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Pervez Musharraf
General (ret) Pervez Musharraf (born 11 August 1943), NI(M), Tamgha-e-Basalat award, is a Pakistani politician and military figure who served as the tenth President of Pakistan (2001 2008) and the Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army (19982007). He took power on 12 October 1999, following a nonviolent military coup d'tat and subsequent ouster of the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The military-led government stated its intention to restructure the political, economic and electoral systems. On May 12, 2000, Pakistan's 12 member Supreme Court unanimously validated the October 1999 coup and granted Musharraf executive and legislative authority for 3 years from the coup date endorsing his governance. On 18 August 2008, Pervez Musharraf resigned from the post of President under impeachment pressure from the coalition government. He was succeeded on 6 September 2008 by Asif Ali Zardari duly elected as Pakistan's 11th President.

Early life
Pervez Musharraf was born on August 11, 1943 in Nehar Wali Haveli meaning "House Next to the Canal", situated in Kacha Saad Ullah Mohallah, Daryaganj in Delhi, British India,[4] and stems from a family of government servants. After Musharraf's grandfather, Qazi Mohtashimuddin, retired as the Deputy Collector of Revenue based in Delhi, he acquired Neharwali Haveli in the old walled city of Delhi where Musharraf was born. The haveli, with its high roofs and arches, and is believed to have been previously the home of a "Wazir" (Minister) in the court of Bahadur Shah Zafar the last Mughal emperor of the 19th century. After independence of Pakistan, Musharraf's family migrated to Pakistan where his father, Syed Musharraf Uddin a graduate of Aligarh University joined the Pakistan Foreign Office as an Accountant, and ultimately retired as a Director. Musharraf's mother, Zarin, received her master's degree from the University of Lucknow in 1944 and supplemented the recently immigrated family's income to support the education of her children. She recently retired from a United Nations agency in Islamabad.

He revealed in his memoirs that he was critically injured after falling from a mango tree as a teenager, and he considers this his first direct experience with death. Musharraf attended Saint Patrick's School, Karachi, graduating in 1958, later attending Forman Christian College in Lahore and is said to have been good in mathematics during his academic life. Musharraf is married to Sehba, who is from Okara. They have a son, Bilal, who was a graduate student at Stanford University and currently works in Silicon Valley, and a daughter, Ayla Raza,a graduate of National College of Arts and works as an architect in Karachi.

Military career
In 1961, he entered the Pakistan Military Academy at Kakul, graduating 11th in his class. He was commissioned on April 19, 1964 in the Artillery Regiment. Later he joined the Special Services Group and was posted to Field Artillery Regiments. A graduate of the Command and Staff College, Quetta, and the National Defence College, Rawalpindi, Musharraf is also a graduate of the Royal College of Defence Studies of the United Kingdom. Musharraf revealed in his memoirs that in 1965 he was charged with taking unauthorized leave and was about to be court-martialed for it, but was excused due to the war with India.

Articles:
By Daniel Benjamin
an era superrich in nightmare scenarios, nothing disturbs the sleep of world leaders more than the prospect of chaos in Pakistanand jihadists' gaining control over its nuclear weapons. Standing between order and that cataclysm, those leaders believe, is General Pervez Musharraf, the country's leader since 1999. On Sept. 12, 2001, Musharraf made a snap decision to side with the U.S. in the not-yet-named global war on terrorism, despite his country's longtime support for the Taliban. U.S.-Pakistani cooperation has since led to the arrest of al-Qaeda kingpins and a diminution of the threat from Osama bin Laden's group. Called "my buddy" by George W. Bush, Musharraf, 62, has paid a price for his decision, having been the target of multiple assassination attempts by the militants who infest his country. His ties with the U.S. enrage religious radicals, who are his most dangerous opponents. Musharraf styles himself a blunt-talking soldier. Yet his rule has a circus qualityhalf high-wire act, half tiger riding. He has yet to confront the broader jihadist movement, and he has two local rebellions to deal with. Musharraf remains the West's best bet in Pakistan. The question is whether he is good enough.

By Dr. Syed Javed Hussain


Gen. (Retd) Pervez Musharraf, former military dictator of Pakistan who ruled the country with iron hand for about eight years, is entering Pakistan politics through a brand new political party of his own making. On August 11, 2010 talking to The News International, Fawad Chaudhry, a close aide to the former President, said, Musharraf will formally initiate his political activities after the holy month of Ramadhan. According to the Chaudhry, Musharraf will brief the Pakistani and international media about developments in the final week of September 2010. His new party is called All Pakistan Muslim League (APML). An online registration form is offered on Pasdar-e-Pakistan official site with a request to the masses to join the new political party. The new political party has its precursor in Pasdar-e-Pakistan which Musharraf calls a grassroots organization of my supporters. In his message displayed on the official site of Pasdare-Pakistan Mr. Musharraf says that the Pasdars have been holding seminars, conventions, press conferences and public demonstrations on issues of national concern. They are engaged in building support all over Pakistan and beyond. Musharraf has requested the masses to offer their support to it. Security at Musharraf's Farm House Increased The News International, the second largest English daily in Pakistan after the Dawn, reported on August 11, 2010 that security around Musharrafs farm house at Chak Shahzad, a semi developed area near Islamabad, has been stepped up. On his return Musharraf risks arrests as he has been declared a proclaimed offender by Sindh High Court, apex court in province Sindh that currently is grinding under the threat of super flood. Mainly, Musharraf is accused of imposing emergency rule and subverting the constitution of Pakistan in 2007. Musharraf also faces threats from militant outfits such as Taliban, Lashkr-e Janghavi, Sipah-e Sehaba and other banned groups that tried to kill him several times when he was in power.

By Shahan Mufti
ISLAMABAD, PAKISTAN - Ansar Abbasi, one of Pakistan's most popular print journalists, has started taking long winding routes to his office in Islamabad. In his two decades as an investigative reporter, Mr. Abbasi has taken on the Pakistani bureaucracy, major political leaders, the military, and even the powerful intelligence services.

But in recent weeks he's been told by some "well-wishers" to be more "unpredictable" in his movements a string of recent scoops has put his life in danger, he says. The death threats against Abbasi are making front-page news, but his is not the only story of a journalist at risk in Pakistan. Journalists covering sensitive issues politics, the fight against militants, or most recently the aftermath of the Mumbai (Bombay) attacks are facing growing pressure from the government, Army, and intelligence agencies and from militants who would "like to control the media's message," says Adnan Rehmat, the director of Internews, a Washington-based media watchdog group. The Committee to Protect Journalists, a New York-based group that monitors press freedom around the world, reported in December that Pakistan has become one of the most dangerous places on earth for a journalist to report in 2008. The Paris-based Reporters Without Borders also released an annual report this week that found that Pakistan had the second-highest death toll for journalists after Iraq in 2008 an "annus horribilis" for journalists in Pakistan, it stated. Last year, the group reported, seven reporters were killed, compared with 15 in Iraq. "After what we'd been through with President [Pervez] Musharraf [in the past year], we hoped something positive would come out for us with a new democratic government," says Abbasi, sitting in his florescent-lit, bare-walled basement office. Mr. Musharraf, in his final days as president in 2008, targeted the independent media in the country and forced all private TV news channels off the air for days. He also had journalists arrested en masse in November 2007, when he declared a state of emergency in the country. "But things are still really bad," says Abbasi, and after a pause, "maybe even worse." In the past few months, Abbasi has exposed financial dealings between the Army and religious parties in the current ruling coalition and broken news of corrupt practices by the chief justice stories that did not win him any friends. The government offered to provide him with an armed security detail, but Abbasi refused. "I'm not sure whether the people protecting me might just be the ones trailing me," he says. In this country caught in several domestic battles and the global "war on terror," both state actors and militants pose a threat to journalists.

"We are in a fix," says Mazhar Abbas, a journalist who heads the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists. Journalists are "working under serious danger" while covering many conflicts, domestic and international, he continues. "The security agencies and Army are fighting militants, and no matter what we write, we risk becoming targets for one or the other side." While local reporters are more vulnerable, foreign journalists have also faced difficulties, especially in covering the conflict in the northwestern tribal areas where the Pakistani Army is battling Taliban militants. A Canadian journalist was kidnapped by local militants while reporting a story from there in November, and a Japanese journalist was shot a few days later in a kidnapping attempt in Peshawar, the capital city of Pakistan's North West Frontier Province. Mr. Abbas says three reporters working for a major US publication in the tribal areas were detained this month by the Taliban, who handed them over to local officials before the union of journalists was able to get them released. A few journalists who covered the aftermath of the Mumbai attacks have also received threats from militants and security agencies to remain silent on the issue. One journalist, who asked to remain anonymous, received veiled warnings following his report last month on the village of Faridkot. The article was the first to confirm claims by Indian police officials that the sole surviving Mumbai attacker came from the Pakistani village. The reporter left Islamabad for about a week but has now returned. Another local journalist, with the country's largest Urdu news channel, who also asked not to be named for security reasons, began receiving threats from militants in the Punjab region after covering the same story. He has not been able to go home since then, he says. "There's been fewer overt coercive measures by this government but the conditions on the ground the laws in the books and the very real danger of being killed those are still what they were when President Musharraf left office," says Mr. Rehmat, of Internews. The new government and the security agencies which are facing a host of troubles including US airstrikes on its territory, a crippled economy, and a worsening domestic militancy may be lashing out at the media, says Rehmat. "It's the age-old instinct of any weak government to become hostile toward independent media," he says.

A recent opinion poll conducted by the International Republican Institute, a Washington-based group funded by the US government, said that 88 percent of Pakistanis thought their country was headed in the wrong direction. Sixty-six percent of those polled disapproved of the job President Asif Ali Zardari is doing. "The institutions in this country, the judiciary, the government, the police they're all failing to uncover the truth so it puts extra responsibility on us to hold people accountable," says Abbasi, the journalist, adding that in the process many reporters are putting their lives on the line. "I fear things are only going to get worse next year," says Abbas, the head of the journalists' union. "The conflict in Pakistan is intensifying, and so is the pressure on the media." Says Abbas: "In the end the truth might be the biggest casualty in all this."

By Saeed Qureshi
One quality that distinguishes Pakistans former president Pervez Musharraf over other luminaries in politics is that while others usually take cover under the lame excuses and try to justify their misdeeds, he has the candidness to confess and acknowledge his wrong decisions. For instance, he has said many a time that his decision to first suspend and then sack the chief justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry was essentially erratic. Also, he confessed publically too that the impostion of the state of emergency way back in November 2007 was not only unconstitutional but also politically incorrect. t should be noted that it was a 12-member Supreme Court panel that on May 12, 2000 unanimously validated the October 1999 coup and granted Musharraf executive and legislative authority for 3 years from the coup date. Again, in January 2004 Musharraf won a vote of confidence in the Electoral College of Pakistan, consisting of both houses of Parliament and the four provincial assemblies by receiving 658 out of 1170 votes. As such his governance and remaining in office was legally and constitutionally justified. Pervez Musharraf is coming to Dallas on October 15 to launch the local chapter of his political party, All Pakistan Muslim League. Here in Dallas he will meet various important people besides the media. He will also address a select gathering of his well-wishers, and party members. The announcement contained in a flyer says DINNER WITH FORMER PRESIDENT PERVEZ MUSHARRAF AT 6:30 PM on October 15, 2010 HOTEL INTERCONTINENTAL ADDISON, TEX. An additional line further elaborates the purpose of Musharrafs visit to Dallas, which is DINNER, SPEECH, and QUESTION & ANSWER SESSION.

Barring a few controversial decisions, Pervez Musharraf has been successful in bringing about certain far-reaching reforms in Pakistan. Notwithstanding the urge to remain in power which human beings have in abundance because they are not angels, Musharrafs era was relatively known as economically strong. His role in liberating media from the official strangleholds and empowering the women folks cannot be denied even by worst of his detractors. Now as part of rooting out extremism and curbing separatist and fissiparous tendencies of regional leader like Akbar Bugti, he had to take certain unpalatable and tough decisions. In normal circumstances these decisions could have been appreciated but their positive side was eclipsed because of the extremely hostile propaganda whipped by his antagonist political parties and domineering clergy and fire-spitting religious circles. Musharraf received the displeasure of the religious lobbies because of his 180-degree tilt and support for the American war in Afghanistan. Otherwise, these are the same religious elements that were part of the group that voted for him to keep both the offices of the COAS and the president of Pakistan. The prime minister of Pakistan Yousaf Raza Gilani sarcastically remarked the other day that Musharraf would be welcomed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. This is a very ominous statement. The Law minister known for his caustic sarcasm and pungent repartee said that those who want dictatorship were either in graveyard or in England alluding to former president Zia and president Musharraf, both army generals by profession. But politics being a game of wits, scoring points, making alliances and shifting positions, no one can conclusively figure out whether Musharraf would be stuck in the roadblocks or move forward towards his political goalpost. "This is my understanding, based on conversations with people in Pakistan, that he's likely to leave the country, and that a possible immediate destination may be Dubai, and then eventually may be New Mexico in the United States," Nawaz told the PBS NewsHour programme yesterday. If Musharraf does settle in Richardson's state, it would signify a marked dtente between the two men. Richardson, who was America's UN representative under Bill Clinton, called Musharraf a "terrorist" during a January TV appearance - before correcting his characterisation to "tyrant" and called for the Pakistani's resignation in late 2007. A US state department spokesman told reporters today that Musharraf has so far not asked for asylum in America but added that the resigned president "has a right to live wherever he wants".

By Ian Bremmer
Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf has dodged a lot of bullets over the years. He's survived multiple assassination attempts, managed intense U.S. pressure to drive jihadis from the country's northwest frontier no-man's land, and weathered domestic charges that he is a dictator and American puppet. Some of his old allies have abandoned him; two former prime ministers have demanded his resignation; and his bid to sack Pakistan's chief justice has provoked outrage, deadly violence and the first large-scale public protests of his nearly eight-year rule. Adding to his troubles, it's an election year in Pakistan. Musharraf knows he must scramble and improvise if he is to both extend his presidency another five years and maintain his position as army chief. His core political support comes from a coalition that includes the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q), a party he invented following the 1999 coup that vaulted him to power, and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), an ethnically based party blamed for provoking political violence around the country - including riots in Karachi on May 12 that killed more than 40 anti-government demonstrators. The list of his enemies is growing. It includes exiled former prime ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, both of whom hope to return to Pakistan to contest national and state assembly elections this fall; Islamic radicals who charge that his army has killed Pakistani tribesmen sympathetic with Afghanistan's Taliban to appease American crusaders and that he has broken promises to serve as a civilian president; secular middle-class professionals fed up with broken promises of full democracy; and allies within the military elite who fear they will share the blame for his missteps. Musharraf has survived tough challenges before, and it won't be so easy to drive him from power. Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) won parliamentary elections five years ago. But Musharraf managed to exclude the PPP from government by persuading 10 of its members to defect to his coalition and by forging a political deal with the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), a loose alliance of six conservative religious parties that hope to one day bring theocracy to Pakistan. But even a political operator as skilled as Musharraf may not survive the current crisis indefinitely. Recent polling suggests Bhutto's party remains popular, and the president's former Islamist allies have almost entirely abandoned him, mainly over his support for the U.S.-led war on terror. Still, Musharraf shows no sign of retreat. Under the current constitution, Pakistan's president is elected by four provincial assemblies and the parliament. Knowing that the next parliament will contain fewer of his loyalists than the current one, Musharraf intends to seek re-election before the next parliamentary elections reshuffle the political deck. He also hopes to extend the life of a constitutional amendment, due to lapse this year, which allows the president to remain chief of

the army. He may decide to try to rig the elections. All these moves would spark court challenges. That's why control of the courts is so important - and why Musharraf decided in March to sack Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, the country's capricious chief justice who offered no promises to rule in the president's favor. Unfortunately for Musharraf, the judge has refused to go quietly. Chaudhry's criticism of the president has won him admirers all over Pakistan, encouraging him to tour the countryside, whipping up anti-Musharraf fervor as he lectures on the importance of an independent judiciary. Pervez Musharraf's resume has its successes. His support for talented technocrats and their liberal economic reforms has earned him accolades both at home and abroad. But not even strong growth rates (expected to reach 7 percent in 2007), his tolerance for a relatively free press, and the stability that comes with some $10 billion in U.S. aid since 9/11 can guarantee his political survival - particularly since corruption, inflation, high crime rates and rural poverty continue to burden Pakistan's development. In fact, the support Musharraf receives from Washington, where he is regarded as a crucial ally on the frontline of the war on terror and the ultimate safeguard against radical control of the only Muslim country (so far) to successfully test a nuclear bomb, only deepens the hole in which he now finds himself at home. Musharraf has often chosen to appease his American benefactors at the expense of his domestic standing. The political cost of that choice is on the rise. If Musharraf refuses to restore Chaudhry to his post, public protests could spin out of control, persuading the president to declare a state of emergency and sharply upping the stakes for his political future. If Musharraf finds a face-saving way to give the chief justice his job back, the courts may not rule in his favor as he seeks to maintain his hold on both the presidency and the army.

Conclusion:
Pervez Musharraf is a born because, a person needs to actually be born with in order to be a leader later in life. That's intelligence. A leader needs to be smart enough. Effective leaders aren't necessarily the smartest people in the room or the company or even on the team. But they have to be smart enough to do the job they're assigned. And he have these abilities.

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