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Ilen Elias Dr. Bruce Farcau INR 4030 Diplomacy 23 November 2011 The United States and Cuban Relations Cuba has always had a strained relationship with the United States. Those on the island look at their family members who have made it over in awe, while they are stuck in a repressed country that is out of date on everything from technology to medicine. The United States represents more than just liberty to most Cubans; it is a way out from the iron grip that Castro and his politics hold on the people of Cuba. The United States being a democracy and Cuba remaining under Communism strains the relationship between the two because neither country can see eye to eye; and it does so rightfully. Castro wants to keep the outdated regime he established 50 years ago running, even if he is not officially in office anymore. The United States has a hopeful vision of what Cuba can become with a change of government. United States relations with Cuba have always been, and always will, remain strained unless there is a change in government in Cuba; an act that is highly unlikely to occur. Many think that the relationship between Cuba and the United States became strained when Fidel Castro entered the picture. However, it started much earlier when Fulgencio Batista was in control. Batista seized power from President Carlos Prio Soccaras with the support of the army on March 10, 1952 (Staten, pg 72). Many Cubans were not opposed to this because they were done coping with the gang violence and corruption that taking place while President

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Soccaras was in power. They believed in Batista when he promised to hold elections in 1953 (Staten, pg 72). Before the fall of Batista by Castro and the Revolution, one can see how easy it was for Cubans to follow Castros footsteps. They had hopes that he was a different type of ruler because they were through dealing with the corruption and lies that they were hearing of constantly, and the censoring, jailing and exiling of opposition. Thomas G. Paterson says it best when he explains that, Batista was an uncooperative client who resisted pressures for reform and then sabotaged the 1958 elections that the State Department hoped would ease him out of power (Carothers). Before Batista left Cuba and Castro gained control, U.S. ambassador Earl Smith visited Batista on December 11, 1958. There, Batista was informed that the United States would no longer support his regime. He was advised to seek exile in Spain, which he did so on December 31st 1958. He left with one hundred and eighty of his closest associates, and amassed a fortune of about $300 million (American Experience). He died on August 6, 1973 in Marbella, Spain; two days before a team of assassins from Castro's Cuba could carry out a plan to kill him (American Experience). During Batistas reign over Cuba, Fidel Castro was moving up in life and was getting closer to taking power. Babn and Triay give us a better perspective of the time line leading up to the victory of the revolution that occurred on January 1, 1959. They give us detailed descriptions which include how during the summer of 1957, Castros rebel force had grown to two hundred men and women. They commanded many parts of the Sierra Maestra, while trying to stay alive in the mountains of Oriente (pg.21). In the earlier part of 1958, Castro began to act as the de facto ruler over the parts of the Sierra Maestra that he occupied. Locals grew sympathetic to the rebels cause, or at least they would pretend to, for fear of being executed (pg

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21). Around this same time, opposition groups in Cuba launched a campaign to pressure the U.S. government to stop arms shipments to Batista (pg 21). April 9th, 1958 was the day Castro declared total war on Batista and called for a national strike. During the summer of 1958, Castro made his official contacts with Cubas Communist Party. In July, he made a pact with Venezuela and all leading opposition groups, except the Communists (pg30). Batistas forces were weakened by low morale, and reluctance to fight Castro went on the offensive in August 1958; he encircled Santiago de Cuba while Che Guevara and Camilo Cienfuegos deployed to Las Villas and cut communication between the two ends of the island (pg 30, 39). Castro did not want the election to occur, so in November, he called for the assassination of all the candidates and warned that anyone who tried to vote would be gunned down. The candidate from Batistas party won the rigged election, and with public outcry came more support for the revolution (pg 39). The end was near for Batista, and it came during December 1958. With the loss of support from the U.S. and most of the Cuban public, he tried to make one last stand at Santa Clara, the capital of Las Villas, which was overrun by Cienfuegos and Guevara (pg.39). Batista knew Santa Clara was about to fall in the rebels hands, so he ordered some of his top commanders to the New Years Eve celebration in Havana. There, he announced his resignation and left the country with some of his friends (pg.56). January 1st, 1959 signaled the day in which Guevara took over Santa Clara and proceeded to Havana, In the meantime, Castro marched into Santiago de Cuba and continued on his way for a week to Havana (pg. 56). After taking power, Castro ignored his promises in the Caracas pact and began to abolish political parties, concentrate all power in the cabinet and postponed promised elections (pg 57).

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When Castro first came into power, everyone in the U.S. and those in Cuba thought there would be a brighter future but, unfortunately, the tides quickly changed. Pious et al. noted that Castro seemed to be a heroic figure to many Americans. In April, Castro visited the U.S. as a guest of the American Society of Newspaper Editors and aroused genuine interest. How did everything change so quickly? Pious et al. gives us a glimpse of the actions Castro made that made others suspicious and weary: Castro executed hundreds of Batista supporters, waffled on setting a date for free elections, seized American property without compensation, and suppressed freedom of expression and political opposition (pg 88). Pious et al. continues to say that Cuba became increasingly dependent on Soviet military and economic assistance. Pious et al. also suggests that Cuba started relations with the Soviet Union in October, 1959, when the Soviet Union began making contacts with Castro, following the explosion of a French freighter in Havana harbor in which Castro requested Soviet military aid (pg 89). This is the peak of where relations between the U.S. and Cuba make a turn for the worst. Pious et al. uses these examples to illustrate his point: Castro demanded that United States oil companies begin processing Soviet crude oil. After their refusal, Castro seized the American oil refineries (pg 89). During which time, the Eisenhower administration responded by suspending all Cuban sugar imports into the United States while Khrushchev offered to purchase all of the 700,000 tons of the 1960 United States sugar quota (pg 89). In return for Cuban sugar, the Soviet Union offered credits to Castro to purchase materials, machinery, equipment, and weapons while Castro nationalized all United States sugar mills, ranches, refineries, and utilities (pg 89). Pious et al. continues to paint a vivid picture on how concerned the Eisenhower administration was with the growing Soviet influence, the Communist leanings of Castro, and the fears of Castro supporting military actions against other Latin American countries (pg 90).

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The CIA presented a program of covert action against the Castro regime, also known as Operation Pluto, to President Eisenhower on March 17, 1960; it consisted of coordinated political and military elements. Politically, the United States would organize anti-Castro refugee factions into a unified Cuban government in exile (90). Pious et al. gives all the details leading up to the Bay of Pigs. Elections came and went, and President Kennedy was finally in office. This was when he was caught up with the plan to take down Castro. On April 17, the 1,400 men of the Cuban brigade began landing at the Bay of Pigs (pg 99). At dawn, Castro's air force attacked, sinking the ships carrying ammunition reserves and most of the communications equipment (pg 99). On April 18, Kennedy authorized a second air attack to protect the brigade and help to evacuate them from the beach (pg 99). By April 19, three days after the operation began, the invaders began surrendering (pg 99). Of the 1,400 men involved, 114 were killed and nearly 1,200 surrendered. I completely agree with Pious et al. when he says that The Bay of Pigs had ended in a total and humiliating failure (pg 99). Unfortunately for President Kennedy, the Bay of Pigs was not his only failure with Cuba. Stern writes that in November, JFK authorized the creation of Operation Mongoose to undermine the Cuban regime and economy with covert operations and sabotageincluding blowing up port and oil storage facilities, burning crops (especially sugarcane), and even assassinating Castro (pg 17). In 1962, the Kennedy administration implemented a full economic embargo against Cuba and pressured Latin American nations to break relations with Castro and expel his government from the Organization of American States (pg 17). In addition, an Operation Mongoose timetable was in place to provoke a popular revolt in Cuba as a justification for American military intervention. Cuban and Soviet agents, however,

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had infiltrated anti-Castro exile groups and were aware of these covert efforts (pg 17). Contingency plans for a blockade, air strikes, and/or an invasion were in place well before the discovery of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cubaalthough it is uncertain whether JFK would have implemented these plans without Khrushchevs October gamble (pg 17). Khrushchev was deeply concerned about U.S. covert operations in Cuba. He feared that Castros overthrow would threaten his own hold on power, and feared that failure to protect the Cuban revolution would push Castro into closer ties with China (pg 18, 19). The Soviet Union leader decided to have missiles in Cuba to give the U.S. a taste of its own medicine. Stern continues to tell us how JFK, under constant political scrutiny and unsure about the actual situation on the island, declared on September, 13th a press conference that the U.S. would not accept an offensive Soviet base in Cuba (pg 20). The first Soviet medium-range ballistic missiles were delivered covertly to Cuba days later (pg 20). On October, 4th, ninety-nine nuclear warheads also arrived secretly (pg 20). Many days, many speeches, and many private meetings would lead up to October, 14th, when the missiles were found by a U2 flight. Ultimately, Kennedy continued pressure on the Soviet Union until they removed the missiles. On October, 28th, a U2 was shot down and that heightened an already tense situation. After agreements, the Soviet Union removed their missiles from Cuba and the U.S. in April of that next year, and removed missiles they had in Turkey. With all the tension between the U.S. and Cuba during these times of crisis, it is easy to understand why so many Cubans wanted to leave Cuba and come to the U.S. One of the most notable migrations from Cuba to the U.S. would be the Golden Exiles. According to Hernandez, the Golden Exiles were the first wave and consisted mostly of pre-Castro elite, its educated middle class. They arrived between the beginning of the revolution and the mid-1960s (pg 53).

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Almost 260,000 people left Cuba during the Golden Exile (pg 55). The motivation for many of these exiles was not the traditional desire to rebuild lives in the U.S., but rather a desire to overthrow Castro (pg 56). In September of 1965, Castro declared that he would open the port of Camairoca. This is when the next wave of passengers, known as the Freedom Flight, left (pg 57). The Freedom flights ran between 1965 and 1973 (pg 57). These were small-business owners, factory workers and farmers who left Cuba by plane or on any form of sea craft their family in Miami could rent to get them out of Cuba (pg 57). Approximately, 250,000 Cubans flew to America during this time, and the Cuban born population had grown to more than half a million in the U.S. (pg 57). I should mention that before these main exiles occurred, Operation Peter Pan took place. Afterwards, Castro took power schools that were indoctrinating children with the communist dogma and philosophy (pg 58). During the late 1960 until 1962, about 14,000 Cuban children left Cuba with the help of the Catholic Archdiocese of Miami (pg 58). After the Missile Crisis ended, flights were reopened in 1965 and parents were once again reunited with their kids. The third notable wave discussed by Hernandez was the Marielitos. El Mariel Boatlift, as it is mostly known, happened due to the thanks of 12 brave Cubans who went into the Peruvian embassy in Cuba seeking asylum. After word got out, nearly 11,000 Cubans were in the embassy (pg 60). Castro, embarrassed by so many people wanting to leave, closed down the area around the embassy preventing anyone from leaving. He then he decided to open El Mariel port, as he did with Camarioca (pg 61). During El Mariel, about 125,000 Cubans left during the five month period that the port was opened (pg 60). Hernandez considers the next major wave to be the Rafters. This began with the Rafter crisis, where 41 out of the 72 exiles on board drowned because of high-pressure water hoses

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from Cuban government vessels (pg 64). In the end, a total of 30,000 refugees made it to Miami from this exodus (pg 66). Even today, many Cubans are still coming into the U.S. by different means, but still trying to leave the iron grip Castro has on Cuba.

The United States has tried, and is still trying, to keep open relationships with Cuba no matter how difficult they may be. Recently, during the beginning of this year, President Obama has changed former President Bushs travel restrictions and embargos on Cuba. President Obamas changes have been made to regulations and policies governing: (1) purposeful travel; (2) non-family remittances; and (3) U.S. airports supporting licensed charter flights to and from Cuba (Reaching Out to the Cuban People). President Obama hopes that these measures will increase people-to-people contact; support civil society in Cuba; enhance the free flow of information to, from, and among the Cuban people; and help promote their independence from Cuban authorities (Reaching Out to the Cuban People). Just as Obama has changed Bushs policy, Raul Castro has changed some of the policies Fidel Castro created in Cuba. Raul is trying to restructure the Cuban government and the economic system, as well as being willing to engage in dialogue with the United States. Some of his changes include giving individuals land for farming, and the demotion of two cabinet officials in February of 2009 (Hanson). Obamas changes to Bushs policy helps families, like mine, see more of each other. It also helps with aiding families in Cuba by sending money and supplies that they so desperately need. I feel that with Obamas and Rauls changes, we are moving one step forward in the right direction even if, Most experts agree, however, that Raul Castro will not introduce significant economic reforms in the near term. He has indicated a willingness to consider criticism of the

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Cuban system, however, and some believe he may eventually introduce economic reforms that move Cuba toward a Chinese model, in which economic freedoms are introduced while the state retains a grip on political power (Hanson).

I strongly believe that after the death of Fidel, Raul will be even more open in communicating and trying to change Cubas government with the help of the US; if he does not turn out to become worse than Fidel Castro, which would amount to becoming an even bigger nightmare for the Cuban people. One can only hope that Raul moves Cuba toward a Chinese model and establishes an open relationship with Cuba, as we have with China.

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Works Cited "American Experience | Fidel Castro | People & Events | PBS." PBS: Public Broadcasting Service. 21 Dec. 2004. Web. 08 Nov. 2011. <http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/castro/peopleevents/p_batista.html>. Babun, Teo A., and Victor Andres. Triay. The Cuban Revolution Years of Promise. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida, 2005. Print. 08 Nov. 2011 Carothers, Thomas. "Backing the Wrong Tyrant - New York Times." The New York Times Breaking News, World News & Multimedia. 12 June 1994. Web. 08 Nov. 2011. <http://www.nytimes.com/1994/06/12/books/backing-the-wrong-tyrant.html?pagewanted=2>. Hanson, Stephanie. "U.S. - Cuba Relations." Council on Foreign Relations. 11 Jan. 2010. Web. 8 Nov. 2011. <http://www.cfr.org/cuba/us-cuba-relations/p11113>. ern ndez, Roger . Cuban Immigration. Philadelphia: Mason Crest, 2004. Print. 22 Nov. 2011 Pious, Richard M. et al. Presidents And Foreign Policy : Countdown To Ten Controversial Decisions. State University of New York Press, 1997. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 22 Nov. 2011. "Reaching Out to the Cuban People." The White House. Office of the Press Secretary, 14 Jan. 2011. Web. 08 Nov. 2011. <http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/14/reachingout-cuban-people>. Staten, Clifford L. The History of Cuba. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2003. Print. 18 Nov. 2011 Stern, Sheldon M. The Week The World Stood Still : Inside The Secret Cuban Missile Crisis. Stanford University Press, 2005. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 22 Nov. 2011.