T H E TRANSFIGURATION: A N EXERCISE IN MARKAN ACCOMMODATION CANDIDA R.

MOSS
Yale University

Introduction O n e of the primary aims of historical criticism has been to identify the intellectual and religious context of New Testament texts and pericopes, and for most of the twentieth century this has been a question of identifying either a 'Palestinian Jewish' or 'Hellenistic Jewish' context. The traditional view propagated by the history of religions school drew sharp lines between the Aramaic-speaking exclusivistic Judaism of Palestine and the Greek-speaking Hellenistic Judaism of the Diaspora. More recent scholars, most notably Martin Hengel, have rejected these stereotypes and argued that the dichotomy between Hellenism and Palestine/Syria is an unfounded assumption. 1 Subsequently, the line between Judaism' and 'Hellenism' has become increasingly blurred. As archaeological excavations in Palestine have demonstrated, Greek thought permeated all aspects of Jewish material culture. 2 The consensus amongst m o d e r n scholars maintains that the intellectual background to the New Testament has its own distinctive, pluralistic original context, not to mention the later, different pluralistic contexts in which it came to be read. Despite the great advances made by Hengel in recognizing the intellectual variety and conflation of the period a n u m b e r of obvious expansions of this idea have yet to be made. For some rea-

1 Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism Studies in Their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period (Philadelphia Fortress Press, 1974) 2 V Tsafens, 'Cults and Deities Worshipped at Caesarea Phillipi-Bamas', in E Ulrich et al (eds ), Priests, Prophets and Scribes Essays on the Formation and Heritage of Second Temple Judaism (FestchnftJ Blenkmsopp, Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press, 1992), p p 190-201 This problem is complicated by the fact that even in Palestine, the pristine bastion of ' p u r e ' J u d a i s m , it is impossible to speak of Judaism in the singular, but rather, of the varieties of 'Judaisms' present during the first century Cf Daniel Boyarn ' T h e Gospel of the Memra Jewish Binitananism and the Prologue to J o h n ' , HTR 94 (2001), p p 243-84

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son many scholars, including Hengel himself, persist in arguing from the assumption that New Testament authors, such as Mark, were unaware of the diversity of their intellectual climate. The varied texture of the Markan audience is evident to more than just the modern scholar. It was common practice for teachers in antiquity to consider the circumstances of their listeners and couch their arguments in terms appropriate to their audience. If sensitivity to gender, vocation, nationality, disposition, social status and beliefs was so vital for pedagogical success, it stands to reason that the Markan author was not only conscious of the demographics of his audience but tailored his narrative accordingly. The transfiguration is a perfect example of a story that resonates within both Jewish and Greek thought, although in subtly different ways. If Hellenistic influence upon first century Judaism was widespread and the author of Mark was aware of members of his audience familiar with these traditions it is likely that he utilized elements of Greek religious thought to appeal to them. The author alludes to a variety of religious traditions to make his narrative accessible for the broadest audience and transforms their established literary conventions and religious motifs into a vehicle for his own argument. The Integrity of the Account The apparent disparity between the portrait ofJesus at the transfiguration and his presentation throughout the rest of the gospel has prompted a wealth of scholarly studies devoted to recasting the account in a more manageable literary mold. Explanations for the particular character of the narrative cover a variety of bases; scholars categorize it as an enthronement story, 3 theophany, 4 epiphany, 5 story originating in the world of magic, 6 proleptic vision

U.B. Mller, 'Die Christologische Abschnitt des Markusevangeliums u n d die Verklrungsgeschich te', ZNW 64 (1973), p . 190. Mller argues that the account was originally an e n t h r o n e m e n t tradition that was shaped in light of the suffering Son of Man being proclaimed as the Son of God. Cf. also H.Reisenfeld, Jsus transfigure l'arrire du rcit vanglique de la Transfiguration de notre-Seigneur (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1947), pp. 281-88. 4 H.P. Mller, 'Die Verklrung Jesu: Ein motivgeschichtliche Studie', ZNW 51 (1960), pp. 61-62. 5 F.R. McCurley, Jr, 'And After Six Days (Mark 9: 2): A Semitic Literary Dev i c e ' , ^ 93 (1974), p p . 67-81.

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of the exaltation of Jesus 7 and misplaced resurrection account. 8 The framework of this paper does not permit an in-depth examination of each of these hypotheses; however, the misplaced resurrection hypothesis must be addressed briefly as it challenges the integrity of the text in its present context. A n u m b e r of distinguished scholars have argued that the Markan transfiguration was originally a resurrection or ascension account. 9 This argument rests upon the similarities between the narrative and portraits of resurrected or exalted individuals in Jewish and Christian literature (Matt. 13: 43; 2 Cor. 3: 7-18; Rev. 7: 13-14). 10 It is particularly significant that Moses and Elijah are present at the scene as Jewish thought contemporary with Mark speculated that neither died but were taken u p into heaven and immortalized. 11 The misplaced resurrection hypothesis suffers from a number of serious flaws. As demonstrated by C.H. Dodd, the transfiguration account in Mark contrasts with the form of the resurrection accounts in 'almost every particular'. 12 For, whilst the latter commence with the disciples abandoned and orphaned, at the transfiguration Jesus is present throughout. In the transfiguration Jesus is uncharacteristically mute and a divine voice from heaven instructs the chosen three, whilst at the resurrection Jesus' final words play a central role and there is no voice from the heavens. The presence of Moses and Elijah at the transfiguration contrasts

6 Morton Smith, 'The Origin and History of the Transfiguration Story', USQR 36 (1980), p . 42. 7 H.C. Kee, 'The Transfiguration in Mark: Epiphany or Apocalyptic Vision?' i n j . R e u m a n n (ed.), Understanding the Sacred Text: Essays m Honor of Morton S. Enshn on the Hebrew Bible and Christian Beginnings (Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1972), p p . 135-52. 8 See, particularly, K.G. Goetz, Petrus als Grunder und Oberhaupt der Kirche und Schauer von Gesichten nach den altchnsthchen Berichten und Legenden: eine exegetischgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1927), p p . 76-89. 9 For a detailed discussion of scholars subscribing to the misplaced resurrection hypothesis see G.H. Boobyer, St Mark and the Transfiguration Story (Edinburgh: T. 8c T. Clark, 1942). 10 Unless otherwise stated, biblical citations are taken from either the 26 th edn. Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece or the NRSV. Citations from classical sources are from the Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press). 11 For example, on the disappearance of Moses, see Josephus, Ant. 4.326. 12 C.H. Dodd, 'The Appearances of the Risen Christ: An Essay in Form-Criticism of the Gospels', in D. Nineham (ed.), Studies in the Gospeh: Essays in Memory ofFLH. Lightfoot (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1955) , pp. 9-35.

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with the solitary figure in the resurrection accounts. In addition to this the resurrection accounts mention the visible glory of Jesus' transfiguration. Not least of the difficulties with this hypothesis is that it is ultimately unprovable; those supporting this view are forced to construct elaborate explanations to account for the present context of the pericope. 1 3 In short, it is a hypothesis that creates more problems than it solves. Jewish Motifs The briefest glance at the Markan transfiguration scene reveals a narrative liberally seasoned with Jewish motifs. 14 The references to the passage of 'six days' (cf. Exod. 24:16), the geographical setting on a mountain top (cf. Exod. 24:12), the transformation of the main character (cf. Exod. 34:29, 30, 35), the tents (cf. Exod. 25:9), the cloud and voice (cf. Exod. 24:16) and of course the presence of Moses and Elijah themselves have led many to argue that the transfiguration account is purely a reformulation of Exodus 24 and 1 Kings 19. This approach is encapsulated in Chilton's statement t h a t ' [I] t is beyond reasonable doubt that the transfiguration is fundamentally a visionary representation of the Sinai motif of Ex [od.] 24'. 1 5 That the transfiguration account deliberately relates the identity and person of Jesus to that of Moses and Elijah is undoubtedly true. It goes almost without saying that Mark describes the event in terms and using motifs that resonate forcefully for those familiar with stories from the Hebrew Bible. 16 And certainly, in

13 See Morton Smith O r i g i n and History', who states that 'besides these decisive objections ... there is another, less probative, b u t m o r e important: the resurrection stories have to be accounted for. If it is difficult to believe that a man's disciples saw him transfigured while he was alive, it is yet more difficult to believe that they saw him so after he had been arrested, "crucified, dead and buried"', p. 41. 14 T h e use of the terms 'Jewish motifs' a n d 'Greek motifs' in this paper do not presume that the Jewish traditions referred to are uninfluenced by Hellenism. As we have already argued, the influence of Hellenism u p o n Jewish traditions across the Mediterranean makes it difficult to conceive of a form of 'unhellenistic' Judaism. T h e use of the terms here is for simplicity's sake and to avoid the awkwardness of referring to 'Jewish Hellenism' and 'non-Jewish Hellenism'. 15 Bruce D. Chilton, 'The Transfiguration: Dominical Assurance and Apostolic Vision', NTS 27 (1980), p . 122. 16 It should be noted, however, that some of these motifs, namely the

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this respect, the narrative accords with the rest of the gospel since, in a n u m b e r of stories, Jesus' actions mimic those of Elijah and Moses. 1 7 T h e presence of these illustrious figures at the transfigu ration scene together with the shining garments of the exalted Christ provide a glimpse of the future resurrection and glorifica tion of Christ, a reading confirmed by Jesus' stern instructions n o t to tell anyone what they had seen until the Son of Man had risen from the dead. There is an indisputable link between the Markan transfigura tion and Jewish traditions; however, the question remains, is this the only intellectual background with which the Markan author is working? There seems to be a measure of ambiguity in the way the Markan author handles these Jewish traditions. In Jewish lit erature contemporary with Mark h u m a n transformation implies an irrevocable process in which the individual ceases to be hu m a n . 1 8 This point is succinctly p u t by Zeller; m o n t a n t vers Dieu, le visionnaire doit a b a n d o n e r tout ce qui est humain et tre revtu de gloire divine.' 19 In marked contrast to this model Jesus' illumination has no lasting effects on him and he descends from the mountain in the same form as he ascended it. 20 Moreover, there is a significant difference in the subject of the illumination; in Mark it is Jesus' garments which radiate whilst in Exodus Moses' face is affected by the glory of the divine. 21
m o u n t a i n t o p setting a n d symbolic representation of a deity using a cloud, are not exclusively Jewish. In Greek religious t h o u g h t the mountain setting is equally important in connection with Mount Olympus and the association of clouds with Zeus well established. 17 For example, cf. the call of the disciples with that of Elisha (lKgs 19:19-21 cf. Mark 1:16-20) a n d the multiplication of loaves with the m a n n a in the wilderness (Exod. 16:1-36 cf. Mark 6:30-44). 18 See, e.g., 1 Enoch 104.2. This is n o t to say that there were n o reversible transformations of visionaries when they ascend to heaven, e.g., Isaiah in the Ascension of Isaiah. See Martha Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Chrstian Apocalypses (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993) chapter 3 especially. 19 Dieter Zeller, 'La Metamorphose de Jsus', in Alain M a r c h a d o u r (ed.), L'Evangile Explor. Mlanges offerts Simon Legasse l'occasion de ses soixante-dix ans. (Paris: Les ditions d u Cerf, 1996), p . 172: ' U p o n ascending to God, the visionary must a b a n d o n everything that is h u m a n and be a d o r n e d in divine glory', my translation. 20 It might be argued that the astonished response of the crowd in Mark 9:15 is d u e to some change in his appearance (cf. the radiance of Moses' face in the Exodus account). However, it might equally be part of the crescendo of popular support Jesus receives in the Gospel. 21 Often scholars gloss over this detail as if it were unimportant. H.C. Kee, for example, writes that 'In Moses' case, it was his face that shone a n d it contin-

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These minor differences may initially seem inconsequential and we should be cautious in our handling of them. It would be foolish to suppose that Mark would seek to replicate a text from the Hebrew Bible without making any changes. However, they do indicate that the author wove a measure of ambiguity into his account in order to distance it from the Exodus narrative. For Mark, the event focuses upon the revelation of Jesus' identity as 'Son'. This is a significant deviation from the Hebrew Bible accounts where the actions of the individual are the focus of the narrative. Zeller accurately highlights the importance of this ambiguity, writing, 'Cette drivation et la trajectoire qu'elle opre permettent sans doute de comprendre l'ambivalence inhrente la transfiguration de Jsus du point de vue de l'histoire religions'. 22 In light of these differences we should consider the possibility that the Markan author incorporates motifs from outside the Hebrew Bible and deuterocanonical literature into his account, and it is to these literary traditions that we will now turn. Hellenistic Motifs For some the mere suggestion that Mark was influenced by Hellenistic culture and literature might seem strangely inappropriate. The vocabulary of the gospel is painfully simplistic and hardly suggests an author widely read in Hellenistic literature. However, whilst the vocabulary might be limited, the sentence structure is relatively sophisticated. For those wishing to portray the Markan evangelist as an ill-educated simpleton this poses a problem; the evangelist certainly speaks in simple terms, but he does so with panache. Irrespective of our view of the author there remains an inexplicable gulf between the gospel's vocabulary and its style. This

u e d to shine after he left the mountain, while the brilliance of Jesus' appearance was only a passing p h e n o m e n o n ' ('The Transfiguration in Mark', p. 143). Disregarding, for a moment, that it is Jesus' clothing not his face that is illuminated, Kee's comparison runs against the Christology of the rest of the work and his own argument. For, assuming that 'brighter is better' (a natural assumption to make given the passage), Moses' Transfiguration would seem to be of a better sort than Jesus' as it lasts longer! 22 Dieter Zeller, 'La Metamorphose de Jsus', p. 186: 'This derivation and the trajectory which it makes permits, without doubt, understanding of the ambivalence i n h e r e n t in the Transfiguration of Jesus from the perspective of the history of religions', my translation.

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can only be intentional; it would be foolish to suppose that whilst the author paid close attention to his grammar he somehow failed to learn his vocabulary! We can safely assume that the simplistic vocabulary is part of the rhetoric of the text and the author's attempts to win over his audience. The technique of 'accommodation' or 'adapting speech to the audience' is evidenced in Hellenistic literature contemporary with the Gospel according to Mark. For example, in his Progymnasmata, Theon addresses the importance of selecting language appropriate to both the speaker and his audience. 2 3 He writes that gender, age, occasion, status, vocation, disposition and nationality are important factors in determining the appropriate language for constructed characters. 2 4 T h e o n is dealing with character portrayal, but his instructions demonstrate how a teacher should adapt his vocabulary to accommodate his pupils. The principle of adapting speech to suit addressees was well-established elsewhere in Hellenistic thought; Aristotle's Rhetonc recognizes the differences between characters of varying ages and emphasizes the importance of recognizing these for oratorical purposes. 2 5 The same practice of accommodation and adaptability can be seen in Christian writings as early as Paul. Clarence E. Glad uses this practice to reconcile seeming inconsistencies and instances of hypocrisy on the part of the apostle. 26 In the early church the technique is of particular interest to Augustine, in his De Catechizendis Rudibus, where he exhibits great sensitivity to the cultural background of his audience. He insists that the style of a discourse should vary according to the make-up of the audience. 2 7 The technique of 'accommodation' is relevant to the gospel of Mark for a n u m b e r of reasons. First, Mark is developing characters for which simple rural and agricultural terms are highly appropriate. Following Theon's model, more sophisticated 'Hellenistic'
23 J.R. Butts, 'The Progymnasmata of Theon: A New Text with Translation and Commentary' (Diss., Claremont Graduate School, 1986), 8.1-2. 24 Butts, 8.9-15, 75-76. 25 Aristotle, Rhet. 1390a. 26 Clarence E. Glad, Paul and Philodemus: Adaptability in Epicurean and Early Christian Psychagogy (New York: Brill, 1995). 27 Augustine, Catech. 2 and 15 (PL 40: 311A and 322 C). According to Augustine, the factors that should be considered include whether the audience is educated or illiterate, urban or rural, their nationality and their disposition. He goes so far as to say that members of the audience influence each other by their mere presence (15).

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vocabulary would be a literary faux pas. Second, it is a logical development to go from being aware of the language appropriate to a character to being sensitive to language appropriate to one's audience. This move is particularly appropriate to Mark who continually strives to help the reader understand his message. 28 Sensitivity to his audience's linguistic competence(s) would play a part in this. Composing his gospel using simple vocabulary enabled his message to reach the largest possible audience, including many illiterates who could listen to the gospel being read aloud, but could not read it themselves. Furthermore, if we assume that Mark was writing for an audience whose circumstances varied widely this must have caused considerable difficulties and perhaps the evangelist avoided using terms which were technical or associated with polytheistic religions in order to avoid confusion and conflict. From this starting point we can identify different levels of meaning in the text: the straightforward allusion to Hebrew Bible traditions through the incorporation of Septuagintal language and motifs and the more subtle narrative allusion to Hellenistic traditions for those familiar with Greek religious thought. In this respect we might say that the author presents his ideas on two wavelengths, one for those more familiar with Jewish traditions and another for those more familiar with Greek religious thought. The same kind of duality is found elsewhere in the New Testament. R. T. France's study of the Matthean formula quotations identifies two levels of meaning to the quotations: a straightforward 'surface meaning' and a 'bonus meaning for the initiated and the alert'. 29 As France insightfully notes, such a distinction is realistic precisely because it is so prevalent. We only have to look to contemporary children's literature to see examples of texts primarily composed for children alluding to adult themes and concepts. 30 With these models of adaptation and multi-layered meaning in mind, we will turn to the texts themselves. A variety of Greek myths recount how the gods often walked amongst humans in disguise and it is certainly possible that, for those readers of the gospel well-versed in these traditions, Greek epiphanies formed a natural backdrop for the Markan transfiguSee, e.g., Mark 5:41; 7:1-5; 13:14; 15:34. R.T. France, 'The Formula Quotations of Matthew 2 and the Problem of Communication', NTS 27 (1981), p. 244. 30 See, for example, J.K. Rowling, Harry Potter and the Philosophers' Stone (London: Bloomsbury, 1997).
29 28

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ration than the story about Moses. Oft-times this earthly socializing was intended to test the morality and piety of humanity, as in Apollodorus' Library he recalls how,
Zeus desirous of putting their impiety to the proof, came to them in the likeness of a poor man ... [and, following their h u m a n sacrifice] in disgust upset the table at the place which is still called Trapezus and blasted Lycaon and his sons by thunderbolts. 3 1

Even Nyctimus, the youngest son of Lycaon, who was quick enough to appease the angered Zeus, did not escape punishment, for 'when Nyctimus succeeded to the kingdom, there occurred the flood in the age of Deucalion; some said that it was occasioned by the impiety of Lycaon's sons'. 32 The popularity of the notion that deities disguised themselves as the impoverished of society in order to try the virtue of humans is further attested in The Odyssey where Odysseus, disguised as a beggar, is struck by Antinoos. A more prudent suitor reprimands Antinoos' impetuosity, saying:
A poor show, thathitting this famished tramp bad business, if he h a p p e n e d to be a god. You know they go in foreign guise, the gods do, Looking like strangers, turning u p In towns and setdements to keep an eye O n manners, good or bad. 3 3

Not all deities conceal themselves for such moral purposes. The Odyssey records numerous occasions when Athena appears in different disguises to assist her favorite:
And Athena drew near him in the form of a young man, a herdsman of sheep, one most delicate, as are the sons of princes. In a double fold about h e r shoulders she wore a well-wrought cloak, and beneath her shining feet she had sandals, and in her h a n d a spear. 34

O n this occasion the goddess metamorphoses from man to woman in front of a bemused Odysseus, the only similarity between her two forms being their youth and beauty:
And the goddess, flashing-eyed Athena, smiled, and stroked him with h e r hand, and changed herself to the form of a woman, comely and tall and skilled in glorious handiwork. 3 5 Apollodorus, The Library, III.VIII.l, a m e n d e d translation. Apollodorus, The Library, III.VIII.1-2. Homer, The Odyssey. XVII.485-87; trans, from Robert Fitzgerald, Homer: The Odyssey (Anchor Books; Garden City: Doubleday, 1961; Anchor Books edn 1963, p. 327). 34 Homer, The Odyssey, XIII.221-25. 35 Homer, The Odyssey, XIII.287-90.
32 33 31

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These frequent transformations make it easy to empathize with the exasperated Odysseus' protestations that he can never know if he is in the presence of the divine: 'It is hard, goddess, for a mortal man to know you when he meets you, however wise he is, for you take whatever shape you want'. 36 A particularly striking example of deities disguising themselves for a time and wandering amongst men in h u m a n form is that of Demeter. Following the loss of her daughter Persephone the distraught goddess transforms herself into the form of a spinster and wanders the earth in disguise:
She avoided the gathering of the gods on high Olympus, and went to the towns and rich fields of men, disfiguring her form a long while. And n o one of m e n or deep-bosomed women knew h e r when they saw her, until she came to the house of wise Celsus who then was lord of fragrant Eleusis ... And she was like an ancient woman who is cut off from childbearing and the gifts of garland-loving Aphrodite. 3 7

The metamorphosis of Demeter from illustrious deity to lowly spinster goes undetected by humans who do not recognize her because 'the gods [in h u m a n form] are not easily discerned by mortals'. 38 Demeter's true identity is only revealed because she is angered by the misplaced accusations of a mortal woman. The goddess's transformation is described as a dazzling enlightenment similar to that of Jesus in Mark. The radiant light emanating from the goddess is described in vivid detail:
When she said so the goddess changed her stature and her looks, thrusting old age away from her: beauty spread r o u n d about her and a lovely fragrance wafted from her sweet-smelling robes, a n d from the divine body of the goddess a light shone afar, while golden tresses spread down over her shoulders, so that the strong house was filled with brightness as with lightening. 3 9

It is noteworthy that in this account the robes of the goddess are transformed as her whole body radiates. The same observation can be made of Aphrodite whose garments form the focal point of the illumination:
Homer, The Odyssey, XIII.312-14, a m e n d e d translation. Homeric Hymn II (To Demeter) 92-97, 101-102. 38 Homeric Hymn II (To Demeter) 111-12, although there is more than a touch of irony in the reassurances of the daughters to Doso that she will be welcomed because she is 'godlike', 159. cf. also H o m e r ' s statement that 'the gods are hard to look u p o n when they a p p e a r in manifest p r e s e n c e ' The Iliad, XX. 130-31, e m e n d e d translation. 39 Homerc Hymn II (To Demeter) 275-80.
37 36

AN EXERCISE IN MARKAN ACCOMMODATION Now when Anchises saw her, h e marked h e r well a n d wondered at h e r mien a n d shining garments, for she was clad in a robe out-shining the brightness of fire, 40 a splendid robe of gold.

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T h r o u g h o u t Greek myths of divine epiphanies the most fre quently recurring motif is the illumination of the divine subject. The extraordinary brilliance of the divine body is almost unbear able to the h u m a n eye, T h e body of the god shines with such an intense brilliance that n o h u m a n eye can bear it. Its splendor is blinding'. 4 1 This is certainly analogous to the 'dazzling white' gar ments of Jesus that shine brighter than 'any fuller on earth could bleach t h e m ' in Mark 9:3. In the Markan transfiguration the identity of Jesus is revealed to the select few; Peter, James and J o h n . T h r o u g h o u t the gospel these three enjoy a special relationship with Jesus receiving instruc tion and information denied to the rest of the twelve. Some ar gue that their presence a n d role are analogous to the role of Aaron and H u r in Exodus 24. This comparison flounders when we consider that these individuals do n o t actually witness the 'transfiguration' of Moses. Moreover, in Greek myths there is an explicit link between the revelation of divine identity and the spe cial status of the recipient. In Sophocles' Ajax the main character laments his fall from divine favor saying that h e is ' n o longer worthy () to look u p o n the race of gods'. 4 2 In the same way, Callimachus' Hymn to Apollo states that the god appears only to those of good character:
Not u n t o everyone doth Apollo appear (faeinetai), but u n t o him that is good. Whoso hath seen Apollo, h e is great; whoso hath not seen him, h e is of low estate. We shall see thee, O Archer, and we shall never be lowly ... Let n o t the youths keep silent lyre or noiseless step, when Apollo visits his shrine For Apollo hath power ( ) , f o r h e s i t t e t h o n t h e r i g h t h a n d of

Zeus ( ) 4 3

This passage is particularly interesting with respect to Mark. The deity appears to a select few described as 'good', the relationship

Homeric Hymn V (To Aphrodite) 84-87. Jean-Pierre Verant, Mortals and Immortals: Collected Essays (ed. Froma I. Zeitlin; Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), p p . 44-45. 42 Sophocles, Ajax, 397-99. 43 Callimachus Hymn II (To Apollo) 7-16.
41

40

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between the deity and the individual redefines the position of the individual and those of good character are exalted. In particular the mention of Apollo's 'power' and place at 'the right h a n d of Zeus' resonate with the Markan description of the Son of Man, coming with much power and seated at the right h a n d of the fa ther (14:62). The fearful response of the disciples to the transfiguration of Jesus is often compared to that of Aaron and the Israelites in Exod. 34:30. However, the same instinct can be observed in Greek myths when the revelation of divine identity terrifies the recipient to the point of death. For example, when the disguised Demeter encoun ters a group of young m e n cutting down sacred trees in h e r shrine she warns them against provoking the wrath of the gods. When they do n o t desist she reveals herself to t h e m and they flee in panic:
And Demeter was angered beyond telling a n d p u t on h e r goddess shape. H e r steps touched the earth, but h e r h e a d reached u n t o Olympus. And they, half-dead when they beheld the lady goddess, rushed suddenly away. 44

This extreme response to divine glory is consistent with the vivid descriptions of the bodies of the deities shining with ethereal light. 4 5 As Vernant articulately describes it:
T h e paradox of the divine body consists in the fact that in o r d e r to appear to mortals, it must cease to be itself; it must clothe itself in a mist, disguise itself as a mortal, take the form of a bird, a star, a rainbow. Or, if the god chooses to be seen in all majesty, only the tiniest bit ... can be allowed to filter through a n d even this is e n o u g h to strike the spectator with thambos stupefaction, to plunge h i m into a state of reverential fear. 4 6

Accordingly the relationship between divine epiphany and fear is a close one; it is doubtful that a mortal can behold a deity with out experiencing extreme terror. 4 7 This offers an explanation for the unusual use of the intensive term (terrified) in Mark 9:6 for the disciples; they react exactly as is expected with uncon trollable fear in the presence of the divine.

Callimachus Hymn VI (To Demeter) 57-60. It might be argued that the youths respond in this m a n n e r because they have committed a crime, n o t because of the divine epiphany. However, the fact that prior to the epiphany the youths h a d brushed off the warnings of a disguised Demeter indicated that the young m e n ' s fear was p r o m p t e d by the transforma tion, n o t their own actions. 46 J e a n Pierre Vernant, Mortals and Immortals, 45. 47 Even Hercules, the mightiest of mortals is unable to look u p o n Zeus di45

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In addition to fear, a n o t h e r c o m m o n e l e m e n t in mortal re sponse to divine epiphany is the impulse to worship. Often the recipient of the divine visitation offers to institute an altar or place of worship dedicated to the deity. An example of this is found in the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite where the mortal onlooker offers to set u p an altar to the goddess: will make you an altar u p o n a high peak, in a far seen place, a n d will sacrifice rich offerings to 48 you at all seasons'. This tradition offers an interesting back ground for Peter's surprising offer to make tabernacles for Jesus, Moses a n d Elijah. From these examples it seems that far from being unexpected, the disciples' dual response of fear and wor ship fit perfectly the standard response of mortals in epiphany sto ries. 4 9 Despite the ease with which the gods were able to conceal their true identities whilst in h u m a n form there were still a n u m b e r of telltale signs by which the observant individual could a p p r e h e n d the truth about the identity of the figure in front of them. Often these identity markers concern movement a n d stature. For ex ample when Poseidon poses as the seer Calchas his true identity is easily discerned:
Aias seeing it is o n e the seer biddeth the prophet, a n d reader of feet a n d of legs gods. 5 0 of the gods who hold Olympus that in the likeness of two of us fight beside the shipsnot Calchas is he, the of omens, for easily did I know the tokens b e h i n d h i m as h e went from us; a n d plain to be known are the

Even Demeter, in the form of the old woman Doso, cannot pre vent some of her divine glory from breaking through the barriers of h u m a n appearance. U p o n entering the household of Celsus there is a brief m o m e n t when h e r true nature permeates through the walls of its fragile h u m a n container: 'the goddess walked to

rectly; 'Heracles (they say) would by all means look u p o n Zeus a n d Zeus would n o t be seen by him. At last being earnestly entreated by Heracles, Zeus contrived a device whereby h e showed himself displaying the h e a d a n d wearing the fleece of a ram which h e h a d flayed a n d b e h e a d e d ' (Herodotus, II. 41-42). 48 Hesiod: Homeric Hymn 5 (To Aphrodite) 100-102. 49 Interestingly e n o u g h , Peter's suggestion to build tabernacles, a symbol of institutionalized worship, is rebuffed. This cuts against the t r e n d of epiphany stories in general, which are closely tied to cui tic worship. However the evange lists' interest in moving away from institutionalized cult at this p o i n t fits in with his attitude to the Temple in later passages (see Mark 13, especially). 50 H o m e r The Iliad XIII. 68-72.

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the threshold: and her head reached the roof and she filled the doorway with a heavenly radiance'. 5 1 These examples certainly cast the mind of the reader of Mark back to previous events when the form and abilities of Jesus seemed otherworldly. Occasions, such as Mark 6:45-52, when Jesus walked on water, may now be read as hinting at the concealed identity of the Markan Jesus. More commonly in Greek myths, the true identity of the deity is apparent only to a few present. On one occasion when Athena approaches Odysseus, she goes unnoticed by Telemachus but is perceived by Odysseus and provokes fear in his hounds who cower at the immortal visitation:
but she [Athena] drew near in the likeness of a woman, comely and tall, and skilled in glorious handiwork. And she stood over against the door of the hut, showing herself to Odysseus, but Telemachus did not see h e r before him, or notice her; for in n o way do the gods appear in manifest presence to all. But Odysseus saw her, and the hounds, and they barked not, but with whining slunk in fear to the further side of the farmstead. T h e n she made a sign with her brows, and goodly Odysseus perceived it. 52

What is interesting about this story is that whilst the goddess allows herself to be seen by Odysseus she is unable to control the perception of the dogs. It is as if the deity has the power to disguise and reveal her identity to humans, but not to other beings. A similar p h e n o m e n o n is evident in Mark where Jesus' identity is often recognized by demons that know his name (1:21-28, 34;5: 6). 5 3 Dennis R. Macdonald has recently suggested that the author of the gospel of Mark used Homer's Odyssey as a prototype for his gospel. 54 He argues that the figure of Jesus in Mark mimics that of Odysseus in the epic and subsequently that the transfiguration resembles Od. 16.172-303 where Telemachus mistakes Odysseus for a god. 55 Macdonald is correct to highlight the similarity between

Hesiod: Homeric Hymn II (To Demeter) 187-89. Homer, The Odyssey, XVI. 157-64. 53 It might be supposed that knowing the ' n a m e ' of Jesus is not comparable with knowing the identity of a disguised goddess in Greek mythology. This assumption would be incorrect. In Greek literature individual identity has two distinct aspects, n a m e and body (Od. 8: 552-54) As Vernant puts it, 'Like h u m a n beings, the gods have p r o p e r names. Like them too gods have bodies' (47). Thus in Mark, where the demons can n a m e Jesus they can also identify him. 54 Dennis R. Macdonald, The Homeric Epics and the Gospel of Mark (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000). 55 Macdonald, The Homeric Epic and the Gospel of Mark, pp. 91-96.
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Hellenistic epiphanies a n d the Markan transfiguration scene; however, it does not appear that the evangelist followed this ac count specifically. In fact, with the exception of the c o m m a n d to secrecy, all the elements of Mark 9:2-10 which Macdonald views as Homeric parallels are characteristic of Hellenistic epiphanies in general. The most notable divergence from the conventions of epiphanies in the ancient world is Odysseus' h u m a n nature a n d his denial of his divine status. This e l e m e n t of the narrative is absent in the gospel of Mark and, consequently, it is impossible to identify the 'transfiguration' of Odysseus as the source for the Markan account. F u r t h e r m o r e , whilst the Odyssey was undoubtedly o n e of the most influential works at the time of the gospel's composition, there is n o reason to suppose that the connection between Mark a n d epiphany stories is a literary one. It is m o r e likely that the author was familiar with Greek religion simply by word of mouth, as one living in a culturally pluralistic society. In many of the ac counts of divine epiphanies t h e r e is an implicit link between epiphany and cui tic practice. Demeter intervenes in the cutting down of sacred trees at h e r shrine, Zeus objects to h u m a n sacri fice at Trapezeus, a n d mortals offer to institute shrines to the disclosed deity. More explicitly, H e r o d o t u s describes a n u m b e r of occasions where festivals are linked to the a p p e a r a n c e of a deity:
there appeared in Egypt that Apis whom the Greeks call Epaphus; at which revelation () straightway the Egyptians d o n n e d their fairest gar ments a n d kept high festival. 56

And again,
T h e rulers told him that a god, who h a d b e e n wont to reveal himself at long intervals of time, h a d now appeared () to them; a n d that all Egypt rejoiced a n d m a d e holiday whenever h e a p p e a r e d . 5 7

Even H o m e r describes how the gods often enjoyed participat ing in the cultic activities, describing how, Poseidon often went off to the Ethiopians and could be found there 'taking his joy, sitting at the feast'. 5 8 T h r o u g h o u t the Hellenistic period collec tions of divine epiphanies promoted faith and served as religious

Herodotus, III.27.3. Herodotus, III.27.12-13. H o m e r , The Odyssey, 1.22, 26-27.

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propaganda in the cults of such gods as Ascelpius, 59 Apollo, 60 and Athena. 6 1 Similarly, Cicero's discussion of epiphanies in De Natura Deorum illustrates the close connection between epiphany, cult and popular belief in the Roman Empire. In his fictional conversation, Balbus cites the examples of Postumius at Lake Regillus, Vatinius on the Via Salaria and the Locrians at the Battle of Sagra as examples of gods appearing to men. 6 2 Despite Cotta's dismissal of these examples as mere 'rumoribus', 6 3 Balbus protests that a temple was dedicated to Castor and Pollux in the Forum on account of their participation in a cavalry engagement post mortem, Vatinius was mentioned in the resolution of the Senate, and Sagra was a 'vulgare proverbium' amongst the Greeks. Such examples illustrate the extent to which epiphanic conventions assimilated into Roman society both in connection to formal cultic institutions and more commonplace beliefs. If epiphany traditions were so commonplace in the Hellenistic world, it is highly likely that the Markan evangelist could have come into contact with them merely by word of mouth. 6 4 In his 1933 article, T h e Transfiguration', J.B. Bernadin made the intriguing suggestion that for Mark the transfiguration was a momentary breakthrough of the pre-existent glory of Christ which was really with him throughout his earthly life, but hidden beneath his outward human form. 65 For Bernadin the transfiguration looks backward in the text, to Jesus' manifestations of power and authoritative teaching, to what Jesus had been and still was, rather than forward to what he would be after the resurrection. Bernadin's argument correctly draws attention to the fact that the transfiguration illuminates the meaning of events earlier, as well as later, in the text. In its most basic form an epiphany story concerns the revelation of a previously disguised identity. This element, m o r e than any other, resonates t h r o u g h o u t the Markan

59 Epidaurus, 'Iamata' in Inscriptiones Graecae (1873) 4.1 2 .121-4; Aelius Aristides, Hieroi Logoi. 60 Istrus in F. Jacoby, Fragmente der Griescischen Historiker (1923), 334 F 50-52. 61 Lindian temple chronicle in F. Jacoby, Fragmente, 532 D. 62 Cicero, De Natura Deorum, III. 10-13. 63 Cicero, De Natura Deorum, III. 13. 64 T h e influence of non-literary sources u p o n the evangelist in this instance does not preclude the use of written sources in other parts of the gospel. 65 J.B. Bernardin, T h e Transfiguration', JBL 52 (1933), pp. 181-89.

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gospel. Like an epiphany story, Mark is concerned with disclosing a h i d d e n truth about identity. T h e transfiguration is a m o m e n t when the true identity of Jesus 'breaks through' the layers of se crecy s u r r o u n d i n g him a n d in this respect the transfiguration narrative conforms to the conventions of an epiphany story more than any other genre. The mistake Bernadin makes is to suppose that the secret iden tity revealed at the transfiguration must be one of divine essence or ousia. This is clearly insupportable; there is n o o p e n statement either of pre-existence or participation in creation at the trans figuration or any other j u n c t u r e in the text. At the transfigura tion Jesus' divinity is purely relational to the father. Here, as at the baptism, Jesus is referred to by a heavenly voice as . T h e full implication of these acclamations is realized in 15:39 in the words of the centurion who declares him to be . T h e provenance and meaning of this term is hotly debated, and this is hardly the place to enter into such a debate. 6 6 However, whether rooted in Hellenistic or Jewish traditions (or both) the term does not necessarily imply pre-existence or divine nature. Even in the Imperial cult the term is used to denote those who are deified because of their mighty deeds after their death. Objections to the Epiphany Hypothesis T h e Epiphany Hypothesis is n o t without its difficulties. Argu ably the most methodical refutation of it is that of H.C. Kee. H e argues that the abundance of Jewish eschatological elements in Mark 9:2-8 makes this the only conceivable context for the ac count. H e maintains that it was impossible that the a u t h o r was susceptible to Hellenistic influences because '[there is a] lack of evidence for Mark having spliced together in the transfiguration account two wholly disparate elementsdisplay of eschatological glory and metaphysical transformation'. 6 7 The weaknesses of this argument lie in the assumptions it makes about the composition

For a summary of scholarship on the matter a n d a discussion of Jewish a n d Hellenistic backgrounds to the term see Adela Yarbro Collins, 'Mark a n d His Readers: T h e Son of God a m o n g Jews', HTR92: 4 (1999), p p . 393-408 a n d 'Mark and His Readers: T h e Son of God a m o n g Greeks a n d Romans', HTR9S: 2 (2000), p p . 85-100. 67 H.C. Kee, ' T h e Transfiguration in Mark', 137.

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of the work. It presumes not only that the author was incapable of working with more than one source, but also that all of these sources were literary. There is n o obvious reason to suppose that the author of Mark did not compose his gospel using genres and motifs originating in different intellectual backgrounds. In fact the ambiguity in the passage seems to suggest exactly this, that the author drew together both elements of epiphany stories and as pects of Jewish eschatological visions in crafting his account. Kee goes on to argue that the Markan transfiguration deviates from epiphanic form, saying,
If the epiphanic disclosure of Jesus to the disciples is the main p o i n t of the story we should expect some manifestation of his powers as a divine being. Instead, apart from the radiance of his garments a n d his being n a m e d as Son all that we have in Mark is the instruction ' H e a r h i m ' . 6 8

This objection falters on three points; first, we should note that there is n o reason to suppose that epiphanies require dramatic manifestations of divine power. Whilst some accounts, such as Zeus' actions at Trapezus, fit this stereotype, in others, for ex ample, Demeter's wanderings in Eleusis, the deities reveal their true identities and immediately depart. Second, the transforma tion of the garments is itself a feature of epiphany. Third, if his d e m a n d for manifestations of power is desired, t h e n they are clearly evidenced outside of this individual pericope. The most convincing part of Kee's argument is the absence of the term from the Markan account. However, when we consider the careful selection of vocabulary in the gospel as a whole this is hardly surprising. If the Markan author wrote simple Greek in order to reach the widest possible audience we would expect him to omit terminology that was too technical or closely associated with polytheistic religions. As is widely documented, the title was applied to Emperors as part of a system of cults 69 devised to show them . The author of Mark may very well have avoided using this term in order to avoid evoking these traditions directly and possibly offending some of his audience.

H.C. Kee, T h e Transfiguration in Mark', 139. See, S.R.F. Price, 'Gods a n d Emperors: T h e Greek Language of the Ro m a n Imperial Cult',yi/S 104 (1984), p. 93. See also the negative presentation of Antiochus Epiphanes in Josephus, Ant. 8.221.
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Early Interpretations of the Transfiguration Scene in Mark O u r argument rests u p o n the assumption that Mark utilized a variety of different religious traditions in order to appeal to an intellectually diverse audience. In light of this we would expect that the earliest interpreters of the Markan transfiguration account read the narrative in different ways and interpreted it accordingly. T h e earliest interpreters of the narrative, namely Matthew a n d Luke, illustrate this perfectly (cf. Matt. 17:1-8 and Luke 9:28-36). In Luke the account is subtly changed so it seems less like an epiphany and accords with a n o t h e r Hellenistic literary genre, the 'dream-vision'. 7 0 In Matthew, the narrative is brought closer to the Jewish visionary genre with the specific designation of the event as an (v. 9). It would be a vast oversimplification to de scribe Matthew and Luke as Jewish' and 'Greek' readings of the Markan, but they demonstrate that it was possible to read Mark 9: 2-8 in a variety of ways. Another indication that gospel narratives were interpreted in light of Greek myths can be seen in the writings of the philoso p h e r Celsus, who maintained that what the Christians offered as a new revelation was an imitation of ancient myths well known throughout the Hellenistic world:
In truth there is n o t h i n g at all unusual about what the Christians believe, except that they believe it to the exclusion of m o r e comprehensive truths about God. 7 1

Early Church apologists, most notably Justin Martyr, felt compelled to account for the similarities between the figure of Jesus a n d Greek deities, in particular Dionysus, through the introduction of

70 It might be argued that the Lukan a u t h o r used a separate source for his Transfiguration account. This is a needlessly complex theory. T h a t is changed a n d the disciples appear on the brink of sleep indicates that the au thor was aware of the epiphanic convention a n d takes strides to avoid this inter pretation by bringing the account closer to that of Hellenistic dream-visions. This u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the Lukan Transfiguration as a dream-vision brings the account into line with o t h e r dream-visions in Luke-Acts (cf. Acts 8-10). For discussion of the literary conventions of Hellenistic dream-visions employed in t h e Lukan Transfiguration see J o h n S. Hanson, 'Dreams a n d Visions in the Graeco-Roman World and Early Christianity', in Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt, II, Principat 23.2 ed. Hildegard Temporini and Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1980), p p . 1395-427. 71 R.J. Hoffman, Celsus On True Doctrine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 120.

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the doctrine of 'diabolical mimicry' centuries before the birth of Jesus:

T h e wicked spirits p u t forward many to be called Sons of God, u n d e r the impression that they would be able to produce in m e n the idea that the things that were said with regard to Christ were merely marvelous tales. 72

That the parallels between Greek deities and the gospel portrait of Christ were clear to Celsus and required such close attention by the apologists indicates that, from the very beginning, the gospel story was read as analogous to Greek myth. Conclusion The transfiguration in Mark is a collage of religious motifs that draws u p o n both Jewish and Greek religious thought. The evangelist could have become acquainted with Greek traditions in a number of ways, either in the course of a traditional Hellenistic education, through contact with any of the numerous cultic institutions across the Roman Empire, or merely by word of mouth, as an individual living in a polytheistic cultural environment. Incorporating these traditions into his account through narrative allusion and thematic similarity enabled the evangelist to appeal to a wider audience on their own terms. At the transfiguration Jewish and Greek religious motifs are incorporated into the account to explain the identity of the Markan protagonist. The experience was 'not just a vision ... It is an account of the metamorphosis of the person of Jesus'. 7 3 The author adapts these traditions to make his gospel more accessible to a diverse audience. For those more familiar with Greek religious practices and thought he uses the epiphany motif to explain the significance of Jesus' undisclosed identity. For those better acquainted with Jewish motifs he utilizes contemporary t h o u g h t about Moses and Elijah to anticipate the future resurrection and glorification of God's Son. Naturally, not all of the gospel's firstcentury audience can be divided into these two groups. There would have been many, such as the evangelist himself, who were familiar with both Jewish biblical and non-biblical traditions and Greek epiphany stories. Many more, no doubt, would have fallen
Justin Martyr, First Apology, 54 cited in Hoffman, Celsus, 24. G.H. Boobyer, St. Mark and the Transfiguration Story (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1972), p . 11.
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somewhere on a spectrum in between. However, by tailoring his narrative to appeal to both those more familiar with biblical narratives and those more familiar with Hellenistic traditions, the evangelist makes his account intelligible to the broadest possible audience.

ABSTRACT T h e transfiguration in Mark is traditionally u n d e r s t o o d as a re-working of Exodus 24 and 1 Kings 19. There are a n u m b e r of elements of the Markan transfiguration account, however, which resonate more strongly with the conventions of Hellenistic epiphany stories. This p a p e r attempts to demonstrate that the author of the gospel of Mark appealed to a variety of religious traditions in order to make his narrative accessible to a diverse audience. This practice of accommodation conveyed the gospel message to a variegated audience with varying degrees of familiarity with Jewish and non-Jewish Hellenistic traditions.

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