Trauma,http://tva.sagepub.

com/& Abuse Violence,

Dowry and Its Link to Violence Against Women in India : Feminist Psychological Perspectives
Mudita Rastogi and Paul Therly Trauma Violence Abuse 2006 7: 66 DOI: 10.1177/1524838005283927 The online version of this article can be found at: http://tva.sagepub.com/content/7/1/66

Published by:
http://www.sagepublications.com

Additional services and information for Trauma, Violence, & Abuse can be found at: Email Alerts: http://tva.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://tva.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://tva.sagepub.com/content/7/1/66.refs.html

>> Version of Record - Dec 6, 2005 What is This?

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

Rastogi, Therly / DOWR TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & 10.1177/1524838005283927ABUSE / January 2006 Y

COMMENTARY

DOWRY AND ITS LINK TO VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN INDIA

Feminist Psychological Perspectives

MUDITA RASTOGI
Illinois School of Professional Psychology, Argosy University

PAUL THERLY
Southdown Institute

Dowry is exchanged in a majority of Indian weddings. Although its practice became illegal in 1961, dowry flourishes among all social classes. Families of the bride and groom negotiate transfer of assets to the groom and his family in exchange for marrying the bride, often within the context of an arranged marriage. Dissatisfaction with the amount of dowry may result in abuse of the bride. In extreme cases dowry deaths or the murder of the bride by her husband and his family take place. This article conducts a feminist psychological analysis of the dowry phenomenon, its link to domestic violence against women, and the role of the perpetrators. Existing and new explanations of the dowry system and its ramifications are explored. Psychologically based interventions and the implications of dowryrelated violence in the larger context of Asian Indians living in North America and the United Kingdom are discussed.

Key words:

dowry; India; Asians Indian; psychological perspectives; violence servers holding trays of drinks and appetizers circulated among the guests. Laughter surrounded the happy couple. The majority of the 500 guests were inching their way toward the buffet tables. The grooms father cornered the

THE FIRST AUTHOR OF THIS ARTICLE witnessed the following scene at a close relatives wedding in a large Indian city: The wedding ceremony was over, and the reception had begun. A live band was playing festive music, and

AUTHORS NOTE: Dr. Rastogi presented portions of this paper in March 2004 at a workshop for the Indian Association for Family Therapy, New Delhi, India. Other portions of this paper are derived from a clinical research project written by Dr. Therly and chaired by Dr. Rastogi. TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE, Vol. 7, No. 1, January 2006 66-77 DOI: 10.1177/1524838005283927 2006 Sage Publications 66

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

Rastogi, Therly / DOWRY

67

KEY POINTS OF THE RESEARCH REVIEW

Dowry is the wealth a bride brings to her husband at the time of and after the wedding. It is practiced in some form or the other in a majority of Asian Indian families. Historically speaking, over time this voluntary act began to be considered a grooms entitlement. The act of receiving and giving dowry was prohibited in India in 1961; however, the practice continues in a vast majority of marriages. This practice is linked with the oppression, abuse, and violence against women. A variety of sociocultural, economic, and religious factors help perpetuate this practice. In cases involving violence against the bride linked with dissatisfaction over dowry, the mother-in-law is frequently implicated along with the groom. The role of women in perpetrating violence against other women is explained by gender and power issues, family dynamics, and possibly past abuse of the mother-in-law herself. Men are involved in violence against their wives for multiple psychosocial reasons. Women are unable to leave their marriages because of the religious beliefs regarding the nature of marriage, a lack of economic options available to them, social stigma of being divorced, and psychological reasons such as depression, isolation, and learned helplessness.

brides father and launched into a monologue about how he was concerned that his family would need a new car now that the bride would come to live with them. He ended with an explicit demand. He wanted the brides father to provide a gift of a new car to make sure that the bride (his daughter) was transported everywhere in a style that befit her. The brides father knew exactly what was being conveyed to him. He immediately sent off two of his brothers to a car dealership. At the end of the reception 5 hours later, the bride and groom waved goodbye to the brides family from inside a brand new car that still had some of the dealership stickers stuck on the back. The dowry system is one of the social practices through which women are oppressed, or even tortured and killed. This article puts forth a psychological framework for looking at the abuse associated with the dowry system. It is an attempt to provide information and discuss im-

plications of the dowry system for mental health professionals interested in Asians Indians living in India and outside of it, especially in North America and the United Kingdom. Dowry is the wealth a bride is supposed to bring with her for her husband and his family starting at the time of the wedding and continuing during marriage. It takes the form of cash, jewelry, household goods, and so on. Naik (1996) conducted an extensive study on the prevalence of dowry and found that all his respondents, except the 1.3% who did not respond, were either given or received dowry. Therefore, virtually every marriage in India involves dowry in some form even though regional and community differences exist. Economic gain for the grooms family is a major factor in the practice of the dowry system in India as it stands today. The demands associated with dowry are linked with numerous acts of gender discrimination and abuse of women within Indian society. The dowry system and related abuses are complex phenomena. The commonly utilized explanations focus on economic, sociocultural, legal, and feminist and/or gender analyses do not alone adequately explain the nature of this abuse. The examination of the role of other women in oppressing and abusing a woman in connection with dowry is often neglected. This article summarizes the historical and legal issues associated with d o w r y a n d p ro v i d e s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l perspective to understanding and tackling the fallout. MARRIAGE AND THE PREVALENCE OF DOWRY The vast majority of marriages in India are arranged (Vallabhaneni, 1998). In an extensive study, Teja (1993) found that the marriages of 90.67% of women in the workforce and of 98.67% unemployed women were arranged by their parents. The majority of the women who found their own mates had to get approval from their parents before they got married. Thus, parents have a very significant role in the marriage arrangements in Indian culture. Before a marriage is finalized, the prospective bride presents herself before the prospective groom and his

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

68

TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2006

The dowry system is one of the social practices through which women are oppressed, or even tortured and killed.

family. Iglitzin and Ross (1986) said that she is scrutinized, and if approved, the bargaining over her dowry begins (p. 367). Dowry is one of the central issues in an arranged marriage that can make or break the deal. This process demonstrates the unequal status of women and men in a marriage. The norms for the amount of dowry vary; it depends on the status, social class, and education of a man (Billing, 1992; Sahai, 1996). The higher he is ranked on these criteria, the higher the dowry he commands (Iglitzin & Ross, 1986). Expectations also vary by community; some have a tradition of expecting larger dowries. Even after marriage, if dowry promises are not fulfilled the bride will be sent back to the parents home (Umar, 1998). This is considered shameful for the brides family but not for the grooms. ORIGIN OF DOWRY SYSTEM: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE In prehistoric times women were regarded as chattel and so it was the brides father, and not the bridegroom, who was regarded as justified in demanding a payment at the time of marriage (Altekar, 1991, p. 69). The father lost control over the labor of his daughter after her marriage and was paid in kind to compensate for it. There is contradictory evidence in Hindu scriptures to suggest that women who are economically privileged used to bring large amounts of gifts to the husbands family after marriage (Altekar, 1991). However, these presents were not called dowries for they were voluntarily made after the marriage, and out of pure affection. Daughters were given in marriage as religious gifts (known as kanyaadaan) and dowry was regarded as dakshina, or additional gifts accompany the main gift (Kumari, 1989, p. 17). In medieval times, the hypergamous system of marriage among aristocratic families gave incentive to the practice of dowry. The rules under this system prescribed that a woman of a lower class could marry a man of a higher socioeco-

nomic status (SES) but not vice versa. The parents of the woman considered such an alliance advantageous to them in bringing them power and prestige. In addition, the parents of young women wanted to marry them to economically well-off men. They willingly paid the cost of such a marriage through providing a huge dowry to the departing bride. By the 13th and 14th century, this became a common practice among the upper classes (Umar, 1998). Dowry was considered womens property (known as stridhan in Hindi), and women had complete control of it (Kumari, 1989; Tambiah, 1973). Indeed, the dowry was presented to the bride by her extended family to strengthen her financial position in her in-laws home and to act as insurance in the event that the marriage ended for any reason (Naik, 1996). Over time, it shifted from being a gift to the bride to being considered a grooms entitlement. Currently, dowry is seen as the property a woman brings to her husband at the time of and during the marriage to compensate for the financial burden that her very existence places on her in-laws (Diwan, 1990). CURRENT PRACTICES AND THEIR IMPACT The Dowry Prohibition Act of India (1961) defines dowry as any property or valuable security given or agreed to be given, directly or indirectly:
by one party to a marriage to the other party, or by the parents of either party to a marriage or by any other person to either party to the marriage or to any other person, at or before or after the marriage as consideration for the marriage of the said parties, but does not include dower or mahr in the case of persons to whom the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) applies (Umar, 1998, p. 169).

Such a broad definition underscores the complexity involved in dowry practice. According to Kumari (1989), dowry is not something that is given exclusively at the beginning of a marriage but continues, in many cases, for years. Because of the severe abuse suffered by women (e.g., harassment, assault, and bride burning) and their families resulting from the practice of dowry on women, it was outlawed in India in 1961. However, the law failed to be im-

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

Rastogi, Therly / DOWRY

69

plemented, and the practice of dowry, and the associated abuse of women, continued to rise. Kumari (1989) who conducted a study in the city of Delhi showed the alarming number of dowry-related deaths. There were 421 reported dowry deaths in 1981 and almost 700 in 1984 in Delhi. According to Prasad (1994), there were 4,215 dowry-related deaths in the country in 1989, and Umar (1998) reported that that number to be 5,582 in 1993. According to Bumiller (1990), the number of women who die because of dowry-related violence is much higher than the total number of deaths due to all other forms of violence or accidents. Umar (1998) said that
Many more cases go unreported or recorded simply as accidental death in connivance with police officials . . . over ninety percent of the cases of women burnt to death in Delhi were registered as accidents, only five percent were noted as murders and five percent as suicides. (p. 2)

There are several reasons Although its practice became illegal in why this is so: (a) a majority of the women do 1961, dowry flourishes among all social mostly unpaid work and classes. are unable to support themselves initially without support from others; (b) the parents of the bride are financially drained in the wedding process and cannot take on any more financial obligations; (c) there are cultural expectations that women must suffer to save their marriage; (d) there is a social stigma against divorce; and (e) religious beliefs dictate that a woman consider her husband as God for her salvation (Kumari, 1989; Nair, 1978). A combination of these issues contributes to keeping many Indian wives in abusive homes. These are discussed in greater detail below. PERPETUATION OF THE DOWRY SYSTEM The most popular explanations for the continuation of the dowry system as found in the literature have to do with sociocultural, religious, and economic factors. They are believed to perpetuate gender discrimination that, in turn, fuels the ongoing cycle of dowry. These factors are examined in detail below.

These numbers exclude the women who were harassed, deserted, and physically and mentally abused in relation to dowry. The first author once worked for an agency that served women in New Delhi, India. An older couple came seeking a referral for legal services. They believed that their daughter was burned to death by her in-laws following almost 1 year of abuse around the issue of dowry. The daughters in-laws claimed the death resulted from the victims clothes accidentally catching fire in the kitchen and cremated her remains before the womans parents were notified. The parents admitted to the therapist (first author) that they were aware that their daughter was unhappy with her husband but did not realize the extent of her troubles. Their most devastating regret was that they had failed to support her when she wanted to leave her husband a month after the marriage. Although not all people practicing the dowry system are also involved in domestic violence, there is significant concern about the link between the two. When dowry demands are not met, it precipitates serious consequences. Domestic violence is a common outcome and includes physical and emotional abuse. In Indian households, violence against women is one of the most socially accepted crimes (Umar, 1998).

Sociocultural Factors and Gender Discrimination

Many families desire to secure a financially secure husband for daughters. However, most parents of brides simply do not have a choice in the matter of giving dowry. These families have to take on huge debts or use up their lifes savings to provide adequate dowry. When parents are unable to put together a large dowry, they marry their daughters off to significantly older men or to grooms who are considered less desirable and thus do not demand dowry. As a consequence, women from low-income families end up with unsatisfactory mates, or in some cases, have to remain single. The latter option is also considered to be a shameful issue for the entire family. In a majority of cases, the brides parents are aware of the abuse to which their daughters are

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

70

TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2006

subjected. Often the daughters are persuaded by their own parents, explicitly and implicitly, to bear everything stoically, not discuss their situation with others, and encouraged to go back to violent relationships (Ghadially & Kumar, 1988, p. 169). Most Indian women do not seek help outside of the family system because of strong cultural expectations to keep family secrets contained. In addition, as one study found (Sahai, 1996), 87% of the respondents were not aware that accepting and giving dowry is illegal. This indicates a lack of primary legal education. Women caught in this situation have few alternatives. It is considered a social stigma to be a divorced woman (Rastogi & Wampler, 1998). In India, married women are respected because they have conformed to the social expectations of male control. Unmarried, separated and divorced women continue to be objects of slander and gossip because they symbolize independence from men (Fernandez, 1997, p. 441). A divorced status might prevent one from getting a job, renting a house, and getting remarried. Children are often one of the major reasons for a woman to continue to live with her abuser. Women worry about potential or actual dangers to which their children will be exposed if the marital relationship is terminated. In addition, if a woman leaves her husband, she might lose custody of her children or be left with the sole responsibility of bringing them up. This discourages many from seeking divorce even in the face of abuse. The financial drain of dowry is an important reason why Indian parents prefer male offspring to female (Bumiller, 1990). In an Indian family, a daughter is considered to be anothers property, raised in her parental home, and then gifted away (Kakar, 1988) with a dowry. In contrast, a son is an asset and brings wealth through dowry (Guha, 1996; Kakar, 1988). Male children are preferred over female children for religious reasons too. According to Hindu scriptures, only a son is competent to redeem his parents from hell. Women are only considered as vehicles for bearing sons, and when they are unfit or unwilling to perform this function they are considered useless (Umar, 1998). The birth of a son is celebrated; however, the birth of a daugh-

ter is an occasion for silence and sadness (Guha, 1996). Umar (1998) reported a number of incidents where women are terrorized and even killed for being unable to produce a male child. Parental preference for sons gives rise to female feticide where the female fetus is aborted. For example, 8000 abortions that followed sexdetermination test only one involved a male fetus, i.e. 7999: 1 ratio (Umar, 1998, p. 81). Female sex discrimination is also evident in the literacy rate. According to Guha (1996), the literacy rate is lower for women by nearly 20 points compared to male literacy rate.

Religious Factors
Popular culture exhorts women to be like Sita, the ideal woman in Hindu mythology. Women, whatever are the hardships of life, have to be chaste and should be faithful to their husbands. The ideal of womanhood incorporated by Sita is one of chastity, purity, gentle tenderness and a singular faithfulness which cannot be destroyed or even disturbed by her husbands rejection, slights or thoughtlessness (Kakar, 1978, p. 66). Such moral expectations are not demanded from men in the Indian society. Kakar (1978, 1988) called this the ego ideal of women in Indian culture. Because this ideal is perpetuated widely, there is an expectation that a good wife will never leave her husband or seek divorce whatever be the misery she may be going through in life. Hindu belief considers marriage not only a contract but also a sacrament. As a result, marriage is not only indissoluble but also eternal. While the Indian civil law makes provisions for divorce, a religious upbringing and belief system strongly discourages divorce.

Economic Factors
Most women in India are still illiterate, lack training, and have only limited access to productive assets (Guha, 1996). Families do not invest in educating and training their daughters as highly as they do their sons for reasons discussed above. This gender discrimination contributes to unequal employment opportunities

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

Rastogi, Therly / DOWRY

71

and pay in adulthood. Whether or not they are employed outside the home, women are expected to do all the housework and rearing of children (Chatterji, 1988). It is estimated that an average Indian woman does minimum 8 hours of unpaid work in the family apart from any work outside the family (Pal, 1987). This housework is not considered productive labor. Even women who do bring home an income often have little control over how it is spent (Pal, 1987). In addition, while theoretically women enjoy equal right to inherit property (Umar, 1998), in practice, a majority of women usually do not own property in their own name. This too affects their economic power. For upperclass women, other factors are at play. They may be encouraged to obtain a degree in higher education solely to make them more attractive matches for highly educated grooms. Singh (1996) stated that once married, middle- and high-SES women are often discouraged to work outside the home because it is thought to take away time and attention from their husband and children. Finally, those families that have been financially drained by the marriages of their daughters attempt to recoup these losses when they marry off their sons. They do so by demanding a dowry equivalent to or greater than what they had to pay. This too continues the cycle (Naik, 1996). DOWRY-RELATED VIOLENCE: MULTIPLE EXPLANATIONS The dowry system is a prevalent practice in India (Billing, 1992; Naik, 1996; Umar, 1998), and it has reached a disproportionate magnitude today as demonstrated in the review of the literature (Flavia, 1988; Minturn, 1993; Sahai, 1996; Umar, 1998). Clearly the dowry system adversely affects the life of Indian women (Bumiller, 1990; Flavia, 1988; Prasad, 1994; Umar, 1998; Vaz & Kanekar, 1990). There have been several attempts to eradicate dowry in India (Flavia, 1988; Kumari, 1989; Umar, 1998) by making it illegal. However, the practice still continues unchecked, and the number of dowry-related crimes is increasing (Minturn,

Often the daughters 1993; Naik, 1996; Umar, are persuaded by 1998;). Wife abuse related their own parents, to dowry cuts across soexplicitly and cial class lines (Flavia, implicitly, to bear 1988). Hence, attributing everything stoically, the increase of dowry not discuss their practice only on economic situation with others, reasons does not satisand encouraged to factorily explain dowrygo back to violent related abuse in the Inrelationships. dian families. In addition, given that male and female members are involved in perpetrating dowry-related violence, it is important to analyze this phenomenon from feminist, sociocultural, and psychological perspectives.

Gender, Hierarchy, and the Role of Perpetrators

In the extended Indian families, a young bride is supposed to be obedient toward not only her husband but also to all the elders in the family, including her in-laws (Kakar, 1988; Rastogi & Wampler, 1998). According to a study (Fernandez, 1997), when there is family violence, older women often align themselves against, rather than with, younger women who marry into their families. Fernandez (1997) said that unlike the typical domestic violence scenario in the Western world, which usually involves a lone man battering a lone woman, in India often a mother-in-law or sister-in-law contributes to the violence perpetrated by men against women.
During the period 1990-1995, more than 90 per cent of the dowry death cases that reached the Supreme Court ended in conviction. In each of these cases, the mother-in-law, and in some of them, the sister-inlaw was one of the accused sentenced to imprisonment. (Jethmalini & Prasad, 1995, p. 147)

Abraham (1991) also confirmed this factor saying that in the majority of convicted cases, the mother-in-law particularly is implicated, with sisters and brothers-in-law often colluding or actively assisting the crime (p. 60). Feminist theory (Fernandez, 1997) explains violence as a consequence of the social roles of

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

72

TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2006

husband-wife and the legitimized social norms of male domination of resources, institutionalized gender inequalities, and consequent perceived male entitlement to controlling the lives of women. These factors are valid in the abuse of Indian women, too. It is important to note that all of the women involved in dowry-related violence (perpetrators and victims) are related to each other through their relationships to a man. The court cases (Jethmalini & Prasad, 1995) show that even though mothers-in-law and other senior women were implicated for the abuse as the contributors of violence, the severe violence is done with the consent of or by the husband himself and with the implicit consent of the culture itself. Therefore, we can validly assume that any power that women have in Indian society is closely associated with and derived from the male figures in the family. The concept of patriarchal bargain (Fernandez, 1997) sheds light on why women participate in the oppression of other women. According to this concept,
in return for the life-long economic, physical, and emotional protection, as well as status and power that patriarchy theoretically offers women, they remain subordinate to men and participate in ensuring the subordination of other women from the same or different households, classes. (Fernandez, 1997, p. 437)

not only of men but also of older women. (Fernandez, 1997, p. 440)

Thus, in dowry-related violence in India, womens participation in the abuse arises from the interaction of gender and life cycle-based hierarchies (Mehrotra, 1999). PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES The above explanations for dowry-related violence and the role of the perpetrators draw from sociocultural and feminist perspectives. To examine the psychological causes would add yet another dimension to understanding and combating this phenomenon. This article puts forth several psychologically based explanations below. In the Indian context, a mother-in-law is not merely financially dependent on the males in the family but is also put in an emotionally insecure position. According to Jethmalini and Prasad (1995), women in the Indian society base their pride on their husbands and sons and invest a great deal of time and service on husbands and children at the expense of themselves. In time, this sacrifice leads to a mother gaining power within the family. For example, in return her son may consult her on allimportant issues. After her sons marriage, a mother may no longer feel like she is all important in her sons life. Seeing her source of power slip away, she tightens her grip on power by controlling the bride and the new couples relationship. The issue of possible dissatisfaction with the amount of dowry adds ammunition to a volatile situation. Moreover, young girls and women are conditioned all their lives to serve their in-laws, without regard for their own needs. Mothers-in-law are in a position to take advantage of this belief system. When a woman becomes the mother-inlaw, she is finally in a position of power after having been controlled throughout her life (Jethmalini & Prasad, 1995, p. 146). The abused become the abuser. If there is resistance from the daughter-in-law, the mother-in-law may turn to verbal abuse that could escalate into physical violence (Kumari, 1989; Umar, 1998).

In the Indian context, Jethmalini and Prasad (1995) said that women have the illusion of power because their power is gained through their relationship to men. Furthermore, they said that women can and do abuse this power, sacrificing those of their own gender, and thus legitimatizing and perpetuating the social norms that define and maintain womens subordinate condition. Power in the traditional Indian context, is distributed by the endorsement of womens sexual role, i.e. by her relationship to men and child rearing capacity (Jethmalini & Prasad, 1995, p. 141).
Within the authority structure, men delegate the supervision of younger women to the older women. Whereas older women are subjected to the authority of men, younger women come under the authority

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

Rastogi, Therly / DOWRY

73

Another reason for the abuse of the new bride stems from the collective fears of the family. According to Kakar (1988), the family fears that the growing attachment between the new couple will lead the man to neglect his responsibility to the family as a dutiful son, brother, breadwinner, and so on. Therefore,
any sign of a developing attachment and tenderness within the couple are actively discouraged by the elder family members. . . . Every effort is made to hinder the development of intimacy within the couple which might exclude other members of the family, especially the parents. (Kakar, 1988, p. 63)

Any public expression of affection is actively discouraged through oblique hints or outright shaming. The husband and wife are often allowed to be together only for brief periods at night. Under these circumstances, attachment between the couple grows very slowly and puts the woman at risk for abuse because she has no allies within the system. THE ROLE OF INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOPATHOLOGY The role of individual psychopathology should not be ignored in terms of its relationship to violence in families. This section looks at womens and mens roles in perpetuating and continuing abuse. Peled, Eisikovits, Enosh, and Winstok (2000) proposed the theory of entrapment as the cause of continuing abuse. According to them, women who are battered are trapped in the relationship against their best judgment or against their will. First, some women who are battered are trapped in a relationship with a perpetrator who threatens to escalate the violence if the woman attempts to leave. Research shows (Peled et al., 2000) that separation from the abuser does not always terminate the violence. Leaving may be more dangerous than staying for the women and children, and it may expose them to more dangerous situations. Second, womens psychological makeup, namely their investment in staying connected (Jordan, 1997), and personal and situational factors contribute to their entrapment in a destructive and dysfunctional re-

lationship. Depression, Fernandez (1997) said low self-esteem, fear, that unlike the typical domestic violence loneliness, guilt, and scenario in the shame, combined with viWestern world, which olence, isolation, unpreusually involves a dictability, and possibly some positive attributes lone man battering a of the batterer set the lone woman, in India stage for the creation and often a mother-in-law or sister-in-law m a i n t e n a n c e o f s y ncontributes to the dromes such as traumatic attachment (Peled violence perpetrated by men against et al., 2000). These auwomen. thors stated that a woman who is traumatically attached to her abuser may feel that she loves him, depends on him for her survival, and even identifies with him, in which case it is likely that she will maintain the relationship. Kakar (1988) provided an explanation for the low self-esteem of women in a patriarchal society. He said that because of the differential treatm e n t o f s e x e s g i r l s a n d w o m e n in a dramatically patriarchal society will turn the aggression against themselves and transform the cultural devaluation into feelings of worthlessness and inferiority (p. 48). Another cause for pathology, according to Kakar (1988), is the social training of young women:
Late childhood marks the beginning of an Indian girls deliberate training in how to be a good woman, and hence the conscious inculcation of culturally designated feminine roles. She learns that the virtues of womanhood which will take her through life are submission and docility as well as skill and grace in the various household tasks. (p. 51)

These learned behaviors may be conceptualized as socially instigated and/or approved psychopathology because they may eventually cost the woman her life. To clarify: This analysis does not lay the blame for the violence on the woman, rather it points to the role of socialization in teaching girls and women dysfunctional behavior. The psychopathology of men as abusers is an important factor in the severity of abuse. Flavia (1988) said that a mans need to fit the masculine

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

74

TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2006

stereotype and a denial of his own failures lead to displacing his problems on others, blaming women, and violence (p. 160). The mans assumed authority in his home and/or marriage, the subservient role of his wife, and societys acceptance of the husbands right to discipline his wife gives men the option to act out violently against women. In addition, if a man has witnessed or been subjected to violence in his childhood, he is likely to assume that physical violence is an acceptable way of resolving marital problems (Flavia, 1988, pp. 160-161). Yet another explanation is that men experience shame on accepting dowry because this contradicts their role as the provider. This potentially shameful contradiction between reality and role expectations may lead him to assert his superiority through physical power. Furthermore, minimal legal or social consequences for these behaviors encourage the male perpetrator to continue his abuse (Kumari, 1989). LEARNED HELPLESSNESS Attitudes toward women in India have been shaped by what Manu wrote 2,000 years ago:
By a young girl, by a young woman, or even by an aged one, nothing must be done independently, even in her own house. In childhood a female must be subject to her father, in youth to her husband, when her lord is dead, to her sons; a woman must never be independent. (as cited in Wadley, 1988, p. 30)

abuse continues. Well-meaning parents tell the woman to try harder (Umar, 1998). Men know that their wives have no other option but to stay in the relationship. On the other hand, if the husband wants to remarry, brides are easily available for him. Women soon realize that there is no way out. Women who are battered stay in abusive relationship because their past attempts to change their environment failed. Neither can they predict what will happen when they leave the relationship. Thus, they believe that staying is safer than leaving. IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERVENTION While detailing a model of effective intervention in preventing dowry-related abuses is beyond the scope of this article, psychotherapeutic approaches should not be overlooked. At present, much of the work against the dowry system has targeted larger systems. It has included legal education, attempts at empowering women through the media, government policies to target gender discrimination, and providing resources for victims and their families (Ghadially & Kumar, 1988; Kumari, 1989). The psychological analyses presented here demonstrate that the problems are widespread, and individual and relational issues should be targeted too. Currently, most of the psychotherapy services offered are after the fact, to help the victim and her family deal with the trauma and the after effects of the abuse. The analysis presented in this article suggests that gender-informed, culturally sensitive therapy ought to be available to groups of girls and women (see Rastogi & Wampler, 1998) to combat the creation of abusive situations. This might be offered through outreach in community settings, in schools, colleges, and other places where women congregate. For example, feminist therapy might help them examine issues related to their own family, support other women, build their own self-esteem, and seek out nonviolent solutions to family conflict. People might learn to spot early signs of a violent or abusive marriage, and how to assist in intervening in such situations. Similarly, separate psychotherapy

The theory of learned helplessness suggests that an individual will initially attempt to escape an undesirable situation. However, when repeated attempts to escape fail, she gives up and becomes passive. Then later, even when an escape route is available, she continues to behave Flavia (1988) said that in a passive and helpless in an oppressive manner. Flavia (1988) system womens said that in an oppressive experiences cause system womens experithem to succumb to ences cause them to sucthe abuse than fight cumb to the abuse than against it. fight against it. No matter what the victim does, the

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

Rastogi, Therly / DOWRY

75

groups would be available to men. These could focus on consciousness raising and psychological issues. For example, the groups for men might focus on male privilege, shame, and violence, and the price of masculinity (Levant & Pollack, 1995). Furthermore, men might support each other too in learning nonviolent ways to resolve conflict. Referrals would be available for individual of family therapy for men and women seeking further help. IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS As described earlier in this article, dowry is practiced by a majority of Indian families. Immigrants of Indian origin and their children are not immune to this practice either. This has important implications for practitioners in the United Sates and elsewhere as Asian Indians numbered 1.7 million in the United States in the year 2000 (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.), 713,000 in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2005), and 1,053,411 in the United Kingdom (Office for National Statistics, 2003). Although not all instances of dowry lead to abuse and violence, and not all instances of domestic violence are caused by dowry, it is vitally important for professionals to be vigilant. When working with abuse and violence in the South Asian community, the professional should be open to the fallout from dowry in the couple and family relationships. Gender is a salient aspect

of assessment when working with South Asians (Maker, Mittal & Rastogi, 2005). When conducting psychotherapy with clients of Indian origin, it is important to ask questions regarding the manner in which the marriage took place and if there were family conflicts from the time of the wedding. Clinical judgment will help determine whether the therapist ought to ask outright about the role of dowry in the marriage. If there were issues regarding dowry, it is commonplace for these issues to continue to affect the couple and the extended family for years after the wedding. This added information might help mental health professionals decide how to proceed with a case if it appears there was violence and abuse involved as a result of the dowry. Almeida and Dolan-Delvecchio (1999) point out that professionals should differentiate between cultural practices and the resultant violence. While dowry is a cultural practice, violence is not. In addition, the authors of this article would argue that not all cultural practices deserve to be condoned. Thus, a practice such as dowry should not be automatically accepted as is simply because it is the norm. To combat the negative impact of dowry, it is essential to harness psychological interventions that are informed by culture and gender, along with more commonly attempted legal, social service, and educational approaches. These interventions ought to be widely available in the community.

IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE, POLICY, AND RESEARCH

Current approaches toward the prevention of dowry exchange and violence prevention focus on legal education, media presentations, and creating government policies. Professionals should harness psychologically based, culturally sensitive, and gender-sensitive services to offer to groups of women and girls to help prevent dowry exchange and violence. Men might be offered similar group settings to discuss male privilege, shame, violence and the price of masculinity. Outreach work in the community will help concerned family members, neighbors, and friends to spot early signs of abuse and violence, and learn ways to intervene. Families, couples, and individuals may be referred for appropriate psychological services. Professionals should assess for various genderrelated issues when working with clients of Indian origin. Professionals should be informed and vigilant to the differences between normative practices and abusive behaviors within families.

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

76

TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2006

REFERENCES
Abraham, A. (1991). Case studies from the womens center, Bombay. In M. Krishnaraj (Ed.), Women and violence: A country report (pp. 60-90). Bombay, India: SNDT Womens University, Research Centre for Womens Studies. Almeida, R. H., & Dolan-Delvecchio, K. (1999). Addressing culture in batterers intervention. Violence Against Women, 5(6), 654-683. Altekar, A. S. (1991). The position of women in Hindu civilization: From prehistoric times to the present day. Delhi, India: Motilal Banarsidas Publishers. Billing, M. S. (1992). The marriage squeeze and the rise of groom price in Indias Kerala State. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 23(2), 197-216. Bumiller, E. (1990). May you be the mother of a hundred sons: A journey among the women of India. New Delhi, India: Penguin Books. Chatterji, S. A. (1988). The Indian womens search for identity. New Delhi, India: Vikas Publishing House PVT. Diwan, P. (1990). Dowry and protection to married women. New Delhi, India: Deep and Deep Publication. Fernandez, M. (1997). Domestic violence by extended family members in India: Interplay of gender and generation. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12(3), 433-455. Flavia. (1988). Violence in the family: Wife beating. In R. Ghadially (Ed.), Women in Indian society (pp. 151-166). New Delhi, India: Sage. Ghadially, R., & Kumar, P. (1988). Bride-burning: The psycho-social dynamics of dowry deaths. In R. Ghadially (Ed.), Women in Indian society (pp. 166-177). New Delhi, India: Sage. Guha, S. (1996). The girl child is not a lesser child. In J. P. Singh (Ed.), The Indian women: Myth and reality (pp. 88110). New Delhi, India: Gyan Publishing House. Iglitzin, L., & Ross, R. (1986). Women in the world. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Jethmalini, R., & Prasad, S. (1995). Internalizing patriarchy. In R. Jethmalini (Ed.), Kalis yug: Empowerment, law and dowry deaths (pp. 139-147). New Delhi, India: Haranand Publications. Jordan, J. (1997). Womens growth in diversity. New York: Guilford. Kakar, S. (1978). The inner world: A psycho-analytic study of childhood and society in India. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Kakar, S. (1988). Feminine identity in India. In R. Ghadially (Ed.), Women in Indian society (pp. 44-68). New Delhi, India: Sage. Kumari, R. (1989). Brides are not for burning: Dowry victims in India. New Delhi, India: Radiant Publishers. Levant, R. F., & Pollack, W. S. (1995). A new psychology of men. New York: Basic Books. Maker, A., Mittal, M., & Rastogi, M. (2005). South Asians in the United States: Developing a systemic and empirically based mental health assessment model. In M. Rastogi & E. Wieling (Eds.), Voices of color: First-person

accounts of ethnic minority therapists (pp. 233-254). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Mehrotra, M. (1999). The social construction of wife abuse: Experience of Asian Indian women in the United States. Violence Against Women, 5(6), 619-640. Minturn, L. (1993). Sitas daughters: Coming out of purdah. New York: Oxford University Press. Naik, R. D. (1996). A study of dowry practices. Pune, India: Dastane-Ramachandra & Co. Nair, T. P. (1978). Marriage and dowry in India. Calcutta, India: Minerva. Office for National Statistics. (2003). Census, April 2001. Retrieved October 4, 2005, from www.statistics.gov.uk/ cci/nugget_print.asp?ID=273 Pal, P. K. (1987). Problems and concerns of Indian women. New Delhi, India: ABC Publishing House. Peled, E., Eisikovits, Z., Enosh, G. & Winstok, Z. (2000). Choice and empowerment for battered women who stay: Toward a constructivist mode. Social Work, 45(1), 925. Prasad, B. D. (1994). Dowry-related violence: A content analysis of news in selected newspapers. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 25(1), 71-89. Rastogi, M., & Wampler, K. S. (1998). Couples and family therapy with Indian families: Some structural and intergenerational considerations. In U. P. Gielen & A. L. Comunian (Eds.), Family and family therapy in international perspective (pp. 257-274). Milan, Italy: Marinelli Editrice. Sahai, S. (1996). Social legislation and status of Hindu women. Jaipur, India: Rawat Publications. Singh, J. P. (Ed.). (1996). The Indian women: Myth and reality. New Delhi, India: Gyan Publishing House. Statistics Canada. (2005). Census of population. Retrieved on October 4, 2005, from www40.statcan.ca/cbin/fl/ cstprintflag.cgi Tambiah, S. J. (1973). Dowry and bridewealth and property rights of women in South Asia. In J. Goody & S. J. Tambiah (Eds.), Bride wealth and dowry (pp. 59-169). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Teja, M. K. (1993). Dowry: A study in attitudes and practices. New Delhi, India: Inter-India Publications. Umar, M. (1998). Bride burning in India. New Delhi, India: A. P. H. Publishing Corporation. U.S. Census Bureau. (n.d.). Census 2000 summary file 4 (SF4)sample data. Retrieved April 12, 2004, from http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/DatasetMain PageServlet?_program=DEC&_lang=en&_ts= Vallabhaneni, S. (1998). Asian-Indian women and their attitude toward mental health services. Unpublished doctoral clinical research project, Illinois School of Professional Psychology, Chicago. Vaz, L., & Kanekar, S. (1990). Predicted and recommended behavior of a woman as a function of her inferred helplessness in the dowry and wife-beating predicaments. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 20(9), 751-770. Wadley, S. (1988). Women and the Hindu tradition. In R. Ghadially (Ed.), Women in Indian society (pp. 23-43). New Delhi, India: Sage.

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011

Rastogi, Therly / DOWRY

77

Mudita Rastogi, Ph.D., is professor and a core faculty member in the clinical psychology program at Argosy UniversitySchaumburg (Chicago Northwest)Illinois School of Professional Psychology. She obtained her Ph.D. in marriage and family therapy from Texas Tech University, her masters degree in psychology from University of Bombay, and her BA (Honors) in psychology from University of Delhi. She has published in the areas of family and couple therapy, cross-cultural and gender issues, and South Asian families and is editor of the book Voices of Color (2005, Sage). She is currently associate editor for the Journal of Marital and Family Therapy. She has more than 15 years of clinical experience in India and the United States with a highly diverse client population and is in private practice in Arlington Heights, Illinois, as a licensed marriage and family therapist. Her clinical interests include couples, families, adolescents, cultural and gender issues, domestic violence and trauma. She frequently presents workshops nationally and internationally. She also maintains an interest in partnering with grassroots, not-for-profit organizations.

Paul Therly, Psy.D., is a postdoctoral intern at Southdown Institute, Aurora, Canada. He received his doctoral degree in clinical psychology from Illinois School of Professional Psychology, Chicago in 2001. After the completion of his doctorate, he held the position of training director at Montfort College, Bangalore, India, for 3 years and also taught masters level students at Bangalore University. He earned a masters degree in pastoral counseling from Loyola University, Chicago. His educational background also includes the study of philosophy, sociology, theology, and yoga. He has conducted several events and workshops for religious groups in India and published articles on spirituality and psychology. Born and raised in India, he has a deep interest in multicultural issues, spirituality, and psychotherapy. Before he entered graduate school, he was engaged in social work, education, and pastoral work and has firsthand knowledge and experience of the oppression of women in the Indian culture. It is through this work that he developed a strong interest in feminism, value-based psychotherapy, and holistic therapy.

Downloaded from tva.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 31, 2011