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God in Confucianism, 1
L religion I Ta I S G E NofERAm aLnYi sagreed that Confucianismmisa nnotma has this but rather type hu m . Nevertheless this h u is particular quality, that it is not necessarily closed in on itself to the extent of refusing t o acknowledge a spiritual dimension. In order to u n d e r s t a n d confucian attitudes to what we call God, we need, therefore, to place ourselves within the framework of chinese thought. In 1958, a group of four chinese philosophers produced a Manifesto to the world on behalf of chinese culture in a H o n g K o n g j o u r n a l . i Although written in Chinese, this d o c u m e n t was addressed to the West to r e m i n d it that in chinese culture there exists a deep current that is essentially spiritual. What in fact is the essence of this 'spiritual life' for the authors of the Manifesto? The answer is given later in the article: There is a widespread notion that chinese culture stresses the moral relationship between m a n and m a n , b u t not the religious relationship between m a n and God. Essentially this notion is correct. From this, however, m a n y argue that owing to its stress on morality, chinese culture only knows a quest for the h a r m o n i z a t i o n of actual relationships between m e n in order to m a i n t a i n the social and political order. Simultaneously they hold that there is no transcendent religious feeling in chinese culture, that c h i n e s e ethical thought consists of some rules for outward conduct without any spiritual foundation. This latter view is gravely mistaken. It probably originated from the biased notions of those westerners who came to C h i n a first or who did not primarily aim at a true u n d e r s t a n d i n g of China, or possibly had no occasion to establish intimate contact with true representatives of the spirit of chinese culture. T h u s they never discovered that the i n n e r spiritual life behind the ethical rules also contained religious feelings (part 1, section 5). The authors of the Manifesto blame the missionaries whose views on chinese culture were coloured by their desire to convert the Chinese to Christianity. Now, after some decades, the mentalRy of at least some missionaries has changed. They want to u n d e r s t a n d the religious values of different cultures without j u d g i n g them a priori from principles drawn from a totally different religious and cultural context. It is in this spirit that the

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Church, since V a t i c a n II, calls u p o n us to appreciate the religious attitudes tl~at are characteristic of other cultures. This spiritual sense of chinese culture, for practical purposes identified with Confucianism, is presented in an identical way by Lin Y u - t ' a n g in his book The Wisdom of Confucius: To p u t it briefly, Confucianism stood for a iationalized social o r d e r through the ethical approach based on personal cultivation. It a i m e d at political o r d e r by laying the basis for. it, in a moral order, and it sought political h a r m o n y by trying to achieve the moral h a r m o n y in m a n himself . . . . T h e strongest doctrine of this particular type of h u m a n i s m , which accounts for its great e n d u r i n g influence, is the doctrine that 'the m e a s u r e of m a n is m a n ' , a doctrine which makes it possible for the c o m m o n m a n to begin somewhere a s ' a follower of Confucianism by merely following the highest instincts of his own h u m a n nature a n d not by looking for perfection in a divine ideal. 2 H o w e v e r , this m o r a l a n d social o r d e r is Caught in a complex of relations which is much vaster and which encompasses the whole universe. W h e n c e the i m p o r t a n c e for C o n f u c i a n s i m of what is called li or ritual. This term is of great importance for u n d e r s t a n d i n g the relationship between the social o r d e r and the cosmic order. It is through this idea of li that Confucianism shows itself to be open to what we call the supernatural. This character can stand for ' p r o p r i e t y ' , ' r i t u a l ' a n d also simply ' g o o d m a n n e r s in social life'. In its highest philosophic sense, it means an ideal social order with everything in its place . . . . T o adhere to the philosophic meaning, Confucius was trying to restore a social order, based on love for o n e ' s kind a n d respect for authority, of which the social rites of public worship and festivities in ritual and music should be the outward symbols. O f course, the rituals of worship lead straight back to primitive religious rites and ceremonies, and it is clear that this so-called 'religion of li' was truly semi-religious in character, being related to G o d at one end in the sacrifice to H e a v e n by the e m p e r o r , and related to the c o m m o n people at the other end by the teachings of affection and discipline and respect for authority in the home life. :~ S o L i n Y u - t ' a n g in his analysis of the system reaches the same conclusions as the authors of the Manifesto. Confucianism, taken here as representative of chinese culture, contains a spiritual element expressed in the recognition of a relationship with heaven which is either the deepest expression of h u m a n nature, or the recognition of a supreme power that is called Heaven.

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An elaboration of confucian humanism. 'Jen'and 'Li'

In speaking of Confucianism it is n o r m a l to begin with Confucius. It is possible to call Confucius an agnostic as some people do in the West. Yet it remains true that he had a religious sense. T h a t does not m e a n to say that he practised a religion in the way that we would u n d e r s t a n d this in the West. M o r e o v e r , if one wished to be more precise about the religious position of Confucianism in general perhaps one should say that it is an almost perfect example of a secularized religion. It is, in effect, a type of h u m a n i s m which remains profoundly conscious of the relationship of m a n to H e a v e n . In order to u n d e r s t a n d Confucius's position with r e g a r d to H e a v e n it is good to consider the d e v e l o p m e n t that took place in C h i n a on the religious level from the end of the Shang dynasty (which was succeeded by the Chou a r o u n d the y e a r 1100 B.C) to the time of Confucius (551-479 B.C.). U n d e r the Shang the religious attitude was one of submission to supernatural powers who were consulted through divination, as they were thought to be all-knowing. Little by little that attitude changed. T h e m o r e cultivated people quickly came to the conclusion that the gods did not have an answer to all problems and very frequently they did not know more than h u m a n beings. So, little by little, the educated became conscious of what m a n could achieve and sought to organize the empire without tOO much reliance on the heavenly powers. Nevertheless, the basic idea of a h a r m o n y of Heaven, earth and m a n r e m a i n e d one of the u n d e r l y i n g principles of chinese thought. Should one say that people kept the ceremonies (li) without believing in them very much? 'Certainly not - - at least in the case of Confucius, as we shall see later. T h e li, rites, ceremonies and rituals r e m a i n e d the expression of a profound awareness, innate to the chinese soul, of the h a r m o n y that was to be established and m a i n t a i n e d between the g o v e r n m e n t of the empire, social life, morality and the being called H e a v e n . If these rites are the expression of a respectful distance between H e a v e n and man, they express even more a b o n d that is essentially religious. T h e 'rites' of Confucianism by their very character express this dual aspect: the religious bond, and the distance between the h u m a n world and the other world. In the Book of Rites 4 there is a very important t e x t : T h e people of Yin r' h o n o u r spiritual beings, serve them, and put them ahead of ceremonies . . . . T h e people of Chou h o n o u r ceremonies and highly value the conferring of favours. T h e y serve the spiritual beings but keep them at a distance. T h e y r e m a i n near to m a n and loyal to him. ~ This text is highly indicative of the prevailing attitude in cultured circles in C h i n a at the time of Confucius. Wing-tsit Chan, the historian of chinese thought, after citing the text of Li-chi, comments:

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Similarly, the belief in the L o r d u n d e r w e n t a radical transformation. In the Shang he was the supreme a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c deity who sent blessings or calamities, gave protection in battles, sanctioned undertakings, and passed on t h e a p p o i n t m e n t or dismissal of officials. Sueil belief continued in the early C h o u but was gradually replaced by the concept of H e a v e n (T'ien) as the s u p r e m e spiritual reality. This does not m e a n that ~ither H e a v e n or spiritual beings did not continue to be highly h o n o u r e d and greatly respected. But their personal power was supplanted by h u m a n virtue and h u m a n effort, and m a n , through his moral deeds Could now control his own d e s t i n y (p 4). This attitude towards the gods and spiritual powers developed slowly in official circles. It tended to give m a n an a u t o n o m y with regard to higher powers, whether the H e a v e n l y Sovereign, lesser gods or ancestors. W h a t was a s k e d was that they should not interfere with h u m a n affairs. T h e principle expressed in the Book of Rites to 'serve the spiritual beings but keep them at a distance' was to be adopted by Confucius himself a n d r e m a i n e d one of the principles of Confucianism. T h a t is why the religious ceremonies of Confucianism are so hieratic. Relations between the tWO worlds are regulated by a ritual code which maintains the necessary distance. G i v e n this perspectivel it is a grave fault to entertain excessively personal relationships with the higher powers. H e a v e n and earth should not mix. Each should keep its p r o p e r place. In this way chinese h u m a n i s m was elaborated and Confucius m a d e himself its protagonist. T h e whole doctrine of this h u m a n i s m can be s u m m e d up in t h e chinese characterjen. It is composed of two parts. T h e first represents a m a n (also pronouncedjen) a n d the second signifies ' t w o ' . T h e m e a n i n g of the character is simple. It expresses the relation of a m a n with his fellow m a n . T h u s it is the virtue of h u m a n i t y or more correctly, % e i n g a m a n for another m a n ' . T h e concept has been translated in m a n y ways: benevolence, h u m a n i t y , mercy, kindness a n d charity. N o w a d a y s Christians l i k e to translate it as 'love'. It says all these things. However, becaus e ' b e i n g a m a n for another h u m a n being' entails m y perfection as a m a n , t h e t e r m also signifies the perfection of m a n in relation to H e a v e n , since 'what H e a v e n (T'ien) imparts to m a n is called h u m a n n a t u r e ' . W e will see that the relationship to H e a v e n develops in two directions: o u t w a r d s and inwards. A c c o r d i n g to the first, m a n is inserted in a perfectly structured universe. T h e second direction which can be traced back to M e n c i u s ( M e n g - t z u : 371-289 B.C.?) emphasizes that m a n is by nature in relation to H e a v e n . These two currents continue side by side in confucian t h o u g h t . T h e first tends towards rationalism and the second is open to mysticism. Both courses must lead m a n to realize the ideal of the spiritual culture of C h i n a which is the unity of H e a v e n and man.

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The position of Confucius

A c c o r d i n g to tradition, Confucius m a d e a legitimate selection from the ancient chinese writings and c o m m e n t e d on them as the basis of his teaching. H e said himself that he had invented nothing but had only passed things on. T h e r e is no difficulty in believing this. M o r e o v e r , his aim was not to start a school of speculative philosophy but to educate his compatriots in the practice of f u n d a m e n t a l h u m a n virtues. His genius is precisely this, that he was pleasantly practical and h u m a n e in his teaching. But how did he see his relationship to higher powers and especially to H e a v e n ? T h e h u m a n i s m and rationalism of Confucius have been much discussed. Some people have t r i u m p h a n t l y p r o c l a i m e d that he had no ' r e l i g i o n ' . T h a t is not far short of calling him an atheist. But to read what he has left us gives the impression of a m a n who had precisely that religious sense spoken of b y the authors of the Manifesto m e n t i o n e d at the beginning of this article. This religious sense is shown not in ritual nor in prayers but in a very h u m a n e way of living out his relationship with Heaven. In ancient C h i n a there were two very widespread terms to describe the supreme being, or what we call God. T h e first was Shang-ti or 'the E m p e r o r above' or 'the L o r d on high'. This term always indicated a personal God. This was the m a i n deity of the S h a n g dynasty. T h e second term was T'ien or ' H e a v e n ' . This was the main deity of the C h o u who defeated the Shang a r o u n d 1100 B.C. For m a n y people, especially the intellectuals, G o d was a s u p r e m e but impersonal power. F o r others he was a personal power. Confucius understood the supreme being in this latter sense a n d m o r e o v e r he always used the term T'ien a n d never Shang-ti because it seemed to him that the latter had a much more 'religious' connotation. In a very beautiful passage, Confucius describes the different stages of his h u m a n development. But we can see here in the context of a very selfassured h u m a n i s m , a relationship with H e a v e n that he affirms ever more strongly as he advances in h u m a n experience: At fifteen I set m y m i n d u p o n the pursuit of W i s d o m . At thirty I stood firm. At forty I was free from perplexities. A t fifty I knew the biddings of Heaven. At sixty I heard them with docile ear. At seventy I could follow the desires of my heart without out-stepping the boundaries of right. 8

This text is very i m p o r t a n t because it reflects not only the attitude of Confucius but also that of a great n u m b e r of Confucianists r e g a r d i n g Heaven. T h e term translated here by 'the biddings of H e a v e n ' is the wellknow T'ien-ming which ordinarily means the ' m a n d a t e of H e a v e n ' . T h e m e a n i n g given to tl~e term depends much on the philosophical and religious perspective of the writers. Wing-tsit C h a n writes (p 23):

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In general, Gonfucianists before the T ' a n g dynasty (A.D. 618-907) u n d e r s t o o d it to m e a n either the decree of God, which determines the course of o n e ' s life, or the rise a n d fall of the moral order, whereas Sung scholars, especially C h u Hsi 9 took it to m e a n 'the operation of N a t u r e which is endowed in things and makes things be as they a r e ' . This latter interpretation has prevailed. T h e concept of T'ien-ming which can m e a n ' M a n d a t e of H e a v e n ' , 'decree of G o d ' , 'personal d e s t i n y ' , and 'course of o r d e r ' is extremely i m p o r t a n t in the history of chinese thought~ In religion, it generally means ' f a t e ' or personal order of God, but in philosophy it is practically always understood as moral destiny, natural endowment, or moral order. If we study Confucius through the eyes of c o m m e n t a t o r s of the mentality of C h u Hsi the relation of the G r e a t Sage to H e a v e n will be viewed from a rationalist and non-religious perspective. In his teaching he was in fact very discreet about matters of the other world. O n e d a y one of his disciples asked about serving the spiritual beings. Confucius said: ' I f we are not able to serve m a n , how can we serve spiritual beings?' ' I venture to ask about death ~. Confucius replied: ' I f we do not know about life, how can we know about death? 'I This text continues to resonate in the spirit of millions of Chinese. For the greater part of the moderately cultivated Chinese it justifies a clearly defined attitude to death and the spirit world. H o w e v e r , we must look at a n o t h e r aspect of the religious psychology of Confucius revealed in the Analects and quoted by Wing-tsit Chan. If he talked of keeping a distance from spirits, he nevertheless believed in their presence: W h e n "Confucius offered sacrifice to his ancestors, he felt as if ancestral spirits were actually present. H e said: ' I f I do not participate in the sacrifice, it is as if I did not sacrifice at all' (p 25). Confucius certainly respected spirits and still more H e a v e n . T o someone w h o asked him: ' W h a t is m e a n t by the c o m m o n saying " I t is better to be on good terms with the G o d of the kitchen (who cooks o u r food) than with the spirits of the shrine (ancestors) at the south-west corner of the h o u s e ? " Confucius replied: " I t is not true. H e who commits a sin against H e a v e n has no god to p r a y t o " ' (p 25). This ' H e a v e n ' was for Confucius a being whose ways he could not know. This is why he did not speak of the ' w a y of H e a v e n ' . O n e of his disciples said: ' W e can hear our M a s t e r ' s views on culture and its manifestations, but we cannot hear his views o n h u m a n nature and the way of H e a v e n ' . l l This saying reveals the attitude of the Master. H e had no wish to throw wide open the door of the way of H e a v e n any m o r e than the inner door of h u m a n nature. It seems that he deliberately kept his teaching within very

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precise limits which do not allow mystical e n t h u s i a s m or r e l i g i o u s fervour. Nevertheless he had a profound sense of a vocation from H e a v e n . This vocation or mission he felt to be very personal. So we read in the Analects: W h e n Confucius was in personal d a n g e r in K ' u a n g , he said: 'Since the death of king W e n , is not the course of culture in m y keeping? If it had been the will of H e a v e n to destroy this culture, it would not have been given to a mortal (like me). But if it is the will of H e a v e n that this culture should not perish, what can the people of K ' u a n g do to me?' (p 35) Confucius found security in the sense of a personal vocation from Heaven. T h e r e are other texts in the Analects which perhaps show more explicitly what was Confucius's attitude to Heaven. W h e n Yen Yuan, his favourite pupil, died aged thirty-two, Confucius said: 'Alas, H e a v e n is destroying me! H e a v e n is destroying m e ! ' (p 36). This recalls another text full of the idea of a personal relationship. 'Confucius said: "Alas! No one knows m e ! " T z u - k u n g said: " W h y is there no one who knows y o u ? " Confucius said: " I do not complain against Heaven. I do not blame men. I study things on the lower level b u t m y u n d e r s t a n d i n g penetrates the higher level. It is H e a v e n that knows me ~' ' (p 42). Perhaps one can treat this passage as the expression of his spirituality. C o n f u c i u s was completely attentive to things of this world, 'lower level', but his intellect from his h u m a n experience could u n d e r s t a n d the ways of H e a v e n and he was aware that H e a v e n knew him. L i n Y u - t ' a n g , c o m m e n t i n g on the texts which show Confucius's spiritual attitude, writes: Confucius had a deep religious sense and feeling of awe before the gods whom he frankly declared that he could not know. H e was, in any case, deeply concerned over the ceremonies or religious worship and he also prayed, not in words, but apparently by a silent attitude. F o r when he was seriously ill and one of his disciples asked him to pray by going to the temple, he replied that he had been p r a y i n g for a long time. I2 This silent p r a y e r of Confucius follows the logic of his thinking. ' P r a y e r ' was to be expressed by his attitude in the face of the m y s t e r y of the other world. W i t h regard to this other world, he was not what one would call an 'agnostic' but rather a m a n aware of mystery. Confucius said: ' I a m going to r e m a i n quiet!' T z u - k u n g (one of his disciples) r e m a r k e d : ' I f you r e m a i n quiet, how can we ever learn anything to teach to the others?' A n d Confucius said: 'Does H e a v e n talk? T h e four seasons go their way in succession a n d t h e different things are produced. Does H e a v e n talk?' 13

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It is clear that Confucius ' d i d not make H e a v e n talk'. H e r e we see the very opposite of what is u n d e r s t o o d as revealed religion, yet the lesson which Confucius could d r a w from events in the world a n d from the deep resources of h u m a n nature was for him the language of H e a v e n . If, instead of Considering his e v e r y d a y sayings or the practical utility of his teaching, one tries to penetrate to the heart of his experience, one comes u p o n a marvellous world. But the p r o b l e m is precisely how to penetrate his experience. W h e n someone declared that T z u - k u n g , a disciple of Confucius, was much better than his master, T z u - k u n g replied in a very imaginative way: It is like the m a t t e r ofhouse-waUs. M y house-walls come up only to the shoulder, a n d the people outside are therefore able to see m y beautiful house, whereas the wall of Confucius is twenty or thirty feet high and unless you go inside you do n o t see the b e a u t y of its halls and the g r a n d e u r of its furniture. But there are few people who Can penetrate inside that household. 14 A m o n g the disciples of Confucius, some (very few it seems) were able to get 'inside his household'. These were the ones who explained the thought of the M a s t e r a n d passed it on. T h e y also developed certain ideas which were no longer the M a s t e r ' s b u t within the general confucian framework. T h u s Confucianism began a process of reflection which was later to pervade the whole culture of China.

Early devleopments of confucian thought

A c c o r d i n g to Lin Y u - t ' a n g , Confucius's disciples were a varied group: W e have Yen H u e i , a quiet thoughtful person, the oldest of the disciples whom Confucius a d m i r e d and praised in superlative terms. O n the other h a n d we have Tzu-lu . . . who constantly questioned the M a s t e r ' s conduct. This m a n receives very rough handling in the Analects because he was d e a d and there were no disciples to defend him at the time the Analects were recorded. T h e r e were also garrulous, fluent T z u - k u n g , the very much y o u n g e r but philosophic T s e n g - t z u (who later b e c a m e p r o b a b l y the most i m p o r t a n t interpreter of Confucius), the more l i t e r a r y - m i n d e d Tzuhsia, and the practical politician J a n C h ' i u whom Confucius finally disowned from his circle of disciples. Confucius was therefore broad enough to be a teacher of all types of persons and it is said each disciple was one ' l i m b ' of the body of the Sage. T h e Analects which have been frequently m e n t i o n e d are a collection of sayings gathered by different disciples. T o u n d e r s t a n d them, they 'must be put in context whenever that is possible. T h e y are a collection of c o m m e n t s

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on different people and events. T h e y also contain the disciples' questions a n d the M a s t e r ' s answers. T h e r e is nothing systematic in them. T h e comments a n d answers are expressions of what is most profound in the personality of the Master. T h e link between the sayings is not a question of externals but rather an inner unity of thought and a well-defined attitude of which Confucius himself was conscious. His wisdom did not consist in having learned m a n y things a n d m e m o r i z e d them. 'Confucius said: " A h T z ' u , do you suppose that I merely learned a great deal a n d tried to r e m e m b e r it all? . . . . Yes, isn't that what you do? . . . . N o " , said Confucius " I have a system or central thread that runs through it a l l " ' 15 In Confucius's thought we find m a n y of these ' t h r e a d s ' which his first disciples had grasped. T h e y developed the basic intuitions in some very brief works which were nonetheless much m o r e systematic than the Analects. T h e two most i m p o r t a n t works for an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the first developments of his thought are the Chung-yung and the Ta-hsiieh. These two works together with the Analects and the Book of Mencius ( M e n g - T z u ) constitute what are called The Four Books - - the basis for confucian teaching ever since the neo-confucian philosopher C h u Hsi collected and c o m m e n t e d on them. Chung-yung, usually translated as The Doctrine of the Mean, or The Golden Mean, is translated by L i n Yfi-t'ang as Central Harmony. 16 Each of these translations expresses one aspect of the m e a n i n g , for the doctrine of Chungyung is complex and constitutes an excellent a p p r o a c h to the study of confucian thought. According to the most ancient traditions, the work was composed by T z u - s z u the grandson of Confucius. T h u s the link between the Chung-yung a n d the thought of the M a s t e r was established. As Tzu-szu was the master of Mencius we can see the importance of Chung-yung in the development of confucian thought. T h e chain is simple: Confucius (Analects), Tseng-tzu, Tzu-szu (Chung-yung) and Mencius. T h e o p e n i n g sentence of Chung-yung is very different from the sayings of the Master. H o w e v e r , it is an accurate expression of his personal experience. M o r e o v e r , it is a marvellous introduction to the thought of Mencius. ' W h a t is G o d - g i v e n ' (literally, ' H e a v e n - g i v e n ' ) 'is what we call " h u m a n n a t u r e " . T o fulfil the law of our h u m a n nature is what we call the moral law. T h e cultivation of the moral law is what we call culture'.iT T h e relationship is here expressed between h u m a n n a t u r e a n d H e a v e n , this became one of the i m p o r t a n t points of M e n c i u s ' s thought. Chung-yung clearly reaffirms and develops the relationship of morality to universal order: Confucius r e m a r k e d : ' T h e life of the moral m a n is an exemplification of the universal moral order (Chung-yung, or ' m e a n ' ) . T h e life of the vulgar person on the other h a n d is a contradiction of the universal moral o r d e r ' , ju

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Such a text shows us how the confucian moral order is not closed but ' o p e n ' . Nevertheless, Confucius was well aware of the difficulty of attaining that ideal. H e n c e he remarked: ' T o find the central clue to our moral being which unites us to the universal order, that indeed is the highest h u m a n attainment. F o r a long time people have seldom been capable of it'. l:~ Difficult though such a goal is, it is possible through an a p p r o p r i a t e education. This is the purpose of Ta-hsiieh ( ' G r e a t L e a r n i n g ' or ' H i g h e r Education'). T r a d i t i o n a l l y the work is attributed to Tseng-tzu by some people, and to Tzu-szu (the grandson of Confusius) by others. This is hardly important. This short work has had an a m a z i n g influence since C h u Hsi introduced it into the Four Books, the basis of Confucianism. W h a t Confucius had in m i n d was an education reserved for an ~lite whose ideal was the chun-tzu. Originally the word m e a n t ' p r i n c e ' but Confucius wanted to make the ' p r i n c e s ' men of absolute moral perfection. T h e education envisaged by the book Great Learning was m e a n t to contribute to this ideal. T h e o p e n i n g sentences set the tone for the book: W h a t the G r e a t L e a r n i n g teaches is: clearly to exemplify illustrious virtue, to love the people, and to rest in the highest good. T h e point where one should rest being known, the object of pursuit is then determined; that being determined, a calm u n p e r t u r b e d n e s s may be attained to. After that calmness will follow a tranquil repose; there will be careful deliberation; and that deliberation will be followed by achievement. Things have their roots and their branches. Affairs have their end and their beginning. T o know what comes first and what comes last is to be near to the way (Tao). ~ Like the rest of the book this is excellent psychology. O n e of the great confucian thinkers of the S u n g period said of this work: This Ta-hsiieh is a book in the surviving tradition of the confucian school and constitutes the gateway through which the beginners enter into the path of virtue. T h e fact that we can see now the order and sequence in which the ancients proceeded in their education, depends entirely on the existence of this essay with the Analects and the Book of Mencius coming next. All students should begin their studies with this essay. T h e n it m a y be hoped that they will not go far wrong. ~I In the two essays, Chung-yung and Ta-hsiieh, we witness the first developments of the thought of the Master. W e will pursue its later history in a subsequent article.

Yves Raguin S.J.

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DIVINE

CALL

AND

HUMAN

RESPONSE

NOTES

1 Manifesto to the world on behalf of chinese culture, chang-Chfin-mai, T ' a n g Chiin-i, Mou Tsungsan and Hsfi Fu-kuan. Chinese text in Democratic Review (Hong Kong, J a n u a r y 1958). Trans. by Robert P. Kramers in Quarterly Notes on Christiani~and Religion, Series II, no 2 (Hong Kong, May 1958). Also translated by Carson Chang (Chang-Chiin-mai) in his The development ofneo-confucian thought, vol 1 (New York, 1962), pp 462-64. 2 The wisdom of Confucius, ed. and trans, by Lin Yutang (Lin Yfi-t'ang) (New York, 1938), p 6. :~ Lin Yfit'ang, op. cir., .p 13. 4 The Li-chi or Li-ki, one of the classics. 5 Yin: another name for the final period of the Shang dynasty, c. 1765-1122 l~.c. 6 Li-chi. Book of Rites. Record of examples, part 2. Trans. Legge. Li-ki, vol 1, p 342. Quoted in A source book in chinese philosophy, trans. Wing-tsit Chan (Princeton, 1963), p 3. 7 Wing-tsit Chan, op. cir., p 98. BAnalects, 11,4. Trans. J a m e s Legge in The chinese classics, vol 1, p 146. Chu Hsi (1130-1200). t0 Analects, XI,11. Wing-tsit Chan. op. cir., p 36. It Analects, V,12. Wing-tsit Chan. op. cir., p 28. 12 Lin Yfi-t'ang, op. cir., p 93. l:~ Lin Y/i-t'ang, op. cir., p 173. 14 Lin Yfi-t'ang, op. cit., p 166. J5 Lin Yfi-t'ang, op. cir., p 163. 16 Lin Yfi-t'ang, op. cir., p 101. J7 Trans. Ku Hung-ruing. Quoted by Lin Yii-t'ang, op. cir., p 104. J8 Trans. Ku Hung-ming. Quoted by Lin Y/i-t'ang, op. cir., p 105. The 'universal moral order' is another translation fbr chung-yung. J~ Translated Ku Hung-ming. Quoted by Lin Yfi-t'ang, op. cit., p 105. 20 Ta-hsaeh, ch. 1 and 2. Trans. Derk Bodde, in A hbtory of Chinese philosophy by Fung Yu-lan, vol 1, p 362. z] C h ' e n g (or C h ' e n g I-ch'uan), quoted by Lin Yfi-t'ang, op. tit., p 135. Note.--To avoid confusion, I have unified the romanization of chinese terms and names.