The Federalist Papers

Federalist Papers
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Contents
Articles
Overview
Federalist Papers List of Federalist Papers Anti-Federalist Papers 1 1 8 12 13 13 39 51 67 67 69 70 71 72 72 73 74 75 76 82 82 83 84 84 85 86 87 87 88 88 89
Authors
Alexander Hamilton John Jay James Madison
Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 1 Federalist No. 2 Federalist No. 3 Federalist No. 4 Federalist No. 5 Federalist No. 6 Federalist No. 7 Federalist No. 8 Federalist No. 9 Federalist No. 10 Federalist No. 11 Federalist No. 12 Federalist No. 13 Federalist No. 14 Federalist No. 15 Federalist No. 16 Federalist No. 17 Federalist No. 18 Federalist No. 19 Federalist No. 20 Federalist No. 21 Federalist No. 22
Federalist No. 23 Federalist No. 24 Federalist No. 25 Federalist No. 26 Federalist No. 27 Federalist No. 28 Federalist No. 29 Federalist No. 30 Federalist No. 31 Federalist No. 32 Federalist No. 33 Federalist No. 34 Federalist No. 35 Federalist No. 36 Federalist No. 37 Federalist No. 38 Federalist No. 39 Federalist No. 40 Federalist No. 41 Federalist No. 42 Federalist No. 43 Federalist No. 44 Federalist No. 45 Federalist No. 46 Federalist No. 47 Federalist No. 48 Federalist No. 49 Federalist No. 50 Federalist No. 51 Federalist No. 52 Federalist No. 53 Federalist No. 54 Federalist No. 55 Federalist No. 56 Federalist No. 57 Federalist No. 58 Federalist No. 59 Federalist No. 60
90 91 92 92 93 93 94 94 95 95 96 97 97 98 99 100 100 101 102 102 103 104 105 107 108 109 110 110 111 112 113 114 114 115 115 116 116 117
Federalist No. 61 Federalist No. 62 Federalist No. 63 Federalist No. 64 Federalist No. 65 Federalist No. 66 Federalist No. 67 Federalist No. 68 Federalist No. 69 Federalist No. 70 Federalist No. 71 Federalist No. 72 Federalist No. 73 Federalist No. 74 Federalist No. 75 Federalist No. 76 Federalist No. 77 Federalist No. 78 Federalist No. 79 Federalist No. 80 Federalist No. 81 Federalist No. 82 Federalist No. 83 Federalist No. 84 Federalist No. 85
117 118 118 119 119 120 120 121 124 125 125 126 126 127 128 128 129 130 132 133 133 134 134 135 136
References
Article Sources and Contributors Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 137 142
Article Licenses
License 144
Overview
Federalist Papers
The Federalist Papers are a series of 85 articles or essays advocating the ratification of the United States Constitution. Seventy-seven of the essays were published serially in The Independent Journal and The New York Packet between October 1787 and August 1788. A compilation of these and eight others, called The Federalist; or, The New Constitution, was published in two volumes in 1788 by J. and A. McLean.[1] The series' correct title is The Federalist; the title The Federalist Papers did not emerge until the twentieth century. The Federalist remains a primary source for interpretation of the U.S. Constitution, as the essays outline a lucid and compelling version of the philosophy and motivation of the proposed system of government.[2] The authors of The Federalist wanted both to influence the vote in favor of ratification and to shape future interpretations of the Constitution. According to historian Richard B. Morris, they are an "incomparable exposition of the Constitution, a classic in political science unsurpassed in both breadth and depth by the product of any later American writer."[3] At the time of publication, the authorship of the articles was a Title page of the first printing of the Federalist Papers (1788) closely-guarded secret, though astute observers guessed that Hamilton, Madison, and Jay were the likely authors. Following Hamilton's death in 1804, a list that he drew up became public; it claimed fully two-thirds of the essays for Hamilton, including some that seemed more likely the work of Madison (Nos. 49-58, 62, and 63). The scholarly detective work of Douglass Adair in 1944 postulated the following assignments of authorship, corroborated in 1964 by a computer analysis of the text: Alexander Hamilton (51 articles: nos. 1, 69, 1113, 1517, 2136, 5961, and 6585) James Madison (26 articles: nos. 10, 14, 3758 and 6263) John Jay (5 articles: 25 and 64). Nos. 1820 were the result of a collaboration between Madison and Hamilton.[1]
The authors used the pseudonym "Publius", in honor of Roman consul Publius Valerius Publicola.[4] Madison, whom posterity generally credits as the father of the Constitution despite his repeated rejection of the honor during his lifetime, became a leading member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Virginia (1789-1797), Secretary of State (1801-1809), and ultimately the fourth President of the United States.[5] Hamilton, who had been a leading advocate of national constitutional reform throughout the 1780s and represented New York at the Constitutional Convention, in 1789 became the first Secretary of the Treasury, a post he held until his resignation in 1795. John Jay, who had been secretary for foreign affairs under the Articles of Confederation from 1784 through their expiration in 1789, became the first Chief Justice of the United States in 1789, stepping down in 1795 to accept election as governor of New York, a post he held for two terms, retiring in 1801.
Federalist Papers There are many highlights among the essays comprising The Federalist. Federalist No. 10, in which Madison discusses the means of preventing rule by majority faction and advocates an extended republic, is generally regarded as the most important of the 85 articles from a philosophical perspective; it is complemented by Federalist No. 14, in which Madison takes the measure of the United States, declares it appropriate for an extended republic, and concludes with a memorable defense of the constitutional and political creativity of the Federal Convention.[6] In Federalist No. 84, Hamilton makes the case that there is no need to amend the Constitution by adding a Bill of Rights, insisting that the various provisions in the proposed Constitution protecting liberty amount to a bill of rights. Federalist No. 78, also written by Hamilton, lays the groundwork for the doctrine of judicial review by federal courts of federal legislation or executive acts. Federalist No. 70 presents Hamilton's case for a one-man chief executive. In Federalist No. 39, Madison presents the clearest exposition of what has come to be called "Federalism". In Federalist No. 51, Madison distills arguments for checks and balances in a memorable essay often quoted for its justification of government as "the greatest of all reflections on human nature."
History
Origins
The Federal Convention sent the proposed Constitution to the Confederation Congress, which at the end of September 1787 submitted it to the states for ratification. Immediately, the Constitution became the target of many articles and public letters written by opponents of the Constitution. For instance, the important Anti-Federalist authors "Cato" and "Brutus" debuted in New York papers on September 27 and October 18, 1787, respectively.[7] Hamilton decided to launch a measured and extensive defense and explanation of the proposed Constitution as a response to the opponents of ratification, addressing the people of the state of New York. He wrote in Federalist No. 1 that the series would "endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention."[8]
Alexander Hamilton, author of the majority of the Hamilton recruited collaborators for the project. He enlisted John Jay, Federalist Papers who after four strong essays (Federalist Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5), fell ill and contributed only one more essay, Federalist No. 64, to the series; though he wrote a pamphlet in the spring of 1788, An Address to the People of the State of New-York, that made his distilled case for the Constitution (Hamilton cited it approvingly in Federalist No. 85). James Madison, present in New York as a Virginia delegate to the Confederation Congress, was recruited by Hamilton and Jay, and became Hamilton's major collaborator. Gouverneur Morris and William Duer were also apparently considered; Morris turned down the invitation, and Hamilton rejected three essays written by Duer.[9] Duer later wrote in support of the three Federalist authors under the name "Philo-Publius", or "Friend of Publius".
Hamilton chose "Publius" as the pseudonym under which the series would be written. While many other pieces representing both sides of the constitutional debate were written under Roman names, Albert Furtwangler contends that "'Publius' was a cut above 'Caesar' or 'Brutus' or even 'Cato.' Publius Valerius was not a late defender of the republic but one of its founders. His more famous name, Publicola, meant 'friend of the people.'"[4] It was not the first time Hamilton had used this pseudonym: in 1778, he had applied it to three letters attacking Samuel Chase.
Federalist Papers
Publication
The Federalist Papers appeared in three New York newspapers: the Independent Journal, the New-York Packet, and the Daily Advertiser, beginning on October 27, 1787. Between them, Hamilton, Madison and Jay kept up a rapid pace, with at times three or four new essays by Publius appearing in the papers in a week. Garry Wills observes that the pace of production "overwhelmed" any possible response: "Who, given ample time could have answered such a battery of arguments? And no time was given."[10] Hamilton also encouraged the reprinting of the essay in newspapers outside New York state, and indeed they were published in several other states where the ratification debate was taking place. However, they were only irregularly published outside New York, and in other parts of the country they were often overshadowed by local writers.[11] The high demand for the essays led to their publication in a more permanent form. On January 1, 1788, the New York publishing firm J. & A. McLean announced that they would publish the first thirty-six essays as a bound volume; that volume was released on March 2 and An advertisement for The Federalist was titled The Federalist. New essays continued to appear in the newspapers; Federalist No. 77 was the last number to appear first in that form, on April 2. A second bound volume containing the last forty-nine essays was released on May 28. The remaining eight papers were later published in the newspapers as well.[12] A number of later publications are worth noting. A 1792 French edition ended the collective anonymity of Publius, announcing that the work had been written by "MM Hamilton, Maddisson E Gay", citizens of the State of New York. In 1802, George Hopkins published an American edition that similarly named the authors. Hopkins wished as well that "the name of the writer should be prefixed to each number," but at this point Hamilton insisted that this was not to be, and the division of the essays among the three authors remained a secret.[13] The first publication to divide the papers in such a way was an 1810 edition that used a list left by Hamilton to associate the authors with their numbers; this edition appeared as two volumes of the compiled "Works of Hamilton". In 1818, Jacob Gideon published a new edition with a new listing of authors, based on a list provided by Madison. The difference between Hamilton's list and Madison's formed the basis for a dispute over the authorship of a dozen of the essays.[14] Both Hopkins's and Gideon's editions incorporated significant edits to the text of the papers themselves, generally with the approval of the authors. In 1863, Henry Dawson published an edition containing the original text of the papers, arguing that they should be preserved as they were written in that particular historical moment, not as edited by the authors years later.[15]
James Madison, Hamilton's major collaborator, later President of the United States and "Father of the Constitution"
Modern scholars generally use the text prepared by Jacob E. Cooke for his 1961 edition of The Federalist; this edition used the newspaper texts for essays nos. 1-76 and the McLean edition for essays nos. 77-85.[16]
Federalist Papers
Disputed essays
The authorship of seventy-three of the Federalist essays is fairly certain. Twelve of these essays are disputed over by some scholars, though the modern consensus is that Madison wrote essays Nos. 49-58, with Nos. 18-20 being products of a collaboration between him and Hamilton; No. 64 was by John Jay. Some newer evidence suggests James Madison as the author. The first open designation of which essay belonged to whom was provided by Hamilton, who in the days before his ultimately fatal gun duel with Aaron Burr provided his lawyer with a list detailing the author of each number. This list credited Hamilton with a full sixty-three of the essays (three of those being jointly written with Madison), almost three quarters of the whole, and was used as the basis for an 1810 printing that was the first to make specific attribution for the essays.[17] Madison did not immediately dispute Hamilton's list, but provided his own list for the 1818 Gideon edition of The Federalist. Madison claimed twenty-nine numbers for himself, and he suggested that the difference between the two lists was "owing doubtless to the hurry in which [Hamilton's] memorandum was made out." A known error in Hamilton's listHamilton incorrectly ascribed No. 54 to John Jay, when in fact Jay wrote No. 64has provided some evidence for Madison's suggestion.[18] Statistical analysis has been undertaken on several occasions to try to decide the authorship question based on word frequencies and writing styles. Nearly all of the statistical studies show that the disputed papers were written by Madison.[19]
[20] John Jay, author of five of the Federalist Papers, later became the first Chief Justice of the United States
Influence on the ratification debates
The Federalist was written to support the ratification of the Constitution, specifically in New York. Whether they succeeded in this mission is questionable. Separate ratification proceedings took place in each state, and the essays were not reliably reprinted outside of New York; furthermore, by the time the series was well underway, a number of important states had already ratified it, for instance Pennsylvania on December 12. New York held out until July 26; certainly The Federalist was more important there than anywhere else, but Furtwangler argues that it "could hardly rival other major forces in the ratification contests"--specifically, these forces included the personal influence of well-known Federalists, for instance Hamilton and Jay, and Anti-Federalists, including Governor George Clinton.[21] Further, by the time New York came to a vote, ten states had already ratified the Constitution and it had thus already passed only nine states had to ratify it for the new government to be established among them; the ratification by Virginia, the tenth state, placed pressure on New York to ratify. In light of that, Furtwangler observes, "New York's refusal would make that state an odd outsider."[22] As for Virginia, which only ratified the Constitution at its convention on June 25, Hamilton writes in a letter to Madison that the collected edition of The Federalist had been sent to Virginia; Furtwangler presumes that it was to act as a "debater's handbook for the convention there," though he claims that this indirect influence would be a "dubious distinction."[23] Probably of greater importance to the Virginia debate, in any case, were George Washington's support for the proposed Constitution and the presence of Madison and Edmund Randolph, the governor, at the convention arguing for ratification. Another purpose that The Federalist was supposed to serve was as a debater's handbook during the ratification controversy, and indeed advocates for the Constitution in the conventions in New York and Virginia used the essays for precisely that purpose.
Federalist Papers
Structure and content

In Federalist No. 1, which served as the introduction to the series, Hamilton listed six topics to be covered in the subsequent articles: 1. "The utility of the UNION to your political prosperity" covered in No. 2 through No. 14 2. "The insufficiency of the present Confederation to preserve that Union"covered in No. 15 through No. 22 3. "The necessity of a government at least equally energetic with the one proposed to the attainment of this object"covered in No. 23 through No. 36 4. "The conformity of the proposed constitution to the true principles of republican government"covered in No. 37 through No. 84 5. "Its analogy to your own state constitution"covered in No. 85 6. "The additional security which its adoption will afford to the preservation of that species of government, to liberty and to prosperity"covered in No. 85.[24] Furtwangler notes that as the series grew, this plan was somewhat changed. The fourth topic expanded into detailed coverage of the individual articles of the Constitution and the institutions it mandated, while the two last topics were merely touched on in the last essay. The papers can be broken down by author as well as by topic. At the start of the series, all three authors were contributing; the first twenty papers are broken down as eleven by Hamilton, five by Madison and four by Jay. The rest of the series, however, is dominated by three long segments by a single writer: No. 21 through No. 36 by Hamilton, No. 36 through 58 by Madison, written while Hamilton was in Albany, and No. 65 through the end by Hamilton, published after Madison had left for Virginia.[25]
Opposition to the Bill of Rights

The Federalist Papers (specifically Federalist No. 84) are notable for their opposition to what later became the United States Bill of Rights. The idea of adding a Bill of Rights to the Constitution was originally controversial because the Constitution, as written, did not specifically enumerate or protect the rights of the people, rather it listed the powers of the government and left all that remained to the states and the people. Alexander Hamilton, the author of Federalist No. 84, feared that such an enumeration, once written down explicitly, would later be interpreted as a list of the only rights that people had. However, Hamilton's opposition to a Bill of Rights was far from universal. Robert Yates, writing under the pseudonym Brutus, articulated this view point in the so-called Anti-Federalist No. 84, asserting that a government unrestrained by such a bill could easily devolve into tyranny. Other supporters of the Bill, such as Thomas Jefferson, argued that a list of rights would not and should not be interpreted as exhaustive; i.e., that these rights were examples of important rights that people had, but that people had other rights as well. People in this school of thought were confident that the judiciary would interpret these rights in an expansive fashion. The matter was further clarified by the Ninth Amendment.
Modern approaches and interpretations

Judicial use
Federal judges, when interpreting the Constitution, frequently use the Federalist Papers as a contemporary account of the intentions of the framers and ratifiers.[26] They have been applied on issues ranging from the power of the federal government in foreign affairs (in Hines v. Davidowitz) to the validity of ex post facto laws (in the 1798 decision Calder v. Bull, apparently the first decision to mention The Federalist).[27] By 2000, The Federalist had been quoted 291 times in Supreme Court decisions.[28]
Federalist Papers The amount of deference that should be given to the Federalist Papers in constitutional interpretation has always been somewhat controversial. As early as 1819, Chief Justice John Marshall noted in the famous case McCulloch v. Maryland, that "the opinions expressed by the authors of that work have been justly supposed to be entitled to great respect in expounding the Constitution. No tribute can be paid to them which exceeds their merit; but in applying their opinions to the cases which may arise in the progress of our government, a right to judge of their correctness must be retained."[29] Madison himself believed not only that The Federalist Papers were not a direct expression of the ideas of the Founders, but that those ideas themselves, and the "debates and incidental decisions of the Convention," should not be viewed as having any "authoritative character." In short, "the legitimate meaning of the Instrument must be derived from the text itself; or if a key is to be sought elsewhere, it must be not in the opinions or intentions of the Body which planned & proposed the Constitution, but in the sense attached to it by the people in their respective State Conventions where it recd. all the Authority which it possesses."[30] [31]
References
Adair, Douglass. Fame and the Founding Fathers. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1974. A collection of essays; that used
here is "The Disputed Federalist Papers".
Frederick Mosteller and David L. Wallace. Inference and Disputed Authorship: The Federalist. Addison-Wesley, Reading, Mass., 1964. Furtwangler, Albert. The Authority of Publius: A Reading of the Federalist Papers. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1984. Wills, Gary. Explaining America: The Federalist, Garden City, NJ: 1981.
Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Jackson, Kenneth T. The Encyclopedia of New York City: The New York Historical Society; Yale University Press; 1995. p. 194. Furtwangler, 17. Richard B. Morris, The Forging of the Union: 1781-1789 (1987) p. 309 Furtwangler, 51. See, e.g. Ralph Ketcham, James Madison. New York: Macmillan, 1971; reprint ed., Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998. See also Irving N. Brant, James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1950. [6] Wills, x. [7] Furtwangler, 48-49. [8] Gunn, Giles B. (1994). Early American Writing (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=OlphD37HAY4C). Penguin Classics. pp.540. ISBN0140390871. . [9] Furtwangler, 51-56. [10] Wills, xii. [11] Furtwangler, 20. [12] The Federalist timeline at www.sparknotes.com (http:/ / www. sparknotes. com/ history/ american/ federalist/ timeline. html). [13] Adair, 40-41. [14] Adair, 44-46. [15] Henry Cabot Lodge, ed (1902). The Federalist, a Commentary on the Constitution of the United States (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=9S-HAAAAMAAJ). Putnam. pp.xxxviiixliii. . Retrieved 2009-02-16. [16] Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison (Jacob E. Cooke, ed., The Federalist (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1961 and later reprintings). ISBN 978-0-8195-6077-3. [17] Adair, 46-48. [18] Adair, 48. [19] Mosteller and Wallace. [20] Fung, Glenn, The disputed federalist papers: SVM feature selection via concave minimization, New York City, ACM Press, 2003. ( 9 pg pdf file (http:/ / www. cs. wisc. edu/ ~gfung/ federalist. pdf)) [21] Furtwangler, 21. [22] Furtwangler, 22. [23] Furtwangler, 23. [24] This scheme of division is adapted from Charles K. Kesler's introduction to The Federalist Papers (New York: Signet Classic, 1999) pp. 15-17. A similar division is indicated by Furtwangler, 57-58.
Federalist Papers
[25] Wills, 274. [26] Lupu, Ira C.; "The Most-Cited Federalist Papers". Constitutional Commentary (1998) pp 403+; using Supreme Court citations, the five most cited were Federalist No. 42 (Madison) (33 decisions), Federalist No. 78 (Hamilton) (30 decisions), Federalist No. 81 (Hamilton) (27 decisions), Federalist No. 51 (Madison) (26 decisions), Federalist No. 32 (Hamilton) (25 decisions). [27] See, among others, a very early exploration of the judicial use of The Federalist in Charles W. Pierson, "The Federalist in the Supreme Court", The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 33, No. 7. (May, 1924), pp. 728-735. [28] Chernow, Ron. "Alexander Hamilton". Penguin Books, 2004. (p. 260) [29] Arthur, John (1995). Words That Bind: Judicial Review and the Grounds of Modern Constitutional Theory (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=UZu-fuHdnNwC). Westview Press. pp.41. ISBN0813323495. . [30] Madison to Thomas Ritchie, September 15, 1821. Quoted in Furtwangler, 36. [31] Max Farrand, ed (1911). The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=4VQSAAAAYAAJ& dq="the+ legitimate+ meaning+ of+ the+ Instrument+ must+ be+ derived+ from+ the+ text+ itself"). Yale University Press. pp. 446447 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=4VQSAAAAYAAJ& pg=PA447& lpg=PA447& dq="the+ legitimate+ meaning+ of+ the+ Instrument+ must+ be+ derived+ from+ the+ text+ itself"& source=web& ots=LTqun5vh9a& sig=Qp976hssxVA4EBbRfzs9qR4eAGE& hl=en& sa=X& oi=book_result& resnum=2& ct=result). .
Further reading
Meyerson, Michael I. Liberty's Blueprint: How Madison and Hamilton Wrote the Federalist Papers, Defined the Constitution, and Made Democracy Safe for the World, New York: Basic Books, 2008. Dietze, Gottfried. The Federalist: A Classic on Federalism and Free Government, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1960. Epstein, David F. The Political Theory of the Federalist, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984. Gray, Leslie, and Wynell Burroughs. "Teaching With Documents: Ratification of the Constitution", Social Education, 51 (1987): 322-324. Kesler, Charles R. Saving the Revolution: The Federalist Papers and the American Founding, New York: 1987. Patrick, John J., and Clair W. Keller. Lessons on the Federalist Papers: Supplements to High School Courses in American History, Government and Civics, Bloomington, IN: Organization of American Historians in association with ERIC/ChESS, 1987. ED 280 764. Schechter, Stephen L. Teaching about American Federal Democracy, Philadelphia: Center for the Study of Federalism at Temple University, 1984. ED 248 161. Sunstein, Cass R. The Enlarged RepublicThen and Now, New York Review of Books, (March 26, 2009): Volume LVI, Number 5, 45. http://www.nybooks.com/articles/22453 Webster, Mary E. The Federalist Papers: In Modern Language Indexed for Today's Political Issues. Bellevue, WA.: Merril Press, 1999. White, Morton. Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution, New York: 1987. Yarbrough, Jean. "The Federalist". This Constitution: A Bicentennial Chronicle, 16 (1987): 4-9. SO 018 489 Zebra Edition. The Federalist Papers: (Or, How Government is Supposed to Work), Edited for Readability. Oakesdale, WA: Lucky Zebra Press, 2007.
External links
Federalist Papers on the Bill of Rights (http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/bill_of_rightss7. html) Teaching the Federalist Papers (http://www.ericdigests.org/pre-928/papers.htm) Gutenberg Project e-text version (http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/1404)
List of Federalist Papers

This is a list of the 85 Federalist Papers, which were key documents in the early political history of the United States. James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay wrote the articles, which were published in 1788. The colors used to highlight the rows correspond to the author of the paper.
# 1 Date October 27, 1787 General Introduction Title Author Alexander Hamilton John Jay John Jay John Jay John Jay Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton James Madison
2 3 4 5 6
October 31, 1787 November 3, 1787 November 7, 1787 November 10, 1787 November 14, 1787
Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States
November 15, 1787
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States
November 20, 1787
The Consequences of Hostilities Between the States
November 21, 1787
The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection
10 November 22, 1787
The Same Subject Continued: The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection The Utility of the Union in Respect to Commercial Relations and a Navy
Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton James Madison Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton James [1] Madison James [1] Madison James [1] Madison Alexander Hamilton
The Utility of the Union In Respect to Revenue
Advantage of the Union in Respect to Economy in Government
14 November 30, 1787 15 December 1, 1787
Objections to the Proposed Constitution From Extent of Territory Answered The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
16 December 4, 1787
The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union Other Defects of the Present Confederation
17 December 5, 1787
18 December 7, 1787
19 December 8, 1787
20 December 11, 1787
9
The Same Subject Continued: Other Defects of the Present Confederation Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison James Madison
The Necessity of a Government as Energetic as the One Proposed to the Preservation of the Union
The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered
The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered
The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered
The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered Concerning the Militia
29 January 9, 1788
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
31 January 1, 1788
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation
32 January 2, 1788
33 January 2, 1788
34 January 5, 1788
35 January 5, 1788
36 January 8, 1788
37 January 11, 1788 38 January 12, 1788 39 January 18, 1788 40 January 18, 1788 41 January 19, 1788 42 January 22, 1788 43 January 23, 1788 44 January 25, 1788 45 January 26, 1788 46 January 29, 1788 47 January 30, 1788
Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising a Proper Form of Government The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of the Objections to the New Plan Exposed The Conformity of the Plan to Republican Principles The Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed Government Examined and Sustained General View of the Powers Conferred by the Constitution The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered Restrictions on the Authority of the Several States The Alleged Danger From the Powers of the Union to the State Governments Considered The Influence of the State and Federal Governments Compared The Particular Structure of the New Government and the Distribution of Power Among Its Different Parts These Departments Should Not Be So Far Separated as to Have No Constitutional Control Over Each Other
48 February 1, 1788
James Madison
10
Method of Guarding Against the Encroachments of Any One Department of Government
49 February 2, 1788
James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison James [2] Madison Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton James [2] Madison James [2] Madison John Jay Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton
50 February 5, 1788
Periodic Appeals to the People Considered
51 February 6, 1788
The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments The House of Representatives
52 February 8, 1788
53 February 9, 1788
The Same Subject Continued: The House of Representatives
54 February 12, 1788
The Apportionment of Members Among the States
The Total Number of the House of Representatives
The Same Subject Continued: The Total Number of the House of Representatives
The Alleged Tendency of the New Plan to Elevate the Few at the Expense of the Many
Objection That The Number of Members Will Not Be Augmented as the Progress of Population Demands Considered Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members The Senate
63 March 1, 1788
The Senate Continued
64 March 5, 1788 65 March 7, 1788
The Powers of the Senate The Powers of the Senate Continued
66 March 8, 1788
Objections to the Power of the Senate To Set as a Court for Impeachments Further Considered
67 March 11, 1788
The Executive Department
68 March 12, 1788
The Mode of Electing the President
69 March 14, 1788
The Real Character of the Executive
70 March 15, 1788
The Executive Department Further Considered
11
The Duration in Office of the Executive Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton
71 March 18, 1788
72 March 19, 1788
The Same Subject Continued, and Re-Eligibility of the Executive Considered
73 March 21, 1788
The Provision For The Support of the Executive, and the Veto Power
74 March 25, 1788
The Command of the Military and Naval Forces, and the Pardoning Power of the Executive
75 March 26, 1788
The Treaty Making Power of the Executive
76 April 1, 1788
The Appointing Power of the Executive
77 April 2, 1788
The Appointing Power Continued and Other Powers of the Executive Considered
78 May 28, 1788 (book) June 14, 1788 (newspaper) 79 May 28, 1788 (book) June 18, 1788 (newspaper) 80 June 21, 1788
The Judiciary Department
The Judiciary Continued
Alexander Hamilton
The Powers of the Judiciary
Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton
81 June 25, 1788 and June 28, 1788 82 July 2, 1788
The Judiciary Continued, and the Distribution of the Judicial Authority
The Judiciary Continued
83 July 5, 1788, July 9, 1788 and July 12, 1788 84 May 28, 1788
The Judiciary Continued in Relation to Trial by Jury
Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the Constitution Considered and Answered
Alexander Hamilton Alexander Hamilton
85 August 13, 1788 and August 16, 1788
Concluding Remarks
References
here is "The Tenth Federalist Revisited."
Notes
[1] Nos. 18, 19, 20 are frequently indicated as being jointly written by Hamilton and Madison. However, Adair concurs with previous historians that these are Madison's writing alone: "Madison had certainly written all of the essays himself, including in revised form only a small amount of pertinent information submitted by Hamilton from his rather sketchy research on the same subject." Adair, 63. [2] One of twelve "disputed papers" to which both Madison and Hamilton laid claim. Modern scholarly consensus leans towards Madison as the author of all twelve, and he is so credited in this table. See Federalist Papers: Disputed essays. See Adair, 93: "The disputed numbers of The Federalist claimed by both Hamilton and Madison are Numbers 49 through 58 and Numbers 62 and 63.
Anti-Federalist Papers
12
Anti-Federalist Papers
The Anti-Federalist Papers are a collection of articles, written in opposition to the ratification of the 1787 United States Constitution. Unlike the Federalist Papers written in support of the Constitution, the authors of these articles, mostly operating under pen names, were not engaged in a strictly organized project. Thus, unlike the Federalist Papers, it is a matter of opinion what writings specifically are included and in what order they are best presented. One notable presentation is that by Morton Borden, who collected 85 of the most significant papers and arranged them in an order closely resembling that of the 85 Federalist Papers, e.g. #10 in Borden's arrangement argues against Federalist No. 10. The most frequently cited modern collection, The Complete Anti-Federalist, was produced by Herbert Storing and is considered the authoritative compendium on the publications. Major Anti-Federalist authors included Cato (likely George Clinton), Brutus (likely Robert Yates), Centinel (Samuel Bryan), and the Federal Farmer (either Melancton Smith, Richard Henry Lee, or Mercy Otis Warren). Speeches by Patrick Henry and Smith are often included as well. One of the major points of the articles was the danger the new Constitution would bring without a statement of individual rights. Some of the Anti-Federalist concerns were addressed in the Bill of Rights, which was added later.
External links
Links to text of the Borden Antifederalist papers, without his editorial comments [1] Audiobook of the Anti-Federalist Papers at Librivox [2]
References
[1] http:/ / www. wepin. com/ articles/ afp/ [2] http:/ / librivox. org/ the-anti-federalist-papers-by-patrick-henry/
13
Authors
Alexander Hamilton
Alexander Hamilton
1stUnited States Secretary of the Treasury

Inoffice September 11, 1789January 31, 1795 President Succeededby George Washington Oliver Wolcott, Jr.
Delegate from New York to the Congress of the Confederation

Inoffice 17881789
Delegate from New York to the Constitutional Convention

Inoffice 17871787
Delegate from New York County to the New York State Legislature
Inoffice 17871788
Delegate from New York to the Annapolis Convention

Inoffice 17861786
Delegate from New York to the Congress of the Confederation

Inoffice 17821783
Alexander Hamilton
14
January 11, 1755 or 1757Nevis, Caribbean (now part of Saint Kitts and Nevis) July 12, 1804 (age 47 or 49)New York City, New York Federalist Elizabeth Schuyler Hamilton Philip Angelica Alexander James Alexander John Church William Stephen Eliza Hamilton Holly Philip ("Little Phil") military officer, lawyer, financier, political theorist Episcopal at his death
Born Died Politicalparty Spouse(s) Children
Profession Religion Signature
Military service Allegiance Province of New York (began 1775) State of New York (began 1776) United States of America (began 1777) New York Provincial Company of Artillery Continental Army United States Army
Service/branch
Yearsof service 17751776 (Militia) 17761781 17981800 Rank Beginning: Lieutenant (Artillery) Highest: Major General (Senior Officer of the United States Army) American Revolutionary War Battle of Harlem Heights Battle of White Plains Battle of Trenton Battle of Princeton Battle of Monmouth Battle of Yorktown Quasi-War
Battles/wars
Alexander Hamilton (January 11, 1755 or 1757[1] July 12, 1804) was the first United States Secretary of the Treasury, a Founding Father, economist, and political philosopher. Aide-de-camp to General George Washington during the American Revolutionary War, he was a leader of American nationalists calling for a new Constitution; he was one of America's first constitutional lawyers, and wrote most of the Federalist Papers, a primary source for Constitutional interpretation. Hamilton was the primary author of the economic policies of the George Washington Administration, especially the funding of the state debts by the Federal government, the establishment of a national bank, a system of tariffs, and friendly trade relations with Britain. He became the leader of the Federalist Party, created largely in support of his views, and was opposed by Thomas Jefferson and his Democratic-Republican Party. Jefferson denounced Hamilton as too loose with the Constitution, too favorable to monarchy and particularly to Britain, and too partial to the moneyed interests of the cities at home,
Alexander Hamilton but Hamilton's policies were generally enacted. A believer in a militarily strong national government, Hamilton helped defeat the tax revolt of western farmers in 1794, and built a new army to oppose France in the Quasi War of 1798, but Federalist President John Adams found a diplomatic solution that avoided war. Hamilton opposed Adams, as well as the opposition candidates Jefferson and Aaron Burr, in the election of 1800; he supported Jefferson over Burr when the House of Representatives had to choose in an electoral tie between them. In 1804, tensions with Burr escalated to a duel, in which Hamilton was killed. Born and raised in the Caribbean, Hamilton attended King's College (now Columbia University) in New York. At the start of the American Revolutionary War, he organized an artillery company and was chosen as its captain. Hamilton became the senior[2] aide-de-camp and confidant to General George Washington, the American commander-in-chief. After the war, Hamilton was elected to the Continental Congress from New York, but he resigned to practice law and found the Bank of New York. He served in the New York Legislature, and he was the only New Yorker who signed the U.S. Constitution. He wrote about half the Federalist Papers, which helped to secure ratification of the Constitution by New York and remain the single most important interpretation of the Constitution.[3] In the new government under President Washington he became Secretary of the Treasury.[4] An admirer of British political systems, Hamilton was a nationalist who emphasized strong central government and successfully argued that the implied powers of the Constitution could be used to fund the national debt, assume state debts, and create the government-owned Bank of the United States. These programs were funded primarily by a tariff on imports and a highly controversial excise tax on whiskey. By 1792, the coalition led by Hamilton was opposed by a coalition led by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Hamilton's Federalist Party now had to compete with Jefferson's Republican Party. The parties fought over Hamilton's fiscal goals and national bank. Even more contentious was foreign policy - especially the Jay Treaty which Hamilton designed and which was ratified after a bitter fight. Embarrassed by a blackmail affair that became public, Hamilton resigned from office in 1795 and returned to the practice of law in New York. He kept his hand in politics and was a powerful influence on the cabinet of President Adams (1797-1801). In 1798, Hamilton called for mobilization against France after the XYZ Affair. The Quasi-War was never officially declared, but it was hard-fought at sea. To prepare for a war on land Hamilton secured control of a new army, which he trained, but no war took place when Adams found a peaceful solution.[5] Hamilton's opposition to John Adams helped cause Adams' defeat in the 1800 elections. When Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr tied in the electoral college, Hamilton helped defeat his bitter personal enemy Burr and elect Jefferson as president. With his party's defeat, Hamilton's pleas for a strong central government, and more banks and industry, were discarded by the agrarianism of Jeffersonian Democracy. Hamilton was always denounced by the Jeffersonians and later the Jacksonians, but his economic ideas, especially support for a flexible constitution, a powerful national government, a protective tariff and a national bank, were promoted in the 1830s and 1840s by the Whig Party and after 1854 by the newly created Republican Party, which hailed him as the nation's greatest Secretary of the Treasury.[6] [7]
15
Childhood in the Caribbean

Alexander Hamilton was born in Charlestown, the capital of the island of Nevis in the British West Indies. He was born out of wedlock to Rachel Faucett Lavien, of partial French Huguenot descent, and James A. Hamilton, the fourth son of Scottish laird Alexander Hamilton of Grange, Ayrshire.[8] There is some question about whether the year of Hamilton's birth was 1757 or 1755. Most historical evidence after Hamilton's arrival in New England suggests a year of 1757, and as such, many historians had accepted it. However, evidence from Hamilton's life in the Caribbean, first published in Danish in 1930, has caused more recent historians to opt for a birth year of 1755.[9] Hamilton listed his birth year as 1757 when he first arrived in the Thirteen Colonies; he later tended to give his age in round figures, but celebrated his birthday on January 11. However, probate papers from St. Croix in 1768, after the death of Hamilton's mother, list him as 13 years old,[10] a date that would support a birth year of 1755. There are
Alexander Hamilton a number of possible explanations: If 1755 is correct, Hamilton may have been trying to appear younger than his college classmates or to avoid standing out as older; on the other hand, if 1757 is correct, the probate document indicating a birth year of 1755 may have been in error, or Hamilton may have been passing as 13 to be more employable after his mother's death.[11] Hamilton's mother had been separated previously from Johann Michael Lavien of St. Croix, a much older German Jewish merchant-planter.[8] [12] To escape an unhappy marriage, Rachel left her husband and first son for St. Kitts in 1750, where she met James.[13] They moved together to Rachel's birthplace of Nevis, where she had inherited property from her father.[9] Their two sons were James, Jr., and Alexander. Because Hamilton's parents were not legally married, the Church of England denied him membership or education in the church school. Instead, he received "individual tutoring"[9] and classes in a private Jewish school.[14] Hamilton supplemented his education with a family library of thirty-four books,[15] including Greek and Roman classics.
Hamilton in his youth
16
James then abandoned Rachel and their two sons, allegedly to "spar[e] [Rachel] a charge of bigamy . . . [after finding out that her first husband] intend[ed] to divorce her under Danish law on grounds of adultery and desertion."[8] Rachel supported the family by keeping a small store in Christiansted. However, she contracted a severe fever and died on February 19, 1768, 1:02am, leaving Hamilton effectively orphaned. This may have had severe emotional consequences for him, even by the standards of an eighteenth-century childhood.[16] In probate court, Rachel's "first husband seized her estate"[8] and obtained The house in Nevis, West Indies where the few valuables Rachel had owned, including some household silver. Alexander Hamilton was born Many items were auctioned off, but a friend purchased the family books and returned them to the studious young Hamilton.[17] Hamilton then became a clerk at a local import-export firm, Beekman and Cruger, which traded with New England; he was left in charge of the firm for five months in 1771, while the owner was at sea. He and his older brother James were adopted briefly by a cousin, Peter Lytton, but when Lytton committed suicide, Hamilton was separated from his brother.[18] James apprenticed with a local carpenter, while Hamilton was adopted by Nevis merchant Thomas Stevens. Some evidence suggests that Stevens may have been Hamilton's biological father: his son, Edward Stevens, became a close friend of Hamilton. The two boys looked much alike, both were fluent in French, and both shared similar interests.[19] Hamilton continued clerking, remained an avid reader, developed an interest in writing, and began to long for a life off his small island. Hamilton wrote an essay published in the Royal Danish-American Gazette, with a detailed account of a hurricane that had devastated Christiansted on August 30, 1772. The essay impressed community leaders, who collected a fund to educate the young Hamilton in the much larger American colonies.[20]
Alexander Hamilton
17
Education
In the autumn of 1772, Hamilton arrived by way of Boston, Massachusetts at Elizabethtown Academy, a grammar school in Elizabethtown, New Jersey. In 1773 he studied with Francis Barber at Elizabethtown, in preparation for college work; there he came under the influence of a leading intellectual and revolutionary, William Livingston.[21] Hamilton applied to the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University) with the request that he be allowed to study at a quicker pace and complete his studies in a shorter time.[22] The college's Board of Trustees refused his request.[22] [8] [23] Hamilton made a similar request to King's College in New York City (now Columbia University), was accepted, and entered the college in late 1773 or early 1774.[24]
Statue of Hamilton outside Hamilton Hall overlooking Hamilton Lawn at his alma mater, Columbia University in New York City
When Church of England clergyman Samuel Seabury published a series of pamphlets promoting the Loyalist cause the following year, Hamilton struck back with his first political writings, A Full Vindication of the Measures of Congress and The Farmer Refuted. He published two additional pieces attacking the Quebec Act[25] as well as fourteen anonymous installments of "The Monitor" for Holt's New York Journal. Although Hamilton was a supporter of the Revolutionary cause at this prewar stage, he did not approve of mob reprisals against Loyalists. Hamilton on May 10, 1775, saved his college president, Loyalist Myles Cooper, from an angry mob, by speaking to the crowd long enough for Cooper to escape the danger.[26]
Hamilton Lawn separates Hamilton Hall and John Jay Hall at Columbia University
During the Revolutionary War

Early military career
In 1775, after the first engagement of American troops with the British in Boston, Hamilton joined a New York volunteer militia company called the Hearts of Oak, which included other King's College students. He drilled with the company before classes, in the graveyard of nearby St. Paul's Chapel. Hamilton studied military history and tactics on his own and achieved the rank of lieutenant. Under fire from HMS Asia, he led a successful raid for British cannon in the Battery, the capture of which resulted in the Hearts of Oak becoming an artillery company thereafter. Through his connections with influential New York patriots like Alexander McDougall and John Jay, he raised the New York Provincial Company of Artillery of sixty men in 1776, and was elected captain. It took part in the campaign of 1776 around New York City, particularly at the Battle of White Plains; at the Battle of Trenton, it was stationed at the high point of town, the meeting of the present Warren and Broad Streets, to keep the Hessians pinned in the Trenton Barracks.[27]
Alexander Hamilton in the Uniform of the New York Artillery by Alonzo Chappel (18281887)
Alexander Hamilton
18
Washington's staff
Hamilton was invited to become an aide to Nathanael Greene and to Henry Knox; however, he declined these invitations in the hopes of obtaining a place on Washington's staff. Hamilton did receive such an invitation and joined as Washington's aide on March 1, 1777 with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.[28] Hamilton served for four years, in effect, as Washington's chief of staff. He handled letters to Congress, state governors, and the most powerful generals in the Continental Army; he drafted many of Washington's orders and letters at the latter's direction; he eventually issued orders from Washington over Hamilton's own signature.[2] Hamilton was involved in a wide variety of high-level duties, including intelligence, diplomacy, and negotiation with senior army officers as Washington's emissary.[29] The important duties with which he was entrusted attest to Washington's deep confidence in his abilities and character, then and afterward. At the Elizabeth Schuyler Hamilton, 1787 points in their relationship where there was little personal attachment, there was still always a reciprocal confidence and respect. During the war, Hamilton became close friends with several fellow officers. His letters to the Marquis de Lafayette[30] and to John Laurens, employing the sentimental literary conventions of the late eighteenth century and alluding to Greek history and mythology,[31] have been read as revealing a homosocial or perhaps homosexual relationship, but few historians agree.[32] Hamilton married Elizabeth Schuyler on December 14, 1780. She was the daughter of Philip Schuyler, a General and wealthy businessman from one of the most prominent families in the state of New York. The marriage took place at Schuyler Mansion in Albany, New York. Hamilton was also extremely close to Eliza's older sister, Angelica Schuyler Church, who eloped with John Barker Church, an Englishman who made a fortune in the American colonies during the Revolution, and returned with him to London after the war.
While on Washington's staff, Hamilton had long been seeking a commanding position in an active combat situation. As the war drew ever nearer to a close, he knew that opportunities for military glory were fading. In February 1781, Hamilton was mildly reprimanded by Washington, and used this as an excuse for resigning his staff position. He immediately began to ask Washington and others incessantly for a field command. This continued until early July of 1781, when Hamilton submitted a letter to Washington with his commission enclosed, "thus tacitly threatening to resign if he didn't get his desired command".[33] On July 31, 1781, Washington relented, and Hamilton was given command of a New York light infantry battalion. In the planning for the assault on Yorktown, Hamilton was given command of three battalions, which were to fight in conjunction with French troops in taking Redoubts #9 and #10 of the British fortifications at Yorktown. Hamilton and his battalions fought bravely and took Redoubt #10 with bayonets, as planned. The French also fought bravely, took heavy casualties, and successfully took Redoubt #9. This action forced the British surrender at Yorktown of an entire army, effectively ending major British military operations in North America.[34]
Surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown by John Trumbull, oil on canvas, 1820
Alexander Hamilton
19
Hamilton enters Congress

After the Battle of Yorktown, Hamilton resigned his commission. He was elected in July of 1782 to the Congress of the Confederation as a New York representative for the term beginning in November of 1782.[35] Hamilton supported Congressmen such as superintendent of finance Robert Morris, his assistant Gouverneur Morris (no relation), along with James Wilson, and James Madison to provide the Congress with the independent source of revenue it lacked under the Articles of Confederation. While on Washington's staff, Hamilton had become frustrated with the decentralized nature of the wartime Continental Congress, particularly its dependence upon the states for financial support. Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress had no power to collect taxes or to demand money from the states. This lack of a stable source of funding had made it difficult for the Continental Army both to obtain its necessary provisions, and to pay its soldiers. During the war, and for some time after, Congress obtained what funds it could from subsidies from the King of France, from aid requested from the several states (which were often unable or unwilling to contribute), and from European loans.[36] An amendment to the Articles had been proposed by Thomas Burke, in February 1781, to give Congress the power to collect a 5% impost or duty on all imports, but this required ratification by all states; securing its passage as law proved impossible after it was rejected by Rhode Island in November 1782. Madison joined Hamilton in convincing Congress to send a delegation to persuade Rhode Island to change its mind. Their report recommending the delegation argued the federal government needed not just some level of financial autonomy, but also the ability to make laws that supersede those of the individual states. Hamilton transmitted a letter arguing that Congress already had the power to tax, since it had the power to fix the sums due from the several states; but Virginia's rescission of its own ratification ended the Rhode Island negotiations.[37]
Congress and the Army

While Hamilton was in Congress, discontented soldiers began to pose a danger to the young United States. Most of the army was then posted at Newburgh, New York. The army was paying for much of their own supplies, and they had not been paid in eight months. Furthermore, the Continental officers had been promised, in May 1778, after Valley Forge, a pension of half their pay when they were discharged.[38] It was at this time that a group of officers organized under the leadership of General Henry Knox sent a delegation to lobby Congress, led by Capt. Alexander MacDougall (see above). The officers had three demands: the Army's pay, their own pensions, and commutation of those pensions into a lump-sum payment. Several Congressmen, including Hamilton and the Morrises, attempted to use this Newburgh conspiracy as leverage to secure independent support for funding for the federal government in Congress and from the states. They encouraged MacDougall to continue his aggressive approach, threatening unknown consequences if their demands were not met, and defeated proposals that would have resolved the crisis without establishing general federal taxation: that the states assume the debt to the army, or that an impost be established dedicated to the sole purpose of paying that debt.[39] Hamilton suggested using the Army's claims to prevail upon the states for the proposed national funding system.[40] The Morrises and Hamilton contacted Knox to suggest he and the officers defy civil authority, at least by not disbanding if the army were not satisfied; Hamilton wrote Washington to suggest that he covertly "take direction" of the officers' efforts to secure redress, to secure continental funding but keep the army within the limits of moderation.[41] Washington wrote Hamilton back, declining to introduce the army;[42] after the crisis had ended, he warned of the dangers of using the army as leverage to gain support for the national funding plan.[43] On March 15, Washington defused the Newburgh situation by giving a speech to the officers.[39] Congress ordered the Army officially disbanded in April 1783. In the same month, Congress passed a new measure for a twenty-five-year impost, which Hamilton voted against,[44] and that again required the consent of all the states; it also approved a commutation of the officers' pensions to five years of full pay. Rhode Island again opposed these provisions, and Hamilton's robust assertions of national prerogatives in his previous letter were widely held to be
Alexander Hamilton excessive.[45] The Continental Congress was never able to secure full ratification for back pay, pensions, or their own independent sources of funding. In June 1783, a different group of disgruntled soldiers from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, sent Congress a petition demanding their back pay. When they began to march toward Philadelphia, Congress charged Hamilton and two others to intercept the mob.[46] Hamilton requested militia from Pennsylvania's Supreme Executive Council, but was turned down. Hamilton instructed Assistant Secretary of War William Jackson to intercept the men. Jackson was unsuccessful. The mob arrived in Philadelphia, and proceeded to harangue Congress for their pay. The President of Congress, John Dickinson, feared the Pennsylvania state militia was unreliable, and refused their help. Hamilton argued that Congress ought to adjourn to Princeton, New Jersey. Congress agreed, and relocated there.[47] Frustrated with the weakness of the central government, Hamilton drafted a call to revise the Articles of Confederation while in Princeton. This resolution contained many features of the future U.S. Constitution, including a strong federal government with the ability to collect taxes and raise an army. It also included the separation of powers into the Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches.[48]
20
Return to New York

Hamilton resigned from Congress, and in July 1783 was admitted to the New York Bar after several months of self-directed education.[49] He soon began a law practice in New York City. He specialized in defending Tories and British subjects, as in Rutgers v. Waddington, in which he defeated a claim for damages done to a brewery by the Englishmen who held it during the military occupation of New York. He pleaded that the Mayor's Court interpret state law to be consistent with the 1783 Treaty of Paris, which had ended the Revolutionary War.[50] In 1784, he founded the Bank of New York, now the oldest ongoing banking organization in the United States. Hamilton was one of the men who restored King's College, which had been suspended since the Battle of Long Island in 1776 and severely damaged during the War, as Columbia College. His public career resumed when he attended the Annapolis Convention as a delegate in 1786. While there, he drafted its resolution for a Constitutional convention, and in doing so brought his longtime desire to have a more powerful, more financially independent federal government one step closer to reality.
Constitution and Federalist Papers

In 1787, Hamilton served as assemblyman from New York County in the New York State Legislature and was the first delegate chosen to the Constitutional Convention. In spite of the fact that Hamilton had been a leader in calling for a new Constitutional Convention, his direct influence at the Convention itself was quite limited. Governor George Clinton's faction in the New York legislature had chosen New York's other two delegates, John Lansing and Robert Yates, and both of them opposed Hamilton's goal of a strong national government. Thus, while the other two members of the New York delegation were present, they decided New York's vote; and when they left the convention in protest, Hamilton remained with no vote (two representatives were required for any state to cast a vote). Early in the Convention he made a speech proposing a President-for-Life; it had no effect upon the deliberations of the convention. He proposed to have an elected President and elected Senators who would serve for life contingent upon "good behavior", and subject to removal for corruption or abuse; this idea
Hamilton shortly after the American Revolution
Alexander Hamilton contributed later to the hostile view of Hamilton as a monarchist sympathizer, held by James Madison. During the convention, Hamilton constructed a draft for the Constitution on the basis of the convention debates, but he never presented it. This draft had most of the features of the actual Constitution, including such details as the three-fifths clause. In this draft, the Senate was to be elected in proportion to the population, being two-fifths the size of the House, and the President and Senators were to be elected through complex multistage elections, in which chosen electors would elect smaller bodies of electors; they would hold office for life, but were removable for misconduct. The President would have an absolute veto. The Supreme Court was to have immediate jurisdiction over all law suits involving the United States, and State governors were to be appointed by the federal government.[51] At the end of the Convention, Hamilton was still not content with the final form of the Constitution, but signed it anyway as a vast improvement over the Articles of Confederation, and urged his fellow delegates to do so also.[52] Since the other two members of the New York delegation, Lansing and Yates, had already withdrawn, Hamilton was the only New York signer to the United States Constitution. He then took a highly active part in the successful campaign for the document's ratification in New York in 1788, which was a crucial step in its national ratification. Hamilton recruited John Jay and James Madison to write a defense of the proposed Constitution, now known as the Federalist Papers, and made the largest contribution to that effort, writing 51 of 85 essays published (Madison wrote 29, Jay only five). Hamilton's essays and arguments were influential in New York state, and elsewhere, during the debates over ratification. The Federalist Papers are more often cited than any other primary source by jurists, lawyers, historians, and political scientists as the major contemporary interpretation of the Constitution.[53] In 1788, Hamilton served yet another term in what proved to be the last time the Continental Congress met under the Articles of Confederation. When Phillip Schuyler's term ended in 1791, they began by electing, in his place, the attorney-general of New York, one Aaron Burr. Hamilton blamed Burr for this result, and ill characterizations of Burr appear in his correspondence thereafter, although they did work together from time to time on various projects, including Hamilton's army of 1798 and the Manhattan Water Company.[54]
21
Secretary of the Treasury

President George Washington appointed Hamilton as the first Secretary of the Treasury on September 11, 1789. He left office on the last day of January 1795, and much of the structure of the Government of the United States was worked out in those five years, beginning with the structure and function of the Cabinet itself. Forrest McDonald argues that Hamilton saw his office, like the British First Lord of the Treasury, as that of a Prime Minister; Hamilton would oversee his colleagues under the elective reign of George Washington. Washington did request Hamilton's advice and assistance on matters outside the purview of the Treasury Department. Within two years, Hamilton submitted five reports: First Report on the Public Credit: Communicated to the House of Representatives, January 14, 1790. Operations of the Act Laying Duties on Imports: Communicated to the House of Representatives, April 23, 1790. Second Report on Public Credit: Report on a National Bank. Communicated to the House of Representatives, December 14, 1790. Report on the Establishment of a Mint: Communicated to the House of Representatives, January 28, 1791. Report on Manufactures: Communicated to the House of Representatives, December 5, 1791.
Alexander Hamilton
22
Report on Public Credit

In the Report on Public Credit, the Secretary made a controversial proposal that would have the federal government assume state debts incurred during the Revolution.[55] This would, in effect, give the federal government much more power by placing the country's most serious financial obligation in the hands of the federal, rather than the state governments. The primary criticism of the plan was spearheaded by Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson[55] and Representative James Madison. Some states, like Jefferson's Virginia, had paid almost half of their debts, and felt that their taxpayers should not be assessed again to bail out the less provident. They further argued that the plan passed beyond the scope of the new Constitutional government. Madison objected to Hamilton's proposal to lower the rate of interest and postpone payments on federal debt, as not being payment in full; he also objected to the speculative profits being made. Much of the national debt had been bonds issued to Continental veterans, in place of wages the Continental Congress did not have the money to pay; as these continued to go unpaid, many of these bonds had been pawned for a small fraction of their value. Madison proposed to pay in full, but to divide payment between the original recipient and the present possessor. Others, like Samuel Livermore of New Hampshire, wished to curb speculation, and save taxation, by paying only part of the bond. The disagreements between Madison and Hamilton extended to other proposals Hamilton made to Congress, and drew in Jefferson when he returned from France. Hamilton's supporters became known as Federalists and Jefferson's as Republicans. As Madison put it: "I deserted Colonel Hamilton, or rather Colonel H. deserted me; in a word, the divergence between us took place from his wishing to administration, or rather to administer the Government into what he thought it ought to be..."[56] Hamilton eventually secured passage of his assumption plan by striking a deal with Jefferson and Madison. According to the terms, Hamilton was to use his influence to place the permanent national capital on the Potomac River, and Jefferson and Madison were to encourage their friends to back Hamilton's assumption plan. In the end, Hamilton's assumption, together with his proposals for funding the debt, overcame legislative opposition and narrowly passed the House on July 26, 1790.[57]
Founding the U.S. Mint

Hamilton helped found the United States Mint; the first national bank; and an elaborate system of duties, tariffs, and excises. In five years, the complete Hamiltonian program replaced the chaotic financial system of the confederation era with a modern apparatus that gave the new government financial stability, and gave investors sufficient confidence to invest in government bonds.
Revenue Cutter Service

Hamilton developed a "System of Cutters", forming the Revenue Cutter Service, (later combined with other government entities to form the United States Coast Guard). Coast Guard vessels are still referred to as "Cutters" today.
Sources of revenue
One of the principal sources of revenue Hamilton prevailed upon Congress to approve was an excise tax on whiskey. Strong opposition to the whiskey tax by cottage producers in remote, rural regions erupted into the Whiskey Rebellion in 1794; in Western Pennsylvania and western Virginia, whiskey was the basic export product and was basic to the local economy. In response to the rebellion, believing compliance with the laws was vital to the establishment of federal authority, he accompanied to the rebellion's site President Washington, General Henry "Light Horse Harry" Lee, and more federal troops than were ever assembled in one place during the Revolution. This
Alexander Hamilton overwhelming display of force intimidated the leaders of the insurrection, ending the rebellion virtually without bloodshed.[58]
23
Manufacturing and industry

Hamilton's next report was his "Report on Manufactures". Congress shelved the report without much debate, except for Madison's objection to Hamilton's formulation of the General Welfare clause, which Hamilton construed liberally as a legal basis for his extensive programs. It has been often quoted by protectionists since.[59] In 1791, while still Secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton worked in a private capacity to help found the Society for the Establishment of Useful Manufactures, a private corporation that would use the power of the Great Falls of the Passaic River to operate mills. Although the company did not succeed in its original purpose, it leased the land around the falls to other mill ventures and continued to operate for over a century and a half.
Statue of Hamilton by Franklin Simmons, overlooking the Great Falls of the Passaic River in Paterson, New Jersey, where Hamilton envisioned using the falls to power new factories
Emergence of parties
During Hamilton's tenure as Treasury Secretary, political factions began to emerge. A Congressional caucus, led by James Madison and William Giles, began as an opposition group to Hamilton's financial programs, and Thomas Jefferson joined this group when he returned from France. Hamilton and his allies began to call themselves Federalists. The opposition group, now referred to as the Democratic-Republican Party, was then known by several names, including Republicans,[60] republicans,[61] Jeffersonians, and Democrats. The Federalists assembled a nationwide coalition to garner support for the Administration, including the expansive financial programs Hamilton had made Administration policy; the Democratic-Republicans built their own national coalition to oppose these Federalist programs. Both sides gained the support of local political factions; each side developed its own partisan newspapers. Noah Webster, John Fenno, and eventually William Cobbett were prominent editors for the Federalists. Benjamin Franklin Bache and Philip Freneau edited major publications for the Democratic-Republicans. Newspapers of both parties were characterized by frequent personal attacks and information of questionable veracity. In 1801, Hamilton established a daily newspaper the New York Evening Post under editor William Coleman. It is now known as the New York Post.[62]
French Revolutionary wars

When France and Britain went to war in early 1793, all four members of the Cabinet were consulted on what to do. They unanimously agreed to remain neutral, and both Hamilton and Jefferson were major architects in working out the specific provisions that maintained and enforced that neutrality.[63] During Hamilton's last year in office, policy toward Britain became a major point of contention between the two parties. Hamilton and the Federalists wished for more trade with Britain, which would provide more revenue from tariffs; the Democratic-Republicans preferred an embargo to compel Britain to respect the rights of the United States and give up the forts they still held on American soil, contrary to the Treaty of Paris.[64] To avoid war, Washington sent Chief Justice John Jay, late in 1794, to negotiate with the British; Hamilton helped to draw up his instructions. The result was Jay's Treaty, which, as the State Department says, "addressed few U.S. interests, and ultimately granted Britain additional rights".[65] The treaty was extremely unpopular, and the
Alexander Hamilton Democratic-Republicans opposed it for its failure to redress previous grievances, and for its failure to address British violations of American neutrality during the war. Several European nations had formed a League of Armed Neutrality against incursions on their neutral rights; the Cabinet was also consulted on whether the United States should join it, and decided not to, but kept that decision secret. Hamilton revealed this decision in private to George Hammond, the British Minister to the United States, without telling Jayor anyone else; it was unknown until Hammond's dispatches were read in the 1920s. This "amazing revelation" may have had limited effect on the negotiations; Jay did threaten to join the League at one point, but the British had other reasons not to view the League as a serious threat.[66]
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Affair
In 1791, Hamilton became involved in an affair with Maria Reynolds that badly damaged his reputation. Reynolds's complicit husband, James, blackmailed Hamilton for money, threatening to inform Hamilton's wife. When James Reynolds was arrested for counterfeiting, he contacted several prominent members of the Democratic-Republican Party, most notably James Monroe and Aaron Burr, touting that he could expose a top level official for corruption. Presuming that James Reynolds could implicate Hamilton in an abuse of his position in Washington's Cabinet, they interviewed Hamilton with their suspicions. Hamilton insisted he was innocent of any misconduct in public office, but admitted to an affair with Maria Reynolds. Since this was not germane to Hamilton's conduct in office, Hamilton's interviewers did not publish about Reynolds. When rumors began spreading after his retirement, Hamilton published a confession of his affair, shocking his family and supporters by not merely confessing but also by inexplicably narrating the affair at an unexpected level of detail. The public revelation thus damaged Hamilton's reputation for the rest of his life.
1796 presidential election

Hamilton's resignation as Secretary of the Treasury in 1795 did not remove him from public life. With the resumption of his law practice, he remained close to Washington as an advisor and friend. Hamilton influenced Washington in the composition of his Farewell Address; Washington and members of his Cabinet often consulted with him. In the election of 1796, under the Constitution as it stood then, each of the presidential Electors had two votes, which they were to cast for different men. The one with most votes would be President, the second, Vice President. This system was not designed for parties, which had been thought disreputable and factious. The Federalists planned to deal with this by having all their Electors vote for John Adams, the Vice President, and all but a few for Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina (who was on his way home from being Minister to Spain, where he had negotiated a popular treaty); Jefferson chose Aaron Burr as his vice presidential running mate. Hamilton, however, disliked Adams and saw an opportunity. He urged all the Northern Electors to vote for Adams and Pinckney, lest Jefferson get in. He cooperated with Edward Rutledge to have South Carolina's Electors vote for Jefferson and Pinckney. If all this worked, Pinckney would have more votes than Adams; Pinckney would be President, and Adams would remain Vice President. It did not work. The Federalists found out about it (even the French minister to the United States knew), and Northern Federalists voted for Adams but not for Pinckney, in sufficient numbers that Pinckney came in third and Jefferson became Vice President.[67] Adams resented the intrigue, since he felt his service to the nation was much more extensive than Pinckney's.[68] Adams also resented Hamilton's influence with Washington and considered him overambitious and scandalous in his private life; Hamilton compared Adams unfavorably with Washington and thought him too emotionally unstable to be President.
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Quasi-War
During the Quasi-War of 17981800, and with Washington's strong endorsement, Adams reluctantly appointed Hamilton a major general of the army (essentially placing him in command since Washington could not leave Mt. Vernon). If full scale war broke out with France, Hamilton argued that the army should conquer the North American colonies of France's ally, Spain, bordering the United States.[69] To fund this army, Hamilton had been writing incessantly to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., his successor at the Treasury; William Loughton Smith, of the House Ways and Means Committee; and Senator Theodore Sedgwick of Massachusetts. He directed them to pass a direct tax to fund the war. Smith resigned in July of 1797, as Hamilton scolded him for slowness, and told Wolcott to tax houses instead of land.[70] The eventual program included a Stamp Act like that of the British before the Revolution and other taxes on land, houses, and slaves, calculated at different rates in different states, and requiring difficult and intricate assessment of houses. This provoked resistance in southeastern Pennsylvania, led primarily by men who had marched with Washington against the Whiskey Rebellion, such as John Fries.[71] Hamilton aided in all areas of the Army's development, and officially served as the Senior Officer of the United States Army as a Major General from December 14, 1799 to June 15, 1800. The army was to guard against invasion from France. Hamilton also suggested that its strategy involve marching into the possessions of Spain, then allied with France, and potentially even taking Louisiana and Mexico. His correspondence further suggests that when he returned in military glory, he dreamed of setting up a properly energetic government, without any Jeffersonians. Adams, however, derailed all plans for war by opening negotiations with France.[72] Adams had also held it right to retain Washington's cabinet, except for cause; he found, in 1800 (after Washington's death), that they were obeying Hamilton rather than himself, and fired several of them.[73]
1800 presidential election

In the 1800 election, Hamilton worked to defeat not only the rival Democratic-Republican candidates, but also his party's own nominee, John Adams. In New York, which Burr had won for Jefferson in May, Hamilton proposed a rerun of the election under different rules, with carefully drawn districts, each choosing an elector,[74] so that the Federalists would split the electoral vote of New York. John Jay, a Federalist, who had given up the Supreme Court to be Governor of New York, wrote on the back of the letter the words, "Proposing a measure for party purposes which it would not become me to adopt," and declined to reply.[75] John Adams was running this time with Pinckney's elder brother Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. On the other hand, Hamilton toured New England, again urging Northern Electors to hold firm for this Pinckney, in the renewed hope to make Pinckney President; and he again intrigued in South Carolina. This time, the important reaction was from the Jeffersonian Electors, all of whom voted both for Jefferson and Burr to ensure that no such deal would result in electing a Federalist. (Burr had received only one vote from Virginia in 1796.)
Statue of Hamilton in the United States Capitol rotunda
In September, Hamilton wrote a pamphlet called Letter from Alexander Hamilton, Concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States that was highly critical of Adams, though it closed with a tepid endorsement. He mailed this to two hundred leading Federalists; when a copy fell into Democratic-Republican hands, they printed it. This hurt Adams's 1800 reelection campaign and split the Federalist Party, virtually assuring the victory of the Democratic-Republican Party, led by Jefferson, in the election of 1800; it destroyed Hamilton's position among the Federalists.[76]
Alexander Hamilton On the Federalist side, Governor Arthur Fenner of Rhode Island denounced these "jockeying tricks" to make Pinckney President, and one Rhode Island Elector voted for Adams and Jay. Jefferson and Burr tied for first and second; and Pinckney came in fourth.[77] Jefferson had beaten Adams, but both he and his running mate, Aaron Burr, received 73 votes in the Electoral College. With Jefferson and Burr tied, the United States House of Representatives had to choose between the two men. (As a result of this election, the Twelfth Amendment was proposed and ratified, adopting the method under which presidential elections are held today.) Several Federalists who opposed Jefferson supported Burr, and for the first 35 ballots, Jefferson was denied a majority. Before the 36th ballot, Hamilton threw his weight behind Jefferson, supporting the arrangement reached by James A. Bayard of Delaware, in which five Federalist Representatives from Maryland and Vermont abstained from voting, allowing those states' delegations to go for Jefferson, ending the impasse and electing Jefferson President rather than Burr. Even though Hamilton did not like Jefferson and disagreed with him on many issues, he was quoted as saying, "At least Jefferson was honest." Hamilton felt that Burr was dangerous. Burr then became Vice President of the United States. When it became clear that he would not be asked to run again with Jefferson, Burr sought the New York governorship in 1804 with Federalist support, against the Jeffersonian Morgan Lewis, but was defeated by forces including Hamilton.[78] In 1801, Hamilton announced his intention to withdraw from the Federalist party if Burr became their presidential candidate in 1804. In 1802, he began to organize "The Christian Constitutional Society", the first principle of which, even before supporting the Constitution, was "the support of the Christian religion".[79]
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BurrHamilton duel
Soon after the 1804 gubernatorial election in New Yorkin which Morgan Lewis, greatly assisted by Hamilton, defeated Aaron Burrthe Albany Register published Charles D. Cooper's letter, citing Hamilton's opposition to Burr and alleging that Hamilton expressed "a still more despicable opinion" of the Vice President at an upstate New York dinner party.[80] [81] Burr, sensing an attack on his honor, and surely still stung by the political defeat, demanded an apology. Hamilton refused on the grounds that he could not recall the instance. Following an exchange of three testy letters, and despite attempts of friends to avert a confrontation, a duel was scheduled for July 11, 1804, along the west bank of the Hudson River on a rocky ledge in Weehawken, New Jersey. This was the same dueling site where Hamilton's eldest son, Philip, was killed three years earlier.
Hamilton fighting his fatal duel with Vice President Aaron Burr (the depiction is inaccurate: only the two "seconds" actually witnessed the duel)
At dawn, the duel began, and Vice President Aaron Burr shot Hamilton. Hamilton's shot broke a tree branch directly above Burr's head. A letter that he wrote the night before the duel states, "I have resolved, if our interview [duel] is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to reserve and throw away my first fire, and I have thoughts even of reserving my second fire", thus asserting an intention to miss Burr. The circumstances of the duel, and Hamilton's actual intentions, are still disputed. Neither of the seconds, Pendleton or Van Ness, could determine who fired first. Soon after, they measured and triangulated the shooting, but could not
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determine from which angle Hamilton fired. Burr's shot, however, hit Hamilton in the lower abdomen above the right hip. The bullet ricocheted off Hamilton's second or third false rib, fracturing it and caused considerable damage to his internal organs, particularly his liver and diaphragm before becoming lodged in his first or second lumbar vertebra. Chernow considers the circumstances to have indicated Burr to have fired second, and taken deliberate aim. If a duelist decided not to aim at his opponent there was a well-known procedure, available to everyone involved, for doing so. According to Freeman, Hamilton apparently did not follow this procedure; if he had, Burr might have followed suit, and Hamilton's death may have been avoided. It was a matter of honor among gentlemen to follow these rules. Because of the high incidence of septicemia and death resulting from torso wounds, a high percentage of duels employed this procedure of throwing away fire.[80] Years later, when told that Hamilton may have misled him at the duel, the ever-laconic Burr replied, "Contemptible, if true."[82]
Hamilton's tomb in the graveyard of Trinity Church at Wall Street and Broadway
The paralyzed Hamilton, who knew himself to have been mortally wounded, was ferried back to New York.[83] After final visits from his family and friends and considerable suffering, Hamilton died on the following afternoon, July 12, 1804. Gouverneur Morris, a political ally of Hamilton's, gave the eulogy at his funeral and secretly established a fund to support his widow and children. Hamilton was buried in the Trinity Churchyard Cemetery in Manhattan.
Legacy
From the start, Hamilton set a precedent as a Cabinet member by formulating federal programs, writing them in the form of reports, pushing for their approval by appearing in person to argue them on the floor of the United States Congress, and then implementing them. Hamilton and the other Cabinet members were vital to Washington, as there was no president before him (under the Constitution) to set precedents for him to follow in national situations such as seditions and foreign affairs.
Alexander Hamilton on the Series 2004A $10 Federal Reserve Note, based on an 1805 portrait by John Trumbull
Another of Hamilton's legacies was his pro-federal interpretation of the U.S. Constitution. Though the Constitution was drafted in a way that was somewhat ambiguous as to the balance of power between national and state governments, Hamilton consistently took the side of greater federal power at the expense of states. As Secretary of the Treasury, he establishedagainst the intense opposition of Secretary of State Thomas Jeffersonthe country's first national bank. Hamilton justified the creation of this bank, and other increased federal powers, with Congress's constitutional powers to issue currency, to regulate interstate commerce, and anything else that would be "necessary and proper". Jefferson, on the other hand, took a stricter view of the Constitution: parsing the text carefully, he found no specific authorization for a national bank. This controversy was eventually settled by the Supreme Court of the United States in McCulloch v. Maryland, which in essence adopted Hamilton's view, granting the federal government broad freedom to select the best means to execute its constitutionally enumerated powers, specifically the doctrine of implied powers. Hamilton's policies as Secretary of the Treasury have had an immeasurable effect on the United States Government and still continue to influence it. In 1962 during the Cuban Missile Crisis, the United States Navy was still using intership communication protocols written by Hamilton for the Revenue Cutter Service. His constitutional interpretation, specifically of the Necessary and Proper Clause, set precedents for federal authority that are still used by the courts and are considered an authority on constitutional interpretation. The prominent French diplomat
Alexander Hamilton Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, who spent 1794 in the United States, wrote "I consider Napoleon, Fox, and Hamilton the three greatest men of our epoch, and if I were forced to decide between the three, I would give without hesitation the first place to Hamilton", adding that Hamilton had intuited the problems of European conservatives. Talleyrand, who helped demolish the First French Republic, would have preferred to have a coalition of European monarchies curtail the solitary republicanism of the United States, which would permit the peaceful recreation of the French colonial empire of Louis XIV; he believed himself and Hamilton in general agreement.[84] Opinions of Hamilton have run the gamut: both John Adams and Thomas Jefferson viewed him as unprincipled and dangerously aristocratic. Herbert Croly, Henry Cabot Lodge, and Theodore Roosevelt directed attention to him at the end of the 19th century in the interest of an active federal government, whether or not supported by tariffs. Several nineteenth and twentieth century Republicans entered politics by writing laudatory biographies of Hamilton.[85] By the time of the American Civil War, Hamilton's portrait began to appear on U.S. currency, including the $2, $5, $10, and $50 notes. His likeness also began to appear on U.S. Postage in 1870. His portrait has continued to appear on U.S. postage and currency, and most notably appears on the modern $10 bill. </ref> Hamilton also appears on the $500 Series EE Savings Bond. The source of the face on the $10 bill is John Trumbull's 1805 portrait of Hamilton, in the portrait collection of New York City Hall.[86] On the south side of the Treasury Building in Washington, D.C. is a statue of Hamilton. On March 19, 1956, the United States Postal Service issued the $5 Liberty Issue postage stamp honoring Hamilton. Hamilton's upper Manhattan home is preserved as Hamilton Grange National Memorial, with a statue of Hamilton at the entrance.[87] The historic structure, already removed from its original location many years ago, was moved in 2008 to a spot in a park on land that was once part of the Hamilton estate.[88] It is expected to reopen to the public in 2011.[89] Many towns throughout the United States have been named after Hamilton.
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Family
Hamilton's widow, Elizabeth (known as Eliza or Betsy), survived him for fifty years, until 1854; Hamilton had referred to her as "best of wives and best of women". An extremely religious woman, Eliza spent much of her life working to help widows and orphans. After Hamilton's death, Eliza sold the country house, the Grange, that she and Hamilton had built together from 1800 to 1802. She co-founded New York's first private orphanage, the New York Orphan Asylum Society. Despite the Reynolds affair, Alexander and Eliza were very close, and as a widow she always strove to guard his reputation and enhance his standing in American history.
Grave of Eliza Schuyler Hamilton (1757-1854) at Trinity Church
Hamilton and Elizabeth had eight children, including two named Phillip. The elder Philip, Hamilton's first child (born January 22, 1782), was killed in 1801 in a duel with George I. Eacker, whom he had publicly insulted in a Manhattan theater. The second Philip, Hamilton's last child, was born on June 2, 1802, right after the first Philip was killed. Their other children were Angelica, born September 25, 1784; Alexander, born May 16, 1796; James Alexander (April 14, 1788 September 1878);[90] John Church, born August 22, 1792; William Stephen, born August 4, 1797; and Eliza, born November 26, 1799.
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On slavery
Rob Weston has described modern scholarly views on Hamilton's attitude to slavery as viewing Hamilton as anything from a "steadfast abolitionist" to a "hypocrite"; Weston's view is that he was deeply ambivalent. Hamilton's first polemic against King George's ministers contains a paragraph that speaks of the evils that "slavery" to the British would bring upon the Americans. McDonald sees this as an attack on actual slavery; such rhetoric was quite common in 1776, and varied from the stand that slavery was wrong for free-born Americans of British descent to a recognition of the evils of black slavery.[91] During the Revolutionary War, there was a series of proposals to arm slaves, free them, and compensate their masters. In 1779, Hamilton's friend John Laurens suggested such a unit be formed under his command, to relieve besieged Charleston, South Carolina; Hamilton proposed to the Continental Congress to create up to four battalions of slaves for combat duty, and free them. Congress recommended that South Carolina (and Georgia) acquire up to three thousand slaves, if they saw fit; they did not, even though the South Carolina governor and Congressional delegation had supported the plan in Philadelphia.[92] Hamilton argued that blacks' natural faculties were as good as those of free whites, and he answered objections by citing Frederick the Great and others as praising stupidity in soldiers; he argued that if the Americans did not do this, the British would (as they had elsewhere). One of his biographers has cited this incident as evidence that Hamilton and Laurens saw the Revolution and the struggle against slavery as inseparable.[93] Hamilton later attacked his political opponents as demanding freedom for themselves and refusing to allow it to blacks.[94] In January 1785, he attended the second meeting of the New York Manumission Society (NYMS). John Jay was president and Hamilton was secretary; he later became president.[95] He was a member of the committee of the society, which put a bill through the New York Legislature banning the export of slaves from New York;[96] three months later, Hamilton returned a fugitive slave to Henry Laurens of South Carolina.[97] Hamilton never supported forced emigration for freed slaves; it has been argued from this that he would be comfortable with a multiracial society, and this distinguished him from his contemporaries.[98] In international affairs, he supported Toussaint L'Ouverture's black government in Haiti after the revolt that overthrew French control, as he had supported aid to the slaveowners in 1791both measures hurt France.[99] He may have owned household slaves himself (the evidence for this is indirect; McDonald interprets it as referring to paid employees). He supported a gag rule to keep divisive discussions of slavery out of Congress, and he supported the compromise by which the United States could not abolish the slave trade for 20 years.[100] When the Quakers of New York petitioned the First Congress (under the Constitution) for the abolition of the slave trade, and Benjamin Franklin and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society petitioned for the abolition of slavery, the NYMS did not act.[101]
On economics
Alexander Hamilton is sometimes considered the "patron saint" of the American School of economic philosophy that, according to one historian, dominated economic policy after 1861.[102] He firmly supported government intervention in favor of business, after the manner of Jean-Baptiste Colbert, as early as the fall of 1781.[103] Hamilton opposed the British ideas of free trade, which he believed skewed benefits to colonial/imperial powers, in favor of U.S. protectionism, which he believed would help develop the fledgling nation's emerging economy. Henry C. Carey was inspired by his writings. Some say he influenced the ideas and work of German Friedrich List. From the 1860s onwards Japan's Meiji leadership embraced Hamilton's words and work as being valid to their own modernization requirement after touring America's post-Civil War political and industrial landscape. Within the Grant Administration they found Hamiltonian advocates who opened up American financial and manufacturing operations for Japanese inspection. The Meiji leadership sent their sons to study American finance and industry in New York, New Jersey, Philadelphia and other centres of commerce. These same Japanese leaders found Hamilton's words and work also being utilized by Bismarck's administration in Germany, having been brought to Germany by
Alexander Hamilton Friedrich List in the 1840s after List had spent time in exile in Philadelphia. Later Hamilton's reports to Congress could be found in libraries not only in Japan, but Taiwan and Korea, as they came under the colonial rule of Meiji Japan. Post-1945 leaders in both countries (South Korea is a divided nation) utilized Hamilton's Report on Credit to establish their own modern financial systems [Austin. 2009].
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Hamilton's religion
In his early life, he was an orthodox and conventional, though not deeply pious, Presbyterian. From 1777 to 1792, Hamilton appears to have been completely indifferent, and made jokes about God at the Constitutional Convention. During the French Revolution, he had an "opportunistic religiosity", using Christianity for political ends and insisting that Christianity and Jefferson's democracy were incompatible. After his misfortunes of 1801, Hamilton began to assert the truth of Christianity; he also proposed a Christian Constitutional Society in 1802, to take hold of "some strong feeling of the mind" to elect "fit men" to office, and he wrote of "Christian welfare societies" for the poor. He was not a member of any denomination, but led his family in the Episcopal service the Sunday before the duel. After he was shot, Hamilton requested communion first from Benjamin Moore, the Episcopal Bishop of New York, who initially declined to administer the Sacrament chiefly because he did not wish to sanction the practice of dueling. Hamilton then requested communion from Presbyterian pastor John Mason, who declined on the grounds that Presbyterians did not reserve the Sacrament. After Hamilton spoke of his belief in God's mercy, and of his desire to renounce dueling, Bishop Moore reversed his decision, and administered communion to Hamilton.[104]
Hamilton on US postage
Few people other than U.S. presidents are ever honored more than once on US Postage, and Alexander Hamilton is one of them. The first postage stamp to honor Hamilton was issued by the US Post Office in 1870. The portrayals on the 1870 and 1888 issues are from the same engraved die which was modeled after a bust of Hamilton by Italian sculptor Giuseppe Ceracchi[105] The Hamilton 1870 issue was the first U.S. Postage stamp to honor a Secretary of the Treasury. The 3-cent red commemorative issue was released on the 200th anniversary of Hamilton's birth in 1957. Upon close examination of this issue one can discern the accurate engraved rendition of the Federal Hall building, located in New York City. [106]
1957
1956 1870 1888
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Memorial at colleges
Alexander Hamilton served as one of the first trustees of the Hamilton-Oneida Academy. When the academy received a college charter in 1812 the school was formally renamed Hamilton College. There is a prominent statue of Alexander Hamilton in front of the school's chapel (commonly referred to as the "Al-Ham" statue) and the Burke Library has an extensive collection of Hamilton's personal documents. Columbia University, Hamilton's alma mater, has official memorials to Hamilton. The college's main classroom building for the humanities is Hamilton Hall, and a large statue of Hamilton stands in front of it. The university press has published his complete works in a multivolume letterpress edition. Columbia University's student group for ROTC cadets and Marines officer candidates is named the Alexander Hamilton Society. The main administration building of the Coast Guard Academy is named Hamilton Hall to commemorate Hamilton's creation of the United States Revenue Cutter Service, one of the entities that was combined to form the United States Coast Guard.
Notes
[1] See below for more information [2] Chernow, p. 90. [3] Ira C. Lupu, "The Most-Cited Federalist Papers." Constitutional Commentary (1998) [4] John Steele Gordon (http:/ / www. americanheritage. com/ articles/ magazine/ ah/ 2007/ 1/ 2007_1_23. shtml) "10 Moments That Made American Business," American Heritage, February/March 2007. [5] Forrest McDonald, Alexander Hamilton: a biography, (1982), p. 342 [6] Knott (2002), pp 47, 67, 85 [7] Vandenberg, Arthur H. Alexander Hamilton: The Greatest Americanan historical analysis of his life and works together with a symposium of opinions by distinguished Americans (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=K1cSAAAAYAAJ) (1921) [8] Practical Proceedings in the Supreme Court of the State of New York. Alexander Hamilton. Forward by Williard Sterne Randall. p. ix. 2004. New York Law Journal. [9] Chernow, p. 17. [10] From St. Croix records. Ramsing's 1930 Danish publication entered late among Hamilton literature. [11] Chernow; Flexner; Mitchell's Concise Life. McDonald, p. 366, n. 8, favors 1757 but acknowledges its minority status, saying that the probate clerk's alternate spelling of "Lavien" suggests unreliability. [12] Chernow, p. 10; Hamilton's spelling "Lavien" may be a Sephardic version of "Levine". The couple may have lived apart from one another under an order of legal separation, with Rachel as the guilty party, meaning remarriage was not permitted on St. Croix. [13] Chernow, p. 12. [14] Levine, Yitzchok (May 2, 2007). "The Jews Of Nevis And Alexander Hamilton" (http:/ / www. jewishpress. com/ pageroute. do/ 21464). The Jewish Press. . Retrieved October 18, 2008. [15] Chernow, p. 24. [16] E.g., Flexner, passim. [17] Chernow, p. 25. [18] Chernow, p. 26. [19] Chernow, pp. 2730. [20] Gordon, John Steele. " The Self Made Founder (http:/ / americanheritage. com/ articles/ magazine/ ah/ 2004/ 2/ 2004_2_42. shtml)" 'American Heritage, April/May 2004. [21] Adair and Harvey. [22] Chernow, p. 63. [23] The earliest source for this anecdote is a posthumous collection of anecdotes about Hamilton by an acquaintance of his, one Hercules Mulligan, who wrote that John Witherspoon refused Hamilton's demand to advance from class to class at his own speed. Mulligan's collection has been found unreliable by some biographers, including Mitchell and Flexner. Elkins and McKitrick comment that Witherspoon may have refused because he had just overseen similar programs for James Madison, whose health may have suffered from overwork, and for Joseph Ross, who had died less than two years after his graduation. (See Princetonians, 1769-1775. Ross was in Madison's class of 1771, and died before October 13, 1772. Madison's ill-health depends on his recollections in old age; his letters home at the time do not mention it (http:/ / blogs. princeton. edu/ mudd/ 2008/ 01/ did_james_madison_suffer_a_ner. html).) Randall suggests that (http:/ / blogs. princeton. edu/ mudd/ 2008/ 01/ alexander_hamiltons_connection. html) Witherspoon denied Hamilton admission because of his illegitimate birth. [24] Chernow, p. 51. [25] Mitchell 1:65-73; Miller, p. 19.
Alexander Hamilton
[26] McDonald, p. 14; Mitchell, p. I:74-75; Chernow, p. 63. Flexner, p. 78, noting that Cooper's poem about the incident did not mention Hamilton, suggests that Hamilton was in front of the building and that Cooper did not see him while escaping out the back. [27] Stryker, p. 158. [28] Lefkowitz, Arthur S., George Washington's Indispensable Men: The 32 Aides-de-Camp Who Helped Win the Revolution, Stackpole Books, 2003, pp. 15 & 108. [29] Lodge, pp. 1:1520; Miller, pp. 236. [30] Flexner, Young Hamilton, p. 316. [31] Trees, Andrew S., "The Importance of Being Alexander Hamilton", Reviews in American History 2005, pp. 33(1):814, finding Chernow's inferences to be overreading the contemporary style. [32] Katz, Jonathan Ned, Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A., Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1976, ISBN 978-0-690-01164-7, p. 445. [33] Chernow, p. 159. [34] Mitchell, pp. I:25460 [35] Syrett, p. III:117; for a one-year term beginning the "first Monday in November next", arrived in Philadelphia between the 18th and 25th of November, and resigned July 1783. [36] Kohn; Brant, p. 45; Rakove, p. 324. [37] Brant, p. 100; Chernow, p. 176. [38] Martin and Lender, pp. 109, 160: at first for seven years, increased to life after Arnold's treason. [39] Kohn; Ellis 2004, pp. 1414. [40] Kohn, p. 196; Congressional minutes of January 28, 1783. [41] Hamilton's letter of February 13, 1783; Syrett, pp. III:2535. For interpretation, see Chernow, p. 177; cf. Martin and Lender, pp. 18990. [42] Washington to Hamilton, March 4 and March 12, 1783; Kohn; Martin and Lender, pp. 18990. [43] Chernow, pp. 17780, citing Washington to Hamilton (http:/ / etext. lib. virginia. edu/ etcbin/ ot2www-washington?specfile=/ texts/ english/ washington/ fitzpatrick/ search/ gw. o2w& act=surround& offset=32820924& tag=Writings+ of+ Washington,+ Vol. + 26:+ *To+ ALEXANDER+ HAMILTON& id=gw260334), April 4, 1783. Retrieved on May 20, 2008. [44] Rakove, pp. 322, 325. [45] Brant, p. 108. [46] Chernow, p. 180. [47] Chernow, p. 182. [48] Chernow, p. 183. [49] Chernow, p. 160. [50] Chernow, pp. 1979; McDonald, pp. 649. [51] Mitchell, pp. I:397 ff. [52] Brant, p. 195. [53] Lupu, Ira C., "The Most-Cited Federalist Papers", Constitutional Commentary 1998, pp. 403 ff.; using Supreme Court citations, the five most cited were Federalist No. 42 (Madison, 33 decisions), Federalist No. 78 (Hamilton, 30 decisions), Federalist No. 81 (Hamilton, 27 decisions), Federalist No. 51 (Madison, 26 decisions), Federalist No. 32 (Hamilton, 25 decisions). [54] Lomask, pp. 13940, 2167, 220. [55] Stelzer, Irwin. "Who Is the Euro Zone's Alexander Hamilton?" (http:/ / online. wsj. com/ article/ SB10001424052748703667904576071542587390056. html?mod=WSJEUROPE_hps_MIDDLETopStories). Agenda. Wall Street Journal. . Retrieved 10 January 2011. [56] Farrand, Max, ed., The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, 4 vols. (New Haven, CT, 1937), 3:5334. [57] Miller, John (2003). Alexander Hamilton and the Growth of the New Nation. New Brunswick, USA, and London, UK: Transaction Publishers. p.251. ISBN978-0-7658-0551-5. [58] Mitchell, I:308-31. [59] Stephen F. Knott, Alexander Hamilton and the Persistence of Myth (2002), pp 43, 54, 56, 83, 108 [60] "Madison to Jefferson" (http:/ / memory. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ ampage?collId=mjm& fileName=05/ mjm05. db& recNum=591). March 2, 1794. . Retrieved October 14, 2006. "I see by a paper of last evening that even in New York a meeting of the people has taken place, at the instance of the Republican party, and that a committee is appointed for the like purpose." See also Smith, p. 832. [61] "Jefferson to Washington" (http:/ / memory. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ query/ r?ammem/ mtj:@field(DOCID+ @lit(tj060237))). May 23, 1792. . "The republican party, who wish to preserve the government in its present form, are fewer in number. They are fewer even when joined by the two, three, or half dozen anti-federalists...." [62] Emery, Michael, and Emery, Edward, The Press and America, 7th ed., Simon & Schuster, 1992, p. 74. [63] Thomas, Charles Marion, American neutrality in 1793; a study in cabinet government, Columbia, 1931, a survey of the process before Jefferson resigned at the end of 1793. [64] Combs, Jerald A., " John Jay (http:/ / www. anb. org/ articles/ 02/ 02-00195. html)", American National Biography (ANB), February 2000. Retrieved on May 14, 2008. [65] John Jays Treaty, 179495 (http:/ / www. state. gov/ r/ pa/ ho/ time/ nr/ 14318. htm), U.S. State Department. [66] Bemis, Samuel Flagg, Jay's Treaty (quoted); Elkins and McKitrick, pp. 411 ff.
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[67] Elkins and McKitrick; Age of Federalism, pp. 5238, 859. Rutledge had his own plan, to have Pinckney win with Jefferson as Vice President. [68] Elkins and McKitrick, p. 515. [69] Morison and Commager, p 327; Mitchell II:445 [70] Newman, pp. 723. [71] Newman, pp. 44, 768. [72] Mitchell II:483 [73] ANB, "James McHenry"; he also fired Timothy Pickering. [74] The May 1800 election chose the New York legislature, which would in turn choose electors; Burr had won this by making it a referendum on the presidency, and by persuading better-qualified candidates to run, who declared their candidacy only after the Federalists had announced their ticket. Hamilton asked Jay and the lame-duck legislature to pass a law declaring a special federal election, in which each district would choose an elector. He also supplied a map, with as many Federalist districts as possible. [75] Monaghan, pp. 419421. [76] Elkins and McKitrick, like other historians, speak of Hamilton's self-destructive tendencies in this connection. [77] Elkins and McKitrick, pp. 73440. [78] ANB, "Aaron Burr". [79] Phau, Donald (January 1992). "HAMILTON'S FINAL YEARS: The Christian Constitutional Society" (http:/ / american_almanac. tripod. com/ hamphau. htm). Executive Intelligence Review. . Retrieved May 2, 2010. [80] Freeman, Joanne B (April 1996 1996). "Dueling as Politics: Reinterpreting the BurrHamilton Duel" (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0043-5597(199604)3:53:2<289:DAPRTB>2. 0. CO;2-S) (subscription). The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series (Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture) 53 (2): 289318. doi:10.2307/2947402. . [81] Kennedy, Burr, Hamilton, and Jefferson, p. 72. [82] Wheelan, Joseph, Jefferson's Vendetta: The Pursuit of Aaron Burr and the Judiciary, New York, Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2005, ISBN 978-0-7867-1437-7, p. 90. [83] Dr. David Hosack to William Coleman, August 17, 1804 [84] Adams, pp. 23843, quoting Talleyrand from tudes sur la Rpublique: Je considre Napoleon, Fox, et Hamilton comme les trois plus grands hommes de notre poque, et si je devais me prononcer entre les trois, je donnerais sans hesiter la premire place Hamilton. Il avait devin l'Europe. [85] Flexner, Introduction; Lodge, Henry Cabot, Alexander Hamilton, written while a junior professor; Vandenburg, Arthur H., The Greatest American, 1922, while still a newspaper editor; for the effect on his career of his "advocacy of his party's views", see ANB, " Arthur H. Vandenburg (http:/ / www. anb. org/ articles/ 06/ 06-00671. html?a=1& n=Vandenberg& ia=-at& ib=-bib& d=10& ss=0& q=2)". [86] The New York Times, " In New York, Taking Years Off the Old, Famous Faces Adorning City Hall (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2006/ 12/ 06/ nyregion/ 06portraits. html?ref=nyregion)", December 6, 2006. [87] "Hamilton Grange National Memorial (U.S. National Park Service)" (http:/ / www. nps. gov/ hagr/ ). Nps.gov. . Retrieved March 14, 2009. [88] Hamilton Home Heads to a Greener Address (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 06/ 07/ nyregion/ 07grange. html?_r=1) [89] "Hamilton Grange National Memorial (U.S. National Park Service)" (http:/ / www. nps. gov/ hagr/ ). Nps.gov. . Retrieved April 14, 2010. [90] James Alexander Hamilton obituary (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ mem/ archive-free/ pdf?res=9E05E2DE123CE03BBC4E51DFBF668383669FDE), The New York Times, September 26, 1878. [91] McManus; "Many national leaders including Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, John Adams, John Jay, Gouverneur Morris, and Rufus King, saw slavery as an immense problem, a curse, a blight, or a national disease"; David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage, p. 156; for a wider discussion of the rhetoric of "slavery to the British", see David Hackett Fisher: Liberty and Freedom, chapters I and II. [92] Mitchell, pp. I:1757, I:550 n. 92, citing the Journals of the Continental Congress (http:/ / rs6. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ query/ r?ammem/ hlaw:@field(DOCID+ @lit(jc01380))), March 29, 1779; Wallace, p. 455. Congress offered to compensate the masters after the war. [93] Hamilton to Jay (http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ documents/ v1ch15s24. html), March 14, 1779; Chernow, p. 121; McManus, pp. 1547. [94] McDonald, p. 34; Flexner, pp. 2578. [95] McManus, p. 168. [96] Chernow, p. 216. [97] Littlefield, p. 126, citing Syrett, pp. 3:6058. Mention in Wills, p. 209, that as Treasury Secretary Hamilton arranged to recapture one of Washington's slaves a decade later, is a chronological error; it was his successor, Oliver Wolcott of Connecticut. [98] Horton, p. 22. [99] Horton; Kennedy, pp. 978; Littlefield; Wills, pp. 35, 40. [100] Flexner, p. 39. [101] McDonald, p. 177. [102] Lind, Michael, Hamilton's Republic, 1997, pp. xivxv, 22930. [103] Chernow, p. 170, citing Continentalist V, published April 1782, but written in fall 1781; Syrett, p. 3:77. [104] Adair and Harvey, " Christian Statesman? (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0043-5597(195504)3:12:2<308:WAHACS>2. 0. CO;2-4)", passim. Hamilton's early faith is a deduction: Livingstone and Knox would have chosen to sponsor only an orthodox young man. Quotes on the Christian Constitutional Society are from Hamilton's letter to James A. Bayard of April 1802, quoted by Adair and Harvey, who see this as
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Alexander Hamilton
a great change from the military preparations and Sedition Act of 1798. For Bishop Moore, see also Chernow, p. 707. See McDonald, p. 3, on Hamilton's secular ambition, who adds, p. 356, that Hamilton's faith "had not entirely departed" him before the crisis of 1801. [105] Smithsonian National Postal Museum (http:/ / www. arago. si. edu/ index. asp?con=1& cmd=1& tid=2029287) [106] Scotts US Stamp Catalogue
34
References
"The long tradition of Hamilton biography has, almost without exception, been laudatory in the extreme. Facts have been exaggerated, moved around, omitted, misunderstood and imaginatively created. The effect has been to produce a spotless champion...Those little satisfied with this reading of American history have struck back by depicting Hamilton as a devil devoted to undermining all that was most characteristic and noble in American life." James Thomas Flexner, The Young Hamilton, pp. 34.
Secondary sources
Henry Adams, History of the United States of America under the Administrations of Thomas Jefferson, Library of America 1986, ISBN 978-0-521-32483-0 Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick: Age of Federalism (New York, Oxford University Press, 1993). online edition (http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-age-of-federalism-by-stanley-elkins-eric-mckitrick.jsp)
Biographies
Ambrose, Douglas and Robert W. T. Martin, eds. The Many Faces of Alexander Hamilton: The Life & Legacy of America's Most Elusive Founding Father (2006). Brookhiser, Richard. Alexander Hamilton, American. Free Press, (1999) (ISBN 978-0-684-83919-6). Chernow, Ron. Alexander Hamilton. Penguin Books, (2004) (ISBN 978-1-59420-009-0). full-length, detailed biography Ellis, Joseph J. Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation (2002), won Pulitzer Prize. Ellis, Joseph J. His Excellency: George Washington. (2004). Flexner, James Thomas. The Young Hamilton: A Biography. Fordham University Press, (1997) (ISBN 978-0-8232-1790-8). Fleming, Thomas. Duel: Alexander Hamilton, Aaron Burr, and the Future of America. (2000) (ISBN 978-0-465-01737-9). McDonald, Forrest. Alexander Hamilton: A Biography (1982) (ISBN 978-0-393-30048-2), biography focused on intellectual history esp on AH's republicanism. Miller, John C. Alexander Hamilton: Portrait in Paradox (1959), full-length, detailed biography; online edition (http://www.questia.com/library/book/alexander-hamilton-portrait-in-paradox-by-john-c-miller.jsp) Mitchell, Broadus. Alexander Hamilton (2 vols., 195762), full-length, detailed biography; also published in abridged edition Randall, Willard Sterne. Alexander Hamilton: A Life. HarperCollins, (2003) (ISBN 978-0-06-019549-6). Popular. Don Winslow Alexander Hamilton: In Worlds Unknown (Script and Film New-York Historical Society).
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Specialized studies
Adair, Douglas; Harvey, Marvin (1955). "Was Alexander Hamilton a Christian Statesman?". William and Mary Quarterly 12 (2): 308329. doi:10.2307/1920511. Austin, Ian Patrick (2009). Common Foundations of American and East Asian Modernisation: From Alexander Hamilton to Junichero Koizumi. Singapore: Select Books. ISBN9789814022521. Bailey, Jeremy D. (2008). "The New Unitary Executive and Democratic Theory: The Problem of Alexander Hamilton". American Political Science Review 102 (4): 453465. doi:10.1017/S0003055408080337. Brant, Irving (1970). The Fourth President: a Life of James Madison. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merill. A one-volume recasting of Brant's six-volume life. Burns, Eric (2007). Infamous Scribblers: The Founding Fathers and the Rowdy Beginnings of American Journalism. New York: PublicAffairs. ISBN9781586484286. Chan, Michael D. (2004). "Alexander Hamilton on Slavery". Review of Politics 66 (2): 207231. doi:10.1017/S003467050003727X. Chernow, Ron (2010). Washington: A Life. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN9781594202667. Full-length, detailed biography. Fatovic, Clement (2004). "Constitutionalism and Presidential Prerogative: Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian Perspectives". American Journal of Political Science 48 (3): 429444. doi:10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00079.x. Flaumenhaft, Harvey (1992). The Effective Republic: Administration and Constitution in the Thought of Alexander Hamilton. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. ISBN082231214X. Flexner, James Thomas (196572). George Washington. Little Brown.. Four volumes, with various subtitles, cited as "Flexner, Washington". Vol. IV. ISBN 9780316286022. Levine, Yitzchok (May 2, 2007). "The Jews Of Nevis And Alexander Hamilton" (http://www.jewishpress.com/ pageroute.do/21464). Glimpses Into American Jewish History. The Jewish Press. Harper, John Lamberton (2004). American Machiavelli: Alexander Hamilton and the Origins of U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN0521834856. Horton, James Oliver (2004). "Alexander Hamilton: Slavery and Race in a Revolutionary Generation" (http:// www.alexanderhamiltonexhibition.org/about/Horton - Hamiltsvery_Race.pdf). New York Journal of American History 65 (3): 1624. Kennedy, Roger G. (2000). Burr, Hamilton, and Jefferson: A Study in Character. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN0195130553. Knott, Stephen F. (2002). Alexander Hamilton and the Persistence of Myth. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. ISBN0700611576. Kohn, Richard H. (1970). "The Inside History of the Newburgh Conspiracy: America and the Coup d'Etat". The William and Mary Quarterly 27 (2): 188220. doi:10.2307/1918650. A review of the evidence on Newburgh; despite the title, Kohn is doubtful that a coup d'tat was ever seriously attempted. Larsen, Harold (1952). "Alexander Hamilton: The Fact and Fiction of His Early Years". William and Mary Quarterly 9 (2): 139151. doi:10.2307/1925345. Littlefield, Daniel C. (2000). "John Jay, the Revolutionary Generation, and Slavery". New York History 81 (1): 91132. ISSN0146-437X. Lomask, Milton (1979). Aaron Burr, the Years from Princeton to Vice President, 17561805. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. ISBN0374100160. First volume of two, but this contains Hamilton's lifetime. Martin, Robert W. T. (2005). "Reforming Republicanism: Alexander Hamilton's Theory of Republican Citizenship and Press Liberty". Journal of the Early Republic 25 (1): 2146. doi:10.1353/jer.2005.0012. McManus, Edgar J. (1966). History of Negro Slavery in New York. Syracuse University Press. Mitchell, Broadus (1951). "The man who 'discovered' Alexander Hamilton". Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society 69: 88115. Monaghan, Frank (1935). John Jay. Bobbs-Merrill.
Alexander Hamilton Morgan, Philip D. & O'Shaubhnessy, A. J. (2006). "Arming slaves in the American revolution". In Brown, Christopher Leslie & Morgan, Philip D.. Arming slaves: from classical times to the modern age. New York: Yale University Press. pp.180208. ISBN0300109008. Newman, Paul Douglas (2004). Fries's Rebellion: The Enduring Struggle for the American Revolution. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN081223815X. Nettels, Curtis P. (1962). The Emergence of a National Economy, 17751815. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Rakove, Jack N. (1979). The beginnings of National Politics: an interpretive history of the Continental Congress. New York: Knopf. ISBN0394423704. Rossiter, Clinton (1964). Alexander Hamilton and the Constitution. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. Sharp, James (1995). American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN0300065191. Survey of politics in 1790s. Sheehan, Colleen (2004). "Madison v. Hamilton: The Battle Over Republicanism and the Role of Public Opinion". American Political Science Review 98 (3): 405424. doi:10.1017/S0003055404001248. Smith, Robert W. (2004). Keeping the Republic: Ideology and Early American Diplomacy. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press. ISBN0875803261. Staloff, Darren (2005). Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson: The Politics of Enlightenment and the American Founding. New York: Hill and Wang. ISBN0809077841. Stourzh, Gerald (1970). Alexander Hamilton and the Idea of Republican Government. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN0804707243. Stryker, William S[cudder] (1898). The Battles of Trenton and Princeton. Houghton Mifflin. Sylla, Richard; Wright, Robert E.; Cowen, David J. (2009). "Alexander Hamilton, Central Banker: Crisis Management during the U.S. Financial Panic of 1792". Business History Review 83 (1): 6186. Thomas, Charles Marion (1931). American neutrality in 1793; a study in cabinet government. New York: Columbia University Press. Trees, Andrew S. (2005). "The Importance of Being Alexander Hamilton". Reviews in American History 33 (1): 814. doi:10.1353/rah.2005.0019. Trees, Andrew S. (2004). The Founding Fathers and the Politics of Character. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN0691115524. Wallace, David Duncan (1915). Life of Henry Laurens, with a sketch of the life of Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens. New York: Putnam. Weston, Rob N. (1994). "Alexander Hamilton and the Abolition of Slavery in New York". Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 18 (1): 3145. ISSN0364-2437. An undergraduate paper, which concludes that Hamilton was ambivalent about slavery. White, Leonard D. (1949). The Federalists. New York: Macmillan. Coverage of how the Treasury and other departments were created and operated. White, Richard D. (2000). "Exploring the Origins of the American Administrative State: Recent Writings on the Ambiguous Legacy of Alexander Hamilton". Public Administration Review 60 (2): 186190. doi:10.1111/0033-3352.00077. Wood, Gordon S. (2009). Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789-1815. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN9780195039146. The most recent synthesis of the era. Wright, Robert E. (2002). Hamilton Unbound: Finance and the Creation of the American Republic. Westport: Greenwood Press. ISBN0313323976. (2008). One Nation Under Debt: Hamilton, Jefferson, and the History of What We Owe. New York: McGraw-Hill. ISBN9780071543934.
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Primary sources
Hamilton, Alexander. (Joanne B. Freeman, ed.) Alexander Hamilton: Writings (2001), The Library of America (http://www.loa.org/) edition, 1108 pages. ISBN 978-1-931082-04-4; all of Hamilton's major writings and many of his letters Syrett, Harold C.; Cooke, Jacob E.; and Chernow, Barbara, eds. The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (27 vol, Columbia University Press, 196187); includes all letters and writing by Hamilton, and all important letters written to him; this is the definitive edition of Hamilton's works, intensively annotated. Goebel, Julius, Jr., and Smith, Joseph H., eds., The Law Practice of Alexander Hamilton (5 vols., Columbia University Press, 196480); the legal counterpart to the Papers of Alexander Hamilton. Morris, Richard. ed. Alexander Hamilton and the Founding of the Nation (1957), excerpts from AH's writings Selected Writings and Speeches of Alexander Hamilton. Morton J. Frisch ed. (1985). The Works of Alexander Hamilton edited by Henry Cabot Lodge (1904) full text online at Google Books (http:// books.google.com/books?id=S4CoWxuxuFAC&q=alexander+hamilton+cabot&dq=alexander+hamilton+ cabot&pgis=1) online in HTML edition (http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show. php?person=201&Itemid=28). This is the only online collection of Hamilton's writings and letters. Published in 10 volumes, containing about 1.3 million words. Federalist Papers under the shared pseudonym "Publius" by Alexander Hamilton (c. 52 articles), James Madison (28 articles) and John Jay (five articles) Report on Manufactures, his economic program for the United States. Report on Public Credit, his financial program for the United States. Cooke, Jacob E. ed., Alexander Hamilton: A Profile (1967), short excerpts from AH and his critics. Cunningham, Noble E. Jefferson vs. Hamilton: Confrontations that Shaped a Nation (2000), short collection of primary sources with commentary. Taylor, George Rogers, ed., Hamilton and the National Debt, 1950, excerpts from all sides in 1790s.
External links
Alexander Hamilton on PBS' American Experience (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/hamilton/) Alexander Hamilton: A Resource Guide (http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/hamilton/) from the Library of Congress [[New-York Historical Society|The New-York Historical Society's Alexander Hamilton Exhibit (http://www. alexanderhamiltonexhibition.org/)]] Alexander Hamilton and The Origins of Wall Street (http://ideas.repec.org/p/wpa/wuwpeh/9610001.html) (subscription required) Encyclopaedia Britannica: Alexander Hamilton (http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/253372/ Alexander-Hamilton) Works by Alexander Hamilton (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Hamilton+Alexander) at Project Gutenberg Alexander Hamilton Bio (http://www.leftjustified.com/alexander-hamilton) Hamilton's Report on Manufactures (Columbia University Press) (http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/ documents/v1ch4s31.html) Hamilton's Congressional biography (http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=H000101) Alexander Hamilton: Debate over a National Bank (February 23, 1791) (http://web.archive.org/web/ 20001110000000/www.ios.com/~alstone/forthebk.htm) Alexander Hamilton (http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ABQ7578-0123-7) by Henry Cabot Lodge Alexander Hamilton's Plan of Government (http://www.footnote.com/page/146) Hamilton Grange National Memorial (http://www.nps.gov/hagr/)
Alexander Hamilton Reenactment of the BurrHamilton duel on July 12, 2004 (http://duel2004.weehawkenhistory.org/ reenactscript.pdf) A New Nation Votes: American Election Returns 17871825 (http://elections.lib.tufts.edu/aas_portal/index. xq) Inventing Alexander Hamilton, The troubling embrace of the founder of American finance (http://bostonreview. net/BR32.6/hogeland.php) Alexander Hamilton and the National Triumph of New York City (http://www.thirteen.org/forum/ alexander-hamilton-and-the-national-triumph-of-new-york-city) A WNET video lecture; overview of Hamilton's career Alexander Hamilton (http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=437) at Find a Grave
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John Jay
39
John Jay
John Jay
Portrait of John Jay painted by Gilbert Stuart
1st Chief Justice of the United States

Inoffice September 26, 1789June 29, 1795 Nominatedby George Washington Succeededby John Rutledge
2nd Governor of New York

Inoffice July 1, 1795June 30, 1801 Lieutenant Precededby Succeededby Stephen Van Rensselaer George Clinton George Clinton
2nd United States Secretary of Foreign Affairs

Inoffice May 7, 1784March 22, 1790 Precededby Succeededby Robert Livingston Thomas Jefferson (as United States Secretary of State)
President of the Continental Congress

Inoffice December 10, 1778September 28, 1779 Precededby Succeededby Born Died Spouse(s) Almamater Henry Laurens Samuel Huntington December 12, 1745New York, New York May 17, 1829 (aged83)Bedford, New York Sarah Livingston (see Livingston family) King's College (now Columbia University)
John Jay
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Religion Signature Episcopalian
John Jay (December 12, 1745 May 17, 1829) was an American politician, statesman, revolutionary, diplomat, a Founding Father of the United States, and the first Chief Justice of the United States (178995). Jay served as the President of the Continental Congress from 1778 to 1779. During and after the American Revolution, Jay was a minister (ambassador) to Spain and France, helping to fashion United States foreign policy, and to secure favorable peace terms from Great Britain (with Jay's Treaty of 1794) and the First French Republic. Jay also co-wrote the Federalist Papers, along with Alexander Hamilton and James Madison. As a leader of the new Federalist Party, Jay was the Governor of New York State from 1795 to 1801, and he became the state's leading opponent of slavery. His first two attempts to pass laws for the emancipation of all slaves in New York failed in 1777 and in 1785, but his third attempt succeeded in 1799. The new law that he signed into existence brought about the emancipation of all slaves there before his death in 1829.
Early life
Birth
Jay was born on December 12, 1745, to a wealthy family of merchants in New York City.[1] He was the eighth child and the sixth son in his family.[2] The Jay family was of French Huguenot origin and was prominent in New York City.[3] In 1685 the Edict of Nantes was revoked, thereby abolishing the rights of Protestants and confiscating their property. Among those affected was Jay's paternal grandfather, Augustus Jay, causing him to move from France to New York and to establish the Jay family there.[4] Peter, Augustus's son and John's father, was a merchant and had ten children with his wife, Mary Van Cortlandt. Only seven of the ten children survived.[5] After Jay was born, his family moved from Manhattan to Rye for a healthier environment; two of his siblings were blinded by the smallpox epidemic of 1739 and two suffered from mental handicaps.[5]
Education
Jay spent his childhood in Rye, New York, and took the same political stand as his father, who was a staunch Whig.[6] He was educated there by private tutors until he was eight years old, when he was sent to New Rochelle to study under Anglican pastor Pierre Stoupe. In 1756, after three years, he would return to homeschooling under the tutelage of George Murray. In 1760, Jay continued his studies at King's College, the then-sixteen-year-old forerunner of Columbia University.[7] In 1764 he graduated[8] and became a law clerk for Benjamin Kissam.[5]
Entrance into lawyering and politics

In 1768, after reading law and being admitted to the bar of New York, Jay, with Robert Livingston, established a legal practice and worked there until he created his own law office in 1771.[5] He was a member of the New York Committee of Correspondence in 1774.[9] His first public role came as secretary to the New York committee of correspondence, where he represented the conservative faction that was interested in protecting property rights and in preserving the rule of law while resisting what it regarded as British violations of American rights. This faction feared the prospect of "mob rule". He believed the British tax measures were wrong and thought Americans were morally and legally justified in resisting them, but as a delegate to the First Continental Congress in 1774 he sided with those who wanted conciliation with Parliament. Events such as the burning of Norfolk, Virginia, by British troops in January 1776 pushed Jay to support independence. With the outbreak of the American Revolutionary War, he worked tirelessly for the revolutionary cause and acted to suppress the Loyalists. Thus Jay evolved into first a moderate and then an ardent Patriot once he
John Jay decided that all the colonies' efforts at reconciliation with Britain were fruitless and that the struggle for independence which became the American Revolution was inevitable.[10]
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During the American Revolution

Having established a reputation as a reasonable moderate in New York, Jay was elected to serve as delegate to the First and Second Continental Congresses which debated whether the colonies should declare independence. He attempted to reconcile the colonies with Britain, up until the Declaration of Independence. Jay's views became more radical as events unfolded; he became an ardent separatist and attempted to move New York towards that cause. In 1774, at the close of the Continental Congress, Jay returned to New York.[11] There he served on New York City's Committee of Sixty,[12] where he attempted to enforce a non-importation agreement passed by the First Continental Congress.[11] Jay was elected to the third New York Provincial Congress, where he drafted the Constitution of New York, 1777;[13] his duties as a New York Congressman prevented him from voting on or signing the Declaration of Independence.[11] [14] Jay served on the committee to detect and defeat conspiracies, which monitored British Actions.[15] New York's Provincial Congress elected Jay the Chief Justice of the New York Supreme Court on May 8, 1777,[11] [16] which he served on for two years.[11]
The Treaty of Paris, Jay stands farthest to the left
The Continental Congress turned to Jay, an adversary of the previous president Henry Laurens, only three days after Jay became a delegate and elected him President of the Continental Congress. Eight states voted for Jay and four for Laurens.[17] Jay served as President of the Continental Congress from December 10, 1778, to September 28, 1779; he chaired the meetings but had little power.
As a diplomat
On September 27, 1779, Jay was appointed Minister to Spain. His mission was to get financial aid, commercial treaties and recognition of American independence. The royal court of Spain refused to officially receive Jay as the Minister of the United States,[18] as it refused to recognize American Independence until 1783, fearing that such recognition could spark revolution in their own colonies. Jay, however, convinced Spain to loan $170,000 to the US government.[19] He departed Spain on May 20, 1782.[18] On June 23, 1782, Jay reached Paris, where negotiations to end the American Revolutionary War would take place.[20] Benjamin Franklin was the most experienced diplomat of the group, and thus Jay wished to lodge near him, in order to learn from him.[21] The United States agreed to negotiate with Britain separately, then with France.[22] [23] In July 1782, the Earl of Shelburne offered the Americans independence, but Jay rejected the offer on the grounds that it did not recognize American independence during the negotiations; Jay's dissent halted negotiations until the fall.[22] The final treaty dictated that the United States would have Newfoundland fishing rights, Britain would acknowledge the United States as independent and would withdraw its troops in exchange for the United States ending the seizure of Loyalist property and honoring private debts.[22] [24] The treaty granted the United States independence, but left many border regions in dispute, and many of its provisions were not enforced.[22]
John Jay
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Secretary of Foreign Affairs

Jay served as the second Secretary of Foreign Affairs from 17841789, when in September, Congress passed a law giving certain additional domestic responsibilities to the new Department and changing its name to the Department of State. Jay served as acting Secretary of State until March 22, 1790. Jay sought to establish a strong and durable American foreign policy: to seek the recognition of the young independent nation by powerful and established foreign European powers; to establish a stable American currency and credit supported at first by financial loans from European banks; to pay back America's creditors and to quickly pay off the country's heavy War-debt; to secure the infant nation's territorial boundaries under the most-advantageous terms possible and against possible incursions by the Indians, Spanish, the French and the English; to solve regional difficulties among the colonies themselves; to secure Newfoundland fishing rights; to establish a robust maritime trade for American goods with new economic trading partners; to protect American trading vessels against piracy; to preserve America's reputation at home and abroad; and to hold the country together politically under the fledgling Articles of Confederation.[25] Jay believed his responsibility was not matched by a commensurate level of authority, so he joined Alexander Hamilton and James Madison in advocating for a stronger government than the one dictated by the Articles of Confederation.[5] [26] He argued in his Address to the People of the State of New-York, on the Subject of the Federal Constitution [27] that the Articles of Confederation were too weak and ineffective a form of government. He contended that: The Congress under the Articles of Confederation may make war, but are not empowered to raise men or money to carry it onthey may make peace, but without power to see the terms of it observedthey may form alliances, but without ability to comply with the stipulations on their partthey may enter into treaties of commerce, but without power to [e]nforce them at home or abroad...In short, they may consult, and deliberate, and recommend, and make requisitions, and they who please may regard them.[28]
Federalist Papers 1788

Jay did not attend the Constitutional Convention but joined Hamilton and Madison in aggressively arguing in favor of the creation of a new and more powerful, centralized but balanced system of government. Writing under the shared pseudonym of "Publius,"[29] they articulated this vision in the Federalist Papers, a series of eighty-five articles written to persuade the citizenry to ratify the proposed Constitution of the United States.[30] Jay wrote the second, third, fourth, fifth and sixty-fourth articles. All except the sixty-fourth concerned the "[d]angers from [f]oreign [f]orce and [i]nfluence".[31]
The Jay Court

[T]he people are the sovereign of this country, and consequently that fellow citizens and joint sovereigns cannot be degraded by appearing with each other in their own courts to have their controversies determined. The people have reason to prize and rejoice in such valuable privileges, and they ought not to forget that nothing but the free course of constitutional law and government can ensure the continuance and enjoyment of them. For the reasons before given, I am clearly of opinion that a State is suable by citizens of another State. John Jay in the Court Opinion of Chisholm v. Georgia
[32]
In September 1789, George Washington offered the position of Secretary of State (which, though technically a new position, would have continued Jay's service as Secretary of Foreign Affairs); he declined. Washington responded by offering him the position of the first Chief Justice of the United States, which Jay accepted. Washington officially nominated Jay on September 24, 1789, the same day he signed the Judiciary Act of 1789 (which created the position of Chief Justice) into law.[26] Jay was unanimously confirmed by the United States Senate on September 26, 1789, and received his commission the same day. Washington also nominated John Blair, William Cushing, James Wilson,
John Jay James Iredell and John Rutledge as Associate Judges;[33] Jay would later serve with Thomas Johnson,[34] who took Rutledge's seat,[35] and William Paterson, who took Johnson's seat.[35] The Court's business through its first three years primarily involved the establishment of rules and procedure; reading of commissions and admission of attorneys to the bar; and the Justices' duties in "riding circuit," or presiding over cases in the circuit courts of the various federal judicial districts. No convention existed that precluded the involvement of Supreme Court Justices in political affairs, and Jay used his light workload as a Justice to freely participate in the business of Washington's administration. He used his circuit riding to spread word throughout the states of Washington's commitment to neutrality, then published reports of French minister Edmond-Charles Genet's campaign to win American support for France. However, Jay also established an early precedent for the Court's independence in 1790, when Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton wrote to Jay requesting the Court's endorsement of legislation that would assume the debts of the states. Jay replied that the Court's business was restricted to ruling on the constitutionality of cases being tried before it and refused to allow it to take a position either for or against the legislation.[36]
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Cases
The Court heard only four cases during Jay's Chief Justiceship. Its first case did not occur until early in the Court's third term, with West v. Barnes (1791). The Court had an early opportunity to establish the principle of judicial review in the United States with the case, which involved a Rhode Island state statute permitting the lodging of a debt payment in paper currency. Instead of grappling with the constitutionality of the law, however, the Court unanimously decided the case on procedural grounds, strictly interpreting statutory requirements.[33] In Chisholm v. Georgia, the Jay Court had to answer the question: "Was the state of Georgia subject to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and the federal government?"[37] In a 4-1 ruling (Iredell dissented), the Jay Court ruled in favor of two South Carolinan Loyalists who had had their land seized by Georgia. This ruling sparked debate, as it implied that old debts must be paid to Loyalists.[33] The ruling was overturned by the Senate when the Eleventh Amendment was ratified, as it ruled that the judiciary could not rule on cases where a state was being sued by a citizen of another state or foreign country.[5] [33] The case was brought again to the Supreme Court in Georgia v. Brailsford, and the Court reversed its decision.[38] [39] However, Jay's original Chisholm decision established that states were subject to judicial review.[37] [40] In Hayburn's Case, the Jay Court ruled that courts could not comply with a federal statute that required the courts to decide whether individual petitioning American Revolution veterans qualified for pensions. The Jay Court ruled that determining whether petitioners qualified was an "act ... not of a judicial nature,"[41] and that because the statute allowed the legislature and the executive branch to revise the court's ruling, the statute violated the separation of powers as dictated by the United States Constitution.[41] [42] [43] In Georgia v. Brailsford (1794), the Court upheld jury instructions stating "you [jurors] have ...a right to take upon yourselves to ...determine the law as well as the fact in controversy." Jay noted for the jury the "good old rule, that on questions of fact, it is the province of the jury, on questions of law, it is the province of the court to decide," but this amounted to no more than a presumption that the judges were correct about the law. Ultimately, "both objects [the law and the facts] are lawfully within your power of decision."[44] [45]
John Jay
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1792 campaign for Governor of New York

In 1792, Jay was the Federalist candidate for governor of New York, but he was defeated by Democratic-Republican George Clinton. Jay received more votes than George Clinton; but, on technicalities, the votes of Otsego, Tioga and Clinton counties were disqualified and, therefore, not counted, giving George Clinton a slight plurality.[46] The State constitution said that the cast votes shall be delivered to the secretary of state "by the sheriff or his deputy"; but, for example, the Otsego County Sheriff's term had expired, so that legally, at the time of the election, the office of Sheriff was vacant and the votes could not be brought to the State capital. Clinton partisans in the State legislature, the State courts, and Federal offices were determined not to accept any argument that this would, in practice, violate the constitutional right to vote of the voters in these counties. Consequently, these votes were disqualified.[47]
Jay Treaty
Relations with Britain verged on war in 1794. British exports dominated the U.S. market, while American exports were blocked by British trade restrictions and tariffs. Britain still occupied northern forts that it had agreed to surrender in the Treaty of Paris. Britains impressment of American sailors and seizure of naval and military supplies bound to enemy ports on neutral ships also created conflict.[48] Madison proposed a trade war, "A direct system of commercial hostility with Great Britain," assuming that Britain was so weakened by its war with France that it would agree to American terms and not declare war.[49] Washington rejected that policy and sent Jay as a special envoy to Great Britain to negotiate a new treaty; Jay remained Chief Justice. Washington had Alexander Hamilton write instructions for Jay that were to guide him in the negotiations.[50] In March 1795, the resulting treaty, known as the Jay Treaty, was brought to Philadelphia.[50] When Hamilton, in an attempt to maintain good relations, informed Britain that the United States would not join the Danish and Swedish governments to defend their neutral status, Jay lost most of his leverage. The treaty eliminated Britain's control of northwestern posts[51] and granted the United States "most favored nation" status,[48] and the U.S. agreed to restricted commercial access to the British West Indies.[48] Washington signed the treaty, and the Senate approved it on a 20-10 vote.[48] [51] The treaty did not resolve American grievances about neutral shipping rights and impressment,[52] and the Republicans denounced it, but Jay, as Chief Justice, decided not to take part in the debates.[53] The failure to get compensation for slaves taken by the British during the Revolution "was a major reason for the bitter Southern opposition".[54] Jefferson and Madison, fearing a commercial alliance with aristocratic Britain might undercut republicanism, led the opposition. Jay complained he could travel from Boston to Philadelphia solely by the light of his burning effigies. However, led by Hamilton's newly created Federalist party and support from Washington, strongly backed Jay and thus won the battle of public opinion.[55] Washington put his prestige on the line behind the treaty and Hamilton and the Federalists mobilized public opinion. The Senate ratified the treaty by a 20-10 vote (just enough to meet the 2/3 requirement.) Graffiti appeared near Jay's house after the treaty's ratification, reading, "Damn John Jay. Damn everyone that won't damn John Jay. Damn everyone that won't put up the lights in the windows and sit up all nights damning John Jay."[56] In 1812, relations between Britain and the U.S. faltered. The desire of a group of members in the House of Representatives, known as the War Hawks, to acquire land from Canada and the British impressment of American ships led, in part, to the War of 1812.[57]
John Jay
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Governor of New York

While in Britain, Jay was elected in May, 1795, as the second governor of New York State (following George Clinton) as a Federalist. He resigned from the Supreme Court service on June 29, 1795, and served six years as governor until 1801. As Governor, he received a proposal from Hamilton to gerrymander New York for the Presidential election of that year; he marked the letter "Proposing a measure for party purposes which it would not become me to adopt," and filed it without replying.[58] President John Adams then renominated him to the Supreme Court; the Senate quickly confirmed him, but he declined, citing his own poor health[26] and the court's lack of "the energy, weight and dignity which are essential to its affording due support to the national government."[59] While governor, Jay ran in the 1796 presidential election, winning five electoral votes, and in the 1800 election, winning one vote. Jay declined the Federalist renomination for governor in 1801 and retired to the life of a farmer in Westchester County, New York. Soon after his retirement, his wife died.[60] Jay remained in good health, continued to farm and stayed out of politics.[61]
Death
Certificate of Election of John Jay as On the night of May 14, 1829, Jay was stricken with palsy, probably caused by a [62] Governor of New York (June 6, stroke. He lived for three days, dying in Bedford, New York, on May 17. Jay 1795) had chosen to be buried in Rye, where he lived as a boy. In 1807, he had transferred the remains of his ancestors from the family vault in the Bowery in Manhattan to Rye, establishing a private cemetery. Today, the Jay Cemetery is an integral part of the Boston Post Road Historic District, adjacent to the historic Jay Property. The Cemetery is maintained by the Jay descendants and closed to the public. It is the oldest active cemetery associated with a figure from the American Revolution.
The original Jay family estate, overlooking Long Island Sound, was first established in Rye in 1745 when Jay was three months old. It passed into John Jay's possession in 1815; and he conveyed it to his eldest son, Peter Augustus Jay, in 1822. The property remained in the Jay family through 1904. What remains of the original 400-acre (1.6 km2) estate is a 23-acre (93000 m2) parcel called the Jay Property and the 1838 Peter Augustus Jay House built by Peter Augustus Jay over the footprint of his father's original home "The Locusts." Stewardship of the site and restoration of several of its buildings for educational use was entrusted by the New York State Board of Regents to the Jay Heritage Center [63].[64]
Personal views
As an abolitionist
Jay was a leader against slavery after 1777, when he drafted a state law to abolish slavery; it failed as did a second attempt in 1785.[65] Jay was the founder and president of the New York Manumission Society, in 1785, which organized boycotts against newspapers and merchants in the slave trade and provided legal counsel for free blacks claimed as slaves.[66] The Society helped enact the gradual emancipation of slaves in New York in 1799, which Jay signed into law as governor.
John Jay Jay was pushing at an open door; every member of the New York legislature (but one) had voted for some form of emancipation in 1785; they had differed on what rights to give the free blacks afterwards. Aaron Burr both supported this bill and introduced an amendment calling for immediate abolition.[67] The 1799 bill settled the matter by guaranteeing no rights at all. The 1799 "An Act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery" provided that, from July 4 of that year, all children born to slave parents would be free (subject only to apprenticeship) and that slave exports would be prohibited. These same children would be required to serve the mothers owner until age twenty-eight for males and age twenty-five for females. The law thus defined a type of indentured servant while slating them for eventual freedom.[68] All slaves were emancipated by July 4, 1827; the process may perhaps have been the largest emancipation in North America before 1861,[69] except for the British Army's recruitment of runaway slaves during the American Revolution.[70] In the close 1792 election, Jay's antislavery work hurt his election chances in upstate New York Dutch areas, where slavery was still practiced.[71] In 1794, in the process of negotiating the Jay Treaty with the British, Jay angered Southern slave-owners when he dropped their demands for compensation for slaves who had been captured and carried away during the Revolution.[52] He made a practice of buying slaves and then freeing them when they were adults and he judged their labors had been a reasonable return on their price; he owned eight in 1798, the year before the emancipation act was passed.[72]
46
Religion
Jay was Anglican, a denomination renamed the Protestant Episcopal Church in America after the American Revolution. Since 1785 Jay had been a warden of Trinity Church, New York. As Congress's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, he supported the proposal after the Revolution that the Archbishop of Canterbury approve the ordination of bishops for the Episcopal Church in the United States.[72] He argued unsuccessfully in the provincial convention for a prohibition against Catholics holding office.[73]
In a letter addressed to Pennsylvania House of Representatives member John Murray, dated October 12, 1816, Jay wrote, "Providence has given to our people the choice of their rulers, and it is the duty, as well as the privilege and interest, of our Christian nation to select and prefer Christians for their rulers."[74]
Jay's home, near Katonah, New York, is a New York State Historic Site and National Historic Landmark.
Legacy
Several geographical locations have adopted John Jay's name, including: Jay, Maine; Jay, New York; Jay, Vermont; Jay County, Indiana and Jay Street in Brooklyn. In 1964, the City University of New York's College of Police Science was officially renamed the John Jay College of Criminal Justice. The colonial Fort Jay on Governors Island is also named for him. Mount John Jay, also known as Boundary Peak 18, a summit on the border between Alaska and British Columbia, Canada, is also named for him,[75] [76] as is Jay Peak, in northern Vermont. On December 12, 1958, the United States Postal Service released a 15 Liberty Issue postage stamp honoring Jay.
John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York City
There are also high schools named after Jay located in Cross River, New York; Hopewell Junction, New York and San Antonio, Texas. The Best Western Hotel chain named several of their colonial motif hotels the John Jay Inn.
John Jay Exceptional undergraduates at Columbia University are designated John Jay Scholars, and one of that university's undergraduate dormitories is known as John Jay Hall. The John Jay Center on the campus of Robert Morris University and the John Jay Institute for Faith, Society & Law [77] are also named for him. Jay's house, located near Katonah, New York, is preserved as a National Historic Landmark and as the John Jay Homestead State Historic Site.[78]
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Notes
[1] "Timeline of the Justices" (http:/ / www. supremecourthistory. org/ 02_history/ subs_timeline/ images_chiefs/ 001. html). John Jay 1789-1795. www.supremecourthistory.org. . [2] Pellew p.1 [3] "John Jay" (http:/ / www. johnjayinstitute. org/ ?get=get. johnjay). The John Jay Institute for Faith, Society and Law. . Retrieved 2008-08-20. [4] Pellew, George: "American Statesman John Jay", page 1. Houghton Mifflin, 1890 [5] "A Brief Biography of John Jay" (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ lweb/ digital/ jay/ biography. html). The Papers of John Jay. Columbia University. 2002. . [6] Pellew p.6 [7] Stahr, page 9 [8] Barnard edu (http:/ / beatl. barnard. columbia. edu/ kingsv1/ timeline. htm) retrieved August 31, 2008 [9] "John Jay" (http:/ / www. ushistory. org/ Declaration/ related/ jay. htm). www.ushistory.org. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [10] Klein (2000) [11] "Jay and New York" (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ lweb/ digital/ jay/ jayandny. html). The Papers of John Jay. Columbia University. 2002. . Retrieved 2008-08-23. [12] Stahr, page 443 [13] "The First Constitution, 1777." (http:/ / www. courts. state. ny. us/ history/ elecbook/ lincoln/ pg9. htm). The Historical Society of the Courts of the State of New York. New York State Unified Court System. . Retrieved 2008-08-23. [14] "John Jay" (http:/ / www. nndb. com/ people/ 374/ 000049227/ ). NNDB. . Retrieved 2008-08-23. [15] James Newcomb (2007-12-13). "Remembering John Jay, One of Our Founding Fathers" (http:/ / www. jbs. org/ index. php/ jbs-news-feed/ 689-remembering-john-jay-one-of-our-founding-fathers). The John Birch Society. . [16] "Portrait Gallery" (http:/ / www. nycourts. gov/ history/ Gallery_C. htm#r_2). The Historical Society of the Courts of the State of New York. New York State Unified Court System. . Retrieved 2008-08-23. [17] Stanley Louis Klos. "John Jay" (http:/ / johnjay. net). Virtualology.net. Evisium Inc.. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. [18] United States Department of State: Chiefs of Mission to Spain (http:/ / www. state. gov/ r/ pa/ ho/ po/ com/ 11278. htm) [19] "John Jay" (http:/ / www. ushistory. org/ Declaration/ related/ jay. htm). Independence Hall Association. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [20] Pellew p.166 [21] Pellew p.170 [22] "Treaty of Paris, 1783" (http:/ / www. state. gov/ r/ pa/ ho/ time/ ar/ 14313. htm). U.S. Department of State. The Office of Electronic Information, Bureau of Public Affairs. . Retrieved 2008-08-23. [23] Stanley L. Klos. "Treaty of Paris" (http:/ / treatyofparis. com/ ). Virtuolology.com. Evisum Inc.. . Retrieved 2008-08-23. [24] "The Paris Peace Treaty of 1783" (http:/ / www. law. ou. edu/ ushistory/ paris. shtml). The University of Oklahoma College of Law. . [25] Whitelock p.181 [26] "John Jay" (http:/ / supreme. lp. findlaw. com/ supreme_court/ justices/ pastjustices/ jay. html). Find Law. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. [27] http:/ / hdl. loc. gov/ loc. rbc/ bdsdcc. c0501 [28] "Extract from an Address to the people of the state of New-York, on the subject of the federal Constitution." (http:/ / memory. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ query/ r?ammem/ bdsdcc:@field(DOCID+ @lit(bdsdccc0501))). The Library of Congress. . Retrieved 2008-08-23. [29] WSU (http:/ / www. wsu. edu/ ~campbelld/ amlit/ 1751. htm) retrieved August 31, 2008 [30] "The Federalist Papers" (http:/ / www. loc. gov/ rr/ program/ bib/ ourdocs/ federalist. html). Primary Document in American History. The Library of Congress. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [31] "Federalist Papers Authored by John Jay" (http:/ / www. foundingfathers. info/ federalistpapers/ jay. htm). Foundingfathers.info. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [32] "CHISHOLM V. GEORGIA, 2 U. S. 419 (1793) (Court Opinion)" (http:/ / supreme. justia. com/ us/ 2/ 419/ case. html). Justia & Oyez. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [33] "The Jay Court ... 1789-1793" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080516013839/ http:/ / supremecourthistory. org/ 02_history/ subs_history/ 02_c01. html). The Supreme Court Historical Society. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. supremecourthistory. org/ 02_history/ subs_history/ 02_c01. html) on 2008-05-16. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [34] "Thomas Johnson" (http:/ / law. jrank. org/ pages/ 7836/ Johnson-Thomas. html). Law Library - American Law and Legal Information. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [35] "Appointees Chart" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080421142758/ http:/ / www. supremecourthistory. org/ myweb/ fp/ courtlist. htm). The Supreme Court Historical Society. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. supremecourthistory. org/ myweb/ fp/ courtlist. htm) on
John Jay
2008-04-21. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [36] http:/ / www. leftjustified. com/ leftjust/ lib/ sc/ ht/ fed/ jbio. html [37] "Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. 419 (1793)" (http:/ / www. oyez. org/ cases/ 1792-1850/ 1793/ 1793_0/ ). The Oyez Project. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [38] "Georgia v. Brailsford, Powell & Hopton, 3 U.S. 3 Dall. 1 1 (1794)" (http:/ / supreme. justia. com/ us/ 3/ 1/ index. html). Oyez & Justia. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [39] "John Jay (1745 - 1829)" (http:/ / jay. thefreelibrary. com/ ). The Free Library. Farlex. . Retrieved 2008-08-21. [40] Johnson (2000) [41] "HAYBURN'S CASE, 2 U. S. 409 (1792)" (http:/ / supreme. justia. com/ us/ 2/ 409/ case. html). Justia and Oyez. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [42] Robert J Pushaw Jr. [Georgetown Law Journal "Why the Supreme Court never gets any "Dear John" letters: Advisory opinions in historical perspective"]. Georgetown Law Journal. Bnet. Georgetown Law Journal. Retrieved 2008-08-22. [43] "HAYBURN'S CASE" (http:/ / www. novelguide. com/ a/ discover/ dah_04/ dah_04_01862. html). Novelguide.com. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [44] We the Jury by Jefferey B Abramson pp.75-76 [45] Mann, Neighbors and Strangers, pp. 75,71 [46] Jenkins, John (1846). History of Political Parties in the State of New-York (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=Gm04AAAAMAAJ& pg=PA42#PPA44,M1). Alden & Markham. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. [47] Dr. James Sullivan (1927). "The History of New York State" (http:/ / www. usgennet. org/ usa/ ny/ state/ his/ bk12/ ch3/ pt2. html). Lewis Historical Publishing Company. . Retrieved 2008-08-20. [48] "John Jays Treaty, 179495" (http:/ / www. state. gov/ r/ pa/ ho/ time/ nr/ 14318. htm). U.S. Department of State. The Office of Electronic Information, Bureau of Public Affairs. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. [49] Elkins and McKitrick p 405 [50] Kafer p.87 [51] "Jay's Treaty" (http:/ / www. earlyamerica. com/ earlyamerica/ milestones/ jaytreaty/ ). Archiving Early America. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. [52] Baird, James. "The Jay Treaty" (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ lweb/ digital/ jay/ jaytreaty. html). www.columbia.edu. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [53] Estes (2002) [54] quoting Don Fehrenbacher, The Slaveholding Republic (2002) p. 93; Frederick A. Ogg, "Jay's Treaty and the Slavery Interests of the United States." Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1901 (1902) 1:275-86 in JSTOR. [55] Todd Estes, "Shaping the Politics of Public Opinion: Federalists and the Jay Treaty Debate". Journal of the Early Republic (2000) 20(3): 393-422. ISSN 0275-1275; online at JSTOR (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0275-1275(200023)20:3<393:STPOPO>2. 0. CO;2-D) [56] Walter A. McDougall, Walter A. (1997). Promised Land, Crusader State: The American Encounter with the World Since 1776 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=Gr6atcdK37EC). Houghton Mifflin Books. pp.29. ISBN9780395901328. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [57] "WARS - War of 1812" (http:/ / www. usahistory. com/ wars/ 1812. htm). USAhistory.com. . [58] Monaghan, pp.419-21; Adair; Marvin Harvey (April 1955). "Was Alexander Hamilton a Christian Statesman first=Douglass" (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0043-5597(195504)3:12:2<308:WAHACS>2. 0. CO;2-4). The William and Mary Quarterly (Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture) 12 (3rd Ser., Vol. 12, No. 2, Alexander Hamilton: 1755-1804): 308329. doi:10.2307/1920511. . [59] Laboratory of Justice, The Supreme Court's 200 Year Struggle to Integrate Science and the Law, by David L. Faigman, First edition, 2004, p. 34; Smith, Republic of Letters, 15, 501 [60] Whitelock p.327 [61] Whitelock p.329 [62] Whitelock p.335 [63] http:/ / jaycenter. org [64] "News and Events: Pace Law School, New York Law School, located in New York 20 miles north of NY City. Environmental Law." (http:/ / www. pace. edu/ LawSchool/ News/ lectures/ jaylecture. html). www.pace.edu. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [65] John Jay and Sarah Livingston Jay, Selected Letters of John Jay and Sarah Livingston Jay (2005) pp 297-99; online at (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?vid=ISBN0786419555& id=jzcj94inkDAC& pg=RA2-PA297& lpg=RA2-PA297& ots=Bn90cdzeso& dq="john+ jay"+ manumission& sig=3ZXPwB2GBEa-JBqZBYaaZ9hqM5Y) [66] Roger G. Kennedy, Burr, Hamilton, and Jefferson: A Study in Character (2000) p. 92 [67] "Timeline of Events Leading up to the Duel" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ duel/ timeline/ index. html). The Duel. PBS. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. [68] Edgar J. McManus, History of Negro Slavery in New York [69] Jake Sudderth (2002). "John Jay and Slavery" (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ lweb/ digital/ jay/ JaySlavery. html). Columbia University. . [70] Gordon S. Wood, American Revolution, p. 114 [71] Herbert S. Parmet and Marie B. Hecht, Aaron Burr (1967) p. 76 [72] Crippen II, Alan R. (2005). "John Jay: An American Wilberforce?" (http:/ / www. johnjayinstitute. org/ index. cfm?get=get. johnjaypaper). . Retrieved 2006-12-13. [73] Kaminski, John P. (March 2002). "Religion and the Founding Fathers" (http:/ / www. archives. gov/ nhprc/ annotation/ march-2002/ religion-founding-fathers. html). Annotation: the Newsletter of the National Historic Publications and Records Commission 30:1.
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John Jay
ISSN0160-8460. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. [74] Jay, William (1833). The Life of John Jay: With Selections from His Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=V50EAAAAYAAJ). J. & J. Harper. pp.376. . Retrieved 2008-08-22. [75] . BC Geographical Names Information System. http:/ / archive. ilmb. gov. bc. ca/ bcgn-bin/ bcg10?name=8103. [76] U.S. Geological Survey Geographic Names Information System: Mount John Jay (http:/ / geonames. usgs. gov/ pls/ gnispublic/ f?p=gnispq:3:::NO::P3_FID:1866919) [77] http:/ / www. johnjayinstitute. org/ index. cfm?get=home [78] "Friends of John Jay Homestead" (http:/ / www. johnjayhomestead. org/ ). www.johnjayhomestead.org. . Retrieved 2008-08-24.
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References and bibliography

Bemis, Samuel F. (1923). Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy. New York, New York: The Macmillan Company. Brecher, Frank W. Securing American Independence: John Jay and the French Alliance. Praeger, 2003. 327 pp. (http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=107032616) Casto, William R. The Supreme Court in the Early Republic: The Chief Justiceships of John Jay and Oliver Ellsworth. U. of South Carolina Press, 1995. 267 pp. Combs, Jerald. A. The Jay Treaty: Political Background of Founding Fathers (1970) (ISBN 0-520-01573-8); concludes the Federalists "followed the proper policy" because the treaty preserved peace with Britain Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788-1800. (1994), detailed political history Estes, Todd. "John Jay, the Concept of Deference, and the Transformation of Early American Political Culture." Historian (2002) 65(2): 293-317. ISSN 0018-2370 Fulltext in Swetswise, Ingenta and Ebsco Ferguson, Robert A. "The Forgotten Publius: John Jay and the Aesthetics of Ratification." Early American Literature (1999) 34(3): 223-240. ISSN 0012-8163 Fulltext: in Swetswise and Ebsco Johnson, Herbert A. "John Jay and the Supreme Court." New York History 2000 81(1): 59-90. ISSN 0146-437X Kaminski, John P. "Honor and Interest: John Jay's Diplomacy During the Confederation." New York History (2002) 83(3): 293-327. ISSN 0146-437X Kaminski, John P. "Shall We Have a King? John Jay and the Politics of Union." New York History (2000) 81(1): 31-58. ISSN 0146-437X Kefer, Peter (2004). Charles Brockden Brown's Revolution and the Birth of American Gothic. Klein, Milton M. "John Jay and the Revolution." New York History (2000) 81(1): 19-30. ISSN 0146-437X Littlefield, Daniel C. "John Jay, the Revolutionary Generation, and Slavery" New York History 2000 81(1): 91-132. ISSN 0146-437X Magnet, Myron. "The Education of John Jay" City Journal (Winter 2010) 20#1 online (http://www.city-journal. org/2010/20_1_urb-john-jay.html) Monaghan, Frank. John Jay: Defender of Liberty 1972. on abolitionism Morris, Richard B. The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence 1965. Morris, Richard B. Seven Who Shaped Our Destiny: The Founding Fathers as Revolutionaries 1973. chapter on Jay Morris, Richard B. Witness at the Creation; Hamilton, Madison, Jay and the Constitution 1985. Morris, Richard B. ed. John Jay: The Winning of the Peace 1980. 9780060130480 Pellew, George John Jay 1890. Houghton Mifflin Company Perkins, Bradford. The First Rapprochement; England and the United States: 1795-1805 Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1955. Stahr, Walter (March 1, 2005). John Jay: Founding Father (http://books.google.com/?id=oHVLBRTz2T0C). New York & London: Continuum International Publishing Group. pp.482. ISBN9781852854447. Whitelock, William (1887). The Life and Times of John Jay. Statesman. pp.482.
John Jay
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Primary sources
Landa M. Freeman, Louise V. North, and Janet M. Wedge, eds. Selected Letters of John Jay and Sarah Livingston Jay: Correspondence by or to the First Chief Justice of the United States and His Wife (2005) Morris, Richard B. ed. John Jay: The Making of a Revolutionary; Unpublished Papers, 1745-1780 1975. Nuxoll, Elizabeth M., Mary A.Y. Gallagher, and Jennifer E. Steenshorne, eds. The Selected Papers of John Jay, Volume 1, 1760-1779 (University of Virginia Press; 2010) 912 pages. First volume in a projected seven-volume edition of Jay's incoming and outgoing correspondence
External links

John Jay's Federalist Papers on Federalist #2 Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence Federalist #3 Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence (continued) Federalist #4 Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence (continued) Federalist #5 Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence (continued) Federalist #64 The Powers of the Senate
John Jay, Supreme Court Historical Society (http://www.supremecourthistory.org/02_history/subs_timeline/ images_chiefs/001.html) Oyez Project U.S. Supreme Court media on John Jay. (http://www.oyez.org/justices/john_jay/) Works by John Jay (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/John+Jay+(1745-1829)) at Project Gutenberg John Jay at MetaLibri (http://metalibri.wikidot.com/authors:john-jay) John Jay bust, by John Frazee (1790-1852), Marble, circa 1831, Size: 24" h., Catalog No. 21.00010, S-141, Old Supreme Court Chamber, U.S. Senate Collection, Office of Senate Curator. (http://www.senate.gov/vtour/jay. htm) Essay: John Jay and the Constitution (http://www.columbia.edu/cu/lweb/digital/exhibitions/constitution/ essay.html) Online exhibition for Constitution Day 2005, based on the notes of Professor Richard B. Morris (19041989) and his staff, originally prepared for volume 3 of the Papers of John Jay. The Papers of John Jay (http://www.columbia.edu/cgi-bin/cul/resolve?AVE8231) An image database and indexing tool comprising some 13,000 documents scanned chiefly from photocopies of original documents from the Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York and approximately 90 other institutions. John Jay Bio (http://www.leftjustified.com/john-jay) John Jay (http://www.fjc.gov/servlet/nGetInfo?jid=1168&cid=999&ctype=na&instate=na) at the Biographical Directory of Federal Judges, a public domain publication of the Federal Judicial Center.
James Madison
51
James Madison
James Madison
4th President of the United States

Inoffice March 4, 1809March 4, 1817 VicePresident George Clinton Elbridge Gerry Precededby Succeededby Thomas Jefferson James Monroe
5th United States Secretary of State

Inoffice May 2, 1801March 3, 1809 President Precededby Thomas Jefferson John Marshall
Member of the U.S.HouseofRepresentatives from Virginia's 15th district

Inoffice March 4, 1793March 3, 1797 Precededby Succeededby Constituency established Robert Smith
Member of the U.S.HouseofRepresentatives from Virginia's 5th district

Inoffice March 4, 1789March 3, 1793 Precededby Succeededby Born Died Politicalparty Spouse(s) Constituency established George Hancock March 16, 1751Port Conway, Virginia June 28, 1836 (aged85)Montpelier, Virginia, United States Democratic-Republican Party Dolley Todd
James Madison
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Children Almamater Profession Signature John (Stepson) Princeton University Lawyer
James Madison, Jr. (March 16, 1751 June 28, 1836) was an American politician and political philosopher who served as the fourth President of the United States (18091817) and is considered one of the Founding Fathers of the United States. He was the principal author of the United States Constitution, and is often called the "Father of the Constitution". In 1788, he wrote over a third of the Federalist Papers, the most influential commentary on the Constitution. The first president to have served in the United States Congress, he was a leader in the 1st United States Congress, drafting many basic laws, and was responsible for the first ten amendments to the Constitution and thus is also known as the "Father of the Bill of Rights".[1] As a political theorist, Madison's most distinctive belief was that the new republic needed checks and balances to protect individual rights from the tyranny of the majority.[2] [3] [4] [5] As leader in the House of Representatives, Madison worked closely with President George Washington to organize the new federal government. Breaking with Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton in 1791, Madison and Thomas Jefferson organized what they called the Republican Party (later called the Democratic-Republican Party)[6] in opposition to key policies of the Federalists, especially the national bank and the Jay Treaty. He secretly co-authored, along with Thomas Jefferson, the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions in 1798 to protest the Alien and Sedition Acts. As Jefferson's Secretary of State (18011809), Madison supervised the Louisiana Purchase, doubling the nation's size, and sponsored the ill-fated Embargo Act of 1807. As president, he led the poorly prepared nation into the War of 1812 against Great Britain. A series of disasters at the beginning of the war damaged his reputation, but by 181415 American forces repulsed major British invasions, the Federalist opposition fell into disarray, and Americans felt triumphant at the end of the war. During and after the war, Madison reversed many of his positions. By 1815, he supported the creation of the second National Bank, a strong military, and a high tariff to protect the new factories opened during the war.
Early life
James Madison was born at Belle Grove Plantation near Port Conway, Virginia on March 16, 1751, (March 5, 1751, Old Style, Julian calendar). He grew up as the oldest of twelve children, of whom nine survived. His father, James Madison, Sr., (17231801) was a tobacco planter who grew up on an estate in Orange County, Virginia, which he inherited on reaching maturity. He later acquired still more property and became the largest landowner with 5000acres (20 km2) and leading citizen of Orange County. His mother, Nelly Conway Madison (17311829), was born at Port Conway, Virginia, the daughter of a prominent planter and tobacco merchant. Madison's parents married in 1743. Both parents had a significant influence over their most famous oldest son. Madison had three brothers and three sisters who lived to maturity (by whom he had more than 30 nieces and nephews): Francis Madison (17531800): planter of Orange County, Virginia Ambrose Madison (17551793): planter and captain in the Virginia militia, looked after the family interests in Orange County; named after his paternal grandfather. Catlett Madison (17581758): died in infancy. Nelly Madison Hite (17601802) William Madison (17621843): veteran of the Revolution and a lawyer, he served in the Virginia legislature Sarah Catlett Madison Macon (17641843)
James Madison Unnamed child (17661766) Elizabeth Madison (17681775) Unnamed child (17701770) Reuben Madison (17711775) Frances "Fanny" Madison Rose (17741823)
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Education
From ages 1116, A young "Jemmy" Madison studied under Donald Robertson, an instructor at the Innes plantation in King and Queen County, Virginia. Robertson was a Scottish teacher who flourished in the southern states. From Robertson, Madison learned mathematics, geography, and modern and ancient languages. He became especially proficient in Latin. Madison said that he owed his bent for learning "largely to that man (Robertson)." At age 16, he began a two-year course of study under the Reverend Thomas Martin, who tutored Madison at Montpelier in preparation for college. Unlike most college-bound Virginians of his day, Madison did not choose the College of William and Mary because the lowland climate of Williamsburg might have strained his delicate health. Instead, in 1769 he enrolled at the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University). Through diligence and long hours of study that may have damaged his health,[7] Madison graduated in 1771. His studies there included Latin, Greek, science, geography, mathematics, rhetoric, and philosophy. Great emphasis also was placed on speech and debate. After graduation, Madison remained at Princeton to study Hebrew and political philosophy under university president John Witherspoon before returning to Montpelier in the spring of 1772. Afterwards, he knew Hebrew quite well. Madison studied law sporadically but never gained admission to the bar.
Marriage and family

James Madison married Dolley Payne Todd, a widow, on September 15, 1794, in what is now Jefferson County, West Virginia. Madison adopted Todd's one surviving son, John Payne Todd, after the marriage. Dolley Payne was born on May 20, 1768, at the New Garden Quaker settlement in North Carolina, where her parents, John Payne and Mary Coles Payne, lived briefly. Dolley's sister (Lucy Payne) had married George Steptoe Washington, a nephew of President Washington. As a member of Congress, Madison had doubtless met the widow Todd at social functions in Philadelphia, then the nation's capital. In May 1794, he took formal notice of her by asking their mutual friend Aaron Burr to arrange a meeting. The encounter apparently went smoothly for a brisk courtship followed, and by August she had accepted his proposal of marriage. For marrying Madison, a non-Quaker, she was expelled from the Society of Friends.
Early political career

As a young lawyer, Madison defended Baptist preachers arrested for preaching without a license from the established Anglican Church. In addition, he worked with the preacher Elijah Craig on constitutional guarantees for religious liberty in Virginia.[8] Working on such cases helped form his ideas about religious freedom. Madison served in the Virginia state legislature (177679) and became known as a protg of Thomas Jefferson. He attained prominence in Virginia politics, helping to draft the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom. It disestablished the Church of England and disclaimed any power of state compulsion in religious matters. He excluded Patrick Henry's plan to compel citizens to pay for a congregation of their own choice. Madison's cousin, the Right Reverend James Madison (17491812), became president of the College of William & Mary in 1777. Working closely with Madison and Jefferson, Bishop Madison helped lead the College through the difficult changes involving separation from both Great Britain and the Church of England. He also led college and state actions that resulted in the formation of the Episcopal Diocese of Virginia after the Revolution.
James Madison James Madison persuaded Virginia to give up its claims to northwestern territories consisting of most of modern-day Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, and part of Minnesota - to the Continental Congress, which created the Northwest Territory in 1783. These land claims overlapped partially with other claims by Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and possibly others. All of these states ceded their westernmost lands, with the understanding that new states could be formed from the land, as they were. As a delegate to the Continental Congress (178083), Madison was considered a legislative workhorse and a master of parliamentary coalition building.[9] He was elected to the Virginia House of Delegates for a second time from 1784 to 1786.
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Father of the Constitution

Madison returned to the Virginia state legislature at the close of the war. He soon grew alarmed at the fragility of the Articles of Confederation, particularly the divisiveness of state governments, and strongly advocated a new constitution.[10] At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Madison's draft of the Virginia Plan and his revolutionary three-branch federal system became the basis for the American Constitution of today. Though Madison was a shy man, he was one of the more outspoken members of the Continental Congress. He envisioned a strong federal government that could overrule actions of the states when they were deemed mistaken; later in life he came to admire the US Supreme Court as it started filling that role.[11]
Federalist Papers
To encourage ratification of the Constitution, Madison joined Alexander Hamilton and John Jay to write the Federalist Papers in 1787 and 1788.[12] Among other contributions, Madison wrote paper #10, in which he explained how a large country with many different interests and factions could support republican values better than a small country dominated by a few special interests. His interpretation was largely ignored at the time, but in the twentieth century became a central part of the pluralist interpretation of American politics.[13] In Virginia in 1788, Madison led the fight for ratification at the Virginia Ratifying Convention, debating with Patrick Henry and others who sought revisions (such as the United States Bill of Rights) before its ratification. Madison is often referred to as the "Father of the Constitution" for his role in its drafting and ratification. However, he protested the title as being "a credit to which I have no claim... The Constitution was not, like the fabled Goddess of Wisdom, the offspring of a single brain. It ought to be regarded as the work of many heads and many hands".[14] He wrote Hamilton at the New York ratifying convention, stating his opinion that "ratification was in toto and 'for ever'". The Virginia convention had considered conditional ratification worse than a rejection.[15]
Author of Bill of Rights

Initially Madison "adamantly maintained... that a specific bill of rights remained unnecessary because the Constitution itself was a bill of rights."[16] Madison had three main objections to a specific bill of rights: 1. It was unnecessary, since it purported to protect against powers that the federal government had not been granted; 2. It was dangerous, since enumeration of some rights might be taken to imply the absence of other rights; and 3. At the state level, bills of rights had proven to be useless paper barriers against government powers.[1] However, the anti-Federalists demanded a bill of rights in exchange for their support for ratification. Patrick Henry persuaded the Virginia legislature not to elect Madison as one of their first Senators; but Madison was directly elected to the new United States House of Representatives and became an important leader from the First Congress (1789) through the Fourth Congress (1797). People submitted more than 200 proposals from across the new nation. Madison ignored proposals that called for structural change to the government and synthesized the remainder into a list for the protection of civil rights, such as free speech, right of the people to bear arms, and habeas corpus. Still ambiguous as late as 1788 in his support for
James Madison a bill of rights,[17] in June 1789, Madison offered a package of twelve proposed amendments to the Constitution.[18] Madison completed his change in position and "hounded his colleagues relentlessly" to accept the proposed amendments.[1] By 1791, the last ten of Madison's proposed amendments were ratified and became the Bill of Rights. Contrary to his wishes, the Bill of Rights was not integrated into the main body of the Constitution, and it did not apply to the states until the passages of Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments restricted the powers of the states. The Second Amendment originally proposed by Madison (but not then ratified: see United States Bill of Rights) was later ratified in 1992 as the Twenty-seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution. The remaining proposal was intended to accommodate future increase in members of the House of Representatives.
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Opposition to Hamilton
The chief characteristic of Madison's time in Congress was his work to limit the power of the federal government. Wood (2006a) argued that Madison never wanted a national government that took an active role. He was horrified to discover that Alexander Hamilton and George Washington were creating "a real modern European type of government with a bureaucracy, a standing army, and a powerful independent executive".[19] Ron Chernow argued that "for Madison, Hamilton was becoming the official voice of wealthy aristocrats who were grabbing the reins of federal power. [Madison] felt betrayed by [Hamilton] but it was Madison who had deviated from their former reading of the Constitution."[20] Specifically, while Madison wrote in the Federalist number 44 that "No axiom is more clearly established in law or in reason than wherever the end is required, the means are authorized; wherever a general power to do a thing is given, every particular power for doing it is included," he opposed Hamilton's attempts to use article 1, section 8 of the Constitution in this way.[20] When Britain and France went to war in 1793 the U.S. was caught in the middle. The 1778 treaty of alliance with France was still in effect, yet most of the new country's trade was with Britain. War with Britain seemed imminent in 1794, as the British seized hundreds of American ships that were trading with French colonies. Madison (in collaboration with Jefferson, who had temporarily returned to private life), believed that Britain was weak and America was strong, and that a trade war with Britain, although risking retaliation by the British government, probably would succeed, and would allow Americans to assert their independence fully. Great Britain, he charged, "has bound us in commercial manacles, and very nearly defeated the object of our independence." As Varg explains, Madison had no fear of British recriminations for "her interests can be wounded almost mortally, while ours are invulnerable." The British West Indies, he maintained, could not live without American foodstuffs, but Americans could easily do without British manufactures. This faith led him to the conclusion "that it is in our power, in a very short time, to supply all the tonnage necessary for our own commerce".[21] However, George Washington avoided a trade war and instead secured friendly trade relations with Britain through the Jay Treaty of 1794, a treaty that Madison tried but failed to defeat. All across the country, voters divided for and against the Treaty and other key issues, and thus became either Federalists or Democratic-Republicans. Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton built a nationwide network of supporters that became the Federalist Party and promoted a strong central government with a national bank. To oppose the Federalists, Madison and Jefferson organized the Democratic-Republican Party. Madison led the unsuccessful attempt to block Hamilton's proposed Bank of the United States, arguing the new Constitution did not explicitly allow the federal government to form a bank.[22] In 1798, Madison drafted a resolution for Virgina declaring the Alien and Sedition Acts to be unconstitutional and noted that "states, in contesting obnoxious laws, should 'interpose for arresting the progress of the evil.'"[23] This, according to Ron Chernow, "was a breathtaking evolution for a man who had pleaded at the Constitutional Convention that the federal government should possess a veto over state laws."[24] Many historians argue that Madison changed radically from a nationally oriented ally of Hamilton in 178788 to a states'-rightsoriented opponent of a strong national government by 1795 and then back to his original view while president. Madison started the first transition by opposing Hamilton;[25] , [20] by 1793 he was opposing Washington
James Madison as well. Madison was often unsuccessful in his attempts to derail Hamilton's proposed legislation, including the National Bank, funding of state and national debts, and support of the Jay Treaty.[20] A noted exception was Madison's success in blocking the proposal for high tariffs. Madison's politics remained closely aligned with Jefferson's until the experience of a weak national government during the War of 1812 caused Madison to appreciate the need for a strong central government to aid national defense. He then began to support a national bank, a stronger navy, and a standing army. However, other historians, led by Lance Banning and Gordon S. Wood, see more continuity in Madison's views and do not see a sharp break in 1792.
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United States Secretary of State 18011809

The main challenge which faced the Jefferson Administration was navigating between the two great empires of Britain and France, which were almost constantly at war. The first great triumph was the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, made possible when Napoleon realized he could not defend that vast territory, and it was to France's advantage that Britain not seize it. Madison and President Jefferson reversed party policy to negotiate for the Purchase and then win Congressional approval. Madison tried to maintain neutrality between Britain and France, but at the same time insisted on the legal rights of the U.S. under international law. Neither London nor Paris showed much respect, however. Madison and Jefferson decided on an embargo to punish Britain and France, forbidding Americans to trade with any foreign nation. The embargo failed as foreign policy, and instead caused massive hardships in the southern seaboard, which depended on foreign trade. During his term as Secretary of State he was a party to the Supreme Court case Marbury v. Madison, in which the doctrine of judicial review was asserted by the high Court. The party's Congressional Caucus chose presidential candidates, and Madison was selected in the election of 1808, easily defeating Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, riding on the coattails of Jefferson's popularity. Congress repealed the failed embargo as Madison took office.
James Madison
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Presidency 18091817
Bank of the United States
The twenty-year charter of the first Bank of the United States was scheduled to expire in 1811, the second year of Madison's administration. Madison failed in blocking the Bank in 1791, and waited for its charter to expire. Secretary of the Treasury Gallatin wanted the bank rechartered, and when the War of 1812 broke out, he discovered how difficult it was to finance the war without the Bank. Gallatin's successor as Treasury Secretary, Alexander J. Dallas, proposed a replacement in 1814, but Madison vetoed the bill in 1815. By late 1815, however, Madison asked Congress for a new bank, which had strong support from the younger, nationalistic Republicans such as John C. Calhoun and Henry Clay, as well as Federalist Daniel Webster. Madison signed it into law in 1816, creating the Second Bank of the United States appointed William Jones as its president.
War of 1812
British insults continued, especially the practice of using the Royal and 1817 Navy to intercept unarmed American merchant ships and "impress" (conscript) all sailors who might be British subjects for service in the British navy. Madison's protests were ignored by the British, so he helped the nationalist Republicans to stir up public opinion in the west and south for war. One argument by the so-called "war hawks" was that an American invasion of British Canada would be easy and would provide a good bargaining chip. Madison carefully prepared public opinion for what everyone at the time called "Mr. Madison's War", but much less time and money was spent building up the army, navy, forts, and state militias. After he persuaded Congress to declare war, Madison was reelected President over DeWitt Clinton but by a smaller margin than in 1808 (see U.S. presidential election, 1812). Some historians in 2006 ranked Madison's failure to avoid war as the sixth worst presidential mistake ever made.[26] [27] In the ensuing War of 1812, the British, Canadians, and First Nations allies won numerous victories, including the capture of Detroit after the American general there surrendered to a smaller force without a fight, and the occupation of Washington, D.C. which forced Madison to flee the city and watch as the White House was set on fire by British troops. The attack was in retaliation for a U.S. invasion of York, Upper Canada (now Toronto, Ontario), in which U.S. forces twice occupied the city, burning the Parliament Buildings of Upper Canada. The British also armed American Indians in the West, most notably followers of Tecumseh who were defeated at the Battle of the Thames. The Americans built warships on the Great Lakes faster than the British and Oliver Hazard Perry defeated the British fleet to avert a major invasion of New York in 1814. At sea, the British blockaded the entire coastline, cutting off both foreign trade and domestic trade between ports. Economic hardship was severe in New England, but entrepreneurs built factories that soon became the basis of the industrial revolution in America. Madison faced formidable obstaclesa divided cabinet, a factious party, a recalcitrant Congress, obstructionist governors, and incompetent generals, together with militia who refused to fight outside their states. Most serious was lack of unified popular support. There were serious threats of disunion from New England, which engaged in massive smuggling to Canada and refused to provide financial support or soldiers.[28] However, by 1813, the main Indian threats in the South and West had been destroyed by Andrew Jackson and William Henry Harrison, respectively.
James Madison engraving from between 1809
James Madison War-weariness led to the end of conflict after the apparent defeat of Napoleon in 1814. Both the British and American will to continue were exhausted, the causes of the war were forgotten, the Indian issue was resolved for the time being, and it was time for peace. New England Federalists, however, set up a defeatist Hartford Convention that discussed secession. The Treaty of Ghent ended the war in 1815. There were no territorial gains on either side as both sides returned to status quo ante bellum, that is, the previous boundaries. The Battle of New Orleans, in which Andrew Jackson defeated the British regulars, was fought fifteen days after the treaty was signed but before the news of the signing reached New Orleans.
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Postwar
With peace finally established, the U.S. was swept by a sense that it had secured solid independence from Britain. The Federalist Party collapsed and eventually disappeared from politics, as an Era of Good Feelings emerged with a much lower level of political fear and vituperation, although political contention certainly continued. Although Madison had accepted the necessity of a Hamiltonian national bank, an effective taxation system based on tariffs, a standing professional army and a strong navy, he drew the line at internal improvements as advocated by his Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin. In his last act before leaving office, Madison vetoed on states' rights grounds the Bonus Bill of 1817 that would have financed "internal improvements," including roads, bridges, and canals:[29] Having considered the bill... I am constrained by the insuperable difficulty I feel in reconciling this bill with the Constitution of the United States.... The legislative powers vested in Congress are specified... in the... Constitution, and it does not appear that the power proposed to be exercised by the bill is among the enumerated powers. Madison rejected the view of Congress that the General Welfare provision of the Taxing and Spending Clause justified the bill, stating: Such a view of the Constitution would have the effect of giving to Congress a general power of legislation instead of the defined and limited one hitherto understood to belong to them, the terms "common defense and general welfare" embracing every object and act within the purview of a legislative trust. Madison urged a variety of measures that he felt were "best executed under the national authority," including federal support for roads and canals that would "bind more closely together the various parts of our extended confederacy."[30] International The Second Barbary War brought to a conclusive end the American practice of paying tribute to the pirate states in the Mediterranean and marked the beginning of the end of the age of piracy in that region.
Administration and cabinet

The Madison Cabinet Office President Vice President Name James Madison George Clinton Elbridge Gerry Secretary of State Robert Smith James Monroe Term 18091817 18091812 18131814 18091811 18111814
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Secretary of Treasury Albert Gallatin George W. Campbell Alexander J. Dallas William H. Crawford Secretary of War William Eustis John Armstrong, Jr. James Monroe William H. Crawford Attorney General Caesar A. Rodney William Pinkney Richard Rush Secretary of the Navy Paul Hamilton William Jones 18091814 1814 18141816 18161817 18091813 18131814 18141815 18151816 18091811 18111814 18141817 18091813 18131814
Benjamin W. Crowninshield 18141817
Madison is the only president to have had two vice-presidents die while in office.
Judicial appointments
Supreme Court Madison appointed the following Justices to the Supreme Court of the United States: Gabriel Duvall 1811 Joseph Story 1812 Other courts Madison appointed eleven other federal judges, two to the United States Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, and nine to the various United States district courts. One of those judges was appointed twice, to different seats on the same court.
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States admitted to the Union

Louisiana April 30, 1812 Indiana December 11, 1816
Later life
When Madison left office in 1817, he retired to Montpelier, his tobacco plantation in Virginia; not far from Jefferson's Monticello. Madison was then 65 years old. Dolley, who thought they would finally have a chance to travel to Paris, was 49. As with both Washington and Jefferson, Madison left the presidency a poorer man than when he entered, due to the steady financial collapse of his plantation. Some historians speculate that his mounting debt was one of the chief reasons why he refused to allow his notes on the Constitutional Convention, or its official records which he possessed, to be published in his lifetime "He knew the value of his notes, and wanted them to bring money to his estate for Dolley's use as his plantation failedhe was hoping for one hundred thousand dollars from the sale of his papers, of which the notes were the gem."[31] Madison's financial troubles and deteriorating mental and physical health would continue to consume him.
Gilbert Stuart Portrait of James Madison c. 1821
In his later years, Madison also became extremely concerned about his legacy. He took to modifying letters and other documents in his possessions: changing days and dates, adding and deleting words and sentences, and shifting characters. By the time he had reached his late seventies, this "straightening out" had become almost an obsession. This can be seen by his editing of a letter he had written to Jefferson criticizing Lafayette: Madison not only inked out original passages, but went so far as to imitate Jefferson's handwriting as well.[32] In Madison's mind, this may have represented an effort to make himself clear, to justify his actions both to history and to himself. During the final six years of his life, amid a sea of personal [financial] troubles that were threatening to engulf him...At times mental agitation issued in physical collapse. For the better part of a year in 1831 and 1832 he was bedridden, if not silenced...Literally sick with anxiety, he began to despair of his ability to make himself understood by his fellow citizens.[33] In 1826, after the death of Jefferson, Madison followed Jefferson as the second Rector ("President") of the University of Virginia. It would be his last occupation. He retained the position as college chancellor for ten years, until his death in 1836. In 1829, at the age of 78, Madison was chosen as a representative to the constitutional convention in Richmond for the revising of the Virginia state constitution; this was to be Madison's last appearance as a legislator and constitutional drafter. The issue of greatest importance at this convention was apportionment. The western districts of Virginia complained that they were underrepresented because the state constitution apportioned voting districts by county, not population. Westerners' growing numbers thus did not yield growing representation. Western reformers also wanted to extend suffrage to all A portrait of Madison, at age 82 white men, in place of the historic property requirement. Madison tried to effect a compromise, but to no avail. Eventually, suffrage rights were extended to renters as well as landowners,
James Madison but the eastern planters refused to adopt population apportionment. Madison was disappointed at the failure of Virginians to resolve the issue more equitably. "The Convention of 1829, we might say, pushed Madison steadily to the brink of self-delusion, if not despair. The dilemma of slavery undid him."[34] [35] Although his health had now almost failed, he managed to produce several memoranda on political subjects, including an essay against the appointment of chaplains for Congress and the armed forces, because this produced religious exclusion, but not political harmony.[36] Madison lived on until 1836, increasingly ignored by the new leaders of the American polity. He died at Montpelier on June 28, the last of the Founding Fathers to die.[37] He is buried in the Madison Family Cemetery at Montpelier.
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Legacy
As historian Garry Wills wrote: Madison's claim on our admiration does not rest on a perfect consistency, any more than it rests on his presidency. He has other virtues.... As a framer and defender of the Constitution he had no peer.... The finest part of Madison's performance as president was his concern for the preserving of the Constitution.... No man could do everything for the country not even Washington. Madison did more than most, and did some things better than any. That was quite enough.[38]
James Madison was honored on a Postage stamps and postal history of the United States#Bureau issuesPostage Issue of 1894
Presidential Dollar of James Madison
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"Madison Cottage" on the site of the Fifth Avenue Hotel at Madison Square, NYC, 1852
Montpelier, his family's estate and his home in Orange, Virginia, is a National Historic Landmark Many counties, several towns, cities, educational institutions, a mountain range and a river are named after Madison. Madison County - lists counties named for him Cities: e.g. Madison, Wisconsin The James Madison College of public policy at Michigan State University; James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia - its athletic teams are called the James Madison Dukes; the James Madison Institute was named in honor of his contributions to the Constitution.
Auction of books of James Madison's library, Orange County, Virginia, 1854
The Madison Range was named in honor of the future President then U.S. Secretary of State by Meriwether Lewis as the Lewis and Clark Expedition traveled through Montana in 1805. The Madison River in southwestern Montana,
named in 1805 by Lewis & Clark.[39] Mount Madison in the Presidential Range of the White Mountains in New Hampshire is named after Madison. Two U.S. Navy ships have been named USS James Madison and three USS Madison. Madison's portrait was on the U.S. $5000 bill.[40]
Madison Square Gardens and Madison Cycle Racing

A lodge was built three years after Madison's death in a critical spot at the then-northernmost departure and arrival point in New York City and named Madison Cottage in honor of the recently deceased fourth president. The site of Madison Cottage would remain a critical crossroads throughout the city's history after its demise the site became a park, in turn named Madison Square,[41] which remains today. Madison Square in turn, lead to the naming of Madison Avenue and Madison Square Garden, the latter taking the name of its original location: next to Madison Square. Madison Square Gardens, a prominent bicycling venue, gave rise to a popular form of track cycle racing named after the arena, Madison Racing, which remains an Olympic Sport today.
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Notes
[1] Wood, 2006b. [2] Madison Debates in Convention - Tuesday June 26, 1787 (http:/ / avalon. law. yale. edu/ 18th_century/ debates_626. asp) "There will be particularly the distinction of rich & poor. ***....In framing a system which we wish to last for ages, we should not lose sight of the changes which ages will produce. An increase of population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life, and secretly sigh for a more equal distribution of its blessings. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. According to the equal laws of suffrage, the power will slide into the hands of the former." [3] Notes of the Secret Debates of the Federal Convention of 1787, TUESDAY JUNE 26TH (http:/ / avalon. law. yale. edu/ 18th_century/ yates. asp) "The man who is possessed of wealth, who lolls on his sofa, or rolls in his carriage, cannot judge of the wants or feelings of the day laborer. The government we mean to erect is intended to last for ages. The landed interest, at present, is prevalent; but in process of time, when we approximate to the states and kingdoms of Europe; when the number of landholders shall be comparatively small, through the various means of trade and manufactures, will not the landed interest be overbalanced in future elections, and unless wisely provided against, what will become of your government? In England, at this day, if elections were open to all classes of people, the property of the landed proprietors would be insecure. An agrarian law would soon take place. If these observations be just, our government ought to secure the permanent interests of the country against innovation. Landholders ought to have a share in the government, to support these invaluable interests, and to balance and check the other. The checks and balances ought to be so constituted as to protect the [privatized property of the] minority of the opulent against the [will of the] majority." [4] Jerry Fresia, "Toward an American Revolution - Exposing the Constitution and other Illusions" (South End Press, 1988) (http:/ / www. cyberjournal. org/ authors/ fresia/ ) [5] Fresia (1988) Chapter 3: The Constitution: Resurrection of an Imperial System (http:/ / www. cyberjournal. org/ authors/ fresia/ c3. shtml) [6] James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, March 2, 1794. (http:/ / memory. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ ampage?collId=mjm& fileName=05/ mjm05. db& recNum=591)) "I see by a paper of last evening that even in New York a meeting of the people has taken place, at the instance of the Republican Party, and that a committee is appointed for the like purpose." * Thomas Jefferson to President Washington, May 23, 1792 (http:/ / memory. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ query/ r?ammem/ mtj:@field(DOCID+ @lit(tj060237))) "The republican party, who wish to preserve the government in its present form, are fewer in number. They are fewer even when joined by the two, three, or half dozen anti-federalists,..." * "The party called republican is steadily for the support of the present constitution" [7] Brennan, Daniel. " Did James Madison suffer a nervous collapse due to the intensity of his studies? (http:/ / blogs. princeton. edu/ mudd/ 2008/ 01/ did_james_madison_suffer_a_ner. html)" Mudd Manuscript Library Blog (http:/ / blogs. princeton. edu/ mudd/ ), Princeton University Archives (http:/ / www. princeton. edu/ ~mudd/ finding_aids/ archives. html) and Public Policy Papers Collection, Princeton University. [8] Ralph Louis Ketcham (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=hCAjgs4mmQ4C& printsec=copyright& dq=James+ Madison+ and+ Baptist+ preachers#PPR5,M1), James Madison: A Biography, Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 1971; paperback, 1990, p. 57, accessed 2009-02-06 [9] James Madison Biography (http:/ / www. american-presidents. com/ james-madison), American-Presidents.com, Accessed on July 29, 2009. [10] Joseph J. Ellis (http:/ / www. americanheritage. com/ events/ articles/ web/ 20101207-Constitutional-Convention-Joseph-J-Ellis-Founding-Fathers-Philadelphia-1789. shtml) "Philadelphia Story," American Heritage, Summer 2010, 18. [11] Wood, 2006, pp. 16364. [12] "Selected summaries of The Federalist Papers" (http:/ / wikisum. com/ w/ Hamilton,_Jay,_and_Madison:_The_Federalist). . [13] Larry D. Kramer, "Madison's Audience," Harvard Law Review 112,3 (1999), pp. 611+ online version (http:/ / www. questia. com/ PM. qst?a=o& d=96849383). [14] Lance Banning, "James Madison: Federalist," note 1, (http:/ / www. loc. gov/ loc/ madison/ banning-paper. html). [15] Madison to Hamilton Letter (http:/ / memory. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ query/ r?ammem/ hlaw:@field(DOCID+ @lit(dg025177))), July 20, 1788, American Memory, Library of Congress, accessed 2 February 2008 [16] Matthews, 1995, p. 130. [17] Matthews, 1995, p. 142. [18] "The Constitution of the United States" (http:/ / frwebgate. access. gpo. gov/ cgi-bin/ getdoc. cgi?dbname=105_cong_documents& docid=f:sd011. 105). . [19] Wood, 2006a, p. 165. [20] Ron Chernow. Aleander Hamilton. 2004. Penguin Book. p. 350. [21] Paul A. Varg, Foreign Policies of the Founding Fathers (Michigan State Univ. Press, 1963), p. 74. [22] As early as May 26, 1792, Hamilton complained, "Mr. Madison cooperating with Mr. Jefferson is at the head of a faction decidedly hostile to me and my administration." Hamilton, Writings (Library of America, 2001), p. 738. On May 5, 1792, Madison told Washington, "with respect to the spirit of party that was taking place ...I was sensible of its existence". Madison Letters 1 (1865), p. 554. [23] Ron Chernow. Alexander Hamilton. 2004. Penguin Book. p. 573. [24] Ron Chernow. Alexander Hamilton. 2004. Penguin Book. p. 573-74.
James Madison
[25] "definition of Madison, James" (http:/ / encyclopedia2. thefreedictionary. com/ Madison,+ James). Free Online Encyclopedia. . Retrieved 2008-02-03. [26] "U.S. historians pick top 10 presidential errors" (http:/ / www. ctv. ca/ servlet/ ArticleNews/ story/ CTVNews/ 20060218/ presidential_errors_060218/ 20060218?hub=World). Associated Press article in CTV. February 18, 2006. . Retrieved 2008-02-03. [27] "Results of Presidential Mistakes Survey" (http:/ / louisville. edu/ mcconnellcenter/ news/ presidentialmoments/ results. html). McConnell Center, University of Louisville. February 18 and 19, 2006. . Retrieved 2008-08-11. [28] Stagg, 1983. [29] Text of Madison's Veto of the Bonus Bill (http:/ / www. constitution. org/ jm/ 18170303_veto. htm), accessed December 20, 2010 [30] "Madisons Seventh Annual Message 5 December 1815 - Lance Banning, Liberty and Order: The First American Party Struggle [1787]", in Lance Banning, ed., '" Liberty and Order: The First American Party Struggle (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ ?option=com_staticxt& staticfile=show. php?title=875& chapter=64058& layout=html& Itemid=27)" (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2004). [31] Garry Wills, James Madison (2002), p. 163. [32] Wills, p. 162. [33] Drew R. McCoy, The Last of the Fathers: James Madison and the Republican Legacy (1989), p.151. [34] McCoy, p. 252. [35] Kevin R. C. Gutzman, Virginia's American Revolution: From Dominion to Republic, 1776-1840, ch. 6.) [36] He was tempted to admit chaplains for the navy, which might well have no other opportunity for worship.The text (http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ documents/ amendI_religions64. html) of the memoranda [37] "The Founding Fathers: A Brief Overview" (http:/ / www. archives. gov/ exhibits/ charters/ constitution_founding_fathers_overview. html). The U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. . Retrieved 2008-02-12. [38] Wills 2002, p. 164. [39] Allan H. Keith, Historical Stories: About Greenville and Bond County, IL (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=1gJ_RVeb5JYC& pg=PA2& dq=richard+ bock+ sculptor& ie=ISO-8859-1& sig=ngQRYGbj78gEH8yXNlEZrDnRlMU#PPA1,M1). Consulted on August 15, 2007. [40] "Five Thousand Green Seal" (http:/ / www. moneyfactory. gov/ document. cfm/ 5/ 42/ 159). The United States Treasury Bureau of Engraving and Printing. . Retrieved 2008-09-17. [41] Jackson, Kenneth T. (ed.), The Encyclopedia of New York City (1995) ISBN 0-300-05536-6
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Bibliography
Secondary sources Biographies Brant, Irving (1952). "James Madison and His Times". American Historical Review 57 (4): 853870. doi:10.2307/1844238. (19411961). James Madison. 6 volumes. (1970). The Fourth President; a Life of James Madison. Single volume condensation of his series. Ketcham, Ralph (1971). James Madison: A Biography. Macmillan. Rakove, Jack (2002). James Madison and the Creation of the American Republic (2nd ed.). New York: Longman. ISBN0321087976. Riemer, Neal (1968). James Madison. Washington Square Press. Wills, Garry (2002). James Madison. New York: Times Books. ISBN0805069054. Short bio. Analytic studies Adams, Henry. History of the United States during the Administrations of James Madison (5 vol 189091; 2 vol Library of America, 1986). ISBN 0-940450-35-6 Wills, Garry. Henry Adams and the Making of America (Houghton Mifflin, 2005). a close reading. Banning, Lance. The Sacred Fire of Liberty: James Madison and the Founding of the Federal Republic (Cornell Univ. Press, 1995). online ACLS History e-Book (http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/ text-idx?c=acls;cc=acls;view=toc;idno=HEB00509.0001.001). Available only to subscribing institutions. Brant, Irving. James Madison and American Nationalism. (1968), short survey with primary sources Elkins, Stanley M.; McKitrick, Eric. The Age of Federalism (Oxford Univ. Press, 1995). most detailed analysis of the politics of the 1790s.
James Madison Gabrielson, Teena, James Madisons Psychology of Public Opinion, Political Research Quarterly, 62 (Sept. 2009), 43144. Kernell, Samuel, ed. James Madison: the Theory and Practice of Republican Government (Stanford Univ. Press, 2003). Kester, Scott J. The Haunted Philosophe: James Madison, Republicanism, and Slavery (Lexington Books, 2008) 132 pp. isbn 978-0-7391-2174-0 Matthews, Richard K., If Men Were Angels : James Madison and the Heartless Empire of Reason (Univ. Press of Kansas, 1995). McCoy, Drew R. The Elusive Republic: Political Economy in Jeffersonian America (W.W. Norton, 1980). mostly economic issues. McCoy, The Last of the Fathers: James Madison and the Republican Legacy (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989). JM after 1816. Muoz, Vincent Phillip. "James Madison's Principle of Religious Liberty," American Political Science Review 97,1(2003), 1732. SSRN 512922 (http://ssrn.com/abstract=512922) in JSTOR. Riemer, Neal. "The Republicanism of James Madison," Political Science Quarterly, 69,1(1954), 4564 in JSTOR. Riemer, James Madison : Creating the American Constitution (Congressional Quarterly, 1986). Rutland, Robert A. The Presidency of James Madison (Univ. Press of Kansas, 1990). scholarly overview of his two terms. Rutland, ed. James Madison and the American Nation, 17511836: An Encyclopedia (Simon & Schuster, 1994). Scarberry, Mark S. "John Leland and James Madison: Religious Influence on the Ratification of the Constitution and on the Proposal of the Bill of Rights," Penn State Law Review, Vol. 113, No. 3 (April 2009), 733-800. SSRN 1262520 (http://ssrn.com/abstract=1262520) Sheehan, Colleen A. "The Politics of Public Opinion: James Madison's 'Notes on Government'," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd ser. 49,3(1992), 609627. in JSTOR. Sheehan, "Madison and the French Enlightenment," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd ser. 59,4(Oct. 2002), 925956. in JSTOR. Sheehan, "Madison v. Hamilton: The Battle Over Republicanism and the Role of Public Opinion," American Political Science Review 98,3(2004), 405424. in JSTOR. Sheehan, "Madison Avenues," Claremont Review of Books (Spring 2004), online (http://www.claremont. org/publications/crb/id.953/article_detail.asp). Sheehan, "Public Opinion and the Formation of Civic Character in Madison's Republican Theory," Review of Politics 67,1(Winter 2005), 3748. Stagg, John C.A., "James Madison and the 'Malcontents': The Political Origins of the War of 1812," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd ser. 33,4(Oct. 1976), 557585. Stagg, "James Madison and the Coercion of Great Britain: Canada, the West Indies, and the War of 1812," in William and Mary Quarterly 3rd ser. 38,1(Jan., 1981), 334. Stagg, Mr. Madison's War: Politics, Diplomacy, and Warfare in the Early American republic, 17831830 (Princeton, 1983). Vile, John R. William D. Pederson, Frank J. Williams, eds. James Madison: Philosopher, Founder, and Statesman (Ohio University Press, 2008) 302 pp. ISBN 978-0-8214-1832-1 online review (https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=29312) Wood, Gordon S., "Is There a 'James Madison Problem'?" in Wood, Revolutionary Characters: What Made the Founders Different (Penguin Press, 2006a), 14172.
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James Madison Wood, "Without Him, No Bill of Rights : James Madison and the Struggle for the Bill of Rights by Richard Labunski", The New York Review of Books (November 30, 2006b). Primary sources Madison, James (1865). Letters & Other Writings Of James Madison Fourth President Of The United States (http://books.google.com/?id=pb2s8DG_2WUC&pg=RA1-PR11&lpg=RA1-PR11&dq=Letters+&+Other+ Writings+Of+James+Madison+Fourth+President) (called the Congress edition ed.). J.B. Lippincott & Co. Madison, James (19001910). Gaillard Hunt, ed.. ed. The Writings of James Madison (http://books.google. com/?id=ri4fEe_y99kC&lpg=RA3-PR21&dq=Writings+of+James+Madison:+comprising+his+public+ papers). G. P. Putnams Sons. Madison, James (1962). William T. Hutchinson et al., eds.. ed. The Papers of James Madison (http://www. virginia.edu/pjm/description1.htm) (30 volumes published and more planned ed.). Univ. of Chicago Press. Madison, James (1982). Jacob E. Cooke, ed.. ed. The Federalist. Wesleyan Univ. Press. ISBN0819560774. Madison, James (1987). Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 Reported by James Madison. W.W. Norton. ISBN0393304051. Madison, James (1995). Marvin Myers, ed.. ed. Mind of the Founder: Sources of the Political Thought of James Madison. Univ. Press of New England. ISBN0874512018. Madison, James (1995). James M. Smith, ed.. ed. The Republic of Letters: The Correspondence Between Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, 17761826. W.W. Norton. ISBN039303691X. Madison, James (1999). Jack N. Rakove ed.. ed. James Madison, Writings. Library of America. ISBN1883011663.
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External links
Scholarly essays on Madison and each member of his cabinet and First Lady (http://millercenter.org/index. php/academic/americanpresident/madison) James Madison: A Resource Guide (http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/presidents/madison/) from the Library of Congress Quotations by James Madison (http://quotes.liberty-tree.ca/quotes_by/james+madison) at Liberty-Tree.ca The James Madison Papers, 17231836 (http://lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/collections/madison_papers/) About 12,000 items captured in 72,000 images James Madison at Online Library of Liberty (http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show. php?person=3861&Itemid=28) The Papers of James Madison (http://avalon.law.yale.edu/subject_menus/madispap.asp) from the Avalon Project Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, 1785 (http://religiousfreedom.lib.virginia.edu/ sacred/madison_m&r_1785.html) Official White House page for James Madison (http://www.whitehouse.gov/history/presidents/jm4.html) Works by James Madison (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/James+Madison) at Project Gutenberg James Madison Museum (http://www.jamesmadisonmus.org/) Montpelier-Home of James Madison (http://www.montpelier.org/) Alumni who changed America, and the world (http://www.princeton.edu/paw/archive_new/PAW07-08/ 07-0123/features_the25.html) James Madison and the Social Utility of Religion: Risks vs. Rewards, James Hutson, Library of Congress (http:// www.loc.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper.html) Memories of Montpelier: Home of James and Dolley Madison, a National Park Service Teaching with Historic Places (TwHP) lesson plan (http://www.nps.gov/history/NR/twhp/wwwlps/lessons/46montpelier/ 46montpelier.htm)
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Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 1
Federalist No. 1 (Federalist Number 1) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on October 27, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Titled "General Introduction," Federalist No. 1 is essentially a preface to the series, laying out in broad strokes the major points that the authors hope to demonstratethat the Articles of Confederation should be disposed of, and that the proposed new Constitution is so written as to properly distribute the powers of government to the greatest benefit of the governed.
Response to Anti-Federalists
Federalist No. 1 introduces a series of essays published in the Independent Journal, the New-York Packet and the Daily Advertiser as a response to Anti-Federalist zeal surrounding the proposed US Constitution. The Constitution had been sent to the various states for ratification in September 1787. Anti-Federalists essays condemning the document began to surface later that month, quickly followed by the Federalist efforts of Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay.
Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 1.
Being an introductory essay, Federalist No. 1 does not so much focus on the themes contained within the Federalist Papers. It presents a hasty adumbration of the concepts to be argued, but more time is spent imploring citizens to make the right choice in deciding whether to support or oppose the Constitution. The right choice, here, is obviously a subjective one; Hamilton himself admits his bias in favor of the Constitution with considerable aplomb.
Author's Declared Bias

The essay is highly critical of the government in place at the time, though, it does not take the form of a diatribe. Eloquently written, yet manifestly biased, Federalist No. 1 heaps praise upon the Constitution as an efficient system of government. Hamilton is quite aware of his own bias: You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that [these ideas] proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it. Hamilton is keenly aware not only of his own bias, but also those of others. In fact, Federalist No. 1, as an introductory essay, can be interpreted mainly as an attempt to impress upon readers that opinions will always contain bias when it comes to important matters such as this. Hamilton writes: Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more
Federalist No. 1 ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected. The investigation of particular types of bias is quite sophisticated. Hamilton identifies not only those with a venomous bias, but also the plethora of people who, while their intentions are good, exhibit an unmistakable bias. In fact, he claims even those who believe themselves to be impartial often have hidden biases: It cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears. More importantly, the discussion of bias actually introduces a key theme of the Federalist as a whole, the relation of motive and reason in politics. Hamilton, as Publius, argues that political motives are irrelevant to the truth of arguments made in their behalf. Arguments stand or fall of their own weight and can neither be enhanced nor diminished by knowledge of the motives that gave rise to them. The irrelevance of motives to the truth of arguments is one of the main reasons why the authors of these papers choose to use a pseudonym.
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Political Discord
Hamilton, predicting the initial Anti-Federalist response would continue, correctly foresaw the US Constitution as a polarizing issue. In reference to those who would oppose the Constitution, he claimed that "A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose." According to Hamilton: An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty. This prediction has proven true, with hearty discussion about the Federalist Papers (and the lesser-known Anti-Federalist Papers) continuing to this day. Hamilton maintained that he held a genuine duty to the citizens, in setting them on their guards against a barrage of political spin: I have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare.
Rejecting the Current Government

The essay's major thrust is to impress upon citizens that the system which was in place prior to the Constitution was not worth keeping. Many would view this as a tall order; it can be hard to convince someone to replace something, unless it is entirely broken. Hamilton never underestimated the gravity of the decision people were faced with. He met it head on in his introductory prose:[1] It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.
Supporting the New Constitution

As a consequence of encouraging people to reject the old system, Hamilton supported the new Constitution, at all costs. He went so far as to say the only viable alternatives were either a ratification of the Constitution or a complete dissolution of the existing Union. This conclusion was justified by referring to the Anti-Federalists, who claimed the 13 members of the Union had already made for an unwieldy system and that governance had to take place by breaking down federal government into smaller, regional chunks. Hamilton thought this view so pernicious and
Federalist No. 1 outlandish that he encouraged its propagation, so all citizens could see how bizarre the Anti-Federalist's views were (bizarre according to Hamilton, that is).
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A series of concepts
Following this discussion of political bias and partisanship is a brief introduction to the more substantive issues that are covered in the body of the Federalist Papers. Hamilton outlines six key concepts that he believes the Federalist Papers will impress: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. The utility of the Union to prosperity The insufficiency of the existing confederation to preserve the Union The necessity of a government as powerful as that proposed, to meet this object The conformity of the proposed Constitution with the true principles of Republican government The Constitution's analogy to various state Constitutions. The additional security a Constitution will provide to the preservation of government in those states, and to the preservation of liberty and property.
References
[1] Alexander Hamilton as Publius. "The Federalist Papers: Federalist No. 1" (http:/ / thomas. loc. gov/ home/ histdox/ fed_01. html). The Federalist Papers. . Retrieved 2007-05-17.
Federalist No. 2
Federalist No. 2 is an essay by John Jay, the second of the Federalist Papers. It was published on October 31, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. No. 2 is the first of four papers by Jay discussing the protection of the United States from dangerous foreign influence, especially military force. It is titled, "Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence."
The question
The American War of Independence had been a difficult conflict for the American forces, and despite the eventual victory it was clear that the new country was not on a level, militarily, with European nations, especially Britain and France, which were the two European powers exercising major influence along the North Atlantic coastline. There was significant concern among Americans that one of the European powers would attempt to John Jay, author of Federalist No. 2 return the United States to colonial status or otherwise limit American sovereignty. In Federalist No. 2, Jay strove to demonstrate that a strong Union of the American states would provide the best opportunity for defense.
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Publius' argument
Jay begins by noting that his paper is in response to politicians who have lately rejected the previously "uncontradicted opinion that the prosperity of the people of America depended on their continuing firmly united." He begins by saying that government is a necessity, borrowing his ideas from the late English Enlighten thinkers John Locke and Thomas Hobbes about the need to mediate human affairs to secure peace and prosperity, Jay argues that in order to "vest it [the national government] with requisite powers," the "people must cede to its some of their natural rights." Throughout this paper, the central idea of one nation is justified as being evident given all the similarities in religion, background and language of the American people. To address the prevailing concern about the nature of the new propose Constitution, Publius begins, first, by noting that the Articles of Confederation, though established with the public good in mind, lacks the proper deliberation that was present at the convention in Philadelphia. Furthermore he relates the current situation of the convention to that of the 1774 congress that drafted the Declaration of Independence, and how it too was attacked wrongfully by opponents who seek to aggrandize themselves at the expense of the public good. He concludes with a warning, saying that if the Constitution fails to be ratified, the nations union would be jeopardized, and with its greatness,
Federalist No. 3
Federalist No. 3 is an essay by John Jay, the third of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 3, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the second of four essays by Jay on the utility of the Union in protecting Americans against foreign aggression and meddling. It is titled "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence." Jay had earlier acted as ambassador to Spain and Secretary for Foreign Affairs, leading to his focus on international relations.
Summary of the argument

As a whole, the earliest Federalist Papers argued for the utility of the Union, stating that a strong national government was more desirable than a diverse group of weaker local governments John Jay, author of Federalist No. 3 without national leadership. In No. 3, Jay argues that a strong national government could better preserve peace. He states that a "united America" would be less likely to provoke other nations to attack. For instance, it would be better able to uphold the terms of an international treaty. Additionally, the United States would be less likely to engage in "direct and unlawful violence": whereas states immediately bordering foreign territories may act "under the impulse of sudden irritation," the national government will be safer, since its "wisdom and prudence will not be diminished by the passions which actuate the parties immediately interested." Jay also argues that, in the event of an international conflict, a foreign power would be more likely to come to terms with a united America. He observes that, in 1685, Genoa was forced to send its national leadership to France to ask pardon from Louis XIV; Jay questions whether France would have demanded such tribute from any "powerful nation." Thus a "strong united nation" could better preserve the peace, since it would find it easier to settle causes of war.
Federalist No. 4
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Federalist No. 4
Federalist No. 4 is an essay by John Jay, the fourth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 7, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is the third of four essays by Jay discussing the protection of the United States from dangerous foreign influence, especially military force. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence."

Jay argues that a singular government speaking for all states would serve as a greater deterrent to military interference by foreign nations than a system of government where each state is given complete control over its affairs. John Jay believes that one Union would react better than many John Jay states with their own governments. For example, with one body speaking for the nation there would be no arguments over troop placements or treaties. Furthermore a singular army and navy appears a much less inviting target to invaders than the individual army of a one state by itself. Suppose if this one state were to be attacked, who's to say whether the other states would respond? With a single government that problem would be avoided.
Federalist No. 5
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Federalist No. 5
Federalist No. 5 is an essay by John Jay, the fifth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 10, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is the last of four essays by Jay discussing the protection of the United States from dangerous foreign influence, especially military force. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence."

In this paper, Jay argues that the American people can learn a lot from the troubles Great Britain had when it was divided up into individual states. When divided, envy and jealousy ran rampant. Try as you might to make each nation-state equal, eventually one will begin to grow more powerful than the others (assumed by Jay to be the north), they in turn will grow jealous and distrustful of John Jay each other. Alliances with different nations may be forged by different states, tearing America apart at the seams. A single nation would be 'joined in affection and free from all apprehension of different interests' and as such a much more formidable nation.
Federalist No. 6
Federalist No. 6 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the sixth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 14, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Arguing for the importance of the Union to the well-being of Americans, Hamilton addresses a theme continued in Federalist No. 7: the danger of dissension among the states if they remain without a strong federal government. No. 6 is titled "Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States." In Federalist No. 6, Hamilton enumerates different instances of hostility among nations, and suggests that should the States remain separate, such hostilities will befall them as well. However, mutual commercial interest will bring the States together and keep them in a peaceful accord. He concludes that nations that exist as neighbors will be natural enemies of one another, unless brought together in a confederate republic with a constitution which will promote harmony through commercial interests rather than competition.[1]
Alexander Hamilton
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References
[1] The Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 7
Federalist No. 7 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the seventh of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 15, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Arguing for the importance of the Union to the well-being of Americans, Hamilton addresses a theme begun in Federalist No. 6: the danger of dissension among the states if they remain without a strong federal government. No. 7 is titled "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States."
Alexander Hamilton
Federalist No. 8
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Federalist No. 8
Federalist No. 8 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the eighth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 20, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. In it, Hamilton argues for the utility of the Union to the well-being of Americans, specifically addressing the negative consequences if the Union were to collapse and conflict arise between the states. It is titled, "Consequences of Hostilities Between the States."
Essay Synopsis
If the states do not unify into a single nation there will be a perpetual cycle of conflict between neighboring states. Their alliances or dis-unions create circumstances similar to European nations, where the cycle of aggression between neighboring nations creates the need for domestic armies and fortifications. Additionally, if not unified populous states, motivated by greed might plunder weaker states for their resources.
Alexander Hamilton
The motivation for a union is safety, being aware though that no matter how great the nation's commitment to liberty freedoms are compromised in order to achieve protection. The physical damage of armed conflict compels nations to implement a military deterrent and in doing so an overly militaristic culture diminishes the civil and political rights of the people. "To be more safe, they at length become willing to run the risk of being less free." The new Constitution does not prohibit standing armies and it's inferred that a perpetual army will exist. The frequency of conflict and the need for defense will necessitate a ready armed force for defense. And by its nature a militaristic state strengthens the executive arm (from which a monarchy could emerge). War increases executive authority at the expense of the other branches of government. Extreme defense would likely give rise to oppressive government practices. Observing history; the livelihood of citizens cause the population to be ill suited for war. A varied workforce necessitates the development of a profession of soldiers who would be distinct from the body of the citizens. "The military state becomes elevated above the civil." Nations that don't have a full-time army are less likely to oppress citizens. The leaders of nations prone to invasion must maintain defensive forces, however frequently this militarism infringes upon the citizen's rights or weakens their sense of entitlement of those rights; the continental nations of Western Europe were examples of this. Also, a Union of states would act as a deterrent from aggression by nearby Foreign colonies.
Federalist No. 9
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Federalist No. 9
Federalist No. 9 (Federalist Number 9) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the ninth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 21, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Federalist No. 9 is titled, "The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection." The same subject is continued in the subsequent paper by James Madison, Federalist No. 10.
Publius' argument
A major aspect of Federalist No. 9 is Hamilton's response to the common Anti-Federalist argument based on the theories of Montesquieu, who wrote famously in his The Spirit of the Laws that "it is natural to a republic to have only a small territory, otherwise it cannot long subsist." The Anti-Federalist took his arguments to mean that the federal Union was bound to fail. Hamilton responded that if Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 9. Montesquieu were taken literally, then since he was thinking of dimensions far smaller even than those of the states, the Americans would have to split themselves into "an infinity of little, jealous, clashing tumultuous commonwealths." More seriously, Hamilton contends that the confederated federal system described in the proposed Constitution would not suffer as Montesquieu predicted because of its confederated, rather than centralized, design.
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Federalist No. 10
Federalist No. 10 (Federalist Number 10) is an essay written by James Madison and the tenth of the Federalist Papers, a series arguing for the ratification of the United States Constitution. It was published on Friday, November 23, 1787, under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The essay is the most famous of the Federalist Papers, along with Federalist No. 51, also by Madison, and is among the most highly regarded of all American political writings.Ep59 No. 10 addresses the question of how to guard against "factions," or groups of citizens, with interests contrary to the rights of others or the interests of the whole community. In today's discourse the term advocacy group or special interest group often carries the same denotation. Madison argued that a strong, large republic would be a better guard against those dangers than smaller republicsfor instance, James Madison, author of Federalist No. 10 the individual states. Opponents of the Constitution offered counterarguments to his position, which were substantially derived from the commentary of Montesquieu on this subject. Federalist No. 10 continues a theme begun in Federalist No. 9; it is titled, " The Same Subject Continued: The Utility of the Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection." The whole series is cited by scholars and jurists as an authoritative interpretation and explication of the meaning of the Constitution. Jurists have frequently read No. 10 to mean that the Founding Fathers did not intend the United States government to be partisan.
Publication
Before September 17, 1787 the Philadelphia Convention had submitted the Constitution to the states for ratification. Anti-Federalist writers began to publish essays and letters arguing against ratification, and Alexander Hamilton recruited James Madison and John Jay to write a series of pro-ratification letters in response. Like most of the Anti-Federalist essays and the vast majority of the Federalist Papers, No. 10 first appeared in popular newspapers. It was first printed in the Daily Advertiser; in this it was remarkable among the essays of Publius, as almost all of them first appeared in one of two other papers, the Independent Journal and the New-York Packet. Federalist No. 37, also by Madison, was the only other essay to appear first in the Advertiser.const Considering the importance later ascribed to the essay, it was reprinted only on a limited scale. On November 23, it appeared in the Packet and the next day in the Independent Journal. Outside New York City, it made four appearances in early 1788: January 2 in the Pennsylvania Gazette, January 10 in the Hudson Valley Weekly, January 15 in the Lansingburgh Northern Centinel, and January 17 in the Albany Gazette. Though this number of reprintings was typical for the Federalist, many other essays, both Federalist and Anti-Federalist, saw much wider distribution.DHRC On January 1, 1788, the publishing company J. & A. McLean announced that they would publish the first 36 of the essays in a single volume. This volume, titled The Federalist, was released on March 2, 1788. Two later editions are of note. The first was by George Hopkins in 1802; in this edition Hopkins revealed that Madison, Hamilton, and Jay were in fact the authors of the series. In 1818, James Gideon published a third edition containing corrections by Madison, who by that time had completed his two terms as President of the United States.spark
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The question of faction

Federalist No. 10 continues the discussion of the question broached in Hamilton's Federalist No. 9. Hamilton there addressed the destructive role of faction in breaking apart the republic. The question Madison answers, then, is how to eliminate the negative effects of faction. He defines a faction as "a number of citizens, whether amounting to a minority or majority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community." He identifies the most serious source of faction to be the diversity of opinion in political life which leads to dispute over fundamental issues such as what regime or religion should be preferred. However, he thinks "the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property. Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society." He saw direct democracy as a danger to individual rights and advocated a representative democracy in order to protect what he viewed as individual liberty from majority rule, or from the effects of such inequality within society. He says, "A pure democracy can admit no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion or interest will be felt by a majority, and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party. Hence it is, that democracies have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have, in general, been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths." It is important to point out that many others do not consider the word "republic" to be synonymous with representative democracy and believe that, contrary to Madison's belief, the Supreme Court is there to "check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party", for not every majority decision is an infringement upon unalienable rights. Like the anti-Federalists who opposed him, Madison was substantially influenced by the work of Montesquieu, though Madison and Montesquieu disagreed on the question addressed in this essay. He also relied heavily on the philosophers of the Scottish Enlightenment, especially David Hume, whose influence is most clear in Madison's discussion of the types of faction and in his argument for an extended republic.
Madison's arguments
Madison first asserts that there are two ways to limit the damage caused by faction: either remove the causes of faction or control its effects. He contends that there are two ways to remove the causes that provoke the development of factions. The first, destroying the Liberty, would work because liberty is to faction what air is to fire but it is impossible to perform because liberty is essential to political life, Americans having fought for it during the American Revolution. The other optioncreating a society homogeneous in opinions and interestshe sees as impracticable. Madison explains that common peoples opinions are always influenced by their emotions and their self-interest. They dont always think clearly; they dont approach situations in the same way. The diversity of the people's ability which make them succeed more or less and in which inequality of property derive is a right that the government should protect. Madison particularly emphasizes that economic stratification, which naturally exists in a world where different people have different skills, prevents everyone from sharing the same opinion. Madison concludes that the damage caused by faction can be limited only by controlling its effects. He then argues that the only problem comes from majority factions because the principle of popular sovereignty should prevent minority factions from gaining power. Madison offers two ways to check majority factions: either prevent the "existence of the same passion or interest in a majority at the same time," or render a majority faction unable to act. Madison concludes that a small democracy cannot avoid the dangers of majority faction because small size means that undesirable passions can very easily spread to a majority of the people, which can then enact its will through the democratic government without difficulty. Madison states The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man so the cure is to control factions effects. He makes an argument on how this is not possible in a pure democracy but possible in a republic. With pure democracy he means a system in which every citizen votes directly for laws, and with republic he intends a society in which citizens vote for an elite of representatives who then vote for laws. He indicates that the voice of the people
Federalist No. 10 pronounced by a body of representatives is more conformable to the interest of the community, since again, common peoples decisions are affected by their self-interest. He then makes an argument in favor of a large republic against a small republic for the choice of fit characters to represent the publics voice. In a large republic where the number of voters and candidates is greater, the probability to elect competent representatives is broader. The voters have a wider option. In a small republic it would also be easier for the candidates to fool the voters, while in a large one, harder. The last argument Madison makes in favor of a large republic is, in a small republic there will be a lower variety of interests and parties, so more frequently a majority will be found. The number of participants of that majority will be lower, and considering they live in a more limited territory, it would be easier for them to agree and work together for the accomplishment of their ideas. While in a large republic the variety of interests will be greater so to make it harder to find a majority. Even if there is a majority it would be harder for them to work together because of the large number of people and the fact they are spread out in a wider territory. A republic, Madison writes, is different from a democracy because its government is placed in the hands of delegates, and as a result of this, it can be extended over a larger area. The idea is that in a large republic there will be more "fit characters" to choose from for each delegate. Also, the fact that each representative is chosen from a larger constituency should make the "vicious arts", a reference to rhetoric, of electioneering less effective. For instance, in a large republic a corrupt delegate would need to bribe many more people in order to win an election than in a small republic. Second, in a republic the delegates both filter and refine the many demands of the people so as to prevent the type of frivolous claims that impede purely democratic governments. Though Madison argued for a large and diverse republic, the writers of the Papers recognized the need for a balance. They wanted a republic diverse enough to prevent faction but with enough commonality to maintain cohesion among the states. In Federalist No. 2, John Jay counted as a blessing that America possessed "one united peoplea people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion." Madison himself addresses a limitation of his conclusion that large constituencies will provide better representatives. He notes that if constituencies are too large, the representatives will be "too little acquainted with all their local circumstances and lesser interests." He says that this problem is partly solved by federalism. No matter how large the constituencies of federal representatives, local matters will be looked after by state and local officials with naturally smaller constituencies.
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Contemporaneous counterarguments
The Anti-Federalists vigorously contested the notion that a republic of diverse interests could survive. The author Cato (another pseudonym, most likely that of George Clinton) summarized the Anti-Federalist position in the article Cato no. 3: Whoever seriously considers the immense extent of territory comprehended within the limits of the United States, together with the variety of its climates, productions, and commerce, the difference of extent, and number of inhabitants in all; the dissimilitude of interest, morals, and policies, in almost every one, will receive it as an intuitive truth, that a consolidated republican form of government therein, can never form a perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, promote the general welfare, George Clinton, widely believed to and secure the blessings of liberty to you and your posterity, for to these be the Anti-Federalist Cato objects it must be directed: this unkindred legislature therefore, composed of interests opposite and dissimilar in their nature, will in its exercise, emphatically be, like a house divided against itself.cato
Federalist No. 10 Generally, it was their position that republics about the size of the individual states could survive, but that a republic on the size of the Union would fail. A particular point in support of this was that most of the states were focused on one industryto generalize, commerce and shipping in the northern states and plantation farming in the southern. The Anti-Federalist belief that the wide disparity in the economic interests of the various states would lead to controversy was perhaps realized in the American Civil War, which some scholars attribute to this disparity.ransom Madison himself, in a letter to Thomas Jefferson, noted that differing economic interests had created dispute, even when the Constitution was being written.mad-jef At the convention, he particularly identified the distinction between the northern and southern states as a "line of discrimination" that formed "the real difference of interests."cohler The discussion of the ideal size for the republic was not limited to the options of individual states or encompassing union. In a letter to Richard Price, Benjamin Rush noted that "Some of our enlightened men who begin to despair of a more complete union of the States in Congress have secretly proposed an Eastern, Middle, and Southern Confederacy, to be united by an alliance offensive and defensive."rush However, compromise ideas like this gained little traction. In making their arguments, the Anti-Federalists appealed to both historical and theoretic evidence. On the theoretical side, they leaned heavily on the work of Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu. The Anti-Federalists Brutus and Cato both quoted Montesquieu on the issue of the ideal size of a republic, citing his statement in The Spirit of the Laws that: It is natural to a republic to have only a small territory, otherwise it cannot long subsist. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes, and consequently of less moderation; there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject; he has interest of his own; he soon begins to think that he may be happy, great and glorious, by oppressing his fellow citizens; and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. In a large republic, the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views; it is subordinate to exceptions, and depends on accidents. In a small one, the interest of the public is easier perceived, better understood, and more within the reach of every citizen; abuses are of less extent, and of course are less protected. Brutus points out that the Greek and Roman states envisioned by many Americans as model republics (as evidenced by the choice of many authors on both sides of the debate to take Roman monikers) were small. Brutus also points out that the expansion of these republics resulted in a transition from free government to tyranny.brutus
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Modern analysis and reaction

In the first century of the American republic, No. 10 was not regarded as among the more important numbers of The Federalist. For instance, in Democracy in America Alexis de Tocqueville refers specifically to more than fifty of the essays, but No. 10 is not among them.adair110 Today, however, No. 10 is regarded as a seminal work of American democracy. In "The People's Vote," a popular survey conducted by the National Archives and Records Administration, National History Day, and U.S. News and World Report, No. 10 (along with Federalist No. 51, also by Madison) was chosen as the 20th most influential document in United States history.people Douglass Adair attributes the increased interest in the tenth number to Charles A. Beard's book An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution, published in 1913. Adair also contends that Beard's selective focus on the issue of class struggle, and his political progressivism, has colored modern scholarship on the essay. According to Adair, Beard reads No. 10 as evidence for his belief in "the Constitution as an instrument of class exploitation."Adair2 Adair's own view is that Federalist No. 10 should be read as "eighteenth-century political theory directed to an eighteenth-century problem; and ... one of the great creative achievements of that intellectual movement that later ages have christened 'Jeffersonian democracy.'"Adair131 Garry Wills is a noted critic of Madison's argument in Federalist No. 10. In his book Explaining America, he adopts the position of Robert Dahl in arguing that Madison's framework does not necessarily enhance the protections of minorities or ensure the common good. Instead, Wills claims: "Minorities can make use of dispersed and staggered governmental machinery to clog, delay, slow down, hamper, and obstruct the majority. But these weapons for delay
Federalist No. 10 are given to the minority irrespective of its factious or nonfactious character; and they can be used against the majority irrespective of its factious or nonfactious character. What Madison prevents is not faction, but action. What he protects is not the common good but delay as such."Wills195
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Application
Federalist No. 10 is the classic citation for the belief that the Founding Fathers and the constitutional framers did not intend American politics to be partisan. For instance, United States Supreme Court justice John Paul Stevens cites the paper for the statement, "Parties ranked high on the list of evils that the Constitution was designed to check."stevens Discussing a California provision that forbids candidates from running as independents within one year of holding a partisan affiliation, Justice Byron White made apparent the Court's belief that Madison spoke for the framers of the Constitution: "California apparently believes with the Founding Fathers that splintered parties and unrestrained factionalism may do significant damage to the fabric of government. See The Federalist, No. 10 (Madison)."white Madison's argument that restraining liberty to limit faction is an unacceptable solution has been used by opponents of campaign finance limits. Justice Clarence Thomas, for example, invoked Federalist No. 10 in a dissent against a ruling supporting limits on campaign contributions, writing: "The Framers preferred a political system that harnessed such faction for good, preserving liberty while also ensuring good government. Rather than adopting the repressive 'cure' for faction that the majority today endorses, the Framers armed individual citizens with a remedy."Thomas
Notes
1. Epstein, 59. 2. The Federalist contents, with dates and publication information, at the Constitution Society [1] 3. The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution. Ed. John P. Kaminski and Gaspare J. Saladino. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1981. Vol XIV, p. 175 4. The Federalist timeline at www.sparknotes.com [2] 5. Cato, no. 3 6. Ransom, Roger L. "Economics of the Civil War" [3]. August 25, 2001. Referenced November 20, 2005. 7. October 24, 1787 letter of Madison to Jefferson, at The Founders' Constitution web edition [4] 8. Cohler, Anne. Montesquieu's Comparative Politics and the Spirit of American Constitutionalism. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1988. 151. 9. Letter by Benjamin Rush to Richard Price, at The Founders' Constitution web edition [5] 10. Brutus, no. 1 11. Adair, 110 12. "The People's Vote" website at www.ourdocuments.gov [6] 13. Adair, 120124 passim. Quotation at 123. 14. Adair, 131. 15. Wills, 195. 16. California Democratic Party v. Jones, 530 U.S. 567, 592 (2000) [7] 17. Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724, 736 (1974) [8] 18. Nixon v. Shrink Missouri Government PAC, 528 U.S. 377, 424 (2000) [9]
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References
here is "The Tenth Federalist Revisited."
Epstein, David F. The Political Theory of The Federalist. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984. Hamilton, Alexander; Madison, James; and Jay, John. The Federalist. Edited by Jacob E. Cooke. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1961. Storing, Herbert J., ed. The Complete Anti-Federalist. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981. A 7-volume
edition containing most all relevant Anti-Federalist writings.
Wills, Garry. Explaining America. New York: Penguin Books, 1982. "Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724 (1974)" [10]. Findlaw. Retrieved October 1 2005. "Nixon v. Shrink Missouri Government PAC, 528 U.S. 377 (2000)" [11]. Findlaw. Retrieved August 23 2005. "California Democratic Party v. Jones, 530 U.S. 567 (2000)" [12]. Findlaw. Retrieved August 23 2005.
External links
Online text of Federalist Paper No. 10 s:The Federalist Papers/No. 10 at at Wikisource Online text of Brutus, no. 1 [13], at http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/ [14], the online edition of The Founders' Constitution, hosted by the University of Chicago. Online text of Cato, no. 3 [15], same source as above
References
[1] http:/ / www. constitution. org/ fed/ federa00. htm [2] http:/ / www. sparknotes. com/ history/ american/ federalist/ timeline. html [3] http:/ / www. eh. net/ encyclopedia/ article/ ransom. civil. war. us [4] http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ documents/ v1ch17s22. html [5] http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ documents/ v1ch7s7. html [6] http:/ / www. ourdocuments. gov/ content. php?page=vote [7] http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ scripts/ getcase. pl?navby=search& court=US& case=/ us/ 000/ 99%2D401. html#FN3. 2 [8] http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ cgi-bin/ getcase. pl?navby=volpage& court=us& vol=415& page=728#728 [9] http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ scripts/ getcase. pl?navby=search& court=US& case=/ us/ 000/ 98%2D963. html#fn5. 9 [10] http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ cgi-bin/ getcase. pl?court=us& vol=415& invol=724 [11] http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ cgi-bin/ getcase. pl?court=us& vol=528& invol=377 [12] http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ scripts/ getcase. pl?court=US& vol=530& invol=567 [13] http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ documents/ v1ch4s14. html [14] http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ [15] http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ documents/ v1ch4s16. html
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Federalist No. 11
Federalist No. 11 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the eleventh of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 24, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Part of the initial block of essays devoted to explicating the virtues of the Union, No. 11 discusses the benefits of the Union in the field of commercial and military naval relations. It is titled, "The Utility of the Union in Respect to Commercial Relations and a Navy."
Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 11
Federalist No. 12
Federalist No. 12 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twelfth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 27, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled, "The Utility of the Union In Respect to Revenue." In Federalist 12, Hamilton argues that the formation of the union will lead to greater wealth for the states. The government, by establishing currency, would encourage industry and all Americans would enjoy the benefits. Hamilton continues by arguing that there is no rivalry between commerce and agriculture - rather each benefits when the other prospers. Taxes should be levied on commerce and the union will be much more efficient then the states at collecting revenue. In fact, the article predicts that revenue will tripple with the new federal government administering tax collection. The states have been unable to establish an adequate way in which to collect taxes. Hamilton claims that direct taxation is not a reality for the new government. Instead, taxes should be levied on imposts and excises, mainly on
Federalist No. 12 imports. Hamilton also points out that if the federal government administers tax collection instead of leaving the task to states, it will reduce the amount of resouces needed to ensure that the tax is not being evaded. It will be much easier for the federal government to protect one border - the Atlantic coast - than it would be for each state to protect its borders. A few ships stationed outside of Americas ports would ensure the collection of duties. Hamilton concludes that funding the government is essential and if Americans fail to do so then the Revolution itself will have been in vain.
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Federalist No. 13
Federalist No. 13 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirteenth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 28, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled, "Advantage of the Union in Respect to Economy in Government."
Federalist No. 14
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Federalist No. 14
Federalist No. 14 is an essay by James Madison, the fourteenth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on November 30, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It addresses a major objection of the Anti-Federalists to the proposed United States Constitution: that the sheer size of the United States would make it impossible to govern justly as a single country. Madison touched on this issue in Federalist No. 10 and returns to it in this essay. No. 14 is titled, "Objections to the Proposed Constitution From Extent of Territory Answered."
Summary
While a democracy can cover only a small space, Republics may span over many provinces. This is because in a democracy, all people must James Madison, author of Federalist No. 14 gather into one place to vote. In a Republic the people elect representatives to vote. The greatest danger to a republic is to confuse it with a democracy. It is easier to be united to have to travel to a distant province to represent the people than for that person to be isolated and attacked from all sides. So if Americans do not fall for a democracy, a republic will provide for a strong union, additional states, and security.
Federalist No. 15
Federalist No. 15 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the fifteenth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 1, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. No. 15 addresses the failures of the Articles of Confederation to satisfactorily govern the United States; it is the first of six essays on this topic. It is titled, "The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union." Federalist No. 15 warns citizens that the states are on the brink of national humiliation. There is impending anarchy between the states and borrowing and lending policies are causing turmoil. Publius says that the states must make a firm stand for their tranquilitiy, dignity and reputation by creating a new government with a more energetic executive. Publius points out that under the Articles of Confederation, the national government does not have the power or authority to issue sanctions over individuals. The national government cannot enforce its laws because the states cannot be thrown in jail and without an army, the national government cannot enforce taxes on states
"government implies the power of making laws. It is essential to the idea of a law that it be attended with a sanction; or, in other words, a penalty or punishment for disobedience"
Federalist No. 15 Publius argues that government must have force behind its laws. He reminds the reader that punishment for disobedience is necessary because the "passions of men will not conform to the dictates of reason and justice without this constraint." Punishment of individuals, not states, is necessary because "regard for reputation has a less active influence when the infamy of a bad action is to be divided among a number than when it is to fall singly upon one."
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Federalist No. 16
Federalist No. 16 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the sixteenth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 4, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. No. 16 addresses the failures of the Articles of Confederation to satisfactorily govern the United States; it is the second of six essays on this topic. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union."
Federalist No. 17
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Federalist No. 17
Federalist No. 17 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the seventeenth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 5, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. No. 17 addresses the failures of the Articles of Confederation to satisfactorily govern the United States; it is the third of six essays on this topic. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union."
Summary
Federalist No. 17 specifically regards the possible encroachment of the federal government on the powers of the state governments. Hamilton argues that because states are given the most direct power over their citizens, namely the ability to administer criminal and civil justice, they remain "the most attractive source of popular obedience and attachment." According to Hamilton this power contributes more than any other circumstance to impressing Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 17 upon the minds of the people affection, esteem and reverence towards the government [of the state]." Furthermore Hamilton says human nature makes it so they are more closely attached to things they are geographically near, hence a person is more attached to their neighborhood than the community at large. Therefore "The people of each state would be apt to feel a stronger bias towards their local governments than towards the government of the union." Because of the reasons listed, Hamilton believes that state governments will have the popular strength to resist encroachment on their state's rights.
External links
http://www.foundingfathers.info/federalistpapers/fed17.htm
Federalist No. 18
87
Federalist No. 18
Federalist No. 18 is an essay by James Madison, the eighteenth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 7, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. No. 18 addresses the failures of the Articles of Confederation to satisfactorily govern the United States; it is the fourth of six essays on this topic. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union."
James Madison, author of Federalist No. 18
Federalist No. 19
Federalist No. 19 is an essay by James Madison, the nineteenth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 8, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. No. 19 addresses the failures of the Articles of Confederation to satisfactorily govern the United States; it is the fifth of six essays on this topic. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union."
Federalist No. 20
88
Federalist No. 20
Federalist No. 20 is an essay by James Madison, the twentieth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 11, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. No. 20 addresses the failures of the Articles of Confederation to satisfactorily govern the United States; it is the last of six essays on this topic. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union."
Federalist No. 21
Federalist No. 21 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 12, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled, "Other Defects of the Present Confederation." In Federalist No. 21 Alexander Hamilton focuses on the three main imperfections of government under the Articles of Confederation, and how the Constitution will rectify these problems. First, Hamilton observes that the current government has no power to enforce laws, and also lacks a mutual guarantee of state rights. Under the Articles, a faction could easily take control of a state and the government wouldn't be able to do anything about it. Then, Hamilton comments on the inefficiency of the confederation's current method of collecting taxes by quotas, and denounces it a a method by which the states may be broken apart. According to Hamilton, however, these problems are easily rectifiable, and the Constitution will fix all of them if it is approved.
Federalist No. 22
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Federalist No. 22
Federalist No. 22 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-second of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 14, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This essay continues with a theme started in Federalist No. 21. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Other Defects of the Present Confederation." The power to regulate commerce is one of the strongest reasons to switch from the Articles of Confederation to a stronger "federal superintendence." The lack of a centralized federal government to regulate commerce has acted as a bar against the "formation of beneficial treaties with foreign powers" and has also lead to dissatisfaction between the states. Several states have attempted to create concert "prohibitions, restrictions, and exclusions, to influence the conduct of that kingdom in this particular" area. However, "arising from the lack of a general authority, and from clashing and dissimilar views in the states" has frustrated every experiment of the kind, and will continue to hinder the true growth that could be realized under a federal system.
Aside from the regulation of commerce, the power to raise and keep and army, under the powers of the Articles of Confederation, is merely a power of making requisitions upon the states for quotas of men. "This practice in the course of the late war, was found replete with obstructions to a vigorous, and to an economical system of defense." Publius went on to state that this lead to a competition between the states, which turned into an auction for men. Having states bid on men for defense, "is not merely unfriendly to economy and vigor, than it is to an equal distribution of the 'burthen'. Also, Publius states, that the right of equal suffrage among the states is another exceptionable part of the confederation. "The sense of the majority should prevail. However this kind of logical legerdemain will never counteract the plain suggestions of justice and common sense." He continues by stating, "for we can enumerate nine states, which contain less than a majority of the peoplel and it is constitutionally possible, that these nine may give the vote." The overall gist of Federalist No. 22, is that the current structure under the confederation is weak and unable to support the demands that are required of a global nation.
Federalist No. 23
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Federalist No. 23
Federalist No. 23 (Federalist Number 23) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-third of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 18, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. One of the more significant essays in the series, No. 23 attempts to justify the increased strength of the federal government under the proposed United States Constitution, compared to the then-active Articles of Confederation. It is titled, "The Necessity of a Government as Energetic as the One Proposed to the Preservation of the Union." Critics of the Constitution, particularly the Anti-Federalists who opposed the expansion of federal power, brought many counterarguments against Hamilton's position. Though they failed to carry the day, as the Constitution was indeed ratified, their concern about the federal government being too powerful motivated the Bill of Rights, particularly the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.
The question
In the first 22 Federalist Papers, Publius argued for the importance of the Union and that the Articles of Confederation were insufficient to preserve the Union. Federalist No. 23 begins a series of fourteen papers arguing in support of the basic thesis that an energetic federal government is necessary. Too-powerful governments were a major worry in America, which had declared independence from Britain partly because of a belief that the government in London inappropriately had dominated the local governments in the colonies. Hamilton tried to allay popular fears that the new federal government would be no less abusive than the British government had been.
Publius' argument
Hamilton identifies the principal purposes of the Union: "The common defence of the membersthe preservation of the public peace as well against internal convulsions as external attacksthe regulation of commerce with other nations and between the Statesthe superintendence of our intercourse, political and commercial, with foreign countries." For the common defense, Hamilton focuses on the ability to raise and direct armies and fleets. He invokes a central principle of proportionality of means to ends: "the means ought to be proportional to the end; the persons from whose agency the attainment of any end is expected ought to possess the means by which it is attained." Accordingly, he argues that if the federal government is tasked with the common defense, it must have complete power to raise and direct military forces. By contrast, under the Articles of Confederation the federal government had to requisition supplies and troops from the states. The new Constitution resolved this issue by allowing the Union to levy troops and build fleets. To give the federal government less than complete power, Hamilton argued, would be "improvidently to trust the great interests of the nation to hands which are disabled from managing them with vigor and success."
Federalist No. 23
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Anti-Federalist counterarguments
Thomas Jefferson, though not among the more ardent Anti-Federalists, took issue with Hamilton's demand for an energetic government in a letter to James Madison, another author of the Federalist Papers. Taking France (where he was residing) and Turkey as examples, Jefferson contended that no amount of government power would prevent insurrections, and even suggested that an occasional insurrection or disturbance would do no harm. [1]
References
Hamilton, Alexander; Madison, James; and Jay, John. The Federalist. Edited by Jacob E. Cooke. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1961. Storing, Herbert J., ed. The Complete Anti-Federalist. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.
References
[1] http:/ / press-pubs. uchicago. edu/ founders/ documents/ v1ch18s21. html
Federalist No. 24
Federalist No. 24 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-fourth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 19, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled, "The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered."
Federalist No. 25
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Federalist No. 25
Federalist No. 25 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-fifth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 21, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It continues a theme begun in Federalist No. 24. No. 25 is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered."
Federalist No. 26
Federalist No. 26 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-sixth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 22, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the first of three essays discussing the threat to the common good stemming from excessive restraint on legislative authority. It is titled, "The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered."
Precis
Publius outlines the fallacy of restricting the government's power to control the military. He reasons that restricting the size of standing armies is necessary for a people's government to function, but preventing standing armies altogether is outright foolish. He argues that the new system would require the Congress to consider the necessity of standing armies every two years. He states that the majority of laws meant to prevent standing armies are vague and ineffective.
Federalist No. 27
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Federalist No. 27
Federalist No. 27 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-seventh of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 25, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the second of three essays discussing the threat to the common good stemming from excessive restraint on legislative authority. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered."
Precis
Hamilton argues that the combined forces of many states, under the direction of one federal government, will provide a much greater show of force and be more apt to discourage rebellion. He reasons that confederacies are more prone to violence and war, and that extending the authority of the federal government to the citizen, rather than the state, is the only way to have power.
Federalist No. 28
Federalist No. 28 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-eighth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 26, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the last of three essays discussing the threat to the common good stemming from excessive restraint on legislative authority. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered."
Federalist No. 29
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Federalist No. 29
Federalist No. 29 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the twenty-ninth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 9, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled "Concerning the Militia." Unlike the rest of the Federalist Papers, which were published more or less in order, No. 29 did not appear until after Federalist No. 36.
Brief Precis
Hamilton states that a federally regulated militia will be more uniform, and will benefit from the uniformity. He argues that an excessively regulated militia can harm a nation's work force, and that a smaller, but still well-regulated militia is the answer. He says the militia, as it is directly of the people, is not a danger to liberty.
External links
http://thomas.loc.gov/home/histdox/fed_29.html
Federalist No. 30
Federalist No. 30 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirtieth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on December 28, 1787 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the first of seven essays by Hamilton on the then-controversial issue of taxation. It is titled, "Concerning the General Power of Taxation."
Brief Precis
Hamilton details that taxes are extremely important to our government. The power to collect taxes deemed necessary is crucial for the government, and few deny that. Hamilton then details the differences between internal and external taxes. He argues that the federal government needs a power of taxation equal to its necessities, both present and future. External taxes alone cannot provide enough revenue for a government as extensive as the one proposed, especially in a time of war.
Federalist No. 31
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Federalist No. 31
Federalist No. 31 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirty-first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the second of seven essays by Hamilton on the then-controversial issue of taxation. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation."
Brief Precis
Hamilton argues that a government must possess all the powers necessary for achieving its objectives. It must have the means to secure an end. One of these means is the power of taxation. Hamilton argues that the great body of representatives will seek to prevent abuse of this power and usurpation of the state governments' abilities to collect taxes.
Federalist No. 32
Federalist No. 32 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirty-second of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 2, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the third of seven essays by Hamilton on the then-controversial issue of taxation. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation." The Federalist Papers, as a foundation text of constitutional interpretation, are frequently cited by American jurists. Of all the essays, No. 32 is the fifth-most frequently cited.lupu
Notes
1. Ira C. Lupu, "The Most-Cited Federalist Papers." 15 Constitutional Commentary 403-410 (1998)
Federalist No. 33
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Federalist No. 33
Federalist No. 33 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirty-third of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 2, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the fourth of seven essays by Hamilton on the then-controversial issue of taxation. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation."
Brief Precis
Hamilton notes that the Necessary and Proper Clause and the Supremacy Clause "have been the source of much virulent invective and petulant declamation against the proposed Constitution." He argues that the first clause is implicit in the constitutionif congress is granted a power, it must necessarily be able to draft laws that enable it to execute that power. Hamilton then applies this line of logic to the issue of taxation, stating that Congress must have the power to create legislation to collect taxes.
He poses the question of why the clause should be included, if its power is implicit? He answers by saying that the clause is included "to guard against all cavilling refinements in those who might hereafter feel a disposition to curtail and evade the legitimate authorities of the Union," in other words, to guard against those who would seek to evade the authority of the Union by an overly literal interpretation of the constitution. His response to a potential abuse of these powers is that the government must be responsible for the proper exercise of its powers, but ultimately the people themselves must hold the governnment to account. "If the federal government should overpass the just bounds of its authority and make a tyrannical use of its powers, the people, whose creature it is, must appeal to the standard they have formed, and take such measures to redress the injury done to the Constitution as the exigency may suggest and prudence justify." Hamilton similarly argues that the Supremacy Clause is simply an assurance that the government's powers can be properly executed, saying that a law itself implies supremacy, and without supremacy it would amount to nothing. He returns to the example of taxation, stating that the supremacy of the constitution as the law of the land did not preclude states from independently raising their own taxes as necessary, except for duties on imports and exports. Hamilton concludes by saying that this concurrent jurisdiction in the realm of taxation was the only acceptable substitute to complete federal control, an idea he expounds upon in Federalist No. 34.
Federalist No. 34
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Federalist No. 34
Federalist No. 34 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirty-fourth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 5, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the fifth of seven essays by Hamilton on the then-controversial issue of taxation. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation."
Brief Precis
Hamilton's aim is to demonstrate that a government must have unlimited power of taxation for such circumstances as war and natural disaster. He argues that the state governments, which share taxation rights with the federal government, will serve as a balance and prevent abuse of such powers. He argues, further, that the federal government will always incur the greatest expenses, should have the greatest body to draw taxes from, and require a greater power of taxation than the states.
Federalist No. 35
Federalist No. 35 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirty-fifth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 5, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the sixth of seven essays by Hamilton on the then-controversial issue of taxation. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation."
Summary
In this essay, Hamilton argues that if the federal government's powers of taxation were confined to certain objects, it would place strain on those objects, especially in times of great need. This, he says, is dangerous to the economy as well as the government's source of revenue. In the interest of revenue itself, the government would be prevented from exceeding limits on articles, as it would destroy the market for that article. He later argues against a proposal that there should be a representative from each class of the economy. He says that the economy is far too interconnected to necessitate such a system.
Federalist No. 35 Hamilton proposes that there are two evils that would result from the certain confinement of taxation in the Union one being the oppression of particular types of industry and the other one being the unequal distribution of the taxes, among different states and among people.
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Federalist No. 36
Federalist No. 36 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the thirty-sixth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 8, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the last of seven essays by Hamilton on the then-controversial issue of taxation. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation."
Summary
Hamilton details the government's need for a body of tax collectors knowledgeable of every district, so as to establish a value to be taxed. He claims that this will be accomplished by using the same tax collectors as the state governments do. Hamilton argues for the right of poll taxes.
External links
http://thomas.loc.gov/home/histdox/fed_36.html
Federalist No. 37
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Federalist No. 37
Federalist No. 37 is an essay by James Madison, the thirty-seventh of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 11, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This paper discusses some of the political questions raised at the constitutional convention. It is titled, "Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising a Proper Form of Government." In federalist paper no. 37, Madison pointed out the difficulties that loomed over the Convention. One such problem was the question of the authority of the state versus the liberty of the people. He wrote, "Energy in government is essential to that security against external and internal danger and to that prompt and salutary execution of the law, which enter into the very definition of good government. Stability in government is essential to national character. . . On comparing, however, these valuable ingredients with the vital principles of liberty, we must perceive at once the difficulty of mingling them in their due proportions."
He pointed out other issues that faced the convention, such as the division of powers between the central government and the States, the large and small States, and between regions of the country. In closing he points out that it should be pleasing that an agreement was reached. That the framers were able to put aside various differences and agree on a common form of government.
External links
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Federalist No. 38
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Federalist No. 38
Federalist No. 38 is an essay by James Madison, the thirty-eighth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 12, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Madison continues his topic from Federalist No. 37, the political questions examined by the constitutional convention. The essay is titled, "The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of the Objections to the New Plan Exposed." The essay notably underlines the progress made against slavery in the new Constitution: "It is a matter both of wonder and regret, that those who raise so many objections against the new Constitution should never call to mind the defects of that which is to be exchanged for it. It is not necessary that the former should be perfect; it is sufficient that the latter is more imperfect...Is the importation of slaves permitted by the new Constitution for twenty years? By the old it is permitted forever."
Federalist No. 39
Federalist No. 39 is an essay by James Madison. It is the thirty-ninth of the Federalist Papers, entitled "The Conformity of the Plan to Republican Principles." Like all the Federalist Papers, it was published under the pseudonym Publius. It was published on January 18, 1788. In No. 39, Publius attempts to describe the nature of the United States government as proposed by the Constitution. Rather than a strictly national or federal constitution, Publius argues, the government will be a hybrid of both. Initially, he states that past as well as contemporary history provides no examples of a true republic, despite the history of the Roman Republic among others, and that the republicanism in itself which is being attempted by America in the proposed constitution is a totally new idea. Then he begins by redefining the term "republic," stating three principles that must be present for a true republic to exist:
1. The power to govern must be derived from the consent of the people. 2. Representatives elected from the people are the administrators of the government. 3. The terms of service of the Representatives must be limited by time, good behavior, or as long as the favor of the people is maintained (as would be the case in impeachment). The consent of the people can be given either directly, as when citizens vote directly for members of the House of Representatives, or indirectly, as when the state legislatures elect U.S. Senators. During the time of the founding,
Federalist No. 39 Senators were not directly elected by the people, though this was changed in 1913 by the 17th amendment. Publius goes on to describe several aspects of the proposed government. He uses examples such as how the various branches derive their power, the operation and extent of the government, the authority from whence constitutional amendments are made, and the ratifying of the constitution itself to show that the new government will be national in some aspects and federal in others, with a balance as the result. In the end, Publius is arguing for a democratic republic in which the principles are republican but the legitimacy is democratic.
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Federalist No. 40
Federalist No. 40 is an essay by James Madison, the fortieth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 18, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the last of four papers by Madison examining the constitutional convention that had produced the proposed United States Constitution. It is titled, "The Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed Government Examined and Sustained."
Federalist No. 41
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Federalist No. 41
Federalist No. 41 is an essay by James Madison, the forty-first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 19, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This essay begins a long consideration, lasting for the rest of the series, of the specific structure of the proposed Constitution. It is titled, "General View of the Powers Conferred by the Constitution." The essay discusses the two various major issues found in the Constitution. The most important issue examines how much power did the people want to submit unto the government, and secondly, the structure of the new government.
Federalist No. 42
Federalist No. 42 (Federalist Number 42) is an essay by James Madison, and the forty-second of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 22, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Federalist No. 42 continues a theme that was started in Federalist No. 41; it is titled, "The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered". Here, Madison contends that the grant of specific powers to the federal government actually operates to limit the power of the federal government to act with respect to the states.
The question
In Federalist No. 41, Madison had delineated six classes of power granted to the federal government: 1. Security against foreign danger; 2. Regulation of intercourse with foreign nations; 3. Maintenance of the harmony and proper intercourse among the States; 4. Miscellaneous objects of general utility; 5. Restraining the States from certain injurious acts; 6. Provisions for giving due efficacy to all of these powers. Madison returns in Federalist No. 42 to classes two and three.
Federalist No. 42
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Influence
The Federalist No. 78 (which deals with judicial powers, including the power of judicial review) recently passed No. 42 (which focuses on non-military congressional powers, including the power to regulate interstate commerce) as the paper that has found its way most often into written opinions of the justices. (Thirty-seven opinions cite No. 78; 34 opinions cite No. 42.)78.[1]
References
[1] http:/ / digitalcommons. law. uga. edu/ cgi/ viewcontent. cgi?article=1001& context=fac_pm.
Federalist No. 43
Federalist No. 43 is an essay by James Madison, the forty-third of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 23, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This paper continues a theme begun by Madison in Federalist No. 42. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered." The Paper contains the only reference to the Copyright Clause in the Federalist Papers. In the brief discussion of the Clause, Madison states that "the utility of this power will scarcely be questioned." He also notes the Framer's intent for the federal government to have exclusive jurisdiction over patent and copyright law. Despite its perfunctory discussion of the Clause, the Paper remains one of the few sources describing the rationales and motivations for the language and intent of the Clause.[1]
The essay also references a desire that the national government be given exclusive jurisdiction over a new national capitol. [2]
References
[1] Patry, William (2010). 1 Patry on Copyright (http:/ / west. thomson. com/ productdetail/ 139343/ 40449295/ productdetail. aspx). Thomson West. pp.1:18. . [2] The Federalist Papers, no. 43
Federalist No. 44
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Federalist No. 44
Federalist No. 44 is an essay by James Madison, the forty-fourth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 25, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This essay addresses the Constitution's limitation of the power of individual states, something strongly decried by the Anti-Federalists, who sought a greater degree of sovereignty for the states. It is titled, "Restrictions on the Authority of the Several States."
Overview
In this essay, Madison justifies many parts of the Constitution, specifically those sections which limit the powers of the states, give Congress full authority to execute its powers and establish the Constitution as the supreme law of the land.
James Madison, author of Federalist No. 44 His discussion begins with article 1, section 10 (which limits the powers of individual states), wherein he justifies the outlawing of state sponsored privateering as consistent with not allowing states to conduct their own foreign policy, which could lead to great mischief.
He then expounds upon why states should not be allowed to mint their own currencies or issue paper money, saying that multiple currencies would cause confusion and discrepancies, hurt citizens and fuel animosity between the states. He condemns the state issuance of paper money by citing the huge problems caused by this after the peace in 1783 (paper money issued by the states led to runaway inflation). Madison vigorously defends the outlawing of bills of attainder, ex post facto laws and laws impairing the obligations of contracts. He insists that such laws would contradict basic principles of sound legislation, and of the social compact itself by allowing a capricious congress to remove basic individual rights and security. Madison then argues at length for the Necessary and Proper Clause, noting that no part of the constitution had come under more attack. He states flatly that the clause is "invulnerable" and that without it the constitution would be a "dead letter." He says that the Constitution might have listed either enumerated those necessary and proper powers or attempted to list those that were expressly not necessary and proper, but argues that either exercise would have been futile in that no list could ever fully take into account all of the nation's present and future concerns. He responds to critics who feared that the clause would allow the government to overstep its powers that the people would have the same redress to this as to any occasion on which the legislature abused its powers: the balance of the executive and legislative branches, and the potential to remove the offending legislators via the ballot box. Madison similarly defends the supremacy clause as vital to the functioning of the nation. He noted that state legislatures were invested with all powers not specifically defined in the constitution, but also said that having the federal government subservient to various state constitutions would be an inversion of the principles of government, comparing it to having the brain subservient to limbs of the body. Finally he speaks to the importance of having both state and federal legislators and judicial officers swear an oath to the constitution, noting that the federal government is dependent upon the states to carry out policy.
Federalist No. 45
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Federalist No. 45
Federalist No. 45: "The Alleged Danger From the Powers of the Union to the State Governments Considered", is an essay by James Madison. It is the forty-fifth of the Federalist Papers, and was published on January 26, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius. Madison argues that the strength of the federal government under the proposed United States Constitution does not pose a danger to the individual states, a major concern of the Anti-Federalists.
Invigoration of original powers

Madison writes that the new Constitution does not in principle enlarge the powers of the Federal government, but merely renders that government more effective in carrying out its existing duties: If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy, it will be James Madison, author of Federalist No. 45 found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of NEW POWERS to the Union, than in the invigoration of its ORIGINAL POWERS. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them. Central to administering these powers, Madison argues, is the power to tax. Further, he states that this power has precedent in the Articles of Confederation: The change relating to taxation may be regarded as the most important; and yet the present Congress have as complete authority to REQUIRE of the States indefinite supplies of money for the common defense and general welfare, as the future Congress will have to require them of individual citizens Madison also argues that the National Government is indeed subservient to the State Governments, yet the Federalist structure serves as a method of disguising this truth. Madison argues that the National Government must rely on the states to pass amendments, and the states themselves can propose and pass amendments at their choosing.
Federal powers are few and defined

The idea that the reach of the federal government would be restricted to a few enumerated powers is articulated by Madison in Federalist No. 45:
The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite.
Alexander Hamilton relied on the same view when later arguing, in Federalist No. 84, against inclusion of a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. Hamilton was wary of articulating specific restrictions on federal power, for he felt it was clear that the default position of the federal government was an absence of power, and any specific power existed only by grant from the Constitution: [A Bill of Rights] would contain various exceptions to powers not granted; and, on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than were granted. For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do?
Federalist No. 45 Alexander Hamilton (1788), Federalist No. 84 These observations foreshadow passage of the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified three years later, which codified the doctrine of enumerated powers: The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified 1791 The principle expressed in Federalist No. 45 was later echoed by Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story: The Constitution was, from its very origin, contemplated to be the frame of a national government, of special and enumerated powers, and not of general and unlimited powers. Justice Joseph Story (1833)[1] Perhaps vindicating Hamilton's opinion that, at least in the case of the Tenth Amendment (an original component of the Bill of Rights he rallied against), articulating restrictions of federal power were unnecessary, the Supreme Court found in United States v. Sprague (1931) that The Tenth Amendment was intended to confirm the understanding of the people at the time the Constitution was adopted, that powers not granted to the United States were reserved to the states or to the people. It added nothing to the instrument as originally ratified... Justice Owen Roberts (1931)[2] Nonetheless, the promise of limited federal power eventually succumbed to the pressures of expanding federal power in the 20th century, most notably during the New Deal era and President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "court packing" scheme.[3] The turning point in Supreme Court jurisprudence on the subject is widely seen as United States v. Butler (1936). Although that decision struck down provisions within the Agricultural Adjustment Act as violating the Tenth Amendment, the court found that ...the power of Congress to authorize expenditure of public moneys for public purposes is not limited by the direct grants of legislative power found in the Constitution. Justice Owen Roberts (1936)[4] This represented the first time the Supreme court had determined whether the Taxing and Spending Clause of the Constitution represented an independent grant of power to provide for the general welfare of the United States.[4] They found it did, thus setting the stage for massive increases in federal spending, and consequent power, during the latter half of the 20th century. A literal interpretation of Federalist No. 45 would indict much of the federal government's activities at that point as unconstitutional.[3] Madison's view is all but unknown among Americans, although that could be said about many or most of the detailed positions presented in the Federalist Papers.[3]
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Notes
[1] Story, Joseph (1833). Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States: with a preliminary review of the constitutional history of the colonies and states before the adoption of the Constitution, 5th Edition (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=Ge-mHt2-OqwC& printsec=toc#PRA3-PA663,M1). Boston: Little, Brown, and Company. pp.663 909. . [2] United States v. Sprague, 282 U.S. 716 (http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ scripts/ getcase. pl?court=us& vol=282& invol=716) . [3] Pilon, Roger. "How Constitutional Corruption Has Led to Ideological Litmus Tests for Judicial Nominees" (http:/ / www. cato. org/ pubs/ pas/ pa446. pdf). Cato Policy Analysis (Cato Institute) 446: 119. . [4] United States v. Butler, 297 U.S. 1 (http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ scripts/ getcase. pl?navby=CASE& court=US& vol=297& page=1#1) .
Federalist No. 46
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Federalist No. 46
Federalist No. 46 is an essay by James Madison, the forty-sixth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on January 29, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This essay examines the relative strength of the state and federal governments under the proposed United States Constitution. It is titled, "The Influence of the State and Federal Governments Compared." Madison stresses that the federal and state governments are two totally different agencies. He articulates that they are separate yet can collaborate together, and that the power lies in the people. The natural attachment of the people will always be to the governments of their respective states, so the federal government must be, in a sense, extraordinarily congenial to the people. It is a clear and express mandate as to the meaning of the second Amendment, indicating that, at any point, the maximum force that can be brought to bear by the government to enforce its mandates is but a small fraction of the might of an armed citizenry:
Let a regular army, fully equal to the resources of the country, be formed; and let it be entirely at the devotion of the federal government; still it would not be going too far to say, that the State governments, with the people on their side, would be able to repel the danger. The highest number to which, according to the best computation, a standing army can be carried in any country, does not exceed one hundredth part of the whole number of souls; or one twenty-fifth part of the number able to bear arms. This proportion would not yield, in the United States, an army of more than twenty-five or thirty thousand men. To these would be opposed a militia amounting to near half a million of citizens with arms in their hands, officered by men chosen from among themselves, fighting for their common liberties, and united and conducted by governments possessing their affections and confidence. It may well be doubted, whether a militia thus circumstanced could ever be conquered by such a proportion of regular troops. It uses this to indicate that, by leaving arms in the hands of the citizenry, no Federal government will ever be formed able to impose its will on an unwilling and despondent people: Either the mode in which the federal government is to be constructed will render it sufficiently dependent on the people, or it will not. On the first supposition, it will be restrained by that dependence from forming schemes obnoxious to their constituents. On the other supposition, it will not possess the confidence of the people, and its schemes of usurpation will be easily defeated by the State governments, who will be supported by the people.
Federalist No. 47
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Federalist No. 47
Federalist No. 47 is the forty-seventh paper from the Federalist Papers. It was published on 30 January 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. James Madison was its actual author. This paper examines the separation of powers among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government under the proposed United States Constitution. It is titled, "The Particular Structure of the New Government and the Distribution of Power Among Its Different Parts."
Summary
Like the other Federalist Papers, No. 47 advocated the ratification of the United States Constitution. In No. 47, Madison addressed criticisms that the Constitution did not create a sufficient separation James Madison, author of Federalist No. 47 of powers among the executive, judiciary, and legislature. Madison acknowledged that the three branches intertwined but asserted that the blending did not violate the principle of separation of powers. To support his argument, Madison referred to the writings of Montesquieu. Madison attributes the widespread support of a separation of powers to Montesquieu. According to Montesquieu, tyranny results when one branch of government simultaneously holds the powers of another branch. However, Madison argues that Montesquieu "did not mean that these departments ought to have no partial agency in, or no control over, the acts of each other."[1] Madison's interpretation of Montesquieu supported a system of checks and balances quite similar to checks and balances the former thirteen colonies had created in their state constitutions. Madison tried to enlist the support of the young states by analyzing their individual constitutions. He finds that "there is not a single instance in which the several departments of power have been kept absolutely separate and distinct."[2] For example, the New Hampshire Constitution allowed its senate to serve as a judicial tribunal for impeachments. The United States Constitution similarly granted the powers of impeachment to the legislature. Madison said that if the states did not think their constitutions violated the separation of powers, the new national Constitution did not violate of the separation of powers either. Although each branch has its distinctive powers, it cannot stand alone without the check and balance system of the other two branches. Madison viewed the separation of power as essential because without it only one power would rule the country, which could easily lead to abusive ruling.
Footnotes
[1] The Federalist Papers: No. 47 (http:/ / www. yale. edu/ lawweb/ avalon/ federal/ fed47. htm). [2] Ibid (http:/ / www. yale. edu/ lawweb/ avalon/ federal/ fed47. htm).
Federalist No. 48
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Federalist No. 48
Federalist No. 48 is an essay by James Madison, the forty-eighth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This paper builds on Federalist No. 47. In that essay Madison argued for separation of powers; in this one he argues that the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government must not be totally divided. It is titled, "These Departments Should Not Be So Far Separated as to Have No Constitutional Control Over Each Other."
Summary
Federalist No. 47 argued that the branches of government can be connected, while remaining "separate and distinct". The argument of No. 48 is that, in order to practically maintain the branches as "separate and distinct", they must have "a constitutional control" over each other.
The paper begins by asserting that "power is of an encroaching nature", i.e. those with power will attempt to control everything they can. It then asks how this tendency can be stopped, in order to preserve the "separate and distinct" quality of the branches of government. It then makes the claim that merely defining the boundaries of the branches is an insufficient safeguard. It singles out the legislative branch as being particularly successful in taking over power. As an aside from the main argument, the paper notes that the danger of the legislative branch taking over has not been thought about by the "founders of our republics", i.e. the people who wrote the thirteen state constitutions. The paper offers a number of reasons why legislative over-reaching is more likely in a "representative republic", as distinct from other types of government. These reasons include the claim that the legislature is "sufficiently numerous to feel all the passions which actuate a multitude, yet not so numerous as to be incapable of pursuing the objects of its passions" and that its powers are both "more extensive, and less susceptible of precise limits". Then two examples of legislative over-reaching are given: Virginia and Pennsylvania. The Virginia example is primarily a long quote from Thomas Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia, in which he corroborates the claims of the paper. In respect of Pennsylvania, the paper summarizes the conclusions of a report by a "Council of Censors" on apparent violations of the Pennsylvania constitution; it found many. A small rebuttal is made to the claim in the report that many violations were committed by the executive branch, not only the legislative branch.
Federalist No. 49
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Federalist No. 49
Federalist No. 49 is an essay by James Madison, the forty-ninth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 2, 1788 under the pseudonym "Publius", the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This paper explains how the proposed United States Constitution will prevent any one branch of government from becoming tyrannical. It is titled, "Method of Guarding Against the Encroachments of Any One Department of Government."
Federalist No. 50
Federalist No. 50 is an essay by James Madison, the fiftieth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 5, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled, "Periodic Appeals to the People Considered."
Federalist No. 51
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Federalist No. 51
Federalist No. 51 is an essay by James Madison, the fifty-first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on Friday February 8, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. One of the most famous of the Federalist Papers, No. 51 addresses means by which appropriate checks and balances can be created in government and also advocates a separation of powers within the national government. One of its most important ideas is the pithy and often quoted phrase, "Ambition must be made to counteract ambition." The Federalist Papers, as a foundation text of constitutional interpretation, are frequently cited by American jurists. Of all the essays, No. 51 is the fourth-most cited.lupu
Purpose
The purpose of No. 51 is to "form a more correct judgment of the principles and structure of the government planned by the Constitutional Convention"madison. In the paper, this is done by informing the reader of the safeguards created by the convention to maintain the separate branches of government, and to protect the rights of the people.
Dependency and encroachment

Madison's key point here is that the members of each department should be as little dependent as possible from the members of the other departments, and to stay independent, their own department must not encroach on the others. To secure these ends, Madison suggests that "the great security against a...concentration of power in the same department"Madison is to enable each department (or the leader of the department) to fend off attempts to encroach upon each other's departments' government.
Legislature
In a republican form of government, Madison asserts, the legislative branch is the strongest, and therefore must be divided into different branches, be as little connected with each other as possible, and render them by different modes of election. He deems the legislative branch to be the strongest since it is essentially the true voice of the people.(Before the Seventeenth Amendment, the House of Representatives were chosen directly by the people, while the Senate was chosen by state legislatures.) He stresses the need for the checks and balances. Many Constitutional scholars believe the Seventeenth Amendment eliminated a critical check within the legislative branch onto itself, an effort to consolidate more power within the already powerful legislature.
Usurpations and security

The government is guarded from usurpations because it is divided into distinct and separate departments. In 1788, power over people was divided both through federalism (between the federal government and the state governments) and through branches (legislative, executive, and judicial) within the national (or federal) government. Because of the division of power, a "double security arises to the rights of the people. The governments will control each other, at the same time that each will be controlled by itself"madison.
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Factions
Madison discusses at great length at the end the issue of factions. He recognizes that factions will always be present and that the only way to counteract the effects of factions is to have numerous factions. In other words, the fact that individuals co-mingle in different social groups, ideals, and goals,- then no one particular group should be able to become so strong as to thwart the interest of all other groups. Factions were more discussed in Federalist 10
Notes
1. Ira C. Lupu, "The Most-Cited Federalist Papers." 15 Constitutional Commentary 403-410 (1998) 2. James Madison, "Federalist, No. 51." (1788)
External links
Text of Federalist No.51 [1] at Constitution Society site
References
[1] http:/ / www. constitution. org/ fed/ federa51. htm
Federalist No. 52
Federalist No. 52, an essay by James Madison[1] , is the fifty-second of the Federalist Papers. It was published in the New York Packet on February 8, 1788, with the pseudonym Publius, under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This essay is the first of two examining the structure of the United States House of Representatives under the proposed United States Constitution. It is titled "The House of Representatives." The essay is largely concerned with qualifications of representatives and the frequency of their election. The Federalists argued that annual elections would not afford representatives enough time to learn about their office. They proposed biennial elections to allow representatives to gain experience without remaining in office for too long. The essay also makes reference to the right to vote as laid down in the Constitution, stating:
The definition of the right of suffrage is very justly regarded as a fundamental article of republican government. It was incumbent on the convention, therefore, to define and establish this right in the Constitution. To have left it open for the occasional regulation of the Congress, would have been improper for the reason just mentioned. To have submitted it to the legislative discretion of the States, would have been improper for the same reason; and for the additional reason that it would have rendered too dependent on the State governments that branch of the federal government which ought to be dependent on the people alone.
Federalist No. 52
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Notes
[1] it is disputed whether this essay was written by Madison or Alexander Hamilton
Federalist No. 53
Federalist No. 53 is an essay by James Madison, the fifty-third of the Federalist Papers. It was published in the New York Packet on February 12, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This essay is the second of two examining the structure of the United States House of Representatives under the proposed United States Constitution. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The House of Representatives." Anti-federalists had argued that one-year House terms would be more "democratic" or "representative" than longer terms. Defending the two-year terms adopted in the Constitution, Madison argues that Representatives in the House will need some knowledge of national affairs (how things work in the different states), as well as some minimal knowledge of foreign affairs. Because experience in the House counts here, two-year terms are appropriate.
Madison also argued that one-year House terms would increase the amount of election fraud in the election of Representatives. His reasoning was that it takes a while for election fraud to come to light. If the elections were annual, a representative could buy an election and serve most of his term before the fraud came to light.
Federalist No. 54
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Federalist No. 54
Federalist No. 54 is an essay by James Madison, the fifty-fourth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 12, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This paper discusses the way in which the seats in the United States House of Representatives are apportioned among the states. It is titled, "The Apportionment of Members Among the States." The essay was erroneously attributed to John Jay in Alexander Hamilton's enumeration of the authors of the various Federalist Papers. The chief concern of the article is the representation of slaves in relation to taxation and representation. This federalist paper states that slaves are property.
Federalist No. 55
Federalist No. 55 is an essay by James Madison, the fifty-fifth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 13, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. In this paper, Madison examines the size of the United States House of Representatives. It is titled, "The Total Number of the House of Representatives." The paper discusses critics' objections to the relatively small size of the House of Representatives (sixty-five members). Madison notes that the size of the House will increase as population increases. In addition, he states that the small size does not put the public liberty in danger because of the checks and balances relationship the House of Representatives has with the state legislatures, as well as the fact every member is voted in by the people every two years.
Federalist No. 56
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Federalist No. 56
Federalist No. 56 is an essay by James Madison, the fifty-sixth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 16, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Continuing from Federalist No. 55, this paper discusses the size of the United States House of Representatives. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: The Total Number of the House of Representatives." In this paper, Madison addresses the criticism that the House of Representatives is too small to sufficiently understand the varied interests of all its constituents.
Federalist No. 57
Federalist No. 57 is an essay by James Madison, the fifty-seventh of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 19, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled, "The Alleged Tendency of the New Plan to Elevate the Few at the Expense of the Many." Madison advocates the election of "men who possess most wisdom to discern, and ... pursue, the common good of the society." According to the essay, the representatives will be true to their constituents for the following reasons: 1) the people chose these distinguished men to uphold their engagements, so the representatives have an obligation to stand by their words. 2) The representatives sense a mark of honor and gratitude feel at least the tiniest affection to these constituents. 3) Selfish motives of the James Madison, author of Federalist No. 57 human nature bind the representative to his constituents because the delegates hope to seek advancement from his followers rather than the government. 4) Also, frequent elections remind the representatives that they are dependent on the constituents for their loyalty and support. Therefore, the representatives are compelled to remain faithful to their constituents. 5.) The laws created by the legislators will apply to all members of society, including the legislators themselves.
Federalist No. 58
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Federalist No. 58
Federalist No. 58 is an essay by James Madison, the fifty-eighth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 20, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This paper examines the ability of the United States House of Representatives to grow with the population of the United States. It is titled, "Objection That The Number of Members Will Not Be Augmented as the Progress of Population Demands Considered."
Federalist No. 59
Federalist No. 59 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the fifty-ninth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 22, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the first of three papers discussing the power of Congress over the election of its own members. It is titled, "Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members." The paper argues that leaving the exclusive power of regulating elections in the hands of state legislatures would leave the existence of the union entirely at their mercy.
Federalist No. 60
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Federalist No. 60
Federalist No. 60 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the sixtieth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 23, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the second of three papers discussing the power of Congress over the election of its own members. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members." In this paper, Hamilton addresses the concern that leaving the regulation of elections to the Union may favor only an elite, small class of people.
Federalist No. 61
Federalist No. 61 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the sixty-first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 26, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the last of three papers discussing the power of Congress over the election of its own members. It is titled, "The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members."
Federalist No. 62
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Federalist No. 62
Federalist No. 62 is an essay by James Madison, the sixty-second of the Federalist Papers. It was published on February 27, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This is the first of two essays by Madison detailing, and seeking to justify, the organization of the United States Senate. It is titled, "The Senate." 5 key considerations are brought up in the introductory paragraph, of which only 3 & a part of the 4th are discussed in #62 (thoughts on this subject completed on #63): 1. The qualifications of senators (thirty years of age or older/citizen for 9 years). 2. The appointment of Senators by the State legislatures (later changed to direct popular vote by the 17th amendment). 3. The equality of representation in the Senate. 4. The number of senators (this essay contains only partial portion of Madison's points on this issue, the rest of his thoughts are completed in #63)
Federalist No. 63
Federalist No. 63 is an essay by James Madison, the sixty-third of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Continuing what Madison began in Federalist No. 62, it is the second of two essays detailing and justifying the organization of the United States Senate. No. 63 is titled, "The Senate Continued." This essay is the last of Madison's contributions to the series. In this paper, Madison lays out more reasons for the necessity of the Senate. He argues that the Senate, a strong and the most stable member of the government, is needed to ensure lasting relations with foreign nations. He also notes that because Senators are elected to six-year terms, they will have sufficient time to be responsible for their actions. The Senate can also serve as a check on the people since, although during most times their will is just, they too are "subject to the [periodic] infection of violent passions."
Madison also gives examples of past long-lived republics, all of which had a Senate. They, however, had senates elected for life, which, if followed, could threaten the liberty of the people. It is for this reason why the Senate proposed in the constitution has six-year terms. In this way, the Senate in the Union blends stability with the idea of liberty.
Federalist No. 64
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Federalist No. 64
Federalist No. 64 is an essay by John Jay, the sixty-fourth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 5, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. It is titled, "The Powers of the Senate." This theme was continued in Federalist No. 65, but that essay was written by Alexander Hamilton; No. 64 is the last of Jay's five contributions to the series. The paper addresses critics' oppositions towards the concurrent power of the President and the Senate to make and approve treaties.
John Jay, author of Federalist No. 64
Federalist No. 65
Federalist No. 65 (Federalist Number 65) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the sixty-fifth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 7, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Titled, "The Powers of the Senate Continued", it carries on a theme begun by John Jay in Federalist No. 64. This paper discusses the power of the Senate to try impeachment cases.
External links
{{FederalistPapers-s Fuc off
Federalist No. 66
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Federalist No. 66
Federalist No. 66 (Federalist Number 66) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the sixty-sixth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 8, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "Objections to the Power of the Senate To Set as a Court for Impeachments Further Considered". In this paper, Hamilton addresses specific objections to the power of the Senate to try impeachment cases, a discussion that is continued from the previous paper.
Federalist No. 67
Federalist No. 67 (Federalist Number 67) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the sixty-seventh of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 11, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. This essay's title is "The Executive Department", and it begins a series of eleven discussing the powers and limitations of that branch. In this paper, Hamilton draws a distinction between the constitutionally limited executive powers of the president and the far more extensive powers of a monarch as a ruler. He also chastises opponents of the Constitution who believe the President is granted excessive power by being allowed to fill vacancies in the Senate. Hamilton points out this power is limited in scope as the President's appointments expire at the end of the Senate's next session, and permanent appointments are left to the state legislatures.
Federalist No. 68
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Federalist No. 68
Federalist No. 68 (Federalist Number 68), the sixty-eighth essay of the Federalist Papers, was written by Alexander Hamilton and published on March 12, 1788 under the pseudonym Publiusthe name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Entitled "The Mode of Electing the President," it describes Hamilton's view of the process for selecting the Chief Executive of the United States of America. Hamilton sought to influence the Constitutional Convention that was drafting what would become the United States Constitution. Federalist Number 68 is the second in a series of eleven essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch.
Background
Constitutional Debates
Throughout its proceedings, the Constitutional Convention debated the method for selecting the President, trying to find a way that would be agreeable to the bodies represented at the convention. Different plans were proposed, including: The Virginia Plan: from Virginia Governor Edmund Randolph (or possibly James Madison), it called for the selection of the Executive from the National LegislatureMad1 Elbridge Gerry: proposed selection by the state executives (governors)Mad2 The New Jersey plan was similar to the Randolph/Virginia plan, but called instead for the possibility of a plural executive. Hamilton initially supported a lifetime appointment for an executive, in addition to one branch of the legislature potentially doing the same.Mad3
Federalist 68 Outlined
Hamilton's Understanding of the Electoral College
Federalist No. 68 is the continuation of Hamilton's analysis of the Presidency, in this case concerned with the mode of selecting the United States President. He argues for our modern conception of the Electoral College, though in the case of a tie, the power would be given to the House of Representatives to vote on the election of the President. In justifying the use of the Electoral College, Hamilton focuses on a few arguments dealing with why the college is used, as opposed to direct election. First, in explaining the role of the general populace in the election of the President, Hamilton argues that the "sense of the people", through the election of the electors to the college, should have a part of the process. The final say, however, lies with the electors, who Hamilton notes are "Men most capable of analyzing the qualities adapted to the station and acting under circumstances favorable to deliberation, and to a judicious combination of all the reasons and inducements which were proper to govern their choice."
Federalist No. 68 Therefore, the direct election of the President is left up to those who have been selected by the voters to become the electors. The indirect election is justified by Hamilton because while a republic is still served, the system allows for only a certain type of person to be elected President, preventing individuals who are unfit for a variety of reasons to be in the position of chief executive of the country. This is reflected in his later fears about the types of people who could potentially become President. He worries that corrupted individuals could potentially be elected president, particularly those who are either more directly associated with a foreign state, or individuals who do not have the capacity to run the country. The former is covered by Article II, Section 1, v of the United States Constitution, while the latter is covered by Hamilton in Federalist 68, noting that the person who will become President will have to be a person who contains the faculties necessary to become President, stating that, "Talents for low intrigue, and the little arts of popularity, may alone suffice to elevate a man to the first honors in a single State; but it will require other talents, and a different kind of merit, to establish him in the esteem and confidence of the whole Union, or of so considerable a portion of it as would be necessary to make him a successful candidate for the distinguished office of President of the United States" Hamilton, while discussing the safeguards, is not concerned with the possibility of an unfit individual becoming President, instead noting, It will not be too strong to say, that there will be a constant probability of seeing the station filled by characters pre-eminent for ability and virtue.
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Rules on the Electors

Hamilton references specific rules for the electors, which include: The electors meet only within their own specific states to select the President. No individuals who have "too great devotion of the President in office" No individuals who currently hold elected positions within the government may serve as electors. All of these are justified by Hamilton as devices to keep the people involved within the process, through removing different obstacles to the final goal of an uncorrupted electorate.
Selection of the Vice-President

Hamilton notes that the selection of the Vice President should follow the same form as that of the President, through selection by the Electoral College, though the Senate is to deal with the voting in the case of an electoral tie. Hamilton also answers criticism that the Senate should have been given the power to select the Vice President instead of the Electoral College. Hamilton notes that there are two major arguments against that point. First, that the Vice President's power as President of the Senate would mean that the tiebreaker of the Senate would be beholden to the Senate for its power, and therefore would be unable to make the necessary decisions as a tiebreaker without fear of removal or reprisal. Second, the possibility of the Vice President becoming President means that this individual should be elected by the people and the college, because all of the powers vested in the President must be assumed could fall into the hands of the Vice President.
Works Referenced in Federalist 68

Kesler
The most plausible of these, who appear in print references the work of the Federal Farmer (likely Richard Henry Lee). On the electoral college, the Federal Farmer accepts the concept of the electoral college, finding that The election of this officer (the vice president), as well as of the President of the United States seems to be properly secured.FedFarm
Federalist No. 68 The passage For forms of government let fools contest, That which is best administered is best, is a paraphrase of Alexander Pope's An Essay On Man, which Hamilton uses to talk about the Presidential selection process as a model for producing good administration. In Pope, That which is replaced by Whatever.
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Reactions to Federalist No. 68

The Anti-Federalist Papers
In Anti Federalist Papers 72, the anonymous Republicus argues that the issues with the electoral college deal with the ability of electors, rather than the people, to elect the President. In his eyes, it removes the ability of the people to select their leader and instead delegates that right to a smaller amount of individuals. Republicus further speculates if is it not probable, at least possible, that the president who is to be vested with all this demiomnipotence who is not chosen by the community; and who consequently, as to them, is irresponsible and independent-that he, I say, by a few artful and dependent emissaries in Congress, may not only perpetuate his own personal administration, but also make it hereditary?Anti-Fed Republicus's fears are of a hypothetical stronger executive whom he compared to Britain's George III.
References
Madison, James. Notes in the Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787. (version used is from Ohio University Press. Athens, OH. 1961.) Rossiter, Clinton ed. The Federalist Papers. Signet Classic. 2003. Storing, Herbert J ed., with Murray Dry. The Complete Anti-Federalist. University of Chicago Press. 1981.
Notes
1. 2. 3. 4. Madison. June 13, 1787. p. 115 in Ohio U. Press edition Madison. June 9, 1787. p. 93 Madison. June 18, 1787. p. 136 The following works referenced came from Charles Kesler's notes in Rossiter, Clinton ed. The Federalist Papers. Signet Classic. 2003. p. 622-623. 5. Storing (2.8.29) 6. from Anti-Federalist 72 [1]
References
[1] http:/ / www. wepin. com/ articles/ afp/ afp72. html
Federalist No. 69
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Federalist No. 69
Federalist No. 69 (Federalist Number 69) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the sixty-ninth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 14, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "The Real Character of the Executive", and is the third in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch.
Overview
This paper describes some of the legal powers of the President of the United States. To assuage fears that the head of the executive branch will hold excessive power under the Constitution, Hamilton compares and contrasts the President's powers to those of the King of Great Britain. He explains that while both share similarities, the powers held by the former are undoubtedly inferior to the latter.
External links
Federalist Number 69 [1]
References
[1] http:/ / www. constitution. org/ fed/ federa69. htm
Federalist No. 70
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Federalist No. 70
Federalist No. 70 (Federalist Number 70) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventieth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 15, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is, "The Executive Department Further Considered", and it is the fourth in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch. The essay deals with the question of a plural executive. Hamilton argues that a plural executive, having more than one president, "tends to conceal faults, and destroy responsibility", and states that a singular president would better be suited to wield the full potential of his power in a quick and efficient way, without falling into endless squabbling and dispute with other executives with the same power. He also warns that when dealing with more than one leader, "there is always difference of opinion". A strong and energetic executive branch requires unity, duration in office, adequate resources, and sufficient powers.
Federalist No. 71
Federalist No. 71 (Federalist Number 71) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 18, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is, "The Duration in Office of the Executive", and it is the fifth in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch. It was published in the New York Packet in an effort to convince the people of New York to ratify the new Constitution.
Federalist No. 72
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Federalist No. 72
Federalist No. 72 (Federalist Number 72) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-second of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 19, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is, "The Same Subject Continued, and Re-Eligibility of the Executive Considered", and it is the sixth in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch.
Federalist No. 73
Federalist No. 73 (Federalist Number 73) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-third of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 21, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is, "The Provision For The Support of the Executive, and the Veto Power", and it is the seventh in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch. This paper discusses and justifies the Executive branch's powers over the Legislature, namely, the Legislature's lack of power to increase or decrease the salary of the President during his/her term, and the Executive Veto.
External links
[1] Online text, hosted by Project Vote Smart.
Federalist No. 73
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References
[1] http:/ / www. votesmart. org/ reference/ fedlist/ fed73. htm
Federalist No. 74
Federalist No. 74 (Federalist Number 74) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-fourth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 25, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is, "The Command of the Military and Naval Forces, and the Pardoning Power of the Executive", and it is the eighth in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch. In this paper, Hamilton justifies the President's status as the commander of the militia, as well as the President's power to grant pardons.
External links
Federalist No. 74 [1]
References
[1] http:/ / thomas. loc. gov/ home/ histdox/ fed_74. html
Federalist No. 75
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Federalist No. 75
Federalist No. 75 (Federalist Number 75) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-fifth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on March 26, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is, "The Treaty Making Power of the Executive", and it is the seventh in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch. In this paper, Hamilton discusses the reasons for the concurrent power of the Senate and Executive branch to make treaties.
Federalist No. 76
Federalist No. 76 (Federalist Number 76) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-sixth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on April 1, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "The Appointing Power of the Executive", and is the tenth in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch.
Federalist No. 77
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Federalist No. 77
Federalist No. 77 (Federalist Number 77) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-seventh of the Federalist Papers. It was published on April 2, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "The Appointing Power Continued and Other Powers of the Executive Considered", and it is the last in a series of 11 essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Executive branch. In this paper, Hamilton discusses the power of the Senate to approve a president's appointments.
Further reading
Dietze, Gottfried. The Federalist: A Classic on Federalism and Free Government, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1960. Epstein, David F. The Political Theory of the Federalist, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984. Gray, Leslie, and Wynell Burroughs. "Teaching With Documents: Ratification of the Constitution," Social Education, 51 (1987): 322-324.
Kesler, Charles R. Saving the Revolution: The Federalist Papers and the American Founding, New York: 1987. Patrick, John J., and Clair W. Keller. Lessons on the Federalist Papers: Supplements to High School Courses in American History, Government and Civics, Bloomington, IN: Organization of American Historians in association with ERIC/ChESS, 1987. ED 280 764. Schechter, Stephen L. Teaching about American Federal Democracy, Philadelphia: Center for the Study of Federalism at Temple University, 1984. ED 248 161. Sunstein, Cass R. The Enlarged RepublicThen and Now, New York Review of Books, (March 26, 2009): Volume LVI, Number 5, 45. http://www.nybooks.com/articles/22453 Webster, Mary E. The Federalist Papers: In Modern Language Indexed for Today's Political Issues. Bellevue, WA.: Merril Press, 1999. White, Morton. Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution, New York: 1987. Yarbrough, Jean. "The Federalist". This Constitution: A Bicentennial Chronicle, 16 (1987): 4-9. SO 018 489 Zebra Edition. The Federalist Papers: (Or, How Government is Supposed to Work), Edited for Readability. Oakesdale, WA: Lucky Zebra Press, 2007.
External links
http://www.foundingfathers.info/federalistpapers/fed77.htm
Federalist No. 78
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Federalist No. 78
Federalist No. 78 is an essay by Alexander Hamilton, the seventy-eighth of the Federalist Papers. Like all of the Federalist Papers, it was published under the pseudonym Publius. The essay was published May 28, 1788 and first appeared in a newspaper, where most contemporary readers would have seen it, on June 14 of the same year. It was written to explicate and justify the structure of the judiciary under the proposed Constitution of the United States; it is the first of six essays by Hamilton on this issue. In particular, it addresses concerns by the Anti-Federalists over the scope and power of the federal judiciary, which would have comprised unelected, politically insulated judges that would be appointed for life. Federalist No. 78 is titled, "The Judiciary Department." The Federalist Papers, as a foundation text of constitutional interpretation, are frequently cited by American jurists. Of all the essays, No. 78 is the second-most cited, behind only Federalist No. 42.lupu
In Federalist No. 78, Hamilton says that the Judiciary branch of the proposed government would be the weakest of the three. Hamilton believed that because the judiciary had neither "FORCE nor WILL" to enforce its judgments, there was little concern that the judiciary would be able to overpower the political branches. The political branches have the institutional capacity to make and enforce the law: Congress controls the money flow and the President controls the military. Courts, on the other hand, do not have the same clout from a constitutional design standpoint. The judiciary depends on the political branches to uphold its judgments. Legal academics often argue over Hamilton's description of the judiciary as the "least dangerous" branch. Hamilton also explains how federal judges should retain life terms as long as those judges exhibit good behavior. Bickel
Controls On Judicial Conduct

The fundamental debate between Hamilton and his Anti-Federalist rival "Brutus" addressed was over the degree of independence to be granted to federal judges, and the level of accountability to be imposed upon them. In England, a judge can be removed from office "upon the address of both Houses of Parliament." Act Moreover, as the Act of Settlement 1701 was a mere law, the judicial independence it provided could be abrogated wholesale by an act of Parliament.RvB Similarly, English judges were beholden to Parliament, in the sense that their judgments can be overturned by that body. Brutus took the position that the Constitution should adopt the English system in toto (with minor modifications); Hamilton defended the present system.
Good Behavior Tenure

In England, although most agents of the Crown served "at the pleasure of the King," public officials were often granted a life tenure in their offices. Coke Lesser lords were given the authority to bestow life tenure, which created an effective multi-tiered political patronage system where everyone from paymasters to judges to parish clerks enjoyed job security. Fox Without some kind of effective control upon their conduct, this would engender intolerable injustice, as the Kings ministers would be free to 'vent their spleen' upon defenseless subjects with impunity.
Federalist No. 78 The English solution to this problem was to condition the holding of office upon good behavior, as enforced by the people through the writ of scire facias. Although it was technically a writ of the sovereign, this power concerned only the interests of his subjects; as the King exercised it only as parens patriae, he was bound by law to allow the use of it to any subject interested. Sir William Blackstone explains in his landmark treatise on the common law, Commentaries on the Laws of England: WHERE the crown hath unadvisedly granted any thing by letters patent, which ought not to be granted, or where the patentee hath done an act that amounts to a forfeiture of the grant, the remedy to repeal the patent is by writ of scire facias in chancery. This may be brought either on the part of the king, in order to resume the thing granted; or, if the grant be injurious to a subject, the king is bound of right to permit him (upon his petition) to use his royal name for repealing the patent in a scire facias. Blackstone Violations of good behavior tenure at common law included "abuse of office, nonuse of office, and refusal to exercise an office," Prakash and the "oppression and tyrannical partiality of judges, justices, and other magistrates, in the administration and under the colour of their office, [which could be prosecuted] by information in the court of king's bench."Blackstone2 As the remedy of the writ of scire facias was available in every one of the colonies, Prakash2 its efficacy as a deterrent against abuse of judicial office was assumed rather than debated.
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Legislative Review Of Judicial Decisions

The primary point of contention between Hamilton and Brutus was in the well-founded concern that judges would substitute their will for the plain text of the Constitution, as exemplified by the Supreme Court's de facto revision of the Eleventh Amendment.stevens Hamilton conceded that no federal judge had the legal authority to impose his or her will on the people in defiance of the Constitution: There is no position which depends on clearer principles, than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act, therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm, that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid. ... To avoid an arbitrary discretion in the courts, it is indispensable that they should be bound down by strict rules and precedents, which serve to define and point out their duty in every particular case that comes before them. Brutus pointed out that the Constitution did not provide an effective mechanism for controlling judicial caprice: There is no power above them, to control any of their decisions. There is no authority that can remove them, and they cannot be controlled by the laws of the legislature. In short, they are independent of the people, of the legislature, and of every power under heaven. Men placed in this situation will generally soon feel themselves independent of heaven itself. AntiFed78 Hamilton viewed this apparent flaw in constitutional design as more of a virtue than a vice: But it is not with a view to infractions of the Constitution only, that the independence of the judges may be an essential safeguard against the effects of occasional ill humors in the society. These sometimes extend no farther than to the injury of the private rights of particular classes of citizens, by unjust and partial laws. Here also the firmness of the judicial magistracy is of vast importance in mitigating the severity and confining the operation of such laws. It not only serves to moderate the immediate mischiefs of those which may have been passed, but it operates as a check upon the legislative body in passing them; who, perceiving that obstacles to the success of iniquitous intention are to be expected from the scruples of the courts, are in a manner compelled, by the very motives of the injustice they meditate, to qualify their attempts. This is a circumstance calculated to have more influence upon the character of our governments, than but few may be aware of.
Federalist No. 78 It appears that Hamilton is relying on the efficacy of the writ of scire facias, coupled with a presumption that other branches of government will not ignore unconstitutional judicial decisions, as a control upon judicial misconduct.
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Notes
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Ira C. Lupu, "The Most-Cited Federalist Papers." 15 Constitutional Commentary 403-410 (1998). Bickel, Alexander M. "The Least Dangerous Branch." Yale University Press; 2 Edition, 1986. Act of Settlement, Part III, para. 8 (G.B. 1701). See, Robertson v. Baldwin, 165 U.S. 275, 297 (1897) (Harlan, J., dissenting). See e.g., 4 Coke, Inst. of the Laws of England 117 (Baron of the Exchequer). See e.g., Harcourt v. Fox, 1 Show. 426 (K.B. 1692) (re: clerk of the peace). 3 Blackstone, Commentaries 260-61; see, United States v. American Bell Tel. Co., 28 U.S. 315, 360 (1888) (explaining the process). 8. Saikrishna Prakash and Steve D. Smith, How to Remove a Federal Judge, 116 Yale L.J. 72, 90 (2006) (quoting Coke's Institutes). 9. 4 Blackstone, Commentaries at 140-41. 10. Prakash at 102-114. 11. John Paul Stevens [Associate Justice, United States Supreme Court], Two Questions About Justice, 2003 Ill. L. Rev. 821 12. Anti-Federalist 78-79 ("Brutus").[1]
References
[1] http:/ / www. thisnation. com/ library/ antifederalist/ 78-79. html
Federalist No. 79
Federalist No. 79 (Federalist Number 79) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the seventy-ninth of the Federalist Papers. It was published in a book collection on May 28, 1788, but first appeared in a newspaper, where most readers would have seen it, on June 18 of that year. It appeared under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "The Judiciary Continued", and it is the second in a series of six essays discussing the powers and limitations of the judicial branch.
Publius' argument
In Federalist No. 78, Hamilton argued that "permanence in office," as enshrined in lifelong appointments, was the most important guarantee of the independence of the judiciary. In No. 79 he states that the other main guarantee of that independence is the provision in the proposed Constitution of the United States for the financial independence of judges. Hamilton also argues that the ability of Congress to impeach judges provides protection against their misconduct despite their relative independence.
Federalist No. 80
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Federalist No. 80
Federalist No. 80 (Federalist Number 80) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the eightieth of the Federalist Papers. It was published on June 21, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is "Powers of the Judiciary," and it is the third in a series of six essays discussing the powers and limitations of the judicial branch.
External links
it is the third state.
Federalist No. 81
Federalist No. 81 (Federalist Number 81) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the eighty-first of the Federalist Papers. It was published on June 25 and 28, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "The Judiciary Continued, and the Distribution of the Judicial Authority", and it is the fourth in a series of six essays discussing the powers and limitations of the Judicial branch. The Federalist Papers, as a foundation text of constitutional interpretation, are frequently cited by American jurists. Of all the essays, No. 81 is the third-most cited, behind only Federalist No. 42 and Federalist No. 78.lupu Federalist No. 81 addresses how the powers of the judiciary should be distributed. It deals with potential fears for the irreversible effects of judicial activism.
Notes
1. Ira C. Lupu, "The Most-Cited Federalist Papers." 15 Constitutional Commentary 403-410 (1998)
Federalist No. 82
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Federalist No. 82
Federalist No. 82 (Federalist Number 82) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the eighty-second of the Federalist Papers. It was published on July 2, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. Its title is, "The Judiciary Continued," and it is the fifth in a series of six essays discussing the powers and limitations of the judicial branch of government.
Federalist No. 83
Federalist No. 83 (Federalist Number 83) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the eighty-third of the Federalist Papers. It was published on July 5, 9, and 12, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "The Judiciary Continued in Relation to Trial by Jury", and is the last in a series of six essays discussing the powers and limitations of the judicial branch.
Federalist No. 84
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Federalist No. 84
Federalist No. 84 (Federalist Number 84), an essay entitled "Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the Constitution Considered and Answered," is one of the Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton, published under the pseudonym Publius on May 28, 1788. Federalist No. 84 is notable for presenting the idea that a Bill of Rights was not a necessary component of the proposed United States Constitution. The Constitution, as originally written, did not specifically enumerate or protect the rights of the people. It is alleged that many Americans at the time opposed the inclusion of a bill of rights: if such a bill were created, they feared, this might later be interpreted as a list of the only rights that people had. Hamilton wrote: It has been several times truly remarked, that bills of rights are in their origin, stipulations between kings and their subjects, abridgments of prerogative in favor of privilege, reservations of rights not surrendered to the prince. Such Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 84. was Magna Carta, obtained by the Barons, sword in hand, from king John...It is evident, therefore, that according to their primitive signification, they have no application to constitutions professedly founded upon the power of the people, and executed by their immediate representatives and servants. Here, in strictness, the people surrender nothing, and as they retain every thing, they have no need of particular reservations. "We the people of the United States, to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America." Here is a better recognition of popular rights than volumes of those aphorisms which make the principal figure in several of our state bills of rights, and which would sound much better in a treatise of ethics than in a constitution of government.... I go further, and affirm that bills of rights, in the sense and in the extent in which they are contended for, are not only unnecessary in the proposed constitution, but would even be dangerous. They would contain various exceptions to powers which are not granted; and on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than were granted. For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do? Why for instance, should it be said, that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed? I will not contend that such a provision would confer a regulating power; but it is evident that it would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, a plausible pretense for claiming that power.
Federalist No. 85
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Federalist No. 85
Federalist No. 85 (Federalist Number 85) is an essay by Alexander Hamilton and the eighty-fifth and last of the United States Federalist Papers. It was published on August 13 and 16, 1788 under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all the Federalist Papers were published. The title is, "Concluding Remarks."
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Federalist Papers Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=411193987 Contributors: 207.237.239.xxx, 2D, APUSHFREAK, AWhiteC, Abeg92, Abh9h, Access Denied, Adam sk, Adamahill, Aesopos, Agent Smith (The Matrix), Alan Peakall, Alansohn, AlexPlank, AmericanaPhonic, AmiDaniel, Andrewlp1991, Andrewmagliozzi, Andy85719, AnonGuy, Anonymous Dissident, Arakunem, Audacity, Averyisland, BD2412, Babybarker, Bassobob, Bbubba099, Bdesham, Beetstra, Bhadani, Bmicomp, Bobo192, Branddobbe, Bryan Derksen, BullRangifer, CFXK, CJLL Wright, CORNELIUSSEON, CaliforniaAliBaba, Canderson7, CapitalR, Cclothier, Christopher Parham, Chuck Smith, Civil Engineer III, Ckatz, Cnelson, Coemgenus, Comicvalentine, Conversion script, Courcelles, CraigCorbeels, Cremepuff222, Crohnie, Croos, Cyde, D, DB 103245, DanielCD, Delldot, Derek Ross, DougOfDoom, Dspradau, Dthomsen8, Dylanrichardson, Dzubint, El Slameron, Emma Fowler, EncMstr, Encephalon, Enviroboy, Epbr123, Esanchez7587, Esprit15d, Excirial, Farosdaughter, Farquaadhnchmn, Federalist Zebra, Fieldday-sunday, Fredrick day, Fredrik, FreplySpang, Galoubet, Gilliam, Goodnightmush, Graham87, GrahamHardy, Gravitan, Hagerman, Headbomb, Hengocucking, Hephaestos, Hermeneus, HexaChord, Histowi, Hychang, Isnow, Itsmine, J.delanoy, JEN9841, JForget, JW1805, Jaranda, JasonAQuest, JavierMC, JayJasper, Jayson14, Jeff G., Jeffbrown, Jengod, Jepace, Jhbdel, JoanneB, Joe Corley, Joey matt, John, JohnSawyer, Joriki, Joyous!, Jurkovac18864, Katalaveno, Kevin Myers, KimvdLinde, Kingturtle, Koavf, Koyaanis Qatsi, Krich, Kross, Kungfuadam, Kuru, L33th4x0rguy, Lamb99, Leon7, Leroyhurdfan, Lightdarkness, Lightmouse, Lisathegreat4, Longhair, LordGeos, Loren.wilton, Lucyhazel, Luigibob, MECU, Magnus Manske, MakeRocketGoNow, MarkSweep, Markh, Marysunshine, Matthew Yeager, MauriceJFox3, Metamagician3000, MethaneIzKandy, Michael Ward, Mohsenkazempur, Montgomery '39, Mrmuk, Muchness, Mutinus, N5iln, NawlinWiki, Nehrams2020, NeilN, Neutrality, NewEnglandYankee, No1lakersfan, North Shoreman, Northwesterner1, Nuberger13, Oatmeal batman, Orange Suede Sofa, Oxymoron83, PaulHanson, Petersa14, Philip Trueman, Pi zero, Piano non troppo, Planders, PleaseStand, Pmanderson, Poley333, Political Primary, Possum, Postdlf, PubliusH, Qxz, RK, Rakela, Rclose, Regancy42, RexNL, Rjensen, RossF18, Rougher07, Royalbroil, SEWilco, SMC, SQL, Sethjames, Shopgirl6229, Siebrand, Slanderi, Smartiger, Soliloquial, Soul-mine, Spangineer, Specs112, Spidern, Srnec, Stephenb, Stevenmitchell, Storm Rider, Str1977, Super-Magician, Superken, Tagishsimon, Tawker, Taxman, Tedickey, The Anome, The Thing That Should Not Be, The Utahraptor, The Wordsmith, Thejoker4599, Thepodcasticator, Thingg, Thucydides411, Tide rolls, TimBentley, Tony1, Topnewyorker, Tpbradbury, Trovatore, Troznov, TutterMouse, Tuttleboy, TwistOfCain, Ulflarsen, Useight, Utcursch, Valentinian, Valley2city, Vanished User 4517, VeryVerily, Voyagerfan5761, Vsion, W E Hill, WadeSimMiser, Werdan7, Whitney.snyder, WikiLeon, Wikidudeman, Wikilibrarian, Willking1979, Writergeek7, Yiming689, Zarel, Zeele, Ziphilt, Zzuuzz, 531 anonymous edits List of Federalist Papers Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=387220972 Contributors: -asx-, ABCD, BirgitteSB, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Circeus, HansHermans, Headbomb, Hmains, JW1805, Jmabel, Koavf, Meritw, Morphh, Postdlf, Rodeo90, SWAdair, SimonP, Sumahoy, Tamfang, Tedickey, Wikipedical, Zzedar, 6 anonymous edits Anti-Federalist Papers Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=400222631 Contributors: AP1787, Arthur Welle, BD2412, Barticus88, C.Lser, CapitalR, Charles Matthews, Christopher Parham, Coemgenus, Dfg4w5ggdf, Dubchubbub, EPM, Eastlaw, GregorB, JYOuyang, Jacobolus, Koavf, Levineps, Metamagician3000, Mgroop, MitchS, Natalie Erin, NewEnglandYankee, North Shoreman, RedRollerskate, Royalbroil, Sfrostee, Snigbrook, TexasAndroid, Trombipulation!, Willscrlt, 49 anonymous edits Alexander Hamilton Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=412836327 Contributors: (jarbarf), 1+1=2, 119, 15lsoucy, 2D, 3 DRAGONS, 4twenty42o, 578, 64.225.154.226, 7, 7&6=thirteen, 88wolfmaster, A.C. 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RandomStringOfCharacters, RandySavageFTW, Raven in Orbit, Razorflame, Rbbloom, Reedo202, RegentsPark, Retired username, RetiredUser2, Rettetast, RexNL, ReyBrujo, Rhino131, Rhythm, Rich Farmbrough, RickDC, RickK, Riotrocket8676, Rje, Rjensen, Rjp0i, Rjwilmsi, Rklawton, RobLa, Robby, Robloxer6, Robomaeyhem, Rocket000, Rockhopper10r, Rockrox27, RogDel, Rogerson9, Rokfaith, Ronbo76, Ronhjones, Rorschach, RossF18, Rougher07, Royalguard11, Rrius, Rror, Rtcpenguin, Rudz102, Ruhrfisch, Ryanfootball65, Ryangoldston, Ryulong, SDJ, SGGH, SMP0328., SWAdair, Salsb, Sam Korn, Samar, Sammie02890, Sardanaphalus, SarekOfVulcan, Scapler, SchfiftyThree, Scipio&hannibal, Sciurin, Scohoust, Seaalm, Sean0987, Seba5618, Seraphim, Settler, Sexylearner, Shadow007, Shanel, Sharkface217, Shoeofdeath, Shrimpledoo, Sionus, Sir Nicholas de Mimsy-Porpington, SirIsaacBrock, Sjakkalle, Skooter0070, Skyemoor, Skyezx, Slicedoranges, Slon02, Smallman12q, Smittyx93, Snailwalker, Snigbrook, Sniperz11, Snowolf, Snoyes, Soccerfc35, Sole Soul, Someguy1221, Someone else, Somno, Sonai54, Sopoforic, Sopranosmob781, Sparkhurst, Special-T, SpectreAgent, Spencer, SpiderJon, Spitfire, Spongesquid, Squids and Chips, Sshelby76, Staffwaterboy, Starchild, StaticGull, Station1, Stbalbach, Steve p, Stevewk, Stmoose, Studerby, Stw, Stwalkerster, Suffusion of Yellow, SuperMoonMan, Supertouch, Supspirit, Susvolans, Swatjester, Sycthos, Sylent, Sylvain1972, Syrthiss, T.J.V., T00h00, THEN WHO WAS PHONE?, TUF-KAT, Tangent747, Tassedethe, TastyPoutine, Tavix, Taylorswift3316, Tedickey, Teleomatic, Template namespace initialisation script, Tempodivalse, Terribleman, Thatguyflint, The Duke of Waltham, The Editor 2, The Mystery Man, The Rambling Man, The Thing That Should Not Be, The Twenty Thousand Tonne Bomb, TheGrza, TheKMan, TheRedPenOfDoom, Thebigcheese699, Thepinkparade06, Therequiembellishere, Thingg, Thismightbezach, Thom443, Thomas Gilling, ThomasK, Threeafterthree, Thue, Tide rolls, TimBentley, Timchik, Timwi, Tiptoety, Titoxd, Tjlstud1379, Tmacjunior, Tom, Tonym88, TorynHill, Tpbradbury, Train2104, Travelbird, Traveler100, Trevor MacInnis, Turian, TutterMouse, Twsx, TypoDotOrg, Ugen64, Ukexpat, Ulric1313, Ultimatum479, Umedard, Unitanode, UnitedStatesIndia, Uris, Useight, Userresuuser, UtherSRG, Vague, Valerius Tygart, Van helsing, Vaoverland, VasilievVV, Versus22, Villedre, Vishnava, Vivafilipinas, Vivio Testarossa, Vlbritten95, Vsmith, Vuong Ngan Ha, WCCasey, Waggers, Wapcaplet, Warren, Wars, WarthogDemon, Waterguy, Wayne Slam, Wayward, Welsh4ever76, Wertuose, Wetman, Whispering, White Cat, WikiAce, WikiLaurent, WikiTorch, Wikieditor06, Wikifreak25, Wikilibrarian, Wikipedical, Wilfried Derksen, Will Beback, WillC, Willking1979, Willscrlt, Wimt, Windward1, Wireless Keyboard, Wisco, Wknight94, Wolfman, Woogee, Wooyi, Writtenright, Wtmitchell, Wysprgr2005, X!, XL2D, Xelous, Xiahou, Xiner, Xymmax, Yamamoto Ichiro, Yashshahiwriter, Yazid97, YellowMonkey, Ylee, Yoho2001, Youngamerican, Youssefsan, Yousuckdick, Youzwan, Zack1413, Zap Rowsdower, Zdravko mk, Zentuk, ZooFari, Zulchaz, Zzyzx11, crasez l'infme, 2882 anonymous edits Federalist No. 1 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=408491153 Contributors: A law student, Annie06, BD2412, BadSeed, Beetstra, Black Carrot, Bobo192, BonsaiViking, Brighterorange, Cburnett, Charlemagne the Hammer, Chris the speller, Christopher Parham, DSRH, Deville, Dolda2000, Draeton, Dvavasour, Freestylefrappe, GregAsche, GregorB, Grenavitar, Joshbuddy, Koavf, LFaraone, Leopoldwilson, Lord Roem, Metamagician3000, Mgalbreath, Morning277, PaulHanson, Philip Trueman, Tokind, 23 anonymous edits Federalist No. 2 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=411112855 Contributors: BD2412, BadSeed, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Editor at Large, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Luk, Metamagician3000, Mgalbreath, PaulHanson, Riggy001, Steven J. Anderson, Tokind, 7 anonymous edits Federalist No. 3 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794874 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Bobo192, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Tmcqu33n, Tokind Federalist No. 4 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794877 Contributors: BD2412, BadSeed, Beetstra, BonsaiViking, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, GregAsche, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Libertylaw, LilHelpa, Luvmy7up, Metamagician3000, Mgalbreath, PaulHanson, Tabletop, Themusicking, Tokind, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 5 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794878 Contributors: BD2412, BadSeed, Beetstra, BonsaiViking, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, GregAsche, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Mgalbreath, PaulHanson, Themusicking, Tokind, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 6 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794880 Contributors: Antandrus, BD2412, Beetstra, BonsaiViking, Boston, Cburnett, Charles Matthews, Christopher Parham, Craig.Scott, GregAsche, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Mgalbreath, PaulHanson, Rich Farmbrough, Schmiteye, Tokind, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 7 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794883 Contributors: Aleph4, BD2412, Beetstra, BonsaiViking, Cburnett, Charles Matthews, Christopher Parham, GregAsche, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Mgalbreath, PaulHanson, Tokind Federalist No. 8 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794886 Contributors: BD2412, BonsaiViking, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, GregAsche, Hameen83, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, LilHelpa, Merovingian, Mgalbreath, PaulHanson, Philip Trueman, Scheevel, Tokind, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 9 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794885 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Blizrun, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, JW1805, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Tokind, 7 anonymous edits Federalist No. 10 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=412677573 Contributors: 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Oobermicro7, PaulHanson, Peruvianllama, PeterEastern, Pgk, Phthoggos, Piano non troppo, Pill, Playhacker, PubliusFL, Pupster21, QQQQQQ5555Q, QQQQQQQQQQQQQQ, RJII, Raul654, RexNL, RobertG, Royalbroil, Rtcpenguin, Ryan Norton, SYSS Mouse, Saulkaiserman, Snigbrook, Snowolf, SoLando, SpaceFlight89, Spangineer, Stonewhite, Superm401, Surbian White, Tawker, Techman224, Texas01, The Placebo Effect, TheDJ, Thedoggedtruth, Tim1357, Titoxd, Tony1, Too Old, Tpbradbury, TutterMouse, Tyrol5, Ulric1313, Versus22, Viajero, Wayward, Who, Willking1979, Wimt, Wknight94, Woohookitty, Wran, Zak.l, Zondor, Zzyzx11, 316 anonymous edits Federalist No. 11 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794888 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Jurmommma1, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Parthian Scribe, PaulHanson, WikiLaurent, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 12 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=409914072 Contributors: Alexander1776, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 13 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794891 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson Federalist No. 14 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=382091922 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Doniago, Dragoneye776, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Tpbradbury, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 15 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=402611777 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Lemnar, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Muchness, PaulHanson, 7 anonymous edits Federalist No. 16 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794898 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, DPeterson, Friginator, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Wrad, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 17 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794900 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Bunnyhop11, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Dreadstar, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, SarekOfVulcan, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 18 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794901 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 19 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794904 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Chris Capoccia, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson Federalist No. 20 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794905 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, JoeHarman, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 21 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794906 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Morphh, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 22 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=411691299 Contributors: BD2412, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 3 anonymous edits
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Federalist No. 23 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794910 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Blizrun, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Deathgecko, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 7 anonymous edits Federalist No. 24 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794911 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Captin Shmit, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, La Pianista, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, RMHED, Triwbe, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 25 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794917 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson Federalist No. 26 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794918 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 27 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794919 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson Federalist No. 28 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794921 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, J.delanoy, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 29 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794924 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Corax, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 30 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794927 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Cmichael, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Luvmy7up, Metamagician3000, Middlenamefrank, Mlpearc, PaulHanson, Tabletop, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 31 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794929 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Capricorn42, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 32 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794930 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson Federalist No. 33 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=365253675 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Coemgenus, Deepdesertfreman, Foofighter20x, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, LilHelpa, Metamagician3000, Nwlaw63, PaulHanson, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 34 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794935 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 35 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794937 Contributors: Auntof6, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 36 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=382583873 Contributors: Attilios, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Dab295, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 37 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=410086545 Contributors: AubreyEllenShomo, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Coemgenus, Falcon8765, Gdatrunninyeh, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Lradrama, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Philip Trueman, Soat14, TheNewPhobia, TimBentley, 15 anonymous edits Federalist No. 38 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=378076407 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Kandur112, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Mabus.Jacob, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Snigbrook, TimBentley, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 39 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=410022919 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Ground Zero, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, MakeRocketGoNow, Metamagician3000, Mike 7, MikeAlmond, PaulHanson, Plau, R'n'B, Thiseye, Uncle G, 10 anonymous edits Federalist No. 40 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794948 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, PaulHanson, TimBentley Federalist No. 41 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794950 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, LilHelpa, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 42 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=397017147 Contributors: AP1787, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 43 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=390434709 Contributors: Acemisfit, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Hartboy, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, MikeAlmond, PaulHanson Federalist No. 44 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=382148835 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Foofighter20x, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Mandarax, Metamagician3000, Michael Devore, Nwlaw63, PaulHanson, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 45 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=412745567 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Darth Panda, Ground Zero, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Melchoir, Metamagician3000, Noca2plus, PaulHanson, Symplectic Map, Thucydides411, 17 anonymous edits Federalist No. 46 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794963 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Fuhghettaboutit, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, OBloodyHell, PaulHanson, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 47 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=402604938 Contributors: 1234r00t, AubreyEllenShomo, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Dagoestolawschool, Faithlessthewonderboy, Gfoley4, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Rjwilmsi, VolatileChemical, 15 anonymous edits Federalist No. 48 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=400159737 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, JesseW, John K, Keegan, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 49 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=376701310 Contributors: A Nobody, AubreyEllenShomo, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, JoeSmack, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Mattisse, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Rifleman 82, Schmiteye, Yserarau, 4 anonymous edits Federalist No. 50 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=366884858 Contributors: BD2412, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Favonian, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 4 anonymous edits Federalist No. 51 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=412461771 Contributors: 5ptcalvinist, Alansohn, BD2412, Beetstra, BlueDevil, Bobo192, Britknee, Cburnett, Cfan01, Christopher Parham, Ckim216, Dragonmaster1784, Dylan Lake, Dylan620, Enry6473, Ground Zero, Hertz1888, Infrogmation, J Mfox, J.delanoy, Ja 62, John K, Joriki, Koavf, Kylerocksme, Laurinavicius, Leopoldwilson, MIT Trekkie, Meritw, Metamagician3000, Neutrality, North Shoreman, Odie5533, Osarius, PaulHanson, Piano non troppo, Plau, Rjwilmsi, Royalguard11, Rwatson8, SchfiftyThree, Shoreranger, SixBlueFish, South Bay, The Thing That Should Not Be, The Wordsmith, Tide rolls, Tim1357, Tpbradbury, 177 anonymous edits Federalist No. 52 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=391751607 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Chrisfjordson, Christopher Parham, Emeraude, Gaius Claudius Nero, GandalfDaGraay, J.delanoy, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 11 anonymous edits Federalist No. 53 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794982 Contributors: AlexandrDmitri, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Chris Capoccia, Christopher Parham, InnocuousPseudonym, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Pissant, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 54 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=399471488 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, JoshuaZ, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits
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Federalist No. 55 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794984 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 56 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=393558342 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Materialscientist, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 57 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794986 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, J.delanoy, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Patchouli, PaulHanson, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 58 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794987 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson Federalist No. 59 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794988 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 4 anonymous edits Federalist No. 60 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794989 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Wgarciamachmar, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 61 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794992 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 62 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=410136055 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Paco94, PaulHanson, 8 anonymous edits Federalist No. 63 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357794999 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Emeraude, John K, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Matt Yeager, Metamagician3000, Paco94, PaulHanson, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 64 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795000 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Freakofnurture, Huerndy, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 65 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=401148533 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Vary, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 66 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795009 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Floaterfluss, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 67 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795011 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leonard G., Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Noommos, PaulHanson, PrometheusX303, 8 anonymous edits Federalist No. 68 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=364307617 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Heaven's Wrath, Huon, Jlove1982, Kaisershatner, Koavf, Kungfuadam, Leopoldwilson, Marcika, Metamagician3000, Mrmuk, PaulHanson, 15 anonymous edits Federalist No. 69 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795016 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Coldfire149, Epbr123, JHP, Killiondude, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Plumpurple, TutterMouse, 13 anonymous edits Federalist No. 70 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=402853927 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Blue Danube, Brad328, Cburnett, Chaser, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, TheFarix, 6 anonymous edits Federalist No. 71 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795018 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Jackol, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Quinsareth, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 72 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=393968901 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Qwyrxian, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 73 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795022 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Finalfrogo, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 4 anonymous edits Federalist No. 74 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795023 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Frazell, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Marcika, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 75 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795026 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Good Olfactory, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Rockfinancial, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 76 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795027 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, GregorB, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 77 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=388757552 Contributors: Amberrock, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Tariqabjotu, Tedickey, 20 anonymous edits Federalist No. 78 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=411425610 Contributors: Ali, BD2412, Belasted, Bouldergeist, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Henrik, Holycow958, Interlingua, Jhbdel, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Lindsay123, Metamagician3000, Moondyne, PaulHanson, SPECVLVMSINCERVS, Sljaxon, The stuart, Titoxd, Twinkie eater91, Vrenator, 53 anonymous edits Federalist No. 79 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795034 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson Federalist No. 80 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=387722975 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, LepVektor, Master of Puppets, Metamagician3000, Neutrality, PaulHanson, 3 anonymous edits Federalist No. 81 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795037 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, CambridgeBayWeather, Cburnett, Chemica, Christopher Parham, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 4 anonymous edits Federalist No. 82 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=398344619 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Neutrality, PaulHanson, RaseaC, 2 anonymous edits Federalist No. 83 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795039 Contributors: AP1787, BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, Skapur, 1 anonymous edits Federalist No. 84 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795042 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, Christopher Parham, JW1805, Kaisershatner, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, Nwlaw63, PaulHanson, 5 anonymous edits Federalist No. 85 Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=357795043 Contributors: BD2412, Beetstra, Cburnett, ERcheck, Koavf, Leopoldwilson, Metamagician3000, PaulHanson, 7 anonymous edits
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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
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Image:Federalist.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Federalist.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Hamilton, Madison & Jay Image:Alexander Hamilton portrait by John Trumbull 1806.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Alexander_Hamilton_portrait_by_John_Trumbull_1806.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Nonenmac, Scewing Image:An Advertisement of The Federalist - Project Gutenberg eText 16960.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_Advertisement_of_The_Federalist_-_Project_Gutenberg_eText_16960.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Mutter Erde, Tagishsimon File:James Madison.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:James_Madison.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: John Vanderlyn (17751852) Image:John Jay (Gilbert Stuart portrait).jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:John_Jay_(Gilbert_Stuart_portrait).jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Angr, Ecummenic, Man vyi, Nonenmac, PxMa, Scewing, Severino666 file:Hamiltontrumbull-crop.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hamiltontrumbull-crop.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: John Trumbull File:Alexander Hamilton Signaturert.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Alexander_Hamilton_Signaturert.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Connormah File:US-OF1A.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:US-OF1A.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Ipankonin, Yaddah, 2 anonymous edits File:US-O8 insignia.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:US-O8_insignia.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: user:Ipankonin File:Young alexander hamilton.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Young_alexander_hamilton.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Erekrose at en.wikipedia File:Nevis Hamilton.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Nevis_Hamilton.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: User:Pia L File:Hamilton statue at Columbia University IMG_0958.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hamilton_statue_at_Columbia_University_IMG_0958.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: User:Billy Hathorn File:Hamilton Lawn at Columbia University IMG_0958.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hamilton_Lawn_at_Columbia_University_IMG_0958.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: User:Billy Hathorn File:Alexander Hamilton 1757 1804 hi.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Alexander_Hamilton_1757_1804_hi.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Shoreranger at en.wikipedia File:Mrs. Elizabeth Schuyler Hamilton.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mrs._Elizabeth_Schuyler_Hamilton.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Dal89, Ecummenic File:Surrender of Lord Cornwallis.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Surrender_of_Lord_Cornwallis.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Barbe-Noire, Clindberg, Davepape, DeYoung9, Ingolfson, Jappalang, Neutrality, Panoptik, PericlesofAthens, Pharos, UpstateNYer, Vprajkumar, Xiengyod, 23 anonymous edits File:Hamilton-Alexander-LOC.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hamilton-Alexander-LOC.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Jengod, Werckmeister File:DSCN2897 hamilton statue.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:DSCN2897_hamilton_statue.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: User:Decumanus File:AlexanderHamiltonUSCapStat.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AlexanderHamiltonUSCapStat.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Original uploader was RebelAt at en.wikipedia File:Hamilton-burr-duel.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hamilton-burr-duel.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: AEMoreira042281, Infrogmation, Man vyi, Mutter Erde, Niteshift, Topory, Wolfmann, 3 anonymous edits File:Alexander Hamilton Grave.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Alexander_Hamilton_Grave.JPG License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Nathan Stringer. 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The Federalist Papers

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The Federalist Papers

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Federalist Papers

Influence on the ratification debates

Structure and content

Opposition to the Bill of Rights

Modern approaches and interpretations

List of Federalist Papers

List of Federalist Papers

November 15, 1787

November 20, 1787

The Consequences of Hostilities Between the States

November 21, 1787

The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection

10 November 22, 1787

11 November 24, 1787

12 November 27, 1787

The Utility of the Union In Respect to Revenue

13 November 28, 1787

Advantage of the Union in Respect to Economy in Government

14 November 30, 1787 15 December 1, 1787

20 December 11, 1787

21 December 12, 1787

List of Federalist Papers

22 December 14, 1787

23 December 18, 1787

24 December 19, 1787

The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered

25 December 21, 1787

26 December 22, 1787

27 December 25, 1787

28 December 26, 1787

30 December 28, 1787

Concerning the General Power of Taxation

The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation

The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation

The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation

The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation

The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation

The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation

List of Federalist Papers

Periodic Appeals to the People Considered

The Same Subject Continued: The House of Representatives

54 February 12, 1788

The Apportionment of Members Among the States

55 February 13, 1788

The Total Number of the House of Representatives

56 February 16, 1788

57 February 19, 1788

58 February 20, 1788

59 February 22, 1788

60 February 23, 1788

61 February 26, 1788

62 February 27, 1788

The Senate Continued

64 March 5, 1788 65 March 7, 1788

The Powers of the Senate The Powers of the Senate Continued

67 March 11, 1788

The Executive Department

68 March 12, 1788

The Mode of Electing the President

69 March 14, 1788

The Real Character of the Executive

70 March 15, 1788

The Executive Department Further Considered

List of Federalist Papers