Opening the Tablet Box

Culture and History of the

Ancient Near East
Founding Editor
M. H. E. Weippert
Editor-in-Chief
Tomas Schneider
Editors
Eckart Frahm, W. Randall Garr, B. Halpern,
Teo P. J. van den Hout, Irene J. Winter
VOLUME 42
DEFINING HISTORICAL
FICTION IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT
Coiiii M..ss.
Yale University
Te Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties witness some of the great-
est battles of pharaonic historyRamesses IIs daring chariot charge at
Kadesh, the repeated and ofen massive Libyan incursions during the
reigns of Merneptah and Ramesses III, and the latters naval encounter
with the Sea Peoples. Tese events are recounted in lengthy and de-
tailed hieroglyphic inscriptions, in most cases accompanied by large-
scale reliefs depicting the battle and its afermath. Egyptian temples
served as the setting for Egyptian historical texts, and such compositions
not only interact with their physical context, but also exist within a com-
plex labyrinth of intertextualityboth with their historical predecessors
and other genres of texts. Among these genres are fctional accounts of
military events, which appear to be a direct result of the militarismof the
Ramesside age.
1
Te use of historical elements in fctional tales provides information
about the author of the texts and his sources, and contains important
clues as to the historical knowledge of the intended audience. Without a
proper appreciation of history, the entertainment value of fction based
on historical events disappears. Examination of the historical knowl-
edge required of the ancient Egyptian audience may enable one indi-
rectly to recover details of Egyptian historiography otherwise lacking
from the written record. While the Middle Kingdom waseven for the
Egyptiansthe golden age of literature, the corpus of NewKingdomsto-
ries is more signifcant for a study of historical fction, since it is only
during the latter period that a wide range of historical texts and fctional
literature covering the same events appears in the extant material. Te
1
Te following is a summary of some of the results that will be presented in a more
complete version in my forthcoming monograph, Historical Fiction in New Kingdom
Egypt, which will include translations and commentary to all four stories as well as more
detailed examinations of comparative texts.
io coiiii m..ss.
historical settings of the great works of the Middle Kingdom, such as the
Instruction for Merikare, Instruction of Amenemhat, Prophecies of Neferty,
and the stories in Papyrus Westcar, provide useful comparisons for New
Kingdom historical fction, but the relevant historical sources for much
in those earlier tales are now lost or obscure. However, with a defnition
of historical fction and demonstration of its applicability within ancient
Egyptian literature, one may ultimately shed light on literary production
fromthe Middle Kingdomthrough to the fowering of demotic literature
in the Graeco-Roman Period.
Without tackling the enormous topic of fctionality in ancient Egyp-
tian literature,
2
one may ofer a preliminary defnition of historical fc-
tion: a fctional narrative in which the process of historical events is itself
an actor within the plot and whose characters are directly and repeatedly
infuenced by historical events or are themselves fctionalized versions
of individuals who shaped historical events. Te frst criterion separates
historical fction from fction with a historical setting; a story with a his-
torical setting typically has only one or two events that might afect a
characters behavior, but the development of the character, irrespective
of his historical setting, remains a primary impetus to the plot. In his-
torical fction, the specifc time period permeates, limits, and defnes the
actions of the characters and the plot developmentthe fowof historical
events, even if augmented by fctional elements, provides the boundaries
for the narrative. Similarly, the primary characters in a work of histor-
ical fction are either fctionalized versions of known individuals or are
entirely fctional characters who frequently interact with known individ-
uals.
Four tales within the corpus of the Late Egyptian Stories demon-
strate how this working defnition of historical fction applies specif-
cally to ancient Egyptian literature: Te Quarrels of Apepi and Seqenenere
(QAS), Te Capture of Joppa (COJ), Tutmose III in Asia (TIA), and Te
Libyan Battle Story (LBS). Te following sections present summaries of
these four texts along with new perspectives on lexicographic and the-
matic aspects of the stories that bear on their interpretation as historical
fction. With a working defnition of historical fction and specifc exam-
ples thereof one may then tackle a larger comparison of fctional tales
with a historical setting with actual historical fction.
2
Moers ioo1.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 i,
I. Te Quarrels of Apepi and Seqenenre
Te fragmentary tale QAS appears in only a single papyrus copy: P. Sal-
lier I (BM 1o18,), dated to the tenth regnal year of Merneptah and prob-
ably deriving from a Memphite context.
3
Te story appears in the frst
three columns of the recto, ending mid-sentence at the lef margin of the
third line of the third column; the fnal two lines of the excerpted por-
tion of the story appear again in the second column of the verso. In line
four of the third column of the recto, the scribe then wrote the title to
the remainder of the compositions on the recto of the papyrus:
4
.
ht-# m
sby.t s#.wt Beginning of the instruction of letter writing. Te remain-
ing six columns of the recto contain copies of letters between the chief
of the record-keepers of the treasury of pharaoh Ameneminet and the
scribe Pentaweret, which were apparently chosen for their didactic value,
as use of sby.t instruction in the title suggests.
3
Far from being unre-
lated to the following letter-writing manual, the QAS appears to provide
anentertaining andinstructive beginning to the manual, specifcally cho-
sen by the scribe to introduce the additional, more sober contents of the
papyrus. Although the signifcance of this juxtaposition has been over-
looked, it ofers unique informationconcerning the audience of historical
fction and the multiplicity of purposes it might serve for that audience
(see further below).
From the preserved portion of the story, one can summarize QAS as a
narrative that presents an apparently imaginary scenario that occurred
near the end of the Second Intermediate Period, at the onset of the
war between the Tebans and the Hyksos. Te main characters of the
story are two historically well attested pharaohs: Aauserre Apepi, one of
the last kings of the Hyksos Fifeenth Dynasty, and Seqenenre Ta#a, the
penultimate pharaoh of the Teban Seventeenth Dynasty. Te Ramesside
scribe who copied the text in P. Sallier I and the unknown author of QAS
were part of a larger New Kingdom tradition of interest in the conficts
of the Second Intermediate Period as attested by the Carnarvon tablet,
6
a
3
Budge 1i: pls. ,,,; Gardiner 1i: 8,88; Caminos 1,: o. Overviews
and translations of the story include: Redford 1,o: ,8, ,o; Redford 1,: 1,18;
Goedicke 18o; Wente iooa; Barbotin ioo8: i1i,.
4
P. Sallier I, r. col. , l. = Gardiner 1i: , l. 1.
3
On the Late Egyptian Miscellanies as a didactic corpus, see most recently Goelet
ioo8.
6
Barbotin ioo8: 1o1, and references therein.
i8 coiiii m..ss.
copy of part of Kamoses omcial historical record on a wood tablet,
and the historical retrospective in the Speos Artemidos inscription of
Hatshepsut.
7
Te story begins with a dramatic setting:

hpr swt wn." n t n km.t

m " d.t " w nn wn nb (m) nswt hrw It happened
8
that then the land
of Egypt was in a state of pestilence,
9
no (single) lord as king at that
time. While the pharaoh Seqenenre ruled in Tebes, the entire country
paid taxes to Apepi, who resided at his capital of Avaris. Te territorial
extent of the Hyksos and their burdensome taxation also appear in
contemporary historical sources;
10
the literary tale appears to have cast
these aspects of the historical recordalready part of the self-conscious
royal presentation of Kamose as defender of maatinto the more poetic
description of pestilence.
11
Te dual historical and theological aspects
of the tale appear in a description of Apepis exclusive devotion to Seth
that occurs between the introductory passages and the beginning of the
narration of events.
12
7
Gardiner 1o: ,o; Allen iooi. For the topic of Egyptians consulting earlier
records in general, see Vernus 1,: ,,; Redford 18o.
8
Te verb

hpr is a preterite s

dm=f with omitted impersonal subject and sentence

complement; for references to this grammatical form, see Spalinger ioo: 1i1 n. i1.
9
Te use of the term " d.t pestilence suggests that Egypt is in a state of constant
danger from pestilence both physical and psychic, which was normally confned to the
dangerous time of the new year (on this concept, see Darnell 1,: ,; Osing and
Rosati 18); for a medical discussion, see Westendorf iooo; Herrmann (ioo8) notes
the presence of a similar concept in Akkadian texts. Actual plagues from southwest Asia
that entered Egypt during the late Tirteenth Dynasty might also have contributed to the
signifcance of " d.t in QAS; for archaeological and textual evidence of this plague, see
Bietak 11: ,8; Bietak 1,: 1o,; Goedicke 18; Panagiotakopulu ioo.
10
Carnarvon Tablet, l. i (Helck iooi: 8):
nn sny sw s# r
.
hw.t-k-pt
.
h
mw n km.t mk sw

hr

hmnw
n"

hnn.n z" fw m-# bk.w S

tty.w
Tere is no bypassing him (the Hyksos ruler) as far as Memphis.
As for the water of Egypthe even possesses Hermopolis.
A man cannot rest, he having been devastated with the taxes of the Asiatics.
11
Compare the time of troubles topos in historical textsRedford 18o: i,i,,;
von der Way 1i: 1,i1; Manassa ioo: 11o11.
12
Apepis worship of Seth is not monotheistic, contra Goldwasser iooo; the god Seth
is a member of the Heliopolitan Ennead and has no meaning outside of that constellation
of deities, thus Apepis emphasis on Seth is at most an extreme form of henotheism, but
does not appear to have any relation to the exclusive solar worship of Akhenaten (for the
Aten as a god who exists before the creation of other deities, see the overview in Darnell
and Manassa ioo,: i,).
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 i
Te frst action within the narrative occurs in the palace of Avaris,
where Apepi dictates a message addressed to Seqenenre. Following the
description of Apepis letter as libelous, the text becomes fragmentary,
and among the broken lines the story reports that just as Apepi devotes
his religious activity solely to Sethincluding the construction of a
large temple next to the royal palaceSeqenenere directs his worship to
Amun-Re. Once the messenger arrives in Tebes, we learn the content of
the Hyksos kings missive. Te messenger tells the Teban ruler: Expel
the hippopotami from the swamp that is in the eastern waters of the city,
because they do not allow that sleep come to me, day or night, because
their noise is in his ear! More than fve hundred kilometers separate
Avaris from Tebes, making Apepis request ridiculous to ancient and
modern audiences alike. Te absurdity of the message causes Seqenenere
pause, unable immediately to respond to the Hyksos messenger. Afer the
shock wears of, Seqenenre asks the messenger a question; although the
actual content of the question is not preserved, the use of the particle " s

t
followed by a nominal " .s

dm=f suggests that the question is rhetorical

13
and quite possibly sarcastic: " s

t " ." r py=k nb #nh w

d snb {
.
hr s

dm md.wt
.
hr [. . . ] Did your lord actually hear the words concerning [the . . . ]. In
another broken passage a character says As for everything that you say
to himI will do it; although the speaker is not specifed, Seqenenre is
the most likely candidate. Te story ends mid-sentence in the following
section in which Seqenenre summons his council.
Previous interpretations of the story have varied greatlyfrom a
strictly historicist reading
14
to a mockery of the standard so-called
Knigsnovelle.
13
Te apparent inactivity of Seqenenre has led to the con-
clusion that he may not be the hero of the tale.
16
Subtle alterations to
the royal novel may have served as humorous elements
17
in the tale
while the educated ancient reader would expect the king to rage like
a panther, he actually responds with stunned silence. One should not,
however, overestimate Seqenenres lack of response in the beginning of
13
For " s

t introducing rhetorical questions, see Junge ioo1: 8,; Darnell iooo: i, note
d and references therein. For another example of " s

t with nominal " ." r=f s

dm, compare
Wenamun i , (Gardiner 1i: ,, ll. 8): " st " ." r=tw " r" grg r# nb dy But is injustice
performed every day even here:
14
Goedicke 18o.
13
Fischer-Elfert ioo: 1,.
16
Fischer-Elfert ioo: 1,; di Biase-Dyson ioo8.
17
While it is dimcult not to interject modern feelings into the interpretation of the
text, comparative material that would confrm such emotions for the ancient audience is
lacking.
i,o coiiii m..ss.
the tale, equating his behavior with cowardice or passivity.
18
Indeed, a
historical text from the reign of Seti I provides precisely the template for
understanding Seqenenres decision to appease the Hyksos messenger. In
the Sai and Amara West stelae of Seti I, which record a campaign against
Irem, the date of the stela and a series of epithets is followed by a " w=tw
formula and the kings unexpected response to his assembled council:
19
" w=tw r

dd n
.
hm=f
n n

hrw.w n

hs.t rm k=sn bst

#
.
h #.n w
.
h
.
Hm=f sp r=sn
r s

dm s

hr.w=sn

drw
One came to say to his majesty:
Te enemy of the foreign land of Iremthey are planning rebellion.
Ten his majesty gave them time,
in order to become thoroughly cognizant of their plans.
Rather than rage against the enemy as is common in the " w=tw report
genre,
20
Seti I patiently awaits further developments, giving the Iremites
time to give away their plans and thus make the Egyptian strategy that
much more efective. Te Nubian War stelae of Seti I demonstrate that
the Egyptians were not simplistic in their military strategy and that delay
was not automatically equated with cowardice. Te actions of Seti I may
resolve the apparent contradiction within QAS and provide a parallel for
Seqenenres stalling action as strategic decision, which in the context of a
literary tale may humorously refect the audiences own astonishment at
Apepis demand.
18
Similarly, the use of the term nswt king for Apepi and wr n n" w.t rsy.t ruler of the
southern city for Seqenenre may not have demeaned the latter as most scholars assume.
Te use of the difering titles should be seen in the context of the use of the nomen for
Apepi (probably because all three permutations of his prenomen contained the name
Resee Schneider 18: ,1,which would contradict the Sethian worship of the
Hyksos king as well as the reputation of the Hyksos ruling without acknowledging Re
Speos Artemidos Inscription of Hatshepsut, l. 8, Gardiner 1o: pl. VI) and prenomen
for Seqenenre (since his nomen Ta#a refers to Djehuty rather than the solar deity).
Emphasizing Seqenenres status as Teban ruler continually reminds the reader of the
magnitude of his accomplishments, setting the stage for Kamose and Ahmoses military
conquest and the expulsion of the Hyksos. Te use of the title nswt for the Hyksos ruler
might also have been intended to portray how Apepi did not properly fll the roleas a
simple wr or
.
hq

hs.wt, Apepi might be forgiven his transgressions, but as nswt, higher

moral standards apply (such as those implied in the term nswt mn

h).
19
Kitchen 1,o: 1oi ll. 11,; 1o ll. 1i; translation of Darnell Forthcoming a:
1o. On the Irem campaign of Seti I, see Darnell Forthcoming a; Kitchen 1: 81o;
Vercoutter 18o.
20
See the examples outlined in Spalinger 18i: 1; for the " w=tw report, see also
below.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 i,1
Tis possible clarifcation of Seqenenres motives and superior wit
leaves the nature of Apepis demand unexplained. What does it mean that
one should remove the hippopotami from the swamp east of the city:
What do the hippopotami symbolize and how can they be related to the
political events of the Teban-Hyksos confict: Previous theories divide
into two basic categories: 1) Apepi as a worshipper of Seth is trying to
prevent Seqenenre from ritually killing the hippopotami that are sacred
to his chosendeity;
21
i) the hippopotami are threatening Apepi with their
roarssince the Hyksos king is equated with the chaos serpent Apep
and Apepi desires that they be driven out/eliminated.
22
While hippopotami were ritually killed in a variety of contextsfrom
royal harpooning in the marshes
23
to Ankhtyfys hunt during the festival
of Hemen
24
no comparative evidence suggests that Apepi is attempt-
ing to halt a ritual killing of the hippopotami or that such a ritual was
essential to the legitimacy of Seqenenres rule. An abundance of paral-
lels, however, may be garnered for the second option, in which Apepi
requests something negative be done to the Sethian hippopotami, grant-
ing a much more straight-forward reading to the message. Although
Apepi worships Seth, his selfsh request will bring himinto direct confict
withthe godtowhomhippopotami are sacred.
23
Tis apparent contradic-
tion has two important corollaries: frst, the hippopotami are protective
deities for the Tebans, and second, if Apepi acts against Seth then the
divine template for the Hyksos kings actions become the chaos serpent
Apep.
26
Te hippopotami within the swamp on the east bank of Tebes echo
the pool of the white hippopotamus from Book of the Dead Chap-
ter 11o; the vignette to Chapter 11o shows the deceased plowing the earth
in the feld of reeds (s

h.t " rw), while the annotation reads:

27
21
Sve-Sderbergh 1,; Gwyn Grimths 1o,: o; followed by Brunner 1,,; Behr-
mann 18: Dok. 18o; Hofmann 181: 1; Kozlof iooo: oo.
22
Strk 181.
23
Behrmann 1o: 1i.
24
Willems 1o: o.
23
For hippopotami and Seth, see Behrmann 1o: oo,8; Strk 181: o,.
26
Strk 181: o,o8.
27
Naville 188o; the text appears already in CT oode Buck 1,: ,oi. Much
debate surrounds the possible associations between the white hippopotamus in Book
of the Dead 11o and the festival of the white hippopotamus (
.
hb
.
hd.t)see inter alia
Behrmann 1o: 1i; Kaiser 1o, 1,; Altenmller 1. Compare also the hip-
popotamus in the Book of the Fayumsee Beinlich 11: 1o1o,.
i,i coiiii m..ss.
s n
.
h

d.t
" trw

h m w=f nn

dd ws

h=f
n wn rm.w nb im=f nn
.
hfw.w nb.t " m=f
Te pool (var: spell) of the white hippopotamus;
it is one thousand iteru in length, without stating its width.
No fsh exist therein and no serpents exist therein.
Iconographic evidence from Middle Kingdom and Second Intermedi-
ate Period Tebes further indicates the specifc apotropaic function hip-
popotami exercised in this area. In addition to her protective function
within the home, the goddess Tawereta hippopotamus-headed god-
dess with crocodile and leonine attributesappears in several interest-
ing contexts within the Tebaid.
28
Rock inscriptions of Taweret appear
along the Teban desert roads,
29
and twin Taweret goddesses stand guard
on the throne base of the Seventeenth Dynasty king Sobekemsaf I.
30
Te
association between the hippopotami in QAS with a canal on the eastern
side of the city is also consistent with Taweret goddesses protecting the
eastern horizon.
31
Several Teban stelae fromthe same time period as the
composition of QAS depict the worship of Seth as a hippopotamus; one
Nineteenth Dynasty stela fromDeir el-Medina depicts Taweret alongside
two hippopotami manifestations of Seth.
32
In conclusion, one cannot be
certain that the hippopotami in QAS are Taweret, Seth, or both, but the
evidence points towards the hippopotami as protective deities acting on
behalf of the Tebans.
If Apepi is requesting a negative action be taken against hippopotami
that represent Sethand/or another deity, thenthe template for the Hyksos
kings actions are Apep, the chaotic serpent and solar enemy, whom
Seth himself spears at the prow of the solar bark.
33
Te equation of
a foreign ruler with Apep is attested in other historical documents;
in the Great Karnak Inscription of Merneptah, an Egyptian fortress
28
For a temple of Taweret in Luxor, see Gundlach 18,: o.
29
Darnell iooia: ,,,8; iooob: 1,; Forthcoming b.
30
Davies 181: and pls. B, o (noting a parallel on a statue base of Hatshepsut
see most recently, Roehrig (ed.) ioo,: 1,o1,1); I would like to thank John Darnell for
pointing out this key piece.
31
Epigraphic Survey 1o: pls. io and ; Moussa 18,.
32
Behrmann 18: dok. 1,,ad (1,,c shows Seth with Taweret; the interpretation
in Behrmann 1o: 88 oddly downplays the relationships between the deities on the
stela).
33
For Seth as slayer of Apep, see Te Velde 1o,: 1o8, 18: o; Petschel and von
Falck (eds.) ioo: i1ii; Broze 1o: 111io; Silverman and Houser-Wegner ioo,:
1,18.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 i,
commander reports that the Libyanleader Merey fed past the garrisonin
the deep of the night,
34
an allusion to the time during which Re combats
Apep inthe Underworld,
33
while inthe Victory Stela, several descriptions
of Merey cast him in the role of Apep.
36
Unfortunately, without the
ending of QAS, one cannot know how or when Seth may have turned
against the Hyksos king or if the tale contained a more direct association
of Apepi and Apep. Helpful in this context is the story Te Capture
of Joppa, which similarly alludes to Seths unique role as deity against
foreign enemies, and Tutmose III in Asia, which describes how Seth
and manifestations of Montu aid the king in battle (see below)tales of
historical fction, like actual historical texts, emphasize divine judgment
against the enemies of Egypt.
37
One canonly speculate about the ending of QAS, althoughthe parallels
presented above suggest that Seqenenre capitalizes on his superior wit
and strategy to gain victory over the Hyksos king, personifcation of
chaos, who professes to worship Seth, yet represents the solar enemy
Apep. Te Ramesside author of the tale, as well as its readers, may or
may not have been aware of the historical ending for the Teban king:
Seqenenre died from wounds sustained in battle, including a blow to
the skull from an Asiatic-type axe.
38
However, Seqenenres successors
Kamose and Ahmose would succeed in expelling the Hyksos fromEgypt
and founding the New Kingdom, whose imperial successes created the
very military scribes that probably composed and enjoyed tales such as
QAS, as well as the three tales that follow.
II. Te Capture of Joppa
Te lively fctional portrayal of the Egyptian capture of the coastal city
of Joppa through a clever ruse remains a delightful read over three
thousand years afer its composition.
39
COJ is known through a single
34
Manassa ioo: 1ii1i; compare also von der Way 1i: ii.
33
Manassa ioo,: i1i and references therein.
36
Garthof 188.
37
For divine judgment in particular, see von der Way 1i: ,8.
38
Bietak and Strouhal 1,: i,i.
39
Previous studies and translations of the text include: Goedicke 1o8; Wente ioob.
Discussions of New Kingdom literature frequently mention COJ, but do not provide
detailed commentary to the text; cf. Loprieno 188: ,8, 1o: ,i, ioo: ,;
Houlihan ioo1: .
i, coiiii m..ss.
copy on papyrus British Museum 1oooo (Papyrus Harris ,oo), which
dates to the reign of Ramesses II;
40
COJ appears on the verso of the
papyrus, followed by the story of the Doomed Prince,
41
while the recto
of the papyrus contains love poems and the Song of the Harper.
42
Te
beginning of the tale is lost, but the three extant columns record what
must have been a signifcant portion of the plot as well as the conclusion
of the story.
Te COJ unfolds within the plausibly historical setting of the Egyptian
siege of Joppa, led by a known Tutmoside general Djehuty, who cre-
ates a ruse de guerre that unfolds in an increasingly implausible manner
amidst elements of humor. Te frst column of the papyrus begins with
a group of drunken individuals as well as mention of maryannu, chari-
ots, and Apiru, all of which set the narrative frmly in the imperial world
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, when Mittani and Egypt vied for control of
Syria-Palestine, fghting large-scale chariot battles.
43
Te specifc setting,
the city of Joppa, soon becomes clear when the ruler of Joppa addresses
the Egyptian general Djehuty; the exact place of the meeting between
Djehuty and the ruler of Joppa is not mentioned, but one may imagine
it occurring in a neutral area between an Egyptian siege encampment
44
and the city walls. Te unnamed ruler wishes to see the staf (#wn.t) of
the pharaoh Tutmose III, and in a moment of physical humor, Djehuty
obliges by striking the ruler in the forehead with that very staf. Ten Dje-
huty launches his plana mixture of Odysseus Trojan Horse and Ali
Baba and the o Tievesto capture the city. With the ruler of Joppa
incapacitated and fettered, Djehuty sends a messenger to the rulers wife,
who like her husband remains nameless; she is told that Djehuty has sur-
rendered himself and his family into her custody and that ioo baskets
will be delivered as the initial portion of Egyptian tribute to Joppa. Signif-
icantly for both COJ and QAS, the foreigners credit the god Seth for their
40
Budge 1i: pl. XLVII; the exact provenance is unknown, but the state of preserva-
tion suggests that it probably came from a tomb (Quirke 1o: 1).
41
For overviews and translations, see Wente iooc; Helck 18,; Loprieno 188: oo
o; Galan ioo,: ,1i.
42
Te love poems and Song of the Harper are frequently discussed; see inter alia
Fox 18,; Mathieu 1o; and Darnell in this volume.
43
For warfare of the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty and Mittani, see inter alia Spalinger
ioo,: o1oo; Redford ioo; Darnell and Manassa ioo,: ,,8o; Freu ioo; Evans ioo8.
44
Compare the circumvallation walls that Tutmose III constructs around the city of
MegiddoRedford ioo: 1i.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 i,,
apparent victory,
43
which unbeknownst to them will be their downfall.
Two hundred Egyptian soldiersarmed and equipped with ropes and
manacleshide within the baskets and capture the city from within.
Following his military success, Djehuty writes a letter to the pharaoh
Tutmose III, praising his victory and commending the captives to the
temple of Amun-Re.
Before discussing the historicity of the story, one should examine its
literary elements. What do the characters and lexicography tell the reader
about the purpose of the tale: How does the entertaining ruse relate
to the overall trajectory of the story: With regards to the characters,
the only named individual in the story is the Egyptian military hero
Djehuty, who served during the reign of Tutmose III (see below). Te
ruler of Joppa and his wife remain nameless, denying perpetuation of the
enemys name and keeping those characters entirely within the topical
realm,
46
in contrast to the more mimetical presentation of Apepi in QAS.
One of the more interesting lexicographic features of COJ is the use of
objects of foreign origin against the foreign enemies: the staf that the
ruler of Joppa wishes to see is an #wn.t-staf, which in several contexts is
a wooden stave specifc to Syria-Palestine;
47
and the baskets in which the
Egyptian soldiers hide are called t

hbst" , possibly a Hurrian loan word.

48
Ultimately the products of the northern Egyptian empire are turned to
Egypts advantage, just as Seth, god of the foreigners, aids the Egyptians
in QAS and COJ.
COJ represents one of the longest works of historical fction to sur-
vive from the New Kingdom, and a large corpus of comparative texts
and archaeological data from Egypt provides information concerning
the historical inspiration for the story. Archaeological evidence for Egyp-
tian activity at Joppa is limited, consisting primarily of stone blocks with
43
COJ, col. i, l. 11 (= Gardiner 1i: 8 l. ,): " .d" (n)=n swt

d
.
hwty
.
hn#
.
hm.t=f

hrd.w=f
It is to us that Seth has handed over Djehuty with his wife and family!
46
For namelessness in Egyptian literature, see the brief comments concerning female
characters in Blumenthal 1: 1.
47
For #wn.t staves and Syria, compare Caminos 1,: o,; Fischer 1,8: i8i;
Darnell 1,: 8i8,; note particularly the text of a love poem from P. Harris ,oo (the
same papyrus as COJ), where the girl promises not to separate from her lover even if
driven r p t n

hrw m sbdt
.
hr #wn to the land of Syria with shuba and stafs (for the
text, see conveniently Fox 18,: 1o11).
48
Hoch 1: oio; Ward 18. Te syllabic orthography used to spell q
.
h mana-
cles, which has an Egyptian root, might also ft into this patternon the term, see Der-
chain 1,.
i,o coiiii m..ss.
the name of Ramesses II.
49
Egyptian texts frst mention Joppa in topo-
graphical lists from the reign of Tutmose III,
30
and by the late Eigh-
teenth Dynasty, an Egyptian omcial ruled the city. Nineteenth Dynasty
texts amrm that Joppa remained an Egyptian military base and was out-
ftted with a chariot workshop.
31
Te extensive royal war records of Tut-
mose III that detail his campaigns from Year ii to i, however, con-
tain no mention of the city of Joppa. Te silence of the monumental
texts does not necessarily rule out a historical basis for the story, because
internal features of the narrative provide a solution to this apparent
contradictionthe pharaoh was not physically present at the battle, thus
no royal day-book, the source for the published royal annals, recorded
the capture of the city.
32
Fortunately, the royal accounts are not the only source of information
concerning the historicity of COJ. Te protagonist of the story, Djehuty,
was a historical fgure,
33
whose titles included general, overseer of
northern foreign lands,
34
confdant of the king in every foreign land
and the isles of the Mediterranean,
33
and overseer of the garrison,
36
the
last of which may appear in a fragmentary passage of COJ.
37
One can be
almost certain that Djehutys military accomplishments would have been
recorded in the additional leather rolls in the temple of Karnak that listed
dates, campaigns, and commanders.
38
Although these records have been
lost, the fact that titles from objects in Djehutys tomb correspond with
his role in the story COJ suggest that Djehutys actual military exploits
inspired later authors to compose fctional tales vaunting his soldiery.
49
Hasel 18: 1o,; Higginbotham iooo: 1oo1o,, 11.
30
Mller 1o,: i1 and pl. i, no. oi; Helck 18o: ioi,o; for the topographical lists
in general, see Redford ioo: ,1; Stockfsch ioo8.
31
Morris ioo,: ,o,1, ,,o,,i; Ahituv 18: 1i1.
32
As Redford ioo: , notes, the day-book of the kings house was complemented by
additional documents that described military activities when the king was not present.
Te use of the phrase one came toreport ina message deliveredto Djehuty inCOJ would
also signal an amnity to royal military accounts for the ancient readersee Spalinger
18i: 1; see also the reasonable re-evaluation of this genre as dominion records in
Lundh iooi: i,o.
33
Lilyquist 188; Yoyotte 181 (publicationof seatedscribal statue whose text specifes
Djehutys duties in Syria-Palestine, which parallels the annals of Tutmose III); Hirsch
iooo: 1i1io; Bryan iooo: 1o1o.
34
Hirsch iooo; see also Murnane 1,.
33
For a Late Period parallel to this title, see Darnell 1i: 8 n. o,.
36
Turin, Cat. ii8see Lilyquist 18: 11, ,8.
37
Col. 1, l. i = Gardiner 1i: 8i l. .
38
On these leather rolls, described in the Annals of Tutmose III, see Redford ioo:
,.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 i,,
III. Tutmose III in Asia
Te historical tale in Papyrus Turin 1o11 is less well preserved
than either QAS or COJ, and no clear narrative may presently be recon-
structed.
39
Te main characters appear to be Tutmose III and a man
named Paser, son of Taatia, whose title is not preserved; the military
speech Paser renders to his pharaoh in column two of the papyrus sug-
gests that like Djehuty, Paser was a high military omcial. Paser is not oth-
erwise known in the historical record, but this would not be surprising
if he were buried at Memphis or another northern necropolis where few
mid-Eighteenth Dynasty tombs have been discovered.
60
Te frst column of the text has the fnal portion of seven lines of
text, with a few signs of a further four lines; despite the fragmentary
state of this part of the text, the story is clearly set within the same
milieu as the COJ: line o mentions fodder for my chariot [team] and
in line the Apiru appear. Te only toponym in the text is Kharu
a general designation for Syria
61
in a reference to the donkey of the
ruler of Kharu (col. i, l. 1o); Tutmose III fought numerous battles in
Syria, particularly against Mittanis allies in the region, and TIA may
have involved any of these campaigns.
62
Te better preserved text on
column two consists of ten lines, many of which belong to speeches of
Paser and Tutmose III; Paser exhorts the king to be frm, describing
how Amun-Re will support the pharaoh in battle. Te king likens his
actions to Montu, his chariot horses become Seth, while the three Montu
manifestations of the Tebaid come forth like a wind, destroying the
enemy. With such powerful aid fromthe divine, Tutmose III overcomes
his foealthough the end of column two is damaged, enough survives to
indicate that the details of the battle itself did not fgure in the story.
Te speechof Tutmose III inTIAis intertextually signifcant, employ-
ing interesting variations of epithets commonly found in royal military
texts and a direct quote froma speech Ramesses II delivers in the Kadesh
Poem (see note ,). Perhaps TIA was a royal counterpart to COJan
entertaining, fctional version of Tutmose IIIs exploits instead of a gen-
erals ruse; if so, the non-royal characters in TIAmay have been primarily
39
Te sole publication of the text remains Botti 1,,. For the parallel between col. i,
II. , and the Kadesh Poem of Ramesses II (1i81o), see Spalinger 18o: 1,1,8;
a reading of select passages of the Turin papyrus appears in Fischer-Elfert 1: 818i.
60
For Saqqara as the probable location of Djehutys burial, see Lilyquist 18: i8.
61
Spalinger ioo,: 11.
62
Redford ioo.
i,8 coiiii m..ss.
as a supporting cast for Tutmose III, exactly as Paser functions in the
preserved portion of the text. Te diferent approaches of COJ and TIA
indicate the fexibility of the genre of historical fction, and if more texts
were preserved, one might even be able to speak of sub-genres within the
larger category.
IV. Te Libyan Battle Story
A fourth work of historical fction, and the most recently published, is
Louvre N1o, whichhas two well-preserved columns of text and several
unplaced fragments.
63
Te frst column appears to begin with a group of
soldiers who sing a hymn of victory to the king; textual parallels to the
fragmentary passage combined with iconographic evidence suggest that
the story evokes a festival procession or military review.
64
Heliopolis is
then mentioned in a broken context, and shortly thereafer a royal palace,
which may be the setting for the procession/military review. Several
statements describe pharaohs benefactions and the gods who acted for
pharaoh, the great ruler of every land. Te pharaoh is not named, which
complicates the interpretation of the text, but the emphasis on divine
support in warfare follows the theme of the previous three tales. Te last
lines of the frst column introduce the military action more specifcally,
referring to a fortifed plantation of pharaoh in Perire and bow-troops,
both of which appear prominently in the military records of the Libyan
campaign of Merneptah.
63
Te second column elaborates upon the Libyan enemy, the Egyptian
forces marshaled against them, and the setting of the battle. Tree Libyan
tribes are named: the Meshwesh, Rebu, and Hasa; the frst two appear in
the Libyan campaigns of Merneptah and Ramesses III, while the Hasa
are unique to Ramesses III. Egypt prevails against the Libyan invaders,
and as in the historical texts of Merneptah and Ramesses III, fortresses
play a key role in the Egyptian defense. Perire is again mentioned as the
location of the battle, but unlike the Year , campaign of Merneptah, in
which Libyans fought alongside Sea People allies, LBS lists Sherden and
63
Te initial publication of the text is Spalinger iooi: ,o,; a translation and
commentary appeared in Manassa ioo: 1i,1.
64
Manassa ioo: 1i,.
63
Manassa ioo: i,i,; ,,,8; 1; on Egyptian fortresses guarding the Libyan
frontier, see also Snape ioo.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 i,
Pelset as auxiliaries of the Egyptian army; the appearance of Sea Peoples
as Egyptian allies and the specifc mention of Pelset corresponds with the
war scenes at Medinet Habu. Te second column concludes with several
statements in the frst person plural, frmly removing LBS fromthe royal,
historical sphere and placing it in the realmof fction. Most likely, the frst
person plural pronoun refers to the army or a portion thereofperhaps
a group of military commanders.
66
Te preserved text of LBS does not provide names for any individuals,
including that of the pharaoh himself, yet the story includes more details
and corresponds more closely with known historical events than the
other three tales. Most strikingly, the LBS appears to combine names and
events from the Libyan campaign of Merneptah with additional peoples
(e.g. the Hasa and Pelset) known only from the records of Ramesses III.
Te author of the tale defnitely had access to historical textseither the
monumental hieroglyphic versions or hieratic papyrus copies thereof
and may have intentionally updated the campaign of Merneptah to
enhance its relevance for an audience living two generations later.
V. Function and Audience of Historical Fiction
Tutmose I and his soldierssuch as the colorful Ahmose sonof Ibana
campaigned in far-distant lands north and south of Egypt, thereby estab-
lishing imperial borders that greatly expanded Egypts previous sphere of
infuence. Te consequent expansion of Egypts intellectual scope paved
the way for newtextual genres. Althoughthe Knigsnovelle and royal day-
book accounts both originate in the early Middle Kingdom,
67
the length
and complexity of such compositions in the New Kingdom is unprece-
dented.
68
Why didNewKingdomscribes, particularly fromthe early Nineteenth
Dynasty onwards, choose to write historical fction: To answer this ques-
tion is to examine the functionality of literature in ancient Egypt, and in
this brief presentation one may only skim the surface. Te larger and
66
As indicated by the statement in col. i, l. 8: and we sent forth 1oo Peleset [. . . ].
67
For an Eleventh Dynasty Knigsnovelle, see Darnell ioo8: 8i; bare infnitives remi-
niscent of day-book style records appear already in Middle Kingdomexpeditionary texts;
see Darnell ioo: ,o n. h, 8 n. a, 1 n. d, and 8, with references; Hsieh Forthcoming;
Darnell and Manassa Forthcoming.
68
A basic presentation of the diferences between pre- and post-Amarna New King-
dom literature appears in Baines 1o.
ioo coiiii m..ss.
much more intensively examined Middle Kingdom corpus simultane-
ously entertained an audience, discomfted their moral norms through
the presentation of dimcult situations, and amrmed existing social and
political values throughthe stories resolutions.
69
Te NewKingdomtales
QAS and COJ incorporate elements that appear from a modern perspec-
tive as entertaining and humorous, but we can only imagine if Apepis
complaint or Djehutys antics at Joppa inspired laughter in the ancient
reader. Te preserved portions of the other two stories, TIA and LBS, are
more sober in their narration, but may have resonated specifcally with
men who had served in the Egyptian military.
70
Te historical fction of the New Kingdom promoted the same world-
view as the military texts preserved within Egyptian temples or those
enjoyed in personal papyrus copies.
71
Although the general Djehuty is
the protagonist in COJ, the glory of conquest is dedicated to Tutmose III
and the spoils of war to Amun-Re; in TIA, Tutmose III takes his place on
the battlefeld among Egypts gods. One of the themes present in all four
stories is the importance of the divine world and the direct impact deities
have upon events. Te god Seth appears in QAS, COJ, and TIA, and in
the frst two stories, the foreign, enemy groups specifcally venerate Seth.
Although the ending of QAS is not preserved, the Egyptian victory at
Joppa indicates that while the foreigners may worship Seth, the god acts
solely on behalf of the Egyptians. Terein may rest one element of the
propagandistic force of QAS and COJ for a Ramesside audiencedespite
the possible ambiguities of Seths roles, the god of foreigners ultimately
acts to protect Egypt against any inimical non-Egyptians. Tackling the
issue of Seths theology goes hand-in-hand with more complicated topics,
such as the indignity of foreign conquest during the Second Intermediate
Period. QAS memorializes this period in literature, with the purpose of
amrming the triumph of order over chaos through the cleverness of the
rightful pharaoh Seqenenre. Historical fction thus served as a creative
and entertaining means of expressing the triumphal, imperialistic spirit
of the time.
69
Parkinson ioo: o1o8 and references therein.
70
For example, the Sherden who settled in Egypt with their families in Middle Egypt
(e.g. those mentioned in P. Wilboursee conveniently Kemp ioo,: i,i,,, i,) may
have been a particularly receptive audience for the Libyan Battle Story or the other tales
described here.
71
For the NewKingdom, only the Kadeshtexts of Ramesses II are knownfromhieratic
papyri (Spalinger iooi), but the wooden tablet with a portion of the Kamose Stela (see
n. o above) speaks for a much wider-spread circulation for military texts.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 io1
Within this overarching literary purpose, one may also deduce a more
specifc function for QAS. QAS is the only Late Egyptian story that
includes human scribes as characters, and communication between rul-
ers is the crux of the portion of the story reproduced in P. Sallier I. Te
story might thus serve as a lively introduction to the manual of letter
writing, using a fctional tale to demonstrate the importance of scribes
throughout Egyptian history. Te scribe, or possibly scribal student,
72
who read the papyrus would have been both entertained and edifed.
Tis theory may also explain why the scribe did not copy the entire
story; perhaps the next sectionturns fromroyal communications to more
military afairs, at which point the tale is no longer relevant to the student
of letter writing.
Ultimately, the QAS combines the functional and non-functional pur-
poses of New Kingdom literature, suggesting that both may co-exist
within a single manuscript. In the sole copy of the text, the QAS served
a functional purpose as part of a letter-writing manual, and internal cri-
teria suggest that the tale possessed normative features concerning king-
ship and religious belief, like the other three works of historical fction
described here. However, despite the political or religious signifcance
of the hippopotami within QAS, the playful and humorous use of this
animal through the obvious absurdity of Apepis request argues for the
independent literary qualities of the text. Te same dichotomy between
function and autonomous literary existence appears to exist in all works
of Egyptian historical fction
73
they are historical episodes that retain
meaning as cultural artifacts, but were altered to create a sense of enjoy-
ment for the ancient reader.
VI. Conclusion: A Tentative Genre Classifcation
Returning to the defnition set forth in the introduction of this study, the
essential feature of historical fction is the active role of known events and
persons within the tale. Fantastical elements may be incorporated into a
work of historical fction, but characters and plot are still defned in ref-
erence to a fxed progression of historical events. In QAS, the two main
characters are historical fgures acting within a fctional narrative; how-
ever, the parameters of the story, including the setting and descriptions of
72
See n. , above.
73
For these features in New Kingdom literature in general, see Assmann 1.
ioi coiiii m..ss.
eachruler, ft withinthose set forthintexts knownfromthe Second Inter-
mediate Period. Te fctional elements of QAS play with, but do not con-
tradict, the historical facts that would have been available to the ancient
author or his audience. Te COJ provides further evidence for the role of
history within the fctional talesa historical fgure (Djehuty) captures
a town (Joppa) within the extent of Tutmose IIIs military victories and
Ramesside Egyptians could have read the name of Joppa in topographical
lists still present in the temple of Karnak.
74
Both COJ and TIA mention
foreign groups (e.g. the maryannu and Apiru) that existed at the time of
Tutmose III and appear in documents from his reign. Historical details
form the core of LBS, and specifc groups and toponyms from the reigns
of Merneptah and Ramesses III appear to be essential to the narrative;
in fact, without documented events as a recognized element, the story
simply could not exist.
In all four tales, history is an essential element within the fction,
and the narrative could not be transposed into another temporal set-
ting without a signifcant loss of meaning. Djehuty could not capture
a Libyan town, Apepi could not dispatch a messenger from Joppa, and
Tutmose III could not fght against the Hittites. Far from being sim-
ple contra factual statements, these examples demonstrate a diference
between historical fction and fction within a historical setting. Te Story
of Sinuhe could have had a similar function and plot if the main character
journeyed to Nubia rather than Syria-Palestine; the speeches within the
Eloquent Peasant could have had similar force if set during the reign of
Khufu rather than the Herakleopolitan dynasty; the Prophecy of Neferty
could have been foretold during the reign of a king other than Snofru. In
each of these examples from Middle Kingdom literature, the historical
setting does add meaning to the taleparticularly the use of the Herak-
leopolitan period as a setting for injustice in the Eloquent Peasantbut
if one removes the specifc time-period from these tales, the entire plot
does not collapse. Instead each of the imagined changes to the Middle
Kingdom stories mentioned above would alter the mood of the tale and
necessitate other changes to arrive at the same result; for example, set-
ting the Eloquent Peasant in the Twelfh Dynasty would perhaps suggest
a moralizing tone not present in the original setting and create a critique
of the prevailing legal systemto which the audience might themselves
74
Joppa also appears prominently in P. Anastasi I (Fischer-Elfert 18o)the possible
associations of this text and COJ will be addressed in my forthcoming monograph on
historical fction in New Kingdom Egypt.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 io
belong. In other words, in these Middle Kingdom stories, the tempo-
ral setting does not infuence the story continuously and throughout the
plot development, as it does in historical fction, but serves as an overall
framework to launch or refne the story.
73
If history forms such a central part of some NewKingdomfction, then
both the author and the expected audience must have had access to texts
describing the events that inspired the tales. Te stories described above
strongly suggest that the target audience at the end of the Nineteenth
Dynasty knew the events at the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty and
details of the campaigns of Tutmose III; by the reign of Ramesses III,
a comparable audience was familiar with the names of Libyan tribes and
the locations of earlier battles. Without having to consider access to royal
monumental texts within Egyptian temples, these stories indicate what a
literate man of the time might know about his own history. Te lack of
obvious anachronistic elements and the playful use of historical details
accords well with the precise historiography evident in monumental
hieroglyphic texts.
76
Te very existence of a genre of historical fction
withinliterature indicates that knowledge and study of history was prized
among literate Egyptians. As the scholarship of Benjamin Foster has
demonstrated, the diversity and beauty of literature before the muses
should never cease to amaze.
Bibliography
Ahituv, S. 18. Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents. Leiden:
Brill.
Allen, J.P. iooi. Te Speos Artemidos Inscription of Hatshepsut. Bulletin of the
Egyptological Seminar 1o: 11,.
Altenmller, H. 1. Das Fest des weissenNilpferds und das Opfergeflde. In
Hommages Jean Leclant, eds. C. Berger, G. Clerc, and N. Grimal. Pp. 8.
Cairo: Institut franais darchologie orientale.
Assmann, J. 1. Cultural and Literary Texts. In DefnitelyEgyptian litera-
ture, ed. G. Moers. Pp. 11,. Gttingen: Seminar fr Agyptologie und Kop-
tologie.
Baines, J. 1o. Classicism and Modernism in the Literature of the New King-
dom. In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, ed. A. Loprieno.
Pp. 1,,1,. Leiden: Brill.
73
Parkinson iooi: section ,.1.i.
76
For the importance of factual accounts inEgyptianhistoriography, see most recently
Popko iooo: 111o1.
io coiiii m..ss.
Barbotin, C. ioo8. Ahmosis et le dbut de la XVIIIe dynastie. Paris: Pygmali-
on.
Behrmann, A. 18. Das Nilpferd in der Vorstellungswelt der Alten gypter Vol. 1.
Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang.
. 1o. Das Nilpferd in der Vorstellungswelt der Alten gypter Vol. i. Frank-
furt am Main: P. Lang.
Beinlich, H. 11. Das Buch vom Fayum. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
di Biase-Dyson, C. ioo8. Two characters in search of an ending: the case of
Apophis and Seqenenre. In Tenth International Congress of Egyptologists,
Abstracts of Papers. Pp. o8o. Rhodes: Department of Mediterranean Stud-
ies, University of the Aegean.
Bietak, M. 11. Tell el-Daba V. Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichische Akademie
der Wissenschafen.
. 1,. Avaris, Capital of the Hyksos Kingdom: New Results of Exca-
vations. In Te Hyksos, New Historical and archaeological perspectives, ed.
E. Oren. Pp. 8,1. Philadelphia: University Museum.
Bietak, M. and Strouhal. E. 1,. Die Todesumstnde des Pharaos Seqenenre
(1,. Dynastie). Vorbericht. Annalen des Naturhistorischen Museum, Wien ,8:
i,i.
Blumenthal, E. 1. Mut-em-enet und die gyptischen Frauen. Tomas Mann
Jahrbuch o: 181io.
Botti, G. 1,,. AFragment of the Story of a Military Expeditionof Tuthmosis III
to Syria. JEA 1: o,1.
Broze, M. 1o. Les Aventures dHorus et Seth dans le Papyrus Chester Beatty I:
Mythe et roman en Egypte ancienne. Leuven: Peeters.
Brunner, H. 1,,. Apophis und Seqenenre. In Lexikon der gyptologie Vol. 1,
eds. W. Helck and E. Otto. Pp. ,,. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Bryan, B. iooo. Administration in the Reign of Tutmose III. In Tutmose III,
A New Biography, eds. E. Cline and D. OConnor. Pp. o1ii. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press.
de Buck, A. 1,. Te Egyptian Cofn Texts Vol. ,. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Budge, E.A.W. 1i. Facsimiles of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Muse-
um. Second Series, London: British Museum.
Caminos, R.A. 1,. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. London: Oxford University
Press.
Collier, M. 18o. A note on the syntax of xpr and omitted impersonal subjects
in Late Egyptian. Wepwawet i: 1,ii.
Darnell, J.C. 1i. Te Kbn.wt-Ships of the Late Period. In Life in a Multi-
Cultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond (Studies
in Ancient Oriental Civilization ,1), ed. J. Johnson. Pp. o,8. Chicago:
Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.
. 1,. Hathor Returns to Medamud. SAK i: ,.
. 1,. Te Apotropaic Goddess in the Eye. SAK i: ,8.
. iooia. Te Teban Desert Road Survey in the Egyptian Western Desert
I. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
. iooib. Opening the Narrow Doors of the Desert: Discoveries of the
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 io,
Teban Desert Road Survey. In Egypt and Nubia: Gifs of the Desert, ed.
R. Friedman. Pp. 1i1,,. London: British Museum Press.
. ioo. Te Rock Inscriptions of Tjehemau at Abisko. ZS 1o: 18.
. iooo. Te Inscriptionof QueenKatimala at Semna: Textual Evidence for the
Origins of the Napatan State (YES ,). NewHaven: Yale Egyptological Seminar.
. ioo8. Te Eleventh Dynasty Royal Inscription from Deir el-Ballas. RdE
,: 8111o.
. Forthcoming a. A Stela of Seti I from the Region of Kurkur Oasis. In
Studies in Honor of Kenneth Kitchen.
. Forthcoming b. Te Teban Desert Road Survey II: Te Rock Shrine of
Pahu.
Darnell, J.C. and Manassa, C. ioo,. Tutankhamuns Armies, Battle and Conquest
in Ancient Egypts Late th Dynasty. Hoboken: Wiley & Sons.
. Forthcoming. ATrustworthy Seal-Bearer on a Mission: Te Monuments
of Sabastet from the Khephren Diorite Quarries. In Middle Kingdom Studies
in memory of Detlef Franke, eds. H.-W. Fischer-Elfert and R. Parkinson.
Davies, W.V. 181. A royal statue reattributed. London: British Museum Press.
Derchain, P. 1,. Miettes. RdE io: ,io.
Epigraphic Survey 1o. Medinet Habu Vol. o: Te Temple Proper Part , Te
Re Chapel, Te Royal Mortuary Complex, and Adjacent Rooms, with Miscel-
laneous Material from the Pylons, the Forecourts, and the First Hypostyle Hall.
Chicago: Epigraphic Survey of the University of Chicago.
Evans, J.M. ioo8. Te Mittani State. In Beyond Babylon, Art, Trade, and Diplo-
macy in the Second Millennium bc, eds. J. Aruz, K. Benzel, and J.M. Evans.
Pp. 11,. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Fischer, H.G. 1,8. Notes on Sticks and Staves in Ancient Egypt. Metropolitan
Museum Journal 1: ,i.
Fischer-Elfert, H.-W. 18o. Die satirische Streitschrif des Papyrus Anastasi I:
bersetzung und Kommentar. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1. Die Ankunf des Knigs nach ramessidischen Hymnen. SAK :
o,8,.
. ioo. Representations of the Past in NewKingdom Literature. In Never
Had the Like Occurred: Egypts View of its past, ed. J. Tait. Pp. 111,.
London: UCL Press.
Fox, M.V. 18,. Te Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs. Madison,
WI: University of Wisconsin Press.
Freu, J. ioo. Histoire du Mitanni. Paris: LHarmattan.
Galan, J. ioo,. Four Journeys in Ancient Egyptian Literature. Gttingen: Seminar
fr Agyptologie und Koptologie.
Gardiner, A.H. 1i. Late Egyptian Stories. Brussels: Edition de la Fondation
gyptologique Reine Elisabeth.
. 1o. Daviess Copy of the Great Speos Artemidos Inscription. JEA i:
,o.
Garthof, B.W.B. 188. Merenptahs Israel Stela, A curious case of Rites de
Passage: In Funerary Symbols and Religion, eds. H. Kamstra, H. Milde, and
K. Wagtendonk. Pp. i. Kampen: Kok.
Goedicke, H. 1o8. Te Capture of Joppa. Chronique dEgypte : i1i.
ioo coiiii m..ss.
. 18. Te Canaanite Illness. SAK 11: 11o,.
. 18o. Te Quarrel of Apophis and Seqenenre#. San Antonio: Van Siclen
Books.
Goelet, O. ioo8. Writing Ramesside Hieratic: What the Late-Egyptian Miscel-
lanies tell us about scribal education. In Servant of Mut: Studies in Honor of
Richard A. Fazzini, ed. S. DAuria. Pp. 1oi11o. Leiden: Brill.
Goldwasser, O. iooo. King Apophis of Avaris and the Emergence of Monothe-
ism. In Timelines, Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak Vol. i, eds. E. Czerny
et al. Pp. 1i1. Leuven: Peeters.
Gundlach, R. 18,. Toeris. In Lexikon der gyptologie Vol. o, eds. W. Helck
and E. Otto. Pp. ,. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Gwyn Grimths, J. 1o,. Allegory in Greece and Egypt. JEA ,: ,1oi.
Hasel, M.G. 18. Domination & Resistance: Egyptian Military Activity in the
Southern Levant, bc. Leiden: Brill.
Helck, W. 18o. Joppe. In Lexikon der gyptologie Vol. , eds., W. Helck and
E. Otto. Pp. ioi,o. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 18,. Die Erzhlung von verwunschenen Prinzen. In Form und Mass,
Beitrge zur Literatur, Sprache, und Kunst des alten gypten, eds. J. Osing and
G. Dreyer. Pp. i18ii,. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. iooi. Historische-biographische Texte der . Zwischenzeit und neue Texte
der . Dynastie, Tird Edition. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Herrmann, S. ioo8. iAd.t und di#u. Die Seuche des Jahres. Gtt. Misz i1: ,
.
Higginbotham, C.R. ioo1. Egyptianization and Elite Emulation in Ramesside
Palestine. Leiden: Brill.
Hirsch, E. iooo. Die Beziehungen der gyptischen Residenz imNeuen Reich zu
den vorderasiatischen Vasallen: Die Vorsteher der nrdlichen Fremdlnder
und ihre Stellung bei Hofe. In Der gyptische Hof des Neuen Reiches, Seine
Gesellschaf und Kultur im Spannungsfeld zwischen Innen- und Auenpolitik,
eds. R. Gundlach and A. Klug. Pp. 111. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Hoch, J. 1. Semitic words in Egyptian texts of the New Kingdom and Tird
Intermediate Period. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Hofmann, I. 181. Der rechtmssige Herrscher als Nilpferdjger. Gttinger
Miszellen ,: 1.
Houlihan, P.F. ioo1. Wit & Humor in Ancient Egypt. London: Rubicon.
Hsieh, J. Forthcoming. Grammatical Analysis and Commentary on Four Gebel
el-Girgawi Rock-Cut Stelae Dated to the Middle Kingdom.
Junge, F. ioo1. Late Egyptian Grammar, trans. D. Warburton. Oxford: Grimth
Institute.
Kaiser, W. 1o. Zwei weitere b-D.t-Belege. In Studies in Honor of William
Kelly Simpson Vol. i, ed. P. Manuelian. Pp. ,1,. Boston: Museum of Fine
Arts.
. 1,. Noch einmal zum b-D.t. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archolo-
gischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo ,: 1111,.
Kemp, B. ioo,. Ancient Egypt, Anatomy of a Civilization. London: Routledge.
Kitchen, K. 1,o. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical Vol. 1.
Oxford: Blackwell.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 io,
. 1. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and Com-
ments Vol. 1. Oxford: Blackwell.
Kozlof, A. iooo. Te Artistic Production of the Reign of Tutmose III. In
Tutmose III, A New Biography, eds. E. Cline and D. OConnor. Pp. iii.
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Lilyquist, C. 188. Te Gold Bowl Naming General Djehuty: AStudy of Objects
and Early Egyptology. Metropolitan Museum Journal i: ,o8.
Loprieno, A. 188. Topos und Mimesis, zum Auslnder in der gyptischen Liter-
atur (Agyptologische Abhandlungen 8). Wiesbaden: Harraassowitz.
. 1o. Defning Egyptian Literature: ancient texts and modern theories.
In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, ed. A. Loprieno. Pp. ,8.
Leiden: Brill.
. ioo. Travel and Fiction in Egyptian Literature. In Mysterious Lands,
eds. D. OConnor and S. Quirke. Pp. 1,i. London: UCL Press.
Lundh, P. iooi. Actor and Event, Military Activity in Ancient Egyptian Narrative
Texts from Tutmosis II to Merenptah. Uppsala: Uppsala University.
Manassa, C. ioo. Te Great Karnak Inscription, Grand Strategy in the th
Century bc (YES ,). New Haven: Yale Egyptological Seminar.
. ioo,. Te Late Egyptian Underworld: Sarcophagi and Related Texts from
the Nectanebid Period. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Mathieu, B. 1o. La Posie Amoureuse de lEgypte Ancienne: Recherches sur un
genre littraire au Nouvel Empire (Bibliothque dtude 11,). Cairo: Institut
franais darchologie orientale.
Moers, G. ioo1. Fingierte Welten in der gyptischen Literature des . Jahrtausends
v. Chr. Leiden: Brill.
Morris, E.F. ioo,. Architecture of Imperialism: military bases and the evolution of
foreign policy in Egypts New Kingdom. Leiden: Brill.
Moussa, A. 18,. A Limestone Lintel of Imn-m-ipt from Saqqara. Annales du
Service des Antiquits de lEgypte ,o: ,.
Mller, W.M. 1o,. Die Palstinaliste Tutmosis III. Berlin: Wolf Peiser Ver-
lag.
Murnane, W. 1,. Overseer of the Northern Foreign Countries: Refections
on the Upper Administration of Egypts Empire in Western Asia. In Essays
on Ancient Egypt in Honour of Herman te Velde, ed. J. van Dijk. Pp. i,1i,8.
Groningen: Styx.
Naville, E. 188o. Das aegyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII. bis XX. Dynastie Vols.
Berlin: Asher.
Osing, J. and Rosati, G. 18. Papiri geroglifci e ieratici da Tebtynis. Firenze:
Istituto papirologico.
Panagiotakopulu, E. ioo. Pharaonic Egypt and the origins of plague. Journal
of Biogeography 1: ioi,,.
Parkinson, R. iooi. Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt: A Dark Side
to Perfection. New York: Continuum.
. ioo. Reading Ancient Egyptian Poetry, Among Other Histories. Malden:
Wiley-Blackwell.
Petschel, S. and von Falck, M., eds. ioo. Pharao siegt immer, Krieg und Frieden
im Alten gypten. Bonen: Kettler.
io8 coiiii m..ss.
Popko, L. iooo. Untersuchungen zur Geschichtsschreibung der Ahmosiden-und
Tutmosidenzeit. Wrzburg: Ergon.
Quirke, S. 1o. Archive. In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, ed.
A. Loprieno. Pp. ,o1. Leiden: Brill.
Redford, D. 1,o. Te Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition. Or : 1,1.
. 18o. Pharaonic king-lists, annals, and day-books: a contribution to the
study of the Egyptian sense of history. Mississauga: Benben Publications.
. 1,. Te Hyksos Period in Egypt. In Te Hyksos, New Historical and
archaeological perspectives, ed. E. Oren. Pp. 1. Philadelphia: University
Museum.
. ioo. Te Wars in Syria and Palestine of Tutmose III. Leiden: Brill.
Roehrig, C. ed. ioo,. Hatshepsut, FromQueen to Pharaoh. NewYork: Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art.
Sve-Sderbergh, T. 1,. On Egyptian representations of hippopotamus hunting
as a religious motive. Uppsala: C.W.K. Gleerup.
Schneider, T. 18. Auslnder in gypten whrend des Mittleren Reiches und
der Hyksoszeit Teil 1: Die auslndischen Knige. Wiesbaden: Otto Harras-
sowitz.
Silverman, D.P. and Houser-Wegner, J. ioo,. A Late Egyptian Story in the Penn
Museum. In Te Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt, Essays in Honor of
David B. OConnor Vol. i, eds. Z. Hawass and J. Richards. Pp. oi. Cairo:
Conseil Supreme des Antiquites de lEgypte.
Snape, S. ioo. Te Emergence of Libya on the Horizon of Egypt. In Mysterious
Lands, eds. D. OConnor and S. Quirke. Pp. 1oo. London: UCL Press.
Spalinger, A. 18i. Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians.
New Haven: Yale University Press.
. 18o. Two Ramesside Rhetorical Poems. In Egyptological Studies in
Honor of Richard A. Parker, ed. L. Lesko. Pp. 1o1o. Hanover: Brown
University Press.
. iooi. Transformation of an Ancient Egyptian Narrative: P. Sallier III and
the Battle of Kadesh. Wiesabden: Harrassowitz.
. ioo,. War in Ancient Egypt: Te New Kingdom. Oxford: Blackwell.
. ioo. Te Great Dedicatory Inscription of Ramesses II, A Solar-Osirian
Tractate at Abydos. Leiden: Brill.
Stockfsch, D. ioo8. Original undKopieeinAspekt indenUntersuchungenzu
den Fremdvlkerlisten. In Altgyptische Weltsichten, eds. F. Adrom, A. Schl-
ter, and K. Schlter. Pp. 1o818. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Strk, L. 181. Was strte den Hyksos amGebrll der thebanischen Nilpferde:
Gttinger Miszellen : o,o8.
te Velde, H. 1o,. Seth, God of Confusion. Leiden: Brill.
. 18. Seth. In Lexikon der gyptologie Vol. ,, eds. W. Helck and E. Otto.
Pp. o811. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
von der Way, T. 1i. Gttergericht und Heiliger Krieg im Alten gypten, die
Inschrifen des Merenptah zum Libyerkrieg des Jahres . Heidelberg: Heidel-
berger Orientverlag.
Ward, W. 18. Egyptian txbs: AHurrian Loan-Word in the Vernacular of Deir
el-Medina. Gttinger Miszellen 1o: ,8i.
uiiiic uis1ovic.i iic1io i iw xicuom icvv1 io
Wente, E. iooa. Te Quarrel of Apophis and Seqenenre. In Literature of
Ancient Egypt, ed. W.K. Simpson. Pp. o,1. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
. ioob. Te Capture of Joppa. In Literature of Ancient Egypt, ed. W.K.
Simpson. Pp. ,i,. New Haven: Yale University Press.
. iooc. Te Doomed Prince. In Literature of Ancient Egypt, ed. W.K.
Simpson. Pp. ,,,. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Westendorf, W. iooo. Seuchen im Alten Agypten. In Heilkunde und Hochkul-
tur I: Geburt, Seuche und Traumdeutung in den antiken Zivilisationen des
Mittelmeerraume, eds. A. Karenberg and C. Leitz. Pp. ,,o. Mnster: LIT
Verlag.
Willems, H. 1o. Crime, Cult and Capital Punishment (Mo#alla Inscription
8). JEA ,o: i,,.
Vercoutter, J. 18o. Le pays Irem et la pntration gyptienne en Afrique.
In Livre du Centenaire. Pp. 1,,1,8. Cairo: Institut franais darchologie
orientale.
Vernus, P. 1,. Essai sur la conscience de lHistoire dans lgypte pharaonique.
Paris: H. Champion.
Yoyotte, J. 181. Le gnral Djehouty et la perception des tributs syriens.
Bulletin de la Socit Franaise dgyptologie i: ,1.