 49. 522; w. in die. or opt., joined tu 1 l'<J'PW<TKW w. partic. 904, w. infin. emphatic word 219; separated from (three uses) 915 3 its verb by orofL'" l!odw, etc. 220. Never begins sentence or clause 222. 1::. in apodosis 512, 513, 564. Repeated w. same verb 223, 225 ; l!.Ei5o)'!J.Evov as accus. absol. 851. not repeated in co-ordinate clauses 1 l!.ciKvvfL< w. partic. 904, w. in fin. 915 4.

GREEK INDEX
A{iv omitted in o'Al-yov oliv and J.L<Kpou ileiv 779 b,

44:3

w. fut. indic. in future suppos.

447-449, in present suppos., of in. tention or expectation, 407, 408 ; w. potential indic. (w. av) 409, 506, w. secondary tenses of indic. in unreal co11d. 410, 411, once <t K< w. aor. indic. in Hom. 437. After verbs of tv01uie1, indignation, etc. 494, 495. With Subjunctive (without d.v or Kc). In future cond., in Hom . 453, rarely in Attic poets 454 ; in general cond., regularly in Hom . 468, always in Pindar 469, sometimes in other lyric poets 47 0, rarely in Attic poets 471. Helation of 1 K< w. subj. to simple i in Hom., and possible origin of the two uses, 401. With Optative. In future cond. 455, 456, representing subj. w. fav of direct form in indirect discourse after past tenses 457, 667 4, 689 2, 6941; w. pot. opt. (w. d.v) 409, 458, 506 ; in past geueral cond. 462-466, only once iu Homer 468. El (in Hom. sometimes f K<), if haply, in case that, w. opt., w. apodosis implied in protasis, in Homer 488, 491, in other Greek 489, 490. After paHt tenses of verbs expressing wonder, indigna tion, etc. (also indic.) 495, 697. In future wishes (generally dOe or El -y6.p) 721, 723 (end). With Infinitive iu indirect discourse, by assimilation (Herod.) 755. El -y6.p and EtiJE in future wishes 721, 723, in present or past unattained wishes 731-733; in Homer (also ai ')'6.p and aUJE) in present unattained wishes 739. With C!J<j>1\ov etc. in present and past Ull attained wishes (poetic) 734, 736. Ei o' a-yE 251, 474. El o p.f}, othencise, 478. El a' oilv or El M (se. pf}) 478. El 01J, except, without verh, 476. El f.Li! odr roiiro 476 3 El f.Li! El 476 4 ll:\i]v El 477. El, whether, in indirect qnestions 665, 669, 362, 376, 497, even w. snbj. 677, 680. Negative ov or p.f} 667 5 In alternative questions, El . .. Eire or El . . . ij, uhether . . . or, 665. See Indirect Questions undm Indirect Discourse. EiMvac or w (OITOP, iJ TL) flliEvaL as absolute iufin. 778. Erth in wishes: see El 'Yap (under El).

Anv6v EITTLV el 494. Mov as accus. absol. 851. A<upo or ilefire w. imperative 251, w. subj. 255. llijMs Eit"' w. partic. 907. AijMv EO'TLV (impersonal) w. on or WS 912. A"f)AW w. partic. 904, w. infin. (two uses) 915 5 .iltal\avliavw w. partic. 888. flcaA<7rwv xp6vov, afte? a while, and OLaA.d7rWP xpovov, at intervals, 834. .LI.cantvaf.LEvos and l'uanrap..!vos, with all one's might, 837. AtareMw w. participle 879. Alowp.t, offer, 25, imperfect of 36. AlKaws w. infin., used personally, 762. AlKawv 'f]v w infin. without av, potential, 415, 416: see "Eon. Ll<Kaiws containing a protasis 472, 239. At61rep, causal 712. lldJTc, causal, because, 712; that, in indirect quotations, 663 3, 710 2 ; w. infin. by assimilation (Herod.) 755. 11oKew w. infiu., usually in personal constr., 754, w. infin. and av 754. AOKEL and nol.;e w. infin., not in indirect disconrse, 99, i!iloi.;E in laws etc. 99, 750. AoKovv and o61.;av as accus. absol. 851. AoKc'<v as ahsol. iufin. (w. w~ OOKEZv, E/"Ot OOKE'<v, etc.) 778 ; ws ')'E ool.;ac 778. Separating liv from its verb 220 l.
'Eclv, conjunction, for El fdv, 192 2, 381, 382. See El, 'E(Jov'Aof.L7J" w. infin. without d.v, potential, 425; fJovA6f.L"f}V av (vclle1n)

246, 426.
"E')'KELf.Lcu w. 1)a1tic. 897. 'E-yvwdvat as present 49. "Eoe<, xpijv, and ocher imverfects (see 416) w. infi.n. without av, in poten-

tial sense 415-422 (see Contents); as simple expression of past neces sity etc. 417. "Eo<t llv etc., how distinguished from #o<t (alone) etc. 420, 423 (see Appendix V.). 'EOcf..ovrl nvc .;;,,a, 900. El, if, introduees protasis 378; relation to al 379 (and footnote); forms of el combined with llv and Kf (E<iv, liv, ijv, d K<, at KE, 1 dv) 200, 381, 382, 450: for the use of these see "Av. Origin of conditional forms discussed 398 ; great variety in early Greek, 399, 400. With present and past tenses of Indirative (simple supposition) 402;,

444

GREEK INDEX

ws and fut. opt. 128, w. ws and aor. opt. w. /J,v 136, 681. ElKos 1jv w. infiu. without IJ,v, potential, 'E"A7ropivljl Ttvl E!vat 900. 415, 416: see "EoH. 'E"Avum1AEL w. iufin. without IJ,v, potenEl,u w. partic. as periphr. perf., 1jv as tial, 415, 416: see"Eoe<. pluperf., 45, 46, 831 ; ~uo)Lat w. "Eveun (~vt) w. infin., equiv. to opt. w. partic. for future perfect 80, 81, ILv, followed by opt. 502. 'Ev~v w. 831 ; w. partic. as predieate adj. in fin. without /Lv, potential 415, 830; w. infin. of purpose (poetic) 416: see "EoEt. "Evovra (partic.) 772. - "Eunv ihrws (ihr01, liiTrts, lis) used personally w. infin. 761. w. potential opt. without 1/.v 241. 'EvraiJOa w. temporal partic. 855. ~Hv ( w. lipa), expressing fact just 'E~allj>v'>]s w. temporal pa1tic. 858. 1ecognised, 39 ; w. infin. ( =rn-ight), 'E~i)v w. infin. without liv, potential, and w. adjectives enumemted in 415, 416: see"Eoet. 'E~6v as accus. 416 and infin. (without 1/.v), patenabsol. 851. tial, 415, 416: see "EoEL. Elvat as 'E.,.&.tiTros -ylvoJ.Lat (Herod.) w. partic. in fin. of purpose 773, 77 4 ; as 907. absolute infin. 780, 781, hwv eiva<, 'E.,.av and E'IT'Eav, for brEI 1/.v, 522. willingly, 780, Karii roDro eivat, r?w 'E.,.Ei and f'IT'fLoi} w. aor. iudic. ( == plu7rp<ilr1Jv eivat, rb viiv Elvat, etc. 781, perf.) 59, seldom w. pluperf. 59; ws '/T'aO.ata <Ivat 781, ws <ivat in w. aor. opt. in similar sense 95; w. Herod. 782. ElJ.Ll omitted w. verbal infiu. by assimilation in i11direct in -ros 922, w. verbal in -rl:ov 923. discourse 755. Causal 712, 713; "Ov omitted 875, 902, 911. See l'lTEi, although (by ellipsis) 719 2 "Ov. 'E1rLoav w. aor. subj. as future Ei!-'t in pres. indic. as future 29, in perfect 90. Horn. also as present 29 ; in pres. 'E?rei-yol-'a.' w. partic. (Herod.) 896. of depen<lent moo<ls and partic. 30, 'El1rELoav and E'lT<toi}: oee 'E'lTd. 31. With intin. of purpose 772; w. "E7rHJ.Lt w. infin. of purpose 772. partic. 895. "E'lT<<ra w. tempol'al partic. 855, w. E!vat as absolute infin. 780, 781 : see partic. of opposition or limitation under Ei~tl. 856. Efos and <tws, Homeric forms for ws, 'E1r?)v, for f'lTel tlv, 522. 611 (footnote 1), 613, 614. 'E.,.liio~os w. mfin. in persona. con Ef'lTov w. on and ws in indirect ~isstruction 762. coursG 753; w. infin., as verb of 'E'lTtKaiptos w. infin. in personal concO?nmanding 99, seldom in indir. struction 762. disc. 753 3. Ei'IT'Elv as absolute infin. 'E'lTtAavOci.voJ.La< w. partic. 904, w, (w. ws Ei?rel'v, ws i!1ros El'IT'el'v) 7771, infin. 9151. ws AD"f'l' el'lT<tv (Herod.) 782. 'Os 'E'lTtJ.LfAeoJ.Lat or l'lTLpiAo!-'at w. li'lTws and 2 Eiprw8at (abs. inf.) 777 Eipw;Avov fut. indic. 339, w. iniin. (or infin. as accus absol. 851. w. ro or roD) 361, 793, 791, 798. El<roKe (El~ o K<), until, in Homer, w. 'E.,.lcrrai-'a' w. partic. 904, w. infin. 915 2 subj. and once w. opt. 616. EliTopw (<iiTioov) w. partic. 885, w. 'E'lTtiTXW" xpovov, ajte1 a while, 834. 'E.,.tr?}oEws w. infin. in personal con aor. partic. (not past) 148. Eira w. temporal partic. 855, w. struction 762. partic. of opposition or limitation 'E'IT'trpe'lTw w. partic. 879. 856. "E'lTpE'lT<v w. infin. without IJ.v, poten Etre erre, El efre, etc., whethe1 tial, 415, 416: see"Eoft. . . . or, 665. I"Ep-yov 'fiv w. intin. without ll.v, potenEtws or eTos, Homeric forms for i!ws, ' tial, 415, 416: see "EaEL. . 611 (footnote 1 ), 613, 614. ,"EpxoJ.Lat w. partic. 895. 'EKdw without tfJv 875 3. 'EKwv eivat 'Es li and s ov, until (Herod.), 616. (abs. in !in.) willingly, 780. I'Euravat, stand, 49. 'EMoJ.Lev<p rtvl eXva< 900. i'"Eure, until, w. indic., snbj., and opt. 'E'A'lT\w (or iA?ris) w. fut. infin. 136, . 617: see "Ews. w. P""" or aor. infin. 100, 136, w.("EITnv li'IT'ws w. potential iudic. without infin. and 1/.v 136, 211, w. ws and i d.v 241 : see EIJ.Li. O'lTWs and fut. indic. 136, 706, w. i EMus w. temporal partic. 858.

ElKaucu and a?mKauat (or w! <iKauat etc.) as absolute infiu. 778.

GREEK INDEX

445

E&pio-Kw w. partic., not in indirect etxw w. fut. infin. (irregular) 113. discourse 883, in in d. disc. 904 ; w. e<Xm or OeXn w. interrog. subj. (poetic) ~87, 288 ; w. lva and subj. infin. in in d. disc. 915 6 Euplin latct Greek 288. Modern Oe'M.'re <TKop.a.< (mid.) w. infin. (in two uses) va (a!Hl 86.) w. subj. 288. eeXovrl 915 6 TLVL elVQ.L 900. EIJre, cansal, 712, 713 (end). 1, w. 8<o-7rljw w. pres. or aor. inftn., as 'Eq>' lfJ and lif>' o/re w. infin. 610 fut. indic. 610 2 verb of commanding, 98. See "Eif>7Jv w. infin. without lf.v, expressing 'Ava<pew and Xpaw. 8v7JTov ovm, one who is a. 'fMrta.l, of unrealised past intention, 429. 'Eif>opw (hreloov) w. partic. 885, w. both sexes 827 b. aor. partic. (not past) 148. 'ExpiJv or xpiJv w. infin. without ll.v, 'loftv and opav, in appearance, 768 ; . potential, 415, 416 : see "Eo<t. loelv as absolute infin. (w. ws loiiv, "Exw w. partic. as periphrastic perf. 6uov loeiv, etc.) 778. 47, !xov as pluperf. 48 ; see 831. 'IOews (Ionic) w. temporal partic. 858. "Ex<~ (or o.liif l:XH) 8 .,., ff7T!/ etc. 572. "IIh w. imperative 251, w. subj. 255. "Exwv, coni!WI.ually, 837, with, 844. 'IKa.vhs w. in fin. 7 58 ; lKa.vos elp.L w. "Ews (Hom. e!os and elws), while and partic. 899. until, 611. While, as ordinary rela- "Iva., final particle, 302, 311 ; w. subj. tive: see Relative sentences. Until, and opt. 317, 318-323; never w. fut. indic. 324 ; never w. i!.v or KE meaning of clauses with 611, 612; w. indic., of definite past action 325 (w. footnote) ; without verb 331 ; w. secondary tenses of indic. 6131, w. secondary tenses, of result 2 ; w. subj., of not attained, 613 333; after Xlo-o-op.aL (Hom.) 357, supposed future case 613 3 ; w. opt., similar use in New Test. and Latin by assimilation, in future. sense 357. As adv., where, w. ii.v 325 (footnote). 613 4 ; w. subj. and opt. in general 5 ; w. subj. and suppositions 613 opt. w. final force 614 1, 698 ; w. Ka, Doric for Ke, 381 : see "Av. opt. in Odyssey, with special final KaOitw w. partic. 898. force, 614 2 With subj. without Kai1r<p (Horn. also Ka.l . , 7r<p) or lf.v 620; w. lf.v (retained from Ka.l w. partic. of opposition or limitation 859, 860. original subj.) w. opt. in indirect discourse 702. Ka.i'ToL w. partic. like Kal7rp (rare)
"H, than, after comparative w. in fin. 764 a, sometimes w. wo-re or ws 764 . "H, m, 665 1 ; see II6npov, and Ei, whether. "H 1rplv w. infin. 631: see Ilpiv. "H or 7), whether (Hom. ), 665 2 rr or~ or (Hom. ), 665 2 "Ho'] w. gnomic aorist 156, w. temporal partic. 855. 'Hoiwv EiJJ.i w. pa1-tic. 899. 'Hoop.~v<p T<vl eiva< 900. "HKw as perfect 27, imperf. of 37; w. il1fin. of purpose 772; w. llartic. 895. 'HJJ.if>u!uOaL, wear, 49. "Hv, for Elliv, 381, 382: see El. rrv 39, 415, 416: see Elp.i. "Hpp.o'Tnv w. infin. without liv, potential, 415, 416: sce"EoEL. 'Hnwp.a.' as perfect 27.
86l. Ka;\.ov (K<f.;\.J..LOv, KpEt'T'Tov, Kp&..,.,o-.,.ov) 'f)v

w. infin. without liv, potential, 415, 416 (see "EoEL); w. pl'Otasis in place of in fin. 433. Ko:mveuw ws w. subj. (Rom.) 359. Ket'Tetnivas, ewnestly, 837. Ke (Kev ), relation to lf.v, 194, 401 : see
~'Av.

K<KAijo-8a.<, to be called, 49. K<Kri)u8a.L, to have, 49. K<A<V<'TaL w. infin. in laws etc. 750. K<vovv<vw and Klvouvhs lunv w. wlj and snhj. and opt. 365, w. infin. 375, 747. 'EK<vli,;v<vo-a. and Kivouvos 7iv w. infin. without lf.v, potential, 427a, with liv 427b. Kt.~l":v, to one's sorrow, 837 : cf. Xa.<pwv. Kpa.'Tfw, am v{ctorious, 27. Kp<lo-o-wv elp.i w. partic. 899. K upew and o-v-yKvplw w. partic. 889,
145.

8ap.ljw w. partie, 891. 8avp.a. w. infin. 766. 8a.up.6.jw el 494.

Aa.f3dJv, with, 844.

446

GREEK IKDEX

potential opt. used in sense of interrog. subj. 292. "01rws f.J.~ w. fut. indic. in prohibitions 271, 272, partic. 144, 146 (see Aorist Participle) ; reversnl of constr. w. pa1tic. w. fnt. indic. or subj. implying desire to avert something (like JL~, 893 ; probably never w. infin. 903 8 261) 278, 279, w. subj. in cautious Aeyw w. lin or ws or w. infin. in in assertions (like f.J.~, 265) 280 ; o1rws direct quotations 7531, generally w. 1 ; w. JL~ o1we with perf. in die. (as pres.) iin or ws in active voice 7 53 infin. as verb of commanding 99, 282; subj. w. o1rws JL~ 283, 278, 280. 3. 'Os Aiyew as absol. infin. With indic. in oaths 686. 753 2 In final clauses etc. M~ becomes 777 A~Ow (poetic) w. partic. 888, 146. a final from a prohibitory particle, Al,uroJLa.L w. o1rws and subj. and opt. lest, that, 302, 30'1, 310; gradually (Hom.) 356, w. tva. and subj. (Hom. gives place to final particles w. JL~ in negative final clauses 315 (w. and N. Test.) 357. footnote); regular neg. adv. w. AoL?rOV 'f}v w. infin. and ro, potential fiual particles 305, but ou used after without av, 431. JL~ itself 305, 306 ; JLh JL~ rare 306. In pure final clauses, w. snbj. Mav8avw w. partic. 904, w. infin. 1 915 and opt. 317, w. suhj. after past tenses 318-321, rarely w. fnt. indic. M\\w w. infin. as periphrastic future 73, 75, 111, tense of infin. (gener324, never w. av 325. In object ally pres. or fut.) 74. Imperf. w. clauses, for 81rws JL~, w. snbj. (raiely infin. as past futme 76; w. infin. w. fut. in die.) 354. After verbs of without li.v, expressing unrealised jeaTing, w. snhj. and opt. 365, w. past intention 428 a, Sanskrit conpres. subj. denoting wl1at may prove to be object of fear 365 (end), 92 (cf. struetion compared 428 (footnote) ; I!JL<AAov li.v (once) 428 b, perf. subj. in 103), after verbs like M\o" as accus. absolute 851. opw and oU5a. 366 ; w. fut. indie. MJLV1JJLa< as present 49 ; w. pmtic. : (seldom) 367, w. poteutial opt. w. 90i, w. in fin. 915 1 ; piJLV'I}JLaL /in i!.v 368 ; w. vres. and past tenses of 913. indic. 369, JL~ not interrog. here 369 l\Uvw w. partic. (poetic) 880. (footnote 1). In consecutive relative clauses w. fnt. indic. 576 ; w. W(J'Tf MEPM'IJPi!w w. o1rws or ws and subj. and opt. (Ho m.) 341-343. and infin. 582, 584, 606, but seldom M<mJL\ov as accus. ahsol. 851. (for ou) in iudirect discourse 594, Mera~v w. temporal partic. 858. 595 ; w. ws (for W(J'T<) 608; w. iqf ([j and Eif/ .;,n 610. Mexp<, used like l!ws, 618 ; JLEXP' oil 619. See "Axp<. In protasis 383 ; exceptional uses M~, conditioual, piohibitory, and final of ou 384-387. In cond. rel. clauses negative pa1ticle: final use derived 518, 520. In causal rei. clauses (also conditional) 580, 581. from prohihitory 262 b, 307 ; distinguishing prohibitory subj. from In indirect discourse w. finite subj. as simple future, and opt. in moods, when negatived by JL~ in neg. wishes from potential opt .. 6, direet form, 667 5 (for iufin. and 8, 13, 234: see Appendix I. partic. see below). In independent sentences. '\Vith !{,~gular 11eg. of in Rn., exeept in suhj. and imperative in prohibiindirect discourse, 685 (e11d); sometions 255, 258, 259, w. interrog. times JL~ for ov w. intin. and partic. imperat. 253 (end); w. subj. exof in d. disc. 667 5, 685, 688 ; regular pressing apprehension with desire w. infin. alter verbs of hoping, exto avert ohjtct, chiefly in Homer pecting, sweaTing, etc. 685. With 261, sometimes in other Greek 264 ; infin. aftPr negative expressions, in cautious assertions (chiefly in strengthening negation of leading Plato), w. snbj. 265, 266 (sometimes verb, 815 \ 807, 809, 811, 812; w. in dependent clause 267), w. infin. in negative sense 808, 813 (see
AaOwv, secretly, 837. AavOavw w. partic. 887, 892, w. aor.
indic. 269, smnetimes interrog. 268,
M7) ov).

269; w. interrog. suhj. 287, 291, even when affirmative answer is implied 293 ; w. fut. indic. and

with all participles expressin(Y a condition 832, 841: see 472, 823~ Mh lin and JLh 01rws (elliptical)

GREEK INDEX

447

707, 708. M?] on w. indic. (rare) 686. See Ou p.~ and M?] ou. M?] ov, regular negative of final and prohibitory expressions introduced by p.~, 263, 305 (cf. 815 2); in independent sentences 263, 264, 265, 269; in pure final clauses (rare) 305, 306 ; regular after verbs of feaTing 270, 306, 365. With infin. (when this is already negatived by p.~) after neg. leading verb 815 ", 816, after neg. idea in leading clause 817: see 807, 809, 811. 814; w. partic. 818 ; w. nouns 819. Forms one syllable i.oetry 820. MtKpoO ilE'iv, al7JWst, 779 a; without
ilitv 779 .

N tKw as perfect 27. N op,l!;w in indirect discourse, w. in fin. 683, rarely w. neg. p,'l} (for ov) 685 ; w. aor. iufin. refening to the future (exceptional and doubtful) 127 ; w. partic. 910.

o,

neuter of lis, used in Homer like liTL, that, in indirect quotations,

6631, 709 1 , 671 (footnote); causal, because, 712, 713. 'OOovv<Ka, causal 663 3, 712; in indirect quotations 663 3, 710 1 See
00vKa.

Oiila w. partic. in indirect discourse 904, 687 ; w. iufin. not in ind. disc. 915 2 '"', in in d. disc. 915 2 <bJ. Oiil' liT<, oirrO' oTt, I a?n sure, etc. 705. Separating liv from its verb 220 1 ; OVK oiil' av Ei or OVK llv oiil' 1, w. in<lie. and opt. 220 2 OirrO' obpCirrov

25:3.
orop,at or oip,at w. infin. in indirect discourse 683, mrely w. neg. p,~ (for ov) 685; w. aor. intin. refening to

"OJ..wJ..a, I shall pmish, 51. 'Op,oZos w. infin. (Hom.) 769. 'Op,of.oyw w. infin. in indirect dis-

the future (exceptional and doubtful) 127 ; separating liv from its verb 220 1 Olov and ola w. causal participle 862. Olos w. infin. 75\J. Ol6s r' '!jv w. in fin. without liv, potential, 415, 416 : see "EoEL. Otxop,at as perf. 27, imperf. of 37 ; w. partic. 895. 'O:>..iyov OEtv, al1nost, 779 a ; without 0lV /79 b. "O:>..:>..vp,at as perfect 27, imperf. of 37.

course 914 4, tense of infin. 136 ; w. partic. 904. '07roTav, for o7r6TE liv, 192 2, 522. '07r6TE, relative, 514 (cf. 313 1); causal 712, 713; meaning until (Horn.) 553, 698 ; w. pecnliar final force in predictions (Ho m.) 571. "07rov (oKov), causal, 712, 713 (end). "'07rws, originally relative adv., then indirect interrog. 313. With independent .fut. indic. in commands etc. (o7rws p.~ in prohibitions) 271277, rarely o7rws p.~ (but not o7rws) w. subj. 283, 364 ; 87rws p.~ w. fut. indic. or subj. implying desire to avert somethiug 278, 279, w. snlj. in cautious assertions 280, once w. perf. indic. (as pres.) 282. As final particle 302, 313. In pure final clauses w. subj. and opt. 317-321, rarely w. fut. indic. 324; w. secondary tenses of indic. 333, 334, 336, never w. liv 335 ; o7rws liv w. subj. 313 3 , 328, 200, w. opt. 329, 330. In object clauses after verbs of stri?>ing, etc. w. flit. indic. and opt. (sometimes w. pres. or aor. subj. and opt.) 339, 340; similar use of o1rws or ws in Homer w. subj. and opt. 341 (examples in Appendix III. 3), w. K 341, 343; w. fut. in die., subj., and opt. after verbs of asking, coJnrnanding, etc. 355 ; w. fut. indic. after lid <J< 360 ; w. subj. and opt. after :>..irr<Jop,at (Horn.) 356; li7rws liv w. su bj. (Attic) 348, o7rws liv w. opt. 349, 351 2 ; oKws liv w. opt. (Herod.) 350; Xcnophon's use of o1rws liv and ws liv 351 (sre also Appendix IV.). Dawes's Canon 364 (cf. 363). After verbs of fearing: o1rws p,~ (for simple p,-1}) w. fut. indie., subj., and opt. 370 ; o7rws or ws, that, in indirect discourse, w. pres. or fnt. indic. 371. With fut. indic. (Hom.) as indirect interrog. 344, 351 2 In consecutive re!. sentences w. fut. indic. 578. ln indirect quotations (like ws) 663 2, 706. Ovx o1rws and p.'l} o1rws, elliptical. 707, 708. ' 'Opw (Eiilov) w. partic. not in indirect discourse 885, 886, w. aor. partic. (not past) 148 ; in in d. disc., w. partic. 904, 914 2, 886, w. infin. 914 2. 'Op8.v and loEZv, in appemance, 768 (cf. 766). "Orros w. infin. 759. "Orrov nnd ws w. absolute infin. 778. "Orrov p.~, except, 550.

448

GREEK INDEX

"O~ns w. i~d~c. ,in ?eneral ,c?nd; 534 ; Ouvf/fa or OOovvEKa., causal 663 3, 712 ; in indirect quotations 663 3, 710 1 , BiJns 1roT lJTtP, o TL 1roT wnv, etc. 5371, /Jqm w. subj. 537 2 "0 n J.l-~, 001rw w. guomic aorist 156. 061rw , , 1rpiv 659. except, 550, 551. "0 -1 (for ii T) in Homer, that, 709 2 ; Oi!Tws containing a condition 472 ; w. causal, because, 712, 713. 011t. in protestations 727 ; w. tem"OTa.v, for liTe dv, 19~2.", 522. poral partic. 855, w. partic. of op"OTE, relative 514 (see Relative senposition or limitation 856, w. causal tences); causal 712, 713, 714; partic. 857. Ourw W<JTE (Herod.) rarely in Hom. in indirect quota593, 601 (end). tions 709 " ; after p.EJ1-V7JJ.I-at 913 ; "O<f!pa, epic and lyric final particle, w. peculiar final force (Hom.) 571. 302, 314: in pure final clauses, w. "On, that, in traducing indirect quotasubj. and opt. 317, 318, w. fut. 1" ; in substantive tions 663 ', 667 indic. (rare) 324 ; w. Kf or IJ.v, w. clauses generally 664 1 ; use of, w. sulJj. 327, w. opt. 329 1 ; iu object clauses after verbs of planning, indie. and opt. 669-676, 681 ; before tryZ:ng, etc. w. subj. and opt. (Hom. direct quotations 711 ; on p.-/j w. and Pind.) 345, 346. Temporal imlic. (rare) 686. Ovx OTt or p.T] on (elliptical) 707, 708. OLb' /in 705. l'article, until, w. in die., subj., and Causal particle 712, 713, 714. opt. 615. Ov, absolute negative particle: dis- "0</JEA.ov in wishes: see "Cl<jJA.ov. tinguishing subj. as simple future from prohibitory subj., and poten- ll&.A.cu w. p1esent 26. tial opt. front opt. in neg. wishes, llavra 7rOLW w. pm-tic. 897. 6, 8, 13, 234 : see Appendix I. ITavTocM ')'lvoJ.~-at w. partic. (Herod.) With Homeric subj. (as simple 896. future) 284; negativing clauses in- ITapMKw&.tw w. partic. 898. IlapE2 (see troduced by 11-iJ 263, 305, 815 lJKVa\6ww w. infin. without il.v, J\17) o~); iu apodosis 383 ; in certain potential, 430. cases in protasis 384-387; in relative IT&.pnp.c w. in fin. of purpose 772 b, clause.; w. Jefiuite antecedent 518 ; Ila.pxov as accus. al>sol. 751. in consecutive rel. clauses w. in die. Ild.poc{)ev 1rpiv 659. 57 5 ; w. W<JT< and finite moods 606; Ilap6v as accus. absol. 751. w. <!J<J"r alld infiu. in imlirect dis- Ild.pos w. in fin. like 7rpiv (Hom.) 656. course 594, 597 I, rarely in other llavw w. partie. 879, 877, 878 ; w, in fin. 903 5, constr. 598, 599 ; in ind. disc. \v. on and w~ 663, and elsewl1ere when IT<iOw, tTy to peTSuade, 25. 5, exceptions Iletpw w. o1rws and ciJs in object clauses use<l in direct form 667 w. infin. and partic. 685, 688 ; ov w. subj. (Hom.) 341, 342. ITnpwJ.~-aL or 11-IJ iu indirect questions 667 5 w. partie. in Herod. 896, in Attic 1 ) ; w. circum(examples in 669 897. stantial partic. (not conditional) 832. IIeA.of1at w. pred. partic. (Hom.) 830. Otlx on and ovx lhrws (elliptical) IJ E7rOL{)fVUL 8.8 pre:;ent 49. 707, 708. OvK oio' av d Ol' OVK av I1t<jJudvat as present 49. oTil' <l 220 2 . OvK &v rped.vots I1Epwpw (tr<pt<C'/iov) w. partie. 885, w. (rpOd.vom) 894. aor. partic. (not past) 14.8; w. in fin. 903 G, See Ou 11-iJ and Mf) ov. 0~ f1"h w. snbj. and future indic. 294: lltlJT<t!w w. infin. and rt/> 799. origin of coustruction, Appendix I I. IL\"ljv, except, w. simple infin. 803P. In denials, w. su bj. (generally a or.), IIA.T]v d, e~xcpt, without verb 477. sometimes w. fut. inclic., 295; in lloios ; w. in fin. (Hom.) 760. dependent constructions 296. In IIoA.A.d.Kcs w. gnomi" aori8t 156. prohibitions, 11. fut. indic., some- lloAA6s dJ1-t (')'!.vop.at, #')'KLf1a<) w. partic. times w. snbj., 297, coustruction (Herod.) 896. continue<! by p.1Jo, Q.)\)\a, or bE 298 ; IToA.)\ou Ow, jar .f?'Om., absol. in tin, (once in De m.) 779 ". not interrog. 300 ; question as to use of subj. 301. Ov folloll"ed by llo>..vs #-yKHJ.l.aL w. pm-tie. (Attic) 897. JLn or p:>]i5o! (both interrog.) w. fut. II6npov , ii in iu direct questions indic. (not ou 11-'IJ) 229. See Con665 1 teuts for 294-301. I1p<'tr<< : #-;rp<7r<P w. infin. without IJ.v,

GREEK INDEX

449

potential 415, 416, 419 : see "Eo... IIpbrov as accus. ausol. 751. I1p7rona w. iufin. used personally 761. Ilplv, bifore, until, meaning and general use of 621, 622 ; distinction of uses w. infin. and w. finite moods 621, 622 ; how related to i!w~ 621, 624 ; negative force of 62,ir, affinity for aorist 621, 90. Devel'IJpmeut of constructions with 623-625. With Infinitive (relation purely temporal): "quasi- prepositional" use 623 ; regular constr. in Hom. after both aifirmative and negative seutences 626 ; after Hom. chiefly after aflirmatives 627, but sometimes after uegatives 628, 629, 630. always w. infin. in meaning befon (not until) 627 ; infin. preferred to opt. 629, 643, 644. "H 1rplv w. in fin. 631. With Indicative: not in Hom. (except w. 1rplv "'/ 5n) 632, 636 ; in poets after Hom. (after both affirm. and neg.) 632, 633 ; in prose almost always after neg. 634, three cases after affirm. 635 ; w. indic. in unreal cond. 637. Ilplv 'Y' 5u w. indic. in Homer and Homeric Hymns 636, once in an uureal cond. 637. With Subjunctive, always after negatives 622, 647 ; in fut. cond. 638-642; origin of coustr. w. subj. in parataxis 624 ; in Hom. an<l Res. always without Kf or liv 639, 640, afterwards (beginning w. Theognis) regularly 1rplv liv 640, 642 ; depending on potential opt.. w. liv 650; in general cond. 645 ; w. subj. without liv in Attic 648. Ilpiv y' 5r' av w. subj., twice iu Odyssey 641. With Optative, always after negatives 622 ; depending on opt. by assimilation (not in Hom.) 643; in indirect discourse after past tenses, repr. suhj. of direct form (even iu Hom.), 644; probably never in past general con d., except 1rplv y' ou 15/j once in Hom., 646; infin. preferred to opt. 629, 643, 644 ; 1rplv liv w. opt. (rarely) in indir. disc. 649, 702. llplv (as adverb) in leading clause before 1rplv (Hom.) 657. llplv 1j in sense and use of 1rplv 651,
652.

llpo<Y/jKn: '11'po<Y~KV w. infin. without liv, potential, 415, 416, 419 : see "Eon. llpo<Y~Kov as accns. absol. 751. llpo<Y/jKovra w. infin. used personally 761. IIpo<Y?}KovrE~, r-ela-

tives, 828.
Ilpo<Y8v, in leading clause before 'tl'plv 658. Ilp6<Y8Ev ij w. finite moods (never used like 1rplv) 654. I1po<Yrax8v as accus. absol. 751. ITp6npov, in leading clause before 1rplv, 658. IIp6upov 1j, in sense and use of 1rplv, w. iudic., subj., aud infin. 653, sometimes w. no force of 1rplv 654. Ilvv8avofJ.a<, I learn, 28; w. gen. of partic. 884, 886, w. accus. in inllws yap liv;

direct discourse 904; w. infin. 914 1 1rw~ oiJK liv; etc. 227.

-lfKOV and -<YKOfJ.'fJV, iterative imperf. and aor. in (Ionic) 163, w. liv 164. ~1rovoajw w. partic. 897. Zvy')'<')'VW<YKW w. partic. (dat. or nom in.)

908.

w. infin. witl10ut liv, potential, 415, 416: S<~e "Eo a. ~vywpt!w w. aor. partic. 145, 889. ~vfJ.f3alvw w. partic. 890. ~vfJ.(3a\Jo..nv as absol. infin. 778. ~VJ1-7rl7rrw w. partie. (Hetod.) 890, w. aor. partic. (not past) 145. ~vwf>pw: <Yvvf.<f>epv w. iufin. without av, potential, 415, 416: see "Eon, ~VfJ.</>ipov, <YVfJ.</>Epovra, as su bstantives 828. ~vvo<oa w. partic. (dat. or nomin.) 908.
~vy')'VW<Yrlw ~v

Ta~afJ.Evos, by agreement, 837 (end). 'l'dx' liv 221. 'l'8vTJKlva<, to be dead, 49. ~'KfJ./jpa<Y8a< w. ti!s as absol. infiu. 778. T\vrwv, at last, 834. -reo~ and -dov (-rt!a), verbal adjectives

in 920-926 (see Contents for these sections); personal and impers. constr. 920. Personal, always passive 921, w. dative of agent 922; without ElfJ.i 922; equivalent to Latin partic. in -d1t8 924. Impersonal, in active sense, sing. and plur. 923, w. or without f<rrl 923 ; com]Jared w. Latin constt'. 924 ; constr. continued by infin. (se. od) 925 ; both dat. and accus. of agent allowed
926.

Ilp6 in composition, or as preposition TTJAIKo~ w. infin. (Hom.) 760. in leading clause, before 1rplv, 659. T-lw 'll'PWTTJV iva< 781. '1'1 \~m; of pres. inteutio11, 72. IIpo<YoxofJ.EV'f' nvl dva< 900. 2G

450

GREEK INDEX

Ti p,a.ll<bv ; and rl 1ra.Owv ; wherifore ? never w. iufin. 903 8 .POci11as, Why ? 839 a ; dependent form, 0 TL bifore, 837. OflK &v <j>Ocivots (tpOcip,alJwv and iJ n 1ra.8wv, because, 839b, VO<T) w. partic. 894. T ou in exhortations, w. aOl'o in <I>pajop,at w. o'IT'ws or ws and sul,j. or future sense, 62. opt. (Hom.) 341-343. <Pp<i.[<LP and Tl 1rd.8w ; 290. <f>parJa< w. ws as absoL in !in. 777 2, TK7w, to /,e mother of, in tragedy, 27. TMw w. partic. (poetic) 880, w. aor. partic. (not past) 148 ; w. infin. Xaipwv, with irnpunity, 837. See KXalwv. 903 2 XaX<'IT'OS w. negative force, followed To vOv dvat 781. by wiJ ov, 817. To rfw<pav dvru, to.day, 781. Xpaw, to give oracular 1esponse, w. 'l'o rl '!jv i<vat 78 l. pres. or aor. infin. (as verb of To'ios, rodurOE, rowDros and T6d'os, command) 98. See 'Ava<plw and without rel., w. infin. (Hom.) 760. 6<111rl!;w. Xp'q118at w. ws as al>sol. TotoOros oios aml ro11ouros o11os w. infin. infin. 778. Xpwwvos, with, 844. 759. To\;.<w w. partic. (poetic) 880, w. Xp~v w. in11n. without av, potential, 415-422 (see Contents); as simple in fin. 903 2. expression of past necessity 417 ; Tbu or TOT 1jii1J w. temporal partic. xp~v /J.v 120, 423 (see Appendix V.): 855. see "Eo<L. Ttryxavw w. partic. 887, w. aor. partic. 144, 146 (see Aorist Participle) ; Xpovljwv, for a. long time, xpovt11ihls, afteT a tim, 834. reversal of constr. w. partic. 893 ; pro b. never w. infin. 903 8 "Ov, partic. of elf.<l, omitted; as cir''r7r!p w. roD and infin. in final sense cumstantial partic. 875, supplemen802. tary 902, iu iudirect discourse 911. ''rtrapxw w. predicate partic. 830. See Participle. ''rtr'fJpxcv w. infin. without li.v, po 'Os, relative adv. of manner, deriva" tential, 415, 416: see "Eil<L. Ta tion of 312 1 ; for its use as rel. see inrapxovra., nsources, as subst. 828. Relntive sentences. In Homeric ''r'IT'opivw w. partic. 879, w. infin. similes 543-549 : Bee 'ns on. In 2 903 comparisons (Horn.) 869, 871 : see ~Os d. ''r11r<pov 1j w. iufin., like 7rpoupov 1j or 7rpiv,'ouce in Tlmc., 655. , Becomes final particle 312, 302; use in pme final clat]ses, w. subj. if!aivop,at w. partic. 904, w. iufin. and opt. 317, 318, w. fut. indic. (rare) 324, w. ll.v or K and subj. 914 5 ; two uses distinguished 914 5 if>avepos dp,t and tpav<piw 1r0<w w. pa~tic. 200, 325, 326, w. /J.v or KE and opt. 907 ; tpav<pov t!JTLP (impersonal) w. 329, w. secondary tenses of indic. on or ws 912. 333 ; in object clauses after verbs if!ep< w. imperat. 251, w. snbj. 255, ofplanning etc. in Homer w. snbj. 257, w. otrws and fut. indic. 276. and opt. (subj. geuerally w. Kt) <f>epowvos, with a rush, 837. if!epwv, 341, 342, relics of this usage in hastily, 837, with, 844. other Greek 347, C:.s li.v w. subj. and <Pev-yw as perfect 27. opt. in Xen. 351 (see Appendix IV.), if!'11-<i w. inlln. in indirect quotations ws vfJ in neg. obj. clauses 353 (cf. 683, 753 \ in Horn. 671 (end) ; 352), peculiar uses of ws in H om. rarely w. neg. wli 685 ; very seldom 358, 359. '!ls li.v w. suhj. (indew. /Jn or ws 753"; w. aor. in fin. pendent) 281. Final ws seldom in referring to the future (exceptional Attic prose, except in Xen., 312 3 and doubtful) 127. Separating li.v (see Appendix IlL 1, and IV.). 1. from its verb 220 In consecutive sentences (used if!Ocivw in leading clause emphasising Jib, WO'Tf) w. in fin. and finite moods following 7rpiv 660, <f>Orlvw . 1j 608, 609. w. iufin. (Herod.) 661. With Iutroducing indirect quotations (orig. = how) 663 2, earliest use partic. 887, w. aor. 1)artic. 144, 146 (see Aorist Participle); reversal 671 ; use in substantive clauses of constr. w. partic. 893 ; probably generally 664 1 ; w. indic. and opt.

GREEK INDEX

451

in indirect discourse 6671,2, 669, only twice (w. infin.) 585, 589, w. potential indic. and opt. 681 ; 775. in ind. disc. after verbs of fearing With infinitive, (so) as, often {neg. ou) w. pres. and fut. ind. 371, necessaTily (but wrongly) translated w. infin. in ind. disc. (in various so that, 584, 587 ; expressing natural (but not necessarily actual) consesenses) by assimilation 755. Before direct quotations 711. quence 584 (w. footnote), 587, simple In wishes, before opt. 726, before result 587 1, condition or limitation &rpeJ..ov 737. ~ 587 2, purpose 587 3 ; apparently With absolute infini'll:ve 777, 778, redundant after verbs of wishing, 782: see .iloKiiv, Ei,.<w, Elvctt, c01mnanding, etc., and certain adif>pcij"<tv, etc. jectives 588, 764 . Pres. and aor. With circumstantial participle infin. most common 86, 590, perf. 864, 865, in Homer expressing expr. completion or decision 590, future rare except in indirect discomparison 869, 871 (see o~ el); w. partic. in indirect discourse 916, w. course 591 ; in fin. w. liv (not in iud. verbs not taking partic. alone 919 ; disc.) as potential form 2ll, 592. In w. partic. in gen. absol. (for partic. indirect discomse, l>y assimilation in iud. disc.) 917, 918. With to preceding infin. 594, neg. ou may partic. in ace us. absol. used personbe retained from direct form 594 ; ally 853. rarely WIJT< J.t1J hme 595 ; finite moods rare in incl. disc. 596 ; wtJr< As causal particle, because, 712, 713, 714. ou w. infin. sometimes in ind. disc. (Os el, '~S' er re, and CJ.Js re in corn .. witl1out preceding in fin. 5971, when ou belongs to single word (e.g. ov parisons {Hom. ), w. nouns, adjec1ro'A'Aol) 597 2, rarely not in in d. tives, aml participles 475, 485, 869, 870, w. indic., subj., or opt. 485, disc. 598, 599. "O<fr< omitted w. in Attic poets w. nouns or adj. infin. 600. With finite moods, (so) that, ex873. ~fls Ore or Ws Cnrbre, Ws or tiJs re, as pressing actual result, w. indic. 601, w. other constr. of indep. when or as, w. subj. and indic. in sentences 602, w. indic. and infin. Homeric similes, 543-549 ; ws Br' av W. subj. 543, 544 (end). together 603; w. opt. by assimilation 604 ; w. opt. in indirect dis. "0<f11'<p, as, particle of comparison (not conditional), w. partic. 867; rarely course 605 ; rarely w. neg. J.t1J 606. in sense of aTE m oiov 87 4. "0tJ11'<p With participle by assimilation <I or <!JIJ1!'p av <l 227, 484, 485, 868, 607 : in indirect discourse 607 a. in other constr. 607 . Used like .lir< 870. "O<fr<, introducing consecutive senw. partic. (Herod.) 863, 872. tences 582 : general distinction "0rpf..ov (5cp<J..ov) or &cpef..f..ov (6rp<AAOV) of <fJtJ7'E w. intin. and w. finite w. infin. without liv, in potential moods 582, 583, 584 ; negatives in sense 424 1 (see "EoEL); in present the two constructions 606. Relative and past unattained wishes 424 2 , particle of comparison, as (w. antec. 731, 734, preceded by <fOe, <i "fcip, oOrws, so as), 584 ; in Homer ((f;~ r<) and J.'TJ 734, 736, preceded by w~ 737.

ENGLISH INDEX.
N.B.-The references are made to the Sections. Absolute genitive 847-850, accusative 851-854.: see Contents for these sections, awl Genitive and Accusative. Absolute uses of infin. 776783: see Coutents and Infinitive. Accusative absolute w. impersonal participles 851, rarely w. infin. and T6 852; w. partic. with subjects, preceded by ws or w~7r<p, 853, rarely without a particle 854. Adjectives of ability, fitness, desert, etc. w. infin. 7 58, w. in fin. and T6 795 ; like oiKruos etc. used personally ";. infin. 762 ; adj. w. infin. of limitation 763. Adverb.s (corresponding to adj. which take in fin.) w. in fin. 765. ' Antecedent of 1elative, definite or indef., 515-518 ; distinction of two classes of rel. sentences 519, 520. Ao.Tist 19, 20, expressing simple occurrence 53, 54, meaniug of name
54.

Hom. w. et

K<

437 ; in apod. w.

av

sometimes not past (like opt. w. liv)

Indicative, secondary tense (in its ordinary use) 21, 170-173. Distinguisheu from imperfect 56, 57 ; of verbs uenoting a state or condition 55; expressing action just occurring as past 60 ; for perf. or pluperf. 58; w. f-Jrd etc. eguiv. to pluperf. 59; as vivid future 61 ; in 'Jnestions w. rl ov, as exhortation, 62. Gnomic 154, 155, primary tense 171, 466, 533 ; w. ?TofiMKt~ etc. 156 ; how related to gnomic pres. 15 7 ; similar aor.in Homeric similes 158,547-549.: see Gnomic aor. opt., in fin., and pal'tic. Iterative w. &P (also imperf.) 162; Ionic forms in -<TKav and -(J'KOfl-7J" 163, w. tiv 164. In uureal conditions, past 410, 435, once in

414. In indirect discourse, retained in indic. after past tenses in dependent clauses of a quotation, 6671, 689 3, 694 2, rarely changed to opt. 693. Common tense w. i!ws 613 \ w. 1rplv 621. In dependent moods: not in indiTect discourse, how distinguishecl from pres. 87, distillction sometimes slight or imperceptible 88 ; in indir. disc. (opt. and in fin.) 1ep1es. aorist of finite mood in direct form 115. Subjunctive: generally of future time 89, but in general conditions indefinite in time 89 ; in sense of fut. perf., w. i1ret06.v etc., 90 ; how related to perf. snbj. 91 (cf. 95); w. p,-lj, denoting what may hereafter prove to have l1appenecl, rnrely after verbs of fea?ing (Hom. ), 93 (cf. 92); in prohibitions w. fl-1} 259. Optative. Not in indirect discourse, generally of future time, 94, past in general conditions 462, 532. distinguished from pres. 464; in sense of plnperf. w. E7rnli-/j etc. 95 (cf. 90) ; rarely past itl a wish 93, 739 (end). In indirect discourse, repres. aor. indic. 124l, 669 2, repr. depe11dent aor. subj. 124 2, 689 2, seldom repr. aor. indic. of a dependent clause 693; in indir. questions, repr. iuterrog. subj. 124 3, 677. Gnomic aor: opt. 159. Imperative 89 ; rare in llrohibitionH w. p.i} 260.

Infinitive. Not in inrlirect discourse, w. no reference to time in

ENGLISH INDEX itself, 96 ; how distinguished from pres. infin. 97 ; after xpaw etc. 98 ; after M-yw, to co1Jvnand, OoKi:, it seems good, oo~, it is enacted, etc. 99 ; after verbs of hoping, expecting, promising, swea1ing, (in fut. sense) 100, 136; afte atnos diLL 101. In indirect discourse, repres. aor. indic. 126, rarely and irreg. ret: to future time 127 ; as secondary tense 189. Gnomic aor. infin. 159. Participle, ordinary use of, 143 ; as primary or secondary tense 190. With "AavOd.vw, Tv-yxd.vw, and rp8d.vw 887, time of pmtic. l44, 146 ; w. O'V/L'TT'i7rTW 145, 890 j W. 7rpLOpw, lrpopw, opw, aKovw, etc., not relatively p11st, 148, 884, 885; w. noun, like infin. w. subject, not past, 149, 829"; uenoting that in which action of past verb consists, not past, 150, 845 ; peculiar use w. OflOAo-yiw etc. 151. In indirect discourse 904 (see 886) ; gnomic aor. partic. 159. Attributive aor. partic. absolutely (though not relatively) past 152 (cf.

453

,c.

14.1).

Exhortations w. imperative 18, 250; w. first person of subj. 255-258, Causal sentences 712-719 (see Conother persons of subj. not geuerally tents) ; see also 37 7, 699. Causal used 258 ; w. opt. (poetic) 725, 13, relative sentences (w. neg. ou) 580, 234 ; w. ii1rws and fut. indic. 271son1etimes conditional also (vi'. ncg. 275. p.f}) 580, 581. Causal participle 838, W. WS 864, 86,'), W. aT and o[a FeaTing, verbs of, w. !LfJ and snbj.

For uses with liv or Kl!, see "Av. Apodosis defined 378, 520 ; negatived by ov 383. Forms of, in simple pres. and past conditions 403 ; in fut. cond. 445 ; in pres. and past unreal cond. 410, 411, action not necessarily denietl in last case 412, w. aor. indie. w. liv sometimes not past 414. With potential force without liv, in giJEL, xpfiv, etc. w. infin. 415, 416. Expressed in infin. or pm-tic. 479, 552, in a verbal noun 480. Omitted for effect 482 ; repres. by liv without verb 227, 48:1, 484 ; implied w. ws ei and W0'7rcp cl 485, 868, 869 (cf. 475). Contained in protasis 486493 (see Contents). Introduced by lie, ai\Ad., or avTd.p 5l2, 513. Assimilation in conditional relative clauses 558-563: w. subj. aud opt. referring to future 558, variable in general conditions 563 ; w. past tenses of indic. in unreal cond. 559.

or ofov 862, rarely w. (i)(f7rEp 87 4, w. Cl!O'n (Herod.) 863. Caution, verbs or, w. !LfJ and subj. or opt. 365: see FeaTing. With infin. (sometimes iufin. w. !LfJ) 37 4. Commands, expr. by imperative 18, 250, by fut. iml.ic. 69. Compar&tive w. ij and in fin. 764 a, sometimes w. Cl!O'Tc or ws 764 Conditional sentence, parts of 378 ; possible origin of 398-401 ; classification of 388-397 ; forms of 378513 : see Contents; and for details see Ei, Indicative, Subjunctive, and Optative. Conditions, particular and general, 394, 395, 397. Preseut and past, w. indic., in simple suppos. 402, w. suppos. contrary to fact 410, Homeric usages in latter 434-443. Future, w. subj. 444-446, w. fut. i11dic. 447-449, Ho1nerie mages in 450-454; w. opt. 455-459, Homeric usages in 460, 461. General pres. and past eond. w. subj. and opt. 462-466, w. indic. 467, Homeric and poetic usages in 468-471. Horn. pres. cond. w. opt. 438, 439. Mixed constructions 498-509: see Contents. For relative conditions, see Relative sentences. Consecutive clauses with relatives 575-579: see Relative clnuses (consecutive). With WO'n 582-607 ; w. ws 608, 609 ; w. q:,' (/> and c<f) l[>n 610 : see "IJ<Jn, 'IJs, and 'Eq:,' (/>.

Dange,., expressions of, see Fca1ing, verbs o[ Dative of agent, w. vcrbals in -Tos 922 ; dative or accus. w. verbals in TCOV (-Tea) 926. Dawes's Canon, 363, 364. Dependence of moods and ten.ses, general principles of 165, 166. For details, see Contents for 167-191. Dependent moods, as opposeu to indicative, 1. Direct CJUOtations, distinguished from indirect 662 ; sometimes introduced by iin or ws 711.

454

ENGLISH INDEX

and opt. 303, 365, 366 ; in ueg. exp1essions w. p.l) ou 365, 305, 306, 264 (end), rarely p,l) . . w!J 306 ; development of construction 262, 307, 309; w. fut. indic. (rare) 367; w. p.T] or li1rws p.T] and fut. opt. 367, 131 ; w. p.f; and potentia.] opt. w. liv 368 ; w. p,f; and pres. or past tenses of indic. 308, 369 ; w. ii1rws Jl.ft (for simple Jl.TJ) 370 ; w. li71'ws or WS (neg. ou) in indirect discourse 371 ; w. fut. in fin. (indir. disc.) 372 ; w. pres. or aor. infin. 373, 747; w. El in indir. questions 376; w. causal lin 377. Final clauses (pure), w. lva, ws, li71'ws, 5rppa, and Jl.TJ, 302, 303, distinguished from object clauses w. il71'ws 303, 304 ; development of 262, 307316; negatives in 305, 306; simple JJ.T] in neg. final clauses displaced by final particles w. p,T] 316 (cf. 310). With subj. and opt. 317, w. subj. after past tenses 318-321 ; w. opt. after primary tenses, irregular and doubtful 322, when leading verb i>nplies past 323; w. fut. indic. (never w. Yva} 324; w. past tenses of indic. 333, 334, never w. l1v 335, indic. w. opt. in same final With ws, li?r<oJs, and clause 336. orppa, w. liv or Ke and subj. 325-328, w: li.v or Kf and opt. 329, 330 : for X en. see also Appendix IV. With?ut leading verb expressed , 332. "Iva ri; 331. For relative clauses of purpose, see Relative sentences. For clauses w. 571'ws etc. after verbs of striving etc., see Object clauses. Finite moods, as opposed to the infin., 1. Future. Indicative, expressing future time 19, 63, relatively future time in final constr. and indirect discourse 64 ; may repres. action in duration, occurrence, or inception 65; in gnomic sense 66; expr. general truth hereafter to be recognised 67 (cf. 40) ; in questions of doubt, like interrog. subj., 68, w. neg. p.-f) 292 1 ; in 2nd pe!'son, expr. concession or command, 69 ; mrely in prohibitions w. Jl.TJ 70 ; periphrastic form w. p,e'A'Aw and iufin. 73-76. With lf1rws JJ.TJ in exhortations and prohibitions (independent) 271-277 (see "071'ws); w. iirrws p.f] expr. desire to avert (also subj.)

278, 279, 283. In final clauses (rarely) for subj. W. WS, 071'WS, orpprt, Jl.TJ, 324 ; in object cl. w. ii71'ws (regularly) 339, 340, in Homer chiefly w. interrog. o71'ws 344, in Herod. and Xen. w. ws 347, 351; after verbs of fearing, seldom w. p.T] !367, oftrner w. ii1rws p,-f) 370, w. ws or O'lrWS as indirect discourse (neg. ou) 371. In conditions: w. din future suppositions (like subj. w. Mv) 447449, in pres. suppos. 407, 408; not regular iu fut. rei. cmul. 530, but allowed in pres. 527. In rel. clauses of purpose (neg. p.T]) 565, also after past tenses 566, seldom in Hom. 570 ; w. 1el. denoting result aimed at (neg. wh) 576 ; in consecutive cl. w. w(J're 601, w. ws 608, w. l</J' cii and erp' ciire 610. 2 In indirect discourse after past tenses for fut. opt. 670 P. With ou p.T] 294: see Appendix II. In clauses of denial, future sometimes used for subj. 295, also in dependent coustruetions 296. In prohibitious, future regular form 297-301. See Ou p.T], and Contents. under 294-301. In dependent moods (only opt. and in fin.), used chiefly in indirect disconrsP, rep1es. fut. indic. of direct form, and in infin .. w. p.e'AA.w, 111. Optative, in indirect discourse, repr. fut. in die. 128, 669 2 ; w. li1rws after past verbs of striving etc. 130, 339, l'aJely -w. p,T] or lhrws p,f] after verbs of fearing 131, 367, doubtful in final clauses 132, ne\er w. lva 133 ; never in protasis or apodosis (except in in<lirect discourse for fut. in die.) 459 ; never w. IJ,v 203 ; rarely in rel. dau~es of purpose 134, 574; w. W(J'Tf by assimilation 604; once w. oil p.fJ in incli>ect quotation w. WS 296 a. First used by Pimlar 129. Infinitive, chiefly in indirect discourse, repres. ftlt. indic. 135, 683, 689 ; w. verbs of hoping, expecting, promising, sweaTing, etc. (also pres. and aor. infin.) 136. Irregular nse not in indir. disc., for pres. or aor., 112, 113. With p.(f..'Aw, forming periphrastic future 73, 111, w. past tenses of p.(;ft.)-..w as past fut. 76, 567.
Participle 153; expressh1g pur-

pose 840 ; used in present (not in future) conditions 473.

ENGLISH INDEX For uses w. liv or d, see"Av. Future perfect. Indicative 19, 77; primary tense 21 ; compouQ!i form w. perf. partic. and #O"oJl.a'., 831, sometimes w. aor. partic. and lO"oJl.a' 81, 831 ; denoting continu ance or permanence 78, immediate certainty or likelihood 79 ; reg. future when perf. = pres. (49) 82; often differing slightly from fut. 83. In dependent moods, only in infin. 114, 137. General and particular conditions dis tinguished 394.397. See Conditional sen teuces aud Protasis. Genitive absolute 847-850. Relations (espec. time) expressed by 847; partic. iu, without nom. ex]Jressed, 848 ; passive partic. and clause w. iin, sometimes w. plural partic., 849 ; sometimes w. a subject already in main sentence 850. Gnomic tenses 154, 66 : see Aorist, Future, and Perfect; and Contents for 154-161.

455

Hindrance, prevention, etc., verbs of, foil. by simple in fin., by infin w. /-'~ or /-'~ ou, or by infin. w. roD or roD /-'TJ, 807, Ly infin. w. ro Jl.TJ or ro /-'~ ov 811: see Infinitive, :M1J, and
:M~

Historic present 33. , Hoping, verbs of, w. fi1t. and pres. or aor. infin. 100, 136, 752, w. r.eg. Jl.TJ 685. Imperative 18, tenses of 19, 86, 89, 174. In commands etc. 250, emphasised by ll:y, rpep<, etc. 251, second pers. w. 1riis 252 ; introduced by relative (oiO"B' oetc.) or interrog. 253 ; in assumptions 254. In prohibitions w. 1-'TJ, 2ud or 3rd persons of pres. 259, ~>or. rare 260. Peculiar uses of perfect 105-108: see Perfect Imperative. Imperfect 19, 34, 35; distinguished from aor. 35, 54, 56, 57 ; secondary tense 21, 170, 173, primary when ref. to pres. time in unreal cond. etc. 172; used in narration 35; expr. customary or repeated action 35, attempted action 36 ; as pluperf. when pres. = perf. (27) 37 ; expr. past likelihood, intention, or danger 38 ; expr. fact just recognised (gen. 'ljv llpa) 39, or result of dis-

ov.

cussion (philosophic 1!11perf.) 40. In final clauses, expres. unattained purpose 333 ; in conditions, in simple past suppos. 402 ; \n pres. and past unreal cond. 410, always pa~t in Hom. 435, how distinguished from aor. and pluperf. 413 ; in apodosis or in potential sense w. liv 198, 243, 410 ; w. infin. in potential sense without lLv 415422 (see 'Eon etc.); in1elative cond. 525, 528 ; in pres. and past nuattained wishes 732 ; Cb<j;i!I."Aov in wishes (Horn.) 734. Repres. by present, in opt. 116 4 , 673, in in fin. 119, 68:3, in partic. 140, 687 : see 472, 479 1 Iterative imperfect (and aor.) w. llv 162, 199 (cf. 249), in infin. (in indirect discourse) 210; Ionic iterative forms in O"KOV and O"K6Jl.'rJV 163, w. dv 164. For uses w. liv or Kl, see 'Av. For potential use, see Indicative. Indicative: primitive use 2, other uses 3-5. Tenses of, primary or secondary, 21, 170-173: for special uses of tenses, see Present, Imperfect, etc. Potential indic. as past form of potent. opt. 232, 243, w. no definite condition implied 244, w. a more or less def. cond. implied 245, 247, w. cond. expressed (full cond. sentence) 248, 410 ; pot. imperf. originally past 246, always past in Hom. 435; retained without change in indirect discourse 667 2 , 681 (see Indirect Discourse) ; relation to iterative indic. w. liv 249; in p1otasis w. fl 409, 506, in apodosi; w. a simple indic. or a su bj. in protasis 503, 504, 505; causal 717, Independent w. JJ.~ or /-'~ ov in cautious assertions 269 ; indep. fut. w. H1rws or ihrws 1-'TJ in exhortations an<l prohibitions 271-277 (see "01rws ), once perf. (as pres.) w. B1rws 1-'TJ 282. In final clauses, fut. rare w. B1rws, ws, 6if>pa, and Jl.~, 324, secondary tenses w. tva, o1rws, ws 5, 333-336; fut. in final rel clauses 565, seldom in Hom. 570, impel'f. of Jl.fAAw of past purpose 567. In object clauses after verbs of striving etc., fut. w. B1rws 339, also after past tenses 340, in Hom. chiefly w. o1rws as interrog.
344. After verbs of feming : fnt.

seldom w. /-'~ 367, more common w. o1rws Jl.TJ 37 0 ; pres. and past tenses w. 1-'TJ 369 ; pres. and fut. w. o1rws

456

ENGLISH INDEX

direct form 667 1, 689 3, rarely and ws (neg. ov) as indirect discourse changed to opt. 693, 694 2 ; all past :i/1. See 3 b, tenses w. ll.v and in unreal con d. In protasis 3-5 : pres. and past retained 667 2, 681 ; pres. and perf. tenses in simple suppositions 402changed to imperf. and pluperf. 406 ; fut. of pres. intention etc. 407, after past tenses in Homer 671, 674 1, 408, fut. w. l in fut. suppos. (like sometimes iu other Greek 674 2, 691, subj. w. ici.v) 447-449, in Hom. also 701. See Indirect Discourse. w. d Ke 451 ; secondary tenses in pres. and past umeal cond. (w. li.v -' / Secondary tenses in present or past uuattained wishes 5, 720, 731, in apodosis) 4, 410, 411, relation of tenses here 413, aor. in apodosis 732, 740; never without et8e or el ')'ap 733 ; never in Homer 732, 735. sometimes not past 414, imperf. See Wishes and "fl<jJe'Aov. always past in Hom. 435; potential For the uses of the Indicative indic. w. el as protasis 409, 506 ; with liv or KE, see "Av. For future present and past tenses in general indic. w. ov f.l.iJ, see Ov f.l.iJ and cond. for subj. and opt. 405, 467. Futme. In relative clauses w. definite antecedent 519. In conditional rel. Indirect Discourse 662-710: see Contents for these sectious. Indirect clauses: in simple pres. and past and direct quotatious distinguished con d. 525, 526 ; fut. of pres. inten662. Extent of term indirect distion etc. 527, not in fut. con d. 530 ; couTse or omtio obliqu.a 666, 694, of secondary tenses in unreal cond. term infinitive in ind1:1ect discoune 528, 559, 560 ; pot. indic. w. cond. 684. Indirect quotations, how relative 557 ; for subj. and opt. in introduced 663 ; indirect questious, general rei. cond. 534, 535 ; w. rei. after general negatives 536 ; in General how introd need 665. parenthetic rei. clauses 537 1 In principles of construction 667, use 4, negatives 667 5 ; indirect of liv 667 Homeric similes w. ws or ws OT 547, 548, 549. quotations and <]Uestions in apposition w. pronoun like rovro 668. In conseentive sentences: w. {f;a-TE, Indirect Quotation of simple expressing actual. result, 601, dissentences. Introduced hy on or tinguished from infin. 582, 583, ws 667 12 : in die. (without liv) in 584; indic. and infin. in same direct forms, and indic. or opt. in sentence 603 (see "fla-n); w. ws 608, indirect, 669, both moods in same 609; fut. w. <j>' ~ aud l<j>' wn 610 2 quotation 670; imperf. and pluperf. In consec. rel. sentences '(w. neg. retained without change 672, but ov) 575, fut. (w. neg. f.l.iJ) 576. In impe!'f. may be changed to pres. causal sentences (w. neg. ov) 713, 715 ; .causal potential indic. opt. (imperf. opt.) 673; constr. 717 ; in causal rel. sentences (neg. imperfectly developed iu Ho m. 671 ; pres. and perf. changed to imperf. ov or f.l.iJ) 580, 581. 'With (ws, ~tntil, of definite past actions (generally and pluperf. in Horn. 674 1 , some1, secondary tenses, of resnl t aor.) 613 times in Attic 67 4 2 ; independent not attaineJ, 613 2 ; w. liXP' and opt. following opt. w. on or ws 6751, f.l.fXP' 618, 619; w. ls li and s oil sometimes foll. other forms 675 2 ; (Herod.) 616; w. #a-n 617; w. o<j>pa opt. after a pres. tense implying 615: see "Ews etc. With 11'plv 622, former expression of thought 676 ; indic. or opt. w. liv unchanged in 623, 624 ; not in Homer 625, except w. 1rplv 'Y' on 636 ; in early poets qnot. 667 2 , 681, likewise potential 632 ; in Attic poets 633 ; in prose indic. without liv 682. Introduced by iufinitive 683, 751, sometimes 634, 635; of result not attained w. neg. f.l.iJ (for direct oo) 685, 667 5 ; 637. With 1rpiv 1! 651, 652. With 7rp6Tpov 1j 653, 654. by participle 687, 904, sometimes In indirect discourse 3 a, 667 ' 2, w. f.l.iJ 688, 667 5 See Infinitive and Partici pie. after primary tenses 669\ allowed Indirect Quotation of complex after past tenses 669 2 , 670; imperf. and pluperf. generally retained after sentences: general principles of past tenses 672, imperf. sometimes construction 689 ; different moods in same quotation 690 ; prcs. or changed to pres. opt. 67 3 ; aor. retained from dependent clauses of perf. indic. in dependent clause of

ENGLISH INDEX

457

direct form sometimes changed to imperf. and pl~rf. after past tenses 691 (cf. 674 and 701), secondary tenses of indic. in such a clause regularly retained 689 3, but aor. rarely changed to opt. 693 ; llv irregularly retained w. opt. from subj. of direct form 692. In single dependent clauses after past tenses : princi pies of indirect discourse applied to six cases of these 695-700 (see Contents for these sections); pres. :tud perf. indic. irreg. changed to imperf. and plup. 701 (cf. 701 and 674); l:iv rarely retained w. opt. from direct subj. 702. Same principle extended to all final aud object clauses w. fva, ws, li71'ws, etc. 703, and to future cond. cl. depending on these 704. Indirect Quotations introduced by lhrws 706, by o(Hom.) 7091, by ii T' (Hom.) 709 2, ra1ely by oTE (Hom.) 709 3, by aVvfK<I. OJ' OOouV<KCI. 710 1, rarely by oLon 710 2 (See 663.) Indirect Questions : representing simple sentences w. indic. (without ii.v ), w. in die. and opt. 669, 670, fully develoj)ed in Homer 671, imperf. and pluperf. retained unchanged 672 ; repres. indic. or opt. w. lLv (unchanged) 681 ; repres. interrog. subj., w. subj. and opt. 677, w. opt. depending on a leading opt. 679, subj. may be introduced by el, whetheT, 680. As object of verb like <no1rw 362, of vmb of feming 376. Negative ou or p.{J 667 5, examples in 669 1 Infinitive, originally verbal noun, 741; Greek aud Sanskrit forms compared 742; subject (expressed or implied) 7 44; opposed to finite moods 1 ; used with article (later) as noun 743, 788 (see below). Tenses of infinitive. Not in indirect discourse (chiefly pres. and aor.), w. no reference to definite time 85, 86, 96, pres. and aor. distin guished 87, 97; pres. or aor. w. xpd.w, d.voccpew, 0<J7rl!;w, etc. (as verbs of commanding) 98, w. Xi"jw, command, ti71'ov, ooK<'i, etc. 99, w. verbs of hoping, p1ornising, sweaT1:ng, etc. 100, 136; future exceptional 112, 113, w. }JlXXw (regular) 73, 111; fut. perf. 114; perf., expr. finished action 86, 109, expr. decisive and permanent netion 110. I

In indirect discourse, each tense repr. tense of a finite mood 85, 115, 663, 664 2, 667 3, 683, 746, 751 :pres. 117, 118, as imperf. 119, 120; perf. 122, as pluperf. 123 ; aor, 126, 127 ; fut. 135, 136; fut. perf. 114, 137 : see Present, Perfect, .Aorist, Fnture Infinitive; neg. ov, exCej)tionally p.f,, 685 ; after <P7Jf.ct and M"jw, rarely after <T7rov, 753; after verbs of hoping, pr01nising, swea1ing, etc. (ncg. p.{J) 136, 752, 685 ; by assimilation in rel. clanses etc. 755 ; w. relatives in quot. of laws 756 ; in narration, w. Af"fTCI.L etc. understood, 757 ; personal and impers. constr. w. XE"jw, ooKew, etc. 754; after verbs of fearing (future) 372. Constructions without the article. .As appositive 745; as subject 745, 751 ; as predicate 745; as object of verbs 746,-not in indirect discourse 747, 748 (classes of verbs taking ord. obj. iufin. 747), in ind. disc. 751 ; after noun w. verb (equiv. to a verb of 747) 749, 766, 375; after adject., adv., and nouns 758-769 (see Contents); expr. purpose 770-775 (see Contents) ; absolute in fin. 776, uses of 777-782 (see Contents, and El.,.tt'v, ADK<'i'v, ETvac), felt as accu.,, of limitation 783 ; in commands and prohibitions 784; in wishes, like simple opt. 785; in wishes w. oc1 "fap (Hom.) 786; in exclamatioJJS 787 (also w. article 805) ; w. WO'TE 582-584, 587-599 (see Contents and "flcrn); w. ws (like wcrH) 608, 609 ; w. <P' 0 and hp' <fin 610 1 ; simple infin. expr. result (Hom.) 775, wcrT< seldom used in Homer 589 ; w. 7rplv 621, 626-630 (see lipiv) ; w. 1) 'll'piv 631 ; w. wplv 1) 651 ; w. 7rpor<pov 1j 653 ; w. l!rrr<pov 1j (once in 'l'huc.) 655 ; w. 7rd.pos (Hon>.) 656; after q,eavw . . . 1) (o>>ce in Herod.) 661 ; in fin. expresHing an apodosis 479, 552. Simple iufin. or w. p.f, or p.'f) ov (also w. roD) after verbs of hindrance etc. 807, 809, 810. Iufin. in laws, proclamations, etc. 750. Cou,tructions witl1 the article. .As subject w. TO 790; as object
accus. w.

,.o

791, after verbs not

taking simple infin. 792, sometimes in indir. discomse (even w. ii.v) 794 ; w. T6 after adjectives and nouns

458

ENGLISH INDEX

795 ; w. ro in exclamations 805 Limitation, infinitive of, see Infinitive, (see 787) ; w. subject, object, etc. Finite moods, and dependent clauses, forming one Moods, defined 1. opposed to infinitive, l. Dependent noun w. r6, 806. With ro flofJ or moods, opposed to indicative, 1. ro fl~ ov after expres~ions of General view of 118: see Contents. hindrance, prevention, denial, etc., Constructions of, enumerated 231. f.'ofJ or fl~ ov strengtheuing previous negation, 797, 811, 812, also in true See Indicative etc. neg. sense 813, 814. With roD, as gen. after nouns and adject., after Narration, imperfect in 35, infin. in comparatives, as gen. absol., as (se. 'Afy<ra<) 757. causal gen., etc. 798 ; w. roD after verbs taking the gen. 798, 793; w. Object clauses, how related to final clauses 303 ; w. o7l'ws and fnt. roD and roD f.'-IJ (also the infin. indic., subj., and opt. after verbs of alone and w. f.'ofJ or f.'~ ov) after verbs striving etc. 303, 339, 340; w. ws of hindrance etc., the negatives strengthening previous 11egation, in Attic 347 ; w. ii1rws tl.v w. subj. 348, rarely w. opt. 349, 350; w. ws 807, 809, 810, also in true neg. and ws if.v w. subj. and ws w. opt. sense 808 ; w. rl) as dative of cause, and fut. indic. (Xen.) 3511, w. ws manner, or means, or following tl.v and o7l'WS tl.v w. opt. (Xen.) 351 2, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs, 799; w. ws tl.v w. subj. once in Herod. w. roD, rl), and r6 w, prepositions 347 ; w. ii1rws after verbs 0 f asking, 800, 801, article necessary w. pre commanding, etc. 355, after o<i: <r< pos., except w. &.vrl in Herod., 803a (cf. 7rAofJv, 803 b); as gen. w. v1rp 360 ; w. o7l'ws and ws w. suhj. in final sense 802 ; in any case aud opt. after verbs of planning as appositive 804. etc. in Homer 341, 342, 343, w. \Vith or without rou or ro, for iirppa (Ham. aiJd Pind.) 345, 346; object clause w. o1rws, 361; pres. 'Airr<rofla< w. o1rws and Yva w. subj. or aor. infin. with or without ro, and opt. (Hom.) 356, 357; Karav<uw . after verbs of jea1ing, expr. direct I ws w. subj. (Hom.) 359. Negative object clauses w. f.'ofJ (H01u.) 352, object, 373 ; with or without TO (sometimes w. wl,) after verbs of w. ii71'ws fl.-IJ, ws fl.-IJ 353 ; w. fl.-IJ and caution 37 4. subj. (for o1rws fl.ofJ and fut. indic.) 354. Infinitive (sometimes w. rofi Depending on verbs which usually or r6) for object- clause w. 01rws take participle, not in indirect discourse 903, in indir. disc. 914 : 361, 791, 793, 798. See "01rws and 'Os, and (for Xenophon's use of ws, see Contents for 903 1s, and 914 1. Infin. of limitation: w. verbs ws tl.v, and o1rws liv) Appendix IV. 767, 768 (a.KOU<LV, op&v), 811; W. For clauses with f.'n after verbs of auject., adv., and nouns 763, 765, fearing, see Fearing and Mt,. 766, 769 ; w. ro 795. Absolute Optative 12-17, name of720. Simplest use, in independent sentences infiu. felt as accus. oflimitation 783. without tl.v or K, 13, 233 (see Infin. w. fl.ofJ and fl.~ ov 815-817: see MofJ and M?] ov. Appendix I.); relation to subj. ana For the uses of the Infinitive other moods 12-17 and Appendix with tl.v, see" Av. I. Tenses of, see Present, Perfect, etc. ; when primary or secondary Interrogative Subjunctive 287, in 176-186 (see Contents for these indirect questions 677 : see Sub jnnctive. sections). Potential (generally w. Iterative Impe1fect and Aorist w. ilv liv) : relation to potential indic. 162, repr. by infin. w. ilv in 232, to opt. in wish 13, 233, 234; w. no. definite cond. implied 235, indirect discourse 210. Ionic iter 236, w. definite cond. implied or ative forms in <rKov and <rKOfl''W 163, w. tl.v 164. See Imperfect and expressed 239 ; expressing mild Aorist. command or exhortation 237, expr. what may hereafter pl'Ove to be or to have been true 238 ; without d.~ Likelihood, future, expr. by present or Kt, in Homer 240, w. {tTnv 011'W< 32, by perf. 51 ; past by imperf. 38, by pluperf. 52. See 61 and 79. etc., even in Attic poets, 241, anom-

ENGLISH INDEX alous omissions of /Lv 242 ; relation of pot. opt. to a"losis w. liv (w. opt. in protasis) 239 ; pot. opt. w. /Lv in protasis w. <i 409, 458, 506 ; retained unchanged in indirect quotations 667 2, 681 (see Indirect Discourse) ; in questions of appeal (like interrog. subj.), w. neg. p.-fJ, 292 2 ; in apodosis w. iudic. or subj. in protasis 503, 504, 505. In final clauses, after past tenses 14, 317, rarely after primary tenses 322, 323 ; w. tiv or Kf 329, 330 (see Av) ; in final relative clauses in Homer 568, rarely in Attic 573, 57 4 (fut. opt.). In object clauses: w. iJ-rrw~, after verbs of st1iving etc. 339, after verbs of asking, C011l1Jutnding, etc. 355 ; W. 07fWS and W~ in Homer after verbs of planning etc. 341, 342, 343 ; w. w~ p.-fJ (Aesch.) 347, 353 ; W. 01fW~ /lv and W~ if.v 349, 350, 351 2 (see "Av and Object clauses). With p.-fJ after verbs of jea1ing 365, 366 w. 51fw~ p.Tj (for p.Tj) 370, w. p.i} liv 368. In conditions. In future suppositions w. <i 16, 455, 456, in Hom. sometimes w. r K< or d tiv 46Q,; potential opt. in protasis w. <i 409, 458, 506 ; in past general suppos. 17, 462-466, only once in Hom. 468 ; in. present unreal cond. in Hom. 438, 439, 441 (cf. 739), rarely w. d or tiv in past potential expressions or apodosis 440-442 (see Appendix I.), similar use in Herod. and Attic 443. ln protasis, w. fut. indic. etc. in apodosis 499, w. pres. indic. in apod. 500,. 501, w. present verb of obligation etc. and infiu. in apod. 502 ; opt. w. pres. or past indic. in same protasis 509. In relative cond. sentences : comparison of forms w. El 521, 523 ; in future suppos. depending on opt. 531, 558, w. Kc or liP and opt. in Hom. 542; in past general suppos. 532 ; after pres. or fut. in apod. (chiefly in Hom.) 554 ; after present verb of obligation etc. (ii<L, x_p-lj, etc.) and i11fin. 555 ; w. pot. opt. in con d. clause 557. Assimilation 558, 560 ; after general conditions (variable) 563. In consecutive clauses: w. wcru, potential ( w. tiv) 602, simple opt. by assimilation 604, in indirect discourse 605 ; in consec. rei. clauses (rare) 579, potential 575

459

(end). With w~, until, in future suppos., by assimilation after another opt., 613 4 , rarely w. tiv retained (in indir. disc.) from subj. of direct fo1m 613 4 (end), 702; in past general suppos. 613 5 ; w. final force, after past tenses, repr. original subj. 614 1, 698, w. srecial final force in Odyssey 614 ; w. <!~ I! KE (once in Hom.) 616; w. cru 617; w. 6<f>pa 615. With 7rplv, only after. leading negative, 622; in future suppos., by assim. to leading opt., 643; in indir. disc. after past tenses, repr. orig. subj., 644; not always used when allowed 643 (end), 629, probably never in past general sU]1pos. 646 ; ra1ely w. /Lv retained fiom orig. subj. 649, 702. In indirect discourse 15. With iin or w~ in quotations of simple sentences w. indic. 667 1, 669 2, in same quot. w. indic. 670 ; not in Homer 671; pres. opt. repr. im perf. 673 ; independent opt. continuing quat. begun by iin or ws 67 5 ; after leading verb only implying past time 676 ; once (fut.) w. w~ and ou p.Tj 296 " With ollv<Ka 663 3, 710 1 Iu indirect questions for indic. as in indir. quotations 665 3, coustr. fully developed in Hom. 671 : see Indirect Questions (under Indirect Discourse) ; representing interrog. subj. 677, dep. on another opt. 679, 186. Optative w. tiv unchanged in all inrlir. quotations and questions 681. In quotations of complex sentences: general principles 689 ; opt. w. subj. or indic. in same quot. 690 ; iJ.v rarely retained w. O]Jt. from orig. Rubj. 692; past tenses of indic. in depend. clause of quot. generally retained 689 s, but aor. rarely changed to aor. In single dependent opt. 693. clauses of indirect discourse, after past tenses, 694,-six cases 695-700 (see Contents) ; tiv rarely retained from original subj. 702. In causal sentences after past tenses, expr. cause assigned by another, 714, 715, 716; causal potential opt. 717. In future wishes 720. 721, 740: w. no introductory particle 721, 722, in hortatory sense 725, w. ovrw~ in protestations 727, w. ws

460

ENGLISH INDEX

726 ; w. et8e, d 'Yap, or el 723 ; pot. opt. in wishes.728. In present unattained wishes in Homer 739 ; rarely in past (?) wishes 93 (eud), 739 (end). See Appendix I. For the uses of the Optative with tf.v, see "Av. Participle as verbal adjective 821. Tenses of, as primary or secondary, 187-191 :-present 139, as imperfect 140 ; perfect 142; aorist 143152 ; future 153. Gnornic aorist 1 in participle of indirect discourse 159. See Present, Perfect, Aorist, and Future Participle. Containing a protasis 472, 841 ; containing apodosis 479, 552. With t!Hrre by assimilation in iudir. disc. 607 a, in other constructions 607 . In indirect discourse 687, 904 : see Supplementary participle (below). M 1] o& w. partic. 818 : see M 1) ov. 'l'hree uses of participle 822, not always distinctly marked 823, 846, -Attributive 824-831, Circumstantia1 832-876, Supplementary 877-919: see Contents for these sections. Attributive participle: like adj. ! qualifying noun 824, used sub- i stantively w. article 825, without article (generally plural) 827, w. aduominal gen. instead of obj. accus. (poetic) 828; as predicate adj. w. elp.l, -yl-yvowx., a11<l txw 830, forming periphrastic perf., plupert:, and fut. perf. 831 ; neut. sing. ,Y. article as abstract noun 829" ; "' noun, like articular infin. w. its subject, 829 , in Homer 829 c. Circumstantial participle 832, w. neg. ov uuless conditional 832. Expressing time 833, 834, means 835, manner etc. 836, 837, eause 838, 839, purpose 840, condition 841, 472, opposition ete. 842, attendant cireumstanees (descriptive) 843, 844 that in which action of verb consists 845 ; w. noun in genitive absolute 847- 850 (see Genitive absolute) ; of impersonal verbs (generallypartic. alone) in accus.abs. 851-854 (see Accusative absolute). Qualified by various adverbs of time (r6TE, i1JLa, eOOvs, etc.) ancl by ol!rws, lid< rouro (raura) 855-858, by Kaln-ep or Kr.<l (after neg. by ovot or JLrJM), Ka1 raOra or /Jp.ws 859, 860, by Kalro< 861 ; w. lire, ota, or o[ov

862, in Herod. w. wcrre (in sense of ir) 863, 872, w. ws 864, 865 (in Homer 871), w. tfxnrep (not con. ditional) 867, 874; with (};ff7rep el or (};ff7rp av ei 868, 870 (see "fl<r7rep); in Homer, w. (i;s TE, ws el, and ws et re 8691, 870, rarely w. ws 871 (cf. 873). "flv omitted 875 : chiefly after lire, oia, ws, or Kai1rep 87 5 1, in poetry rarely without ,particle 875 2, w. hwv or i1Kwv 875 , w. another partic. preceding 87 5 4 Several partic. in different cases and constr. combined 87 6. Supplementary participle, agreeing w. either subject or object of verb 877 ; two u~es of, cone.sp. to two uses of infin., 878. Not in indirect discourse 879-901 : w. verbs signifying to begin etc. 879 ; w. ro'Ap.w, r'Aaw, aml JLevw 880 ; w. verbs denoting state of the feelings 881 ; w. verbs sign if. to find, detect, or 1epresent 883 ; w. verbs of Jlerception 884 ; w. 1repwpw, <j>opw, el<ropw, and opw 885 ; w. 'Aavllavw, rv-yxavw, cpllavw, and their eqnivalcnts 887 - 890, 892, 894, reversal of constr. of \av8avw etc. w. partic. 893 ; w. 8af1.i!w 891 ; w. otxofLa<, 1jKw, l!pxoJLa<, etJU, fl~, and f{Jav (flav) 895 ; w. 7rELpWJLU<, 1ro'AA6s
Elj.Lt ('Yivo;uu, -yKti.J.!..at), 1ravrolos -ylvof.La<, and 1rel-yop.at in Herod.

896, w. similar verbs in Attic 897 ; w. rhroliElKvvp.< etc. 898 ; w. !lpdw etc. 899 ; {Jov'AofLEP<p and other partic. w. dative after <lp.i etc. 900; dative of partic. w. impersonals taking dative (e.g. 7rpE7rEL, KaMv ErJnv) 901. "flv omittecl 902. Uses of certain verbs of 879-901 w. partic. ancl w. infin. eompared 903. In indirect discourse 904, 687, 886 ; neg. o& or JL-iJ 667 5 , 688 : agreeing w. accus. of reflexive pro110Un 905 ; of impersonals in neuter singular 906 ; w. ilij'Aos and <j>avcpbs Eip.L 907 ; w. <rvvotlia and i!VJ'Y''YvrJxJKw in either clative or nomin. 908 ; in dat. when usecl with infin. depending on verb w. dat. 909 ; w. verhs regularly taking infin. or on and ws in indir. disc. 910; <iJv omittecl 911; w. ws emphasising the indir. discourse 916, w. ws after verbs of saying and thinking not taking partic. alone 919 ; w. ws and circumstantial partic. in gen. absol. (equiv. to indir. disc.) 917, 918. Uses of

ENGLISH INDEX

461

cert~in verbs of 904 w. pa1tic. and from imperf. and aor. 410, 413 i w. mfin. compared 914, 915 : see aor. may be used where pluperf. Contents. would be more exact 58, 413. In For the uses of the Participle indil'ect discomse repr. by perf. with tf.v, see "Av. . infin. 123, 683. Particular and general conditions dis- Potential Indicative and OptatlVe : tinguished 394-397. see Indicative and Optative, and See Conditional sentences and "Av. Protasis. Present 19, 20, tense of continued Perfect, tense of completed action, 19, action 23, 87. 20, 42, 102. . Indicative 23, primary tense (in Imlicative: primary tense 21, 1ts ~rdinary use) 21, 170. Ex170, states p1esent completion 44 ; pressmg present duration 23, relamay be expr. by perf. partic. and tively present in indirect discourse <ljJl. 45, 46, 831, by aor. or perf. 23 (end), 22; exp1. custom or partic. and <xw 47, 831 ; of certain genera~ t~uth 24 ; as gnomic tense, verbs, in sense ofpres. 49; in epistles how d1stmguished from aor. 157 ; for pres. 50 ; denoting fntnre cerexpr. attempted action 25 ; past tainty or likelihood 51. Gnomic aud pres. combined (w. 7rciAct< etc.) perfect 154, 155, not in Homer 155 26 ; of certain verbs, in sense of (end), trausf. to intin. in indirect perf. 27 ; of verbs signif. to hear, discomse 160. Never w. av 195. learn, say, etc., of past time, 28; In dependent moods, how related expr. likelihood, intention, or danger to present 102. Subjunctive: often 32. Present of ell-'' in indic. as expr. by perf. partic. and w103, in future (in Hom. also present) 92, protasis corresp. to L>ttin fut. perf. in dependent moods and partic. 30, indic. 104. Optative : not in in31. Historic present 33, as secondary direct discourse, often expr. by perf. tense 21, 171. Never w. liv 195. partic. and d'l)v 103, difficult to In dependent moods. Not in ex1wess in English 104 ; in indir. indi1ect discourse, how distinguished disc., repr. perf. indic. of a leading from aorist 87, distinction sometimes slight or imperceptible 88. verb 1211, repr. dependent perf. 2 indic. or subj. 121 Imperative: In indirect discourse (opt. and in fin.) representing present or imgenerally 3rd pers. sing. pass., in command that au act shall be deperfect of direct form 115. See Subjnnetiw, Optative, Imperative, cisive 105, inmatheniaticallanguage and Infilliti,e. 106; m re in 2nd person 107; regular Suh,iuuctive, generally in future in verbs whose perf. = pres. 108 ; periphrastic forms w. perf. partic. sense 89, in general cond. indefinite and #rnw or l!a-rwv 105 (end), 108 in time 89 ; ji1st person in exhol(end). Infinitive: not in indir. tations and (w. !-'1;) in prohibitions disc., relation to present 109, re255 258 ; w. 1-''l nncl o7rws JL1;, plesenting finishec\ action 109, dedenoting what may prove to be cisive aud perm an en t action 110 ; object of fear, 92. in in d. disc., repr. perf. in die. of Optative. N otinindirectdiscourse, direct form .122, rarely pluperf. 123, generally fhture 94, past in general conditions 94,462,532, distiuguished 683 ; gnomic perf. in tin. 160. Perf. infin. w. d."piio.ov in wishes 734. from aor. 464 ; in present unreal conditions and conclusions in Homer Pmtici pie, representing fiuished 438, 439, once in l)ast conclusion action 142. For the uses with li.v, see "Av. (w. K) 440 ; in JWesent unattained Pluperfect 19, 20, 43; secondary tense In indhect wishes (Hom.) 739. 21, 170 ; states pc<st completion 43; discomse, rep1es. pres. hldic. of a may be expr. by perf. pal'tic. leading verb 116 ', repres. pres. and 'qv 45, 46, by partic. and indic. or subj. of a dependent verb <xov or 11xov 48, 831 ; in sense of 116 ", repr. interrog. pres. snbj. hnperf. 49 b; denoting inunediate or 116 3 , repr. imperfect 116 4, 673. . sudden occurrence 52 ; w. hr1 etc., Imperative 89, regular in prowl1ere aor. is more common, 59 ; in hibitions w. !J-1; 259. apodosis w. av how distinguished Infinitive. Not in indirect dis-

462

ENGLISH INDEX

665 12 ; construction of 665 3, See course, w. no reference to time in lndirect Disconrse. itself 96 ; distinguished from aor. infin. 97 ; after xpaw etc. 98 ; after Quotations, direct and indirect 662. Direct quotations introduced by on 'M7w, to command, oOKii, it seems or ws 711. For indirect quotations, good, ~lio~<, it is enacted, etc. 99 ; see Indirect Discourse. after verbs of hoping, expecting, promi~ting, swearing, etc. (in future sense) 100, 136. In indirect dis- Re1ative (including tempOl'al) sentences 514-661 : see Contents. With course, repr. pres. indic. of direct definite or indefinite antecedents of form 117, 683 ; after verbs of hoping, swearing, etc., repr. pres. iudic. relative 515-517 ; either may be expressed or UlHlerstood 516 ; nega118 ; repr. imperf. 119, 120, same constr. in Latin 120; as imperf. tives in rel. sentences 518. With definite antecedent, in all infin. secondary tense 188 ; repr. constructions of indepenuent seniterative imperf. (w. liv) 210. tences 519. Participle, ordinary u~e of 139, with indefinite antecedent, conas imperfect partic. 140. Attribuditional rei. sentences, in chief tive pres. partic. may be absolutely forms of conditional sentences 520, (though not relatively) preseut 141 521 (see 398); coud. re]. (like El) (cf. 152). With \avli<ivw etc. 147 2 takes liv or Kl before subjunctive Fo\' uses with llv or K, see "Av. Prevention or hind1ance, verbs imply522. Cond. rel. w. pres. or past ing, w. infin. : see Infinitive. tense of indic. in sintple supposiPrimary and secondary tenses : see tions 525, w. fut. indic. expr. Tenses. pnsent intention etc. 527, seldom Prohibitions: w. pres. imperative and (or never) in future suppos. 530; w. secondary tenses of inuic. in aor. subj. 259; in first person w. unreal eond. 528 ; w. subj. in future pres. and aor. snbj. 255, 258; aor. imperative rare in 2nd pers., more cond. 529, in present general eond. common in 3rd pers. 260; w. 81rws 532 ; w. opt. in future con d. 531, in past general coucl. 532; w. p.ft and fut. indic. 271-277 ; rarely indic. for subj. and opt. in w. p.iJ and fut. indic. 70 ; w. o& p;q and fut. in die. (rarely aor. subj.) general cond. 534, seldom in temporal sentences 535 : w. indic. after 297 -~01 : see 0& p.iJ. Promising, verhs of, w. fut. and w. general negatives 536, in parenpres. or aor. inlin. 100, 136, 752; w. thetical clauses 5371, suuj. in latter 537 2. With subj. witl10ut KE or neg. t"fJ 685. Protasis: defined 378, 380, 520 ; liv in Homer, more fre<Jnently in negatived by p.fJ 883, peculiar cases general con d., 538, Ha me in other of <l (or dv) ov 384-387 ; variety of poetry and (in Mss.) rarely even in forms in early Greek 399 ; fonr prose 540, 541. Cond. rel. w. d forms of or.linary conditions 388, or llv aud opt. in Homer 542. Jn Homeric similes: ws on (or (nroTE), 389, 390-39:5, two of present and Ws, lhr; rE, ral'ely ~s Or' li11, w. past general cond. 394-397 : see Contents for 402-471. Contained subj. 543-546 ; w. suhj. followed by in a participle, adverb, etc. 472, pres. or aor. indic. 547 ; w. pres. or aor. iudic. without subj. 548 ; w. 841, in fut. partic. only in present conditions( 407), never in fut. cond., subj. and in die., Jollowing ws and a noun 549. \Vitlwut verb: ii n p.'l], 473. Without verb expressed : w. d o' tl-y 47 4, w .;,s el in comparisons 80'ov p.fJ (lire l"iJ 1), e~Jeept, 550, 551. Mixed cond. rel. constructions 554475, w. <l t"fJ, except, 476, w. 1r\1)v <l 477, w. El oio wft (or <l oc), other556. Potential opt. w. tlv in cond. wise, 478. Several protases, not rel. sentence 557. Assimilation: co-ordinate, in one sentence 510; in future cond. rel. sentences 558, relation of leading and subordinate 560 ; in present or past w. unfulconditions l1ere 511. See Apodosis. filled con d. 559, 560; never in Purpose, expressious of, enunleTated &imple present or past snppos. 561 ; 338. See Final clauses etc. w. su bj. or opt. iu general con d. (variable) 563. With M in antecedent clause 564. Questions, indirect, how introduced

ENGLISH INDEX

463

Relative clauses of purpose. In Attic w. fut. indic. 565, w. neg. p:lj, 566 ; past purpose expr. by imperf. of r-f."A\w w. infm. 567, rarely by fut. opt. 134, 57 4 ; fut. indie. generally retained here 57 4. In Homer w. subj. and opt. 568 (compare Latin 569), once w. fut. indic. 570, w. P?tenti~l opt. 570. Subj. not used m Attic 5!2, pres. or aor. opt. rarely 573. Homeric temporal clauses w. peculiar final force 571. Consecutive relative clauses w. in die. (neg. oil), like WITT< w. indic., 575, w. fut. inLlic. (neg. r-~), like WITT< w. infin., 576; never w. subj., but occasionally w. opt. by assimilation 579. For consecutive clauses w. wtTr<, w~, and cp' <8 or cp' <i'r<, see "fliTn etc. Causal n,Jative sentences (neg. ov) 580, both cansal and conditional (neg. r-~) 580, 581. Relative time of tenses 22. Result. clauses of: see Consecutive clauses, "fltTn, and Relative senteuces.
Silniles, Hon1eric, ,v. Ws d or WS' et re 475, 485, 869, 870; W. WS, WS T, ws iin, etc. 543-549. Subjunctive, geueral view 6-11. Primitive use, as simple future, w. neg. ov, 6, 284; other uses 7-11. All tenses primary 17 4 ; but opt. may depend on subj. following a past tense 175. Relation of subjunctive to optative: see Appendix I. First person (as imperative) in exlwrtations, and in prohibitions w. JL~, 8 ", 255, gener-ally plural 256, sometimes sing. (commonly w. 6:y or another commanu) 257 ; both pres. and aor. allowed in prohib. w. r-1! 258. Second and thin! j1ersons not regular in affirm. exhortations 258. Aorist subj. (and present imperat.) in prohibitions w. I"~ in 2nd and 3rd persons 259. Independent subj. w. fL~ and fL'r} ov: w. J1~ expressing apprehension (Hom.) 261, w. fL'r} ou 263, relntioi1 of these to dependent clauses w. r-'1 and subj. 8 , 262, w. J1~ m r-'rJ oD after Hom. 264; w. fL~ or fL'rJ ov in cautious assertions (chiefly in Plato) 265, 266, same use w. fL~ in dependent clauses :267, in cautious direct questions 268. Homeric suhj. as simple future

(w. neg. ou) 6, 284, w. Ke or itv in potential sense 285, 2011, 235, 452, potential subj. and opt. contrasted 286. Intenog. subj. in appeab 7, 287, origin of 288, third person seldom, chiefly w. ris, 289 ; second pers. not used 289 ; ueg. fL~ 291, even when afihm. answer is expected 293. With oli fLn 9, 294-301: see Contents for these sections, and Ov JI-1J. In final clauses, after primary tenses 10,017, aftersecomlar_y tenses 318-321, 703 ; w. llv or KE 325-328 : see "Av. In rel. Jinal cl. iu Homer 5Ci8, 569, uot in Attic 572. In object clauses: sometimes like fut. iuJic. w. ii1rws after verbs of stji1>ing, etc. 339, after verbs of asking, cO?mnanding, etc. 355 ; regulariy in Homer after verbs of J'lanning, etc. w. ii1rw5 or ws (often w. Kt!) 341 343, w. otj>pa (Hom. all cl Pill d.) 345, 346 ; peculiar Homeric nnd N. Test. uses w. 'AitTtTOfLa< 356, 357 ; KaravEvw ws W. subj. (Hom.) 359; sometimes w. w5 in Attie poets and ws llv in Herod. 347 ; w. 07rWS liv (Attic) 348 ; w. ws and ws liv in Xenophon 351 1 (see Appendix IV.). Use of sigrnatic aor. subj. w. ii1rws 363, Dawes's canon 364. With 1"'1 after verbs of fectring, 365, 366, sometimes w. o1rw5 J1~ 370. In conditions 11. Jn future suppos. w. iav, 1jv, or iiv 444-446, in Hom. w. d KE etc. 450 ; sometimes w. simple l in Homer 453, rarely in Attic poets 454. In general present cond. w. <av etc. 462 ; in Hom. generally w. simple d 468, somctillles in lyric poets 469, 470, rarely in Attic poets 471. With .r KE or 1jv, 1j haply, in case that, in Homer 487, 491, w. eav etc. in other Greek 489, 490, 493. In protasis w. potential opt. in apodosis 505. In relative conditional sentences. Compared with forms of protasis 521, 522, 523. In future suppos. (rel. w. li.v) 529, so111etimcs in Homer without KE or av 539; in prcsen t genera] su ppo~. (w. liv) 532, generally in Homer without 1d or li.v 538, sometimes in other Greek 540, 541 ; subj. depending on potential opt. 556. Assimilation 558, variable in general cond. 563. In Homeric similes w. ws ore (or
(nr/;-n ), Ws, Ws re, rarely w. Ws Or' lLv,

464

ENGLISH INDEX

543547. With tws l!v, until, in Until, temporal pa1ticles signifying 514, 611 661 ; nature of clauses future suppos. 613 3, in present introduced by these particles 611, general suppos. 613 5 ; w. final 612. See "Ews and Ilplv, force, retained after past tenses, 614 1, 698; w. liXP' and fdXP' (as w. gws) 618, w. llxpL ov and JJ.EXP' o11 Verbal adjectives in -reos and -reov ( TfrL) 920-926 : see TfOS and TEOJI 619, w. <is oK< (Hom.) and Is o or for details. is oli (Herod.) 616, w. ~!Jr< 617, w. 5rppa. 615 ; w. lws etc. without llv 620. With 1rplv, only after nega- Wishes 720-740: see Contents for these sections. Two classes, wishes tive sentences, 622, result of para w. future object and wishes w. taxis 624 ; in future suppos. 638, in Hom. and Hes. always without present or past (unattained) object Ke or llv 639, 640, 1rp!v llv in other 720, 740; comparison of Greek and Latin uses 740. Greek 642 ; in present general Future wishes. With opt. alone cond. w. llv (not in Hom.) 645, 721, 722, expr. command or exhorsometimes without llv 648; subj. tation (poetic) 725, w. oUrws in depending on potential opt. 650. With 1rplv y' Br' llv, twice in protestations 727, w. ws prefixed Odyssey, 641. With 1rp!v 1j 651 ; (poetic) 726. With opt. introd. by w. 1rp6TEpov 1j 653. In indirect el yap, Ete<, or i (Hom. also at yap, af/1<) 721, 723, simple El poetic 723 discourse, retained after primary (end); in Hom. wish sometimes tenses, changed to opt. or retained followetl by pot. opt. (w. Kl or llv) as after secondary tenses, 6671, 689, an apodosis 730 (see Appendix I.). 6941, 703, 704. For the uses of the Subjunctive 'l'ense of opt. in wishes 724, never with llv, see"Av. fut. 723 (end), perf. ouly as pres. Swearing, verbs of, w. fut. and pres. 723. Infin. in future wishes 785, or aor. infin. 100, 136, 1'52, w. neg. w. at "'(ap 786. Potential opt. in p.Tj 685. wishes 728. Present and past wishes (object Temporal sentences : see Relative notattained). With secomlarytenses of indic. w. El yap and etOe (never in se.n ten ces. Tenses, enumeration of 19, two ,rela Ho m.) 732, particles never omitted Primary 733, simple El not used 738. With tions expressed by 20. (})rpe\ov etc. and infin. 734, 424, and secondary 21, 165-191 (see Conteuts for these sections). Rela only Homeric form for past wishes ti Ye and absolute time of 22. In 735 ; w. etO< or El "'(ap or p.Tj (not dependent moods, how distinguished simple El) prefixed to t!Jrpe\ov 734, 85, distinct use in indirect discourse 736 ; w. ws <!Jrj>E\ov 737. Present and in other constructions 85 : not wishes in Homer expr. also by present opt., generally w. dOe or El in indir. disc., chiefly pres. and aor., 86, in indir. disc. tenses of yap, 739, 724 ; a past wish once by opt. and infin. repres same tenses at 'Yap w. infin. 786: see also 93 (end) and 739 (end). of direct form 115 (see Indirect Discourse). See Present, }mperfect, Wonder etc., verbs expr. w. El 494. Aorist, etc. Th ncydides, his preference for direct Xenophon's use of ws, ws llv, and 07rWS liv 326 i, 329 2, 330, 348, 351, forms in all indirect discourse 670, and Appeudix IV.; nse of subj. in 320 (w. footnote). final clauses after pRst tenses 320 Time of tenses, absolute and relative, (footnote). 22.

THE END.

PARALLEL REFERENCES
FOR

GOODWIN'S GREEK MOODS AND TENSES.

SECT!ONS OF OLD EDITION.

SECTIONS OF
NEW EDITION.

SECTIONS OF OLD EDITION. N. N.

SECTIONS OF NEW EDITION

CHAPTER

6.

:JD, 40.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
6.

7.
CHAPTER

1. 2-5. 6-11. 12-17. 18. 1, 741. 1.

II.
19. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29-31. 32. 33. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 57.

8. 1. 2. 9. 10. 1.
N. N. N. N. N. N. N.

7. Remark before 12. 12. 13. 1. 2. N. 1. N. 2. 14. 15. 1. Rem. N. 2. 2.

N.l. N. N.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

2. 3.

3. Rem.l. Rem.2. 16. 1.

NOTE.

2.
NOTE.

2. 17. 1. 2. 1. 2. Rem. N. 3. N. 4. N. 5.
N. N.

ll.
N.l. N. N. N. N.

2. 3. 4. 5.

41. 85-88. 87, 89. 94. 116. 1-3. 678. 116. 4. 89. 87, 96. 96. 98. 117. 684. 100, 136. 99. 119. 120. 120. 138, 139. 141. 140. 42. 43. 44. 45, 831. 45, 46. 49. 52. 50.

2
OLD EDITION, N.

PAHALLEL REFERENCES.
NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. N. NEW EDITION.

6.

18.

1.
NOTE.

2.
N.l.

2. 3. 3 (a). (b).
N. N. NOTE.

Rem.
4. 19.
N.
N.

N.

N.

N.

1. 2. 4 (a). (b). 5. 6. 1. 2.

20.
N. N.

21. 1.
KOTE,

2.
N,

1.

22. 23. 1.
N. N.

2. 3.

2.
N.l. N. N. N.

2. 3. 4.

24.
N.

1.

N. 2. Rem. N. 3.

25. 1.
N.l. N. N.
N.

2. 3. 4.

51, 52. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 122. 109. 110. 123. 142. 53, 54. 55. 56, 57. 58. 59. 60. 61, 62. 87, 89. 90. 91. 94. 95. 124. 1-3. 125. 89. 96. 98. 101. 126. 684. 100, 136. 127. 99. 143. 144. 148, 150. 147. 151. 63. 65. 66. 67. 68.

N.

5 (a). (b). 6.

2.
N. N.

1. 2.

26.

Rem.
N.l.

27.
N. N. N.

1. 2. 3.

28. 29.
N.l.

2. 3. N. 4. N. fi (a). (b). N. 6. Rem. 30. 1.

N. N. N.l. N. N. N. N.
N.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 1. 2.

2.
N. N.

31. 1. 2.
N.l. N.

2. Rem.

32. 1. 2. 3 (a). (b). 33. 34. 1 (a). (b).

69. 70. 71, 72. 73, 74. 75. 76. 128. 666. 130-132. 111, 135. 112. 113. 136. 153. 77. 78. 79. 80, 8;31. 81, 831. 82. 83. 137. 84. 154, 155. 156. 157. 158. 161. 159. 160. 162, 249. 168. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 176. 177. 178.

PARALLEL REFERENCES.
OLD EDITION. NOTE.
NEW EDITION.

3
NEW EDITION,

OLD EDITION.

2.
NOTE.

3.
NOTE.

35. 1.
NOTE.

2. 3. 4.
CHAPTER

17\l. 180-182. 183. 184, 186. 185. 187. 188. 187, 189. 190. 191.
Ill.

Section I.
43. Rem.
N.l. N.

2.

44. 1.
N.l. N. N.

2. 3. Rem. 1. 2 (a). (b).

2. 1, 2.
N. N.

36. 1, 2. Rem. 2. 37. 1. 2. N. 1. 3.

NOTE.

38. 1. 2.
NOTE.

39.
NOTE.

41.
1. 2. 3. 4.
N.l. N. N. N.

N.

2. 3. 4. 5.

42. 1. 2.
NOTE.

3.
N. N. N.

1. 2. 3.

4.
NOTE.
CIIAP1'ER

192. 193. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200, 201. 201. 202. 203. 204, 205, 206. 207, 208, 208. 213, 210. 211. 217. 218. 210. 220. 223. 217, 227. 225. 226. 221.

3. Rem.
N.l. N.

2.

201. 2. 1. 1.

45. Rem. 1. N. 2 (a). (b). N. 3. N. 4. N. 5 (a). (b). (c). N. 6 (a). (b). N. 7 (a). (b). Rem. N. 8.
N.

213. 214. 215. 216. 209.

46. Hem.
N.l.

224.

IV.
230, 231.

Introductory.

2. 3. N. 4. N. 5. N. 6 (a). (b). (c). N. 7.

N. N.

302, 303. 304. 302. 305, 306. 317. 324. 325-328. 329, 330. 325, 368. 318-320. 321. 322. 323. 333. 334. 335. 336. 339, 340. 313. 348-351. 341-343. 344. 354. 351. 355, 356, 358. 357. 359. 361. 362. 271 (272-278). 279. 275. 363, 364. 365. 307, 366. 367. 370. 368. 265, 266, 268. 369. 1-3. 371. 372. 376. 377.

4
OLD EDITION. N.

PARALLEL REFEHENCES.
NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION,

8 (a).
(b).

(c).

373. 374. 375.

(b).
N.

3.

51.
N.

Section II.
47. 1.
NOTE,

2. 3.
NOTE.

48. 49. 1. 1. Rem. N. 3.

N.

2. Hem. (a).
(b).
N.

N. N.

1. 2. 3 (a).
(I!). (c). (d).

(e). Rem. 1, 2. Rem. 3. N. 4 (a).

(b).
N.

N.

5. 6 (a). (b).

50. 1. Hem. 1. Hem.2.

N.l.
N.

2 (a).
(b).

(c).
(d).
N.

3 (a).
(b).

2.

Hem. N. 1. N. 2 (a).

378. 379. 381, 382. 383. 384-387. 388-397. 402. 403. 403. 407, 408. 410, 411. 412. 413. 435. 432. 415-422. 424. 425. 427. 428, 429. 415. 417. 437. 409, 506, 414. 440. 438. 444. 445. 446. 447. 452. 450. 451. 453. 454. 1. 454. 2. 455. 456, 457. 240-242, 457. 458, 506, 461.

Rem. 1. N. 2. N. 3.

52. 1. Rem. 1. N. 2,
N.

2.
NOTE.

Rem. 53.
N. N. N.
N,

1. 2. 3.

4. Rem.

440. 459. 462. 466. 468. 468-471. 467, 405. 472. 473. 474. 478. { 232-239, 243-248. 237. 238. 479. 1-3. 482. 486-491. { 483, 484, 227, 475. 477.
723.

54.

1. (a). (b). 2. (a).

(b).

3. Rem. 55. 1. 2.

56.
Rem. 57. Hem.

498. 503-505. 505. 499-501. 502. 508. 509. 510. 15, 481, 176 A. 494, 496. 497. 512, 513. 513.

Section III.
58. 1. 2. 3. 59.
N.l.

N.

2.

60. 1. 2. 3.

514. 615, 516. 518. 519. 519. 517. 520, 521. 520. 522.

PARALLEL REFERENCES.
OLD EDITION. NOTE. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. N.l, N. NEW EDITION.

5
619. 610. { 613. 3, 4, (015, 617, 618). 614. 616. 620, 648. 613. 2. 613. 5 (617). 620. 611. 621, 622. { 632-634, 637, 638, 643-645. 636, 639, 644. { 626, 028-630, 647. 651-654. 657, 658. 624.

Rem. 61. 1.
NOTE.

2. Rem. 3.
NOTE.

4. Rem. 62. Rem. N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. 63. 1 (a). (b). 2. 3. 4 (a). (b). 5. 64. 1. 2. Rem.l. Rem. 2.
N.l. N.

522. 523. 524. 525. 526. 528. 528 (end). 529. 530, 527. 531. 531 (end). 532. 533. 534. 536. 543-549. 538, 539. 540. 557, 542. 552. 556. 554, 555. 537. 558. 559. 560, 561. 562.
563.

2.

2.
N.l. N. N.

2. 3.

3. 4.
NOTE.

Rem. 67.

1.
N. N. N. N. N.

1.
2. 3. 4. 5.

Section IV.
68. 1. 2. 3.
ITOTE,

564. 565, 566. 578. Rem. 566. N. 1 (a). 574. (b). N. 2. 568, 570. Rem. 569. 572. N. 3 (a). 573, 579. (b). 329. 2. N. 4. N. 5. 575. 2. 610. 2. 3. 582, 601. 602. NOTE. 4. 580. Rem. 581. 66. 1. 613. 1 (GHi, 617, 618). 65. 1.

2. Rem.

69. 1-5. 70. 1. Rem. 2. Rem. 1. Hem. 2. N. 1 (a). (b). N. 2. N. 3 (a).

(b).

71.
Rem.l. Hem. 2.

N.l.
72.
NOTE.

73. 1. Rem. 2.

662. 663. 665. 666. 667. 1-5. 669. 1. 669. 1 (end). 669. 2. 670 (a). 670 (b). 672. 678. 674. 675. 1. 675. 2. 677. 678. 679. 680. 681. 682. 683. 684. 687.

6
OLD EDITION,

PARALLEL REFERENCES.
NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION.

74. 1.
1<.

N.

1. 2.

2.
N.l.
N.

2.

75. 76. Rem. 77.

1 (a). (b). (c). (d). (e).

N. N. N.

1. 2. 3.

2.
NOTE.

78. 1. 2.
NOTE.

79.

689. 1, 2. 690. 692. 689. 3. 693. 691. 689. 3. 689. 3. { 689. 3 (after examples). 694. 695. 699. 696, 697. 698. 700. 699. 701. 702. 703. 704. 706. 709. 710. 1. 711.

2. 1. 2. Rem.
N. N.

731, 734. 735. 738, 737. 740.

Section VII.
84.
N. N. N. N.

1. 2. 3. 4. 1. 2. 1 (b). 2.

85.
N. N.

86.
N. N.

250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255, 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 257.

Section VIII.
87. Rem.
NOTE.

88. Rem. 1. N. 2.
N.

Section V.
80. 81. 1. 2. Rem. N. 1. N. 2. 712. 713. 714. 715. 716, 714. 717. 89. 1.

N.l.

2.
N.l.

Section VI.
Rem. before 82. 82. Rem. 1. Rem. 2. N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. N. 4.
N.

2. Rem. 1. I~em. 2.
N.

284. 284. 285. 287. 288. 289. 290. 294. 295. 296. 297. 298. 299. 300. 301. V.

5.

83. 1. Rem.

720. 721-723. 723 (end). 724, 739. 725. 723. 3 726. 727. 728. 731, 732. 733.

CHAPTER

90. 91. 92.

1.
Rem. 1. Rem. 2.
N. 1.
N. N.

741. 745 (789-791). 74(). 747. 747 (end). 373.

748.

2. 3.

749. 789-791.

P ARAm~m, ; J;l,:it!!',ER!~lWES .
OLD EDITION
NEW EUITION.

'1
NEW EDITION.

OLD EDITION

N. 4. N. 5. Rem. 2.
N. 1.
N. N.

2. 3 (a). (b).

93. 1.
N. 1. N. 2 (a).

(b).
N.

3.

2.
N.

1. 2. N. 3 (a). (b). N. 4.
N.

94. 95. 1. NOTE. 2. N. 1 (a).

(b). Rem. N. 2.
3. NOTE. Rem. 96. 97.
N.l.

N. 2. N. 3. N. 4. 98. 1. Rem. 2. N.l. N. 2. N. 3. N. 4. N. 5. 99. 100.

792. 793. 767. 'i51. 753. 754. 755. 756. 758. 759, 760. 761. 762. 795. 763. 765. 766. 767. 768. 769. 800 (803). 798, 799. 788. 807. 815. 1. 815. 2, 818. 817. 809, 810. 811. 812. 808, 813. 806. 770, 771. 772. 775. 773, 774. 764. 587. 1. 601. 587. 2, 3. 608. 588. 585, 589. 592, 594. 590, 591. 610. 1. 776-778, 782.

Rem. N.l. N. 2.
101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106.

1.
2. N. 2. N. 3. N.4. N. 5. Rem.

783. 779. 780, 781. 784. 785. 750. 787. 757. 621, 622. 626. 627. 627-630. 651, 655, 661. 657-689. 656. 85, 86.

CHAPTER VI. 107.

Rem.
108. 1. 2.
N.

1.
2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

N. N. N. N. N. 109.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
6. 7. 8.

N. 1 taJ. (b). (c). N. 2. N. 3 (a). (b). N. 4 (a). (b). N. 5. (a).

822. 821. 824. 825. 826. 827. 828. 829. 830. 830, 832. 833. 835. 836. 838. 840. 841. 842. 843. 855. 856. 857. 858. 862, 874. 864, 866, l:\50.

831.

863. 865. 916.

~
OLD EDITION.

PMtAJjLE~. r 't-':f1F~Rtf;NCES.
NEW EDITION.
OLD EDITION.

NEW EDITION.

(b). Rem.
N.

N.

N.
N.

6. 7 (b). 8. 9. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

110. 1.
N. N. N.
N. N.

2.

Rem.
N.

N.

1. 2.

111. 112.
1.

Rem.
2.

. Rem.
N.

1. 3.

N . 2. N.

860 . 861. 875. 1-4. 839. 834, 8:J7 .. 867, 868. 847. 855-867. 848. 849. 875. 1-4. 850. 851. 855-867, 875. 853. 854. 876. 877, 878. 879-885. 896, 898. {887-891, 895-897. 892. 899. 879. 894.

N .. 4.

N. N.
N.

6. 7. 8.

113.
N.l.

2. 3. N. 4. N. 5. N. 6. N. 7. N. 8. N. 9. N. 10 (a). (b). (c).

N.

N.

902. 903. 831. 900. 904. 907. 905. 906. 910. 911. 908. 912. 914, 915. 913. 916. 917. !)18, 919.

CHAPTER

VII.
920. 921. 922. 923 . 925. 924. 926.

114.
1.
NOTE.

2.
NOTE.

Rem. 1.
Rem. 2.