SUMBITTED TO: Dr. K.

Ramesh Babu

SUMBITTED BY: HARI PRIYA ROLL NO. 25 I YEAR,I SEMESTER B.A. L.L.B (Hons.) NALSAR University of Law Hyderabad.

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CONTENTS
S.No. CHAPTER
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 1. 2. Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION Chapter 2: OBJECTIVES OF THE PROJECT PART A 3. Chapter 3: HISTORY OF WOMEN AND POLITICS IN INDIA: Chapter 3.1: WOMEN PIONEERS IN INDIAN POLITICAL HISTORY Chapter 3.2: THE NEW WOMENS MOVEMENT 4. Chapter 4: A CONTEMPORARY AND CRITICAL ANALYSIS PART B 5. 6. Chapter 5: WOMEN IN POLITICS Chapter 6: INTRODUCTION TO THE WOMMENS RESERVATION BILL 7. Chapter 7: COMPARITIVE STUDY OF INDIAN WOMEN POLICIES IN PARLIAMENT Chapter 7.1: ISRAEL Chapter 7.1.1: WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT OF ISRAELKNESSET Chapter 7.1.2: OVERVIEW Chapter 7.1: GERMANY Chapter 7.1.1: WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT OF GERMANY Chapter 7.1.2: OVERVIEW 8. 9. Chapter 8: CONCLUSION Chapter 9: BIBLIOGRAPHY 22 24 26 28 17 20 15 13 14 7 9 11 7

Pg. No.
3 4 6

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This project has required consultation of a large number of primary sources for the statistical data used in order to be able to substantiate any point in the project and also to infer the relationship shared between the participation of women in politics of various countries. These primary sources included papers released by governments of various countries, other documents authored and published by the governments be about, and also include consultation of a range of sites owned and managed by the governments concerned. The rest of the project data can be traced back to an assorted range of books and websites consulted, that are a part of the secondary sources. Some research papers, journals and magazines have also been referred to. Lastly, the part of the project that requires analysis of the association and liaison of Indian womens participation in politics with that of the other countries, has been an deduction based on thorough research conducted thereof.

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Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION:
Despite a longstanding, established, feisty and vigorous womens movement with many achievements, patriarchy remains deeply entrenched in India, influencing political and social institutions and determining opportunities available to women and men. To better understand the challenges facing the womens involvement in the political scenario in our country, this Project explores debates that have rocked the movement and Indian society, broadly over WOMEN AND POLITICS IN INDIA. Be it the Uniform Civil Code or the proposed reservations for women of seats in legislative bodies along with issues of womens rights and family law reform, all have been increasingly entangled within the polemics of identity politics and minority rights. There is a predisposition among social activists to project the demand for the all-encompassing uniform civil code, as a magic wand which will eliminate the woes and sufferings of women in general and of minority women in particular. But is it really doing the required enchantment? Women in India have always been a source of inspiration for the women across the globe, in the field of politics in India. The Indian renaissance which coincided with the rise and growth of Indian nationalism, climaxing in freedom for the country, is singularly narked by active role of a large number of women. Women of India are highly active today in this area of politics, affairs of state, and that of policy framing. From Sarojini Naidu, Vijaylakshami Pandit, Sucheta Kriplani who were the torchbearers for the women of India in the field of politics, dominated by the men, at that point of time. Mrs.Vijay Lakshami Pandit was the first Indian woman to hold a post in the cabinet, thus, not only paving the way for other women, but also inspiring them to walk on this path. The most important name in the category of women politicians of recent times is Mrs Indira Gandhi. She was the one who made world stop and notice the talent and potential of Indian women. She was the first women Prime Minister of independent India. Today her daughter-in-law Mrs Sonia Gandhi is following her footsteps and leading the Indian National Congress.

Other women who have made their name in politics of India are Shiela Dixit, Uma Bharti, Jayalalitha, Vasundhra Raje and Mamata Banerjee.

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TABLE 1: WOMEN MEMBERS IN LOK SABHA

YEAR 1952-57 1957-62 1962-67 1967-71 1971-76 1977-80 1980-84 1985-90 1990-91 1991-96 1996-98

PERCENTAGE 4.4 5.4 6.7 5.9% 4.2% 3.4% 5.1% 8.1% 5.3% 7.1% 6.3%

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Chapter 2: OBJECTIVES OF THE PROJECT:

The aim of this project is to analyse: The women pioneers in Indian political history The New womens movement in India of the 1970s The role of women in politics in India The relationship between women and politics in todays scenario. A brief introduction to the Womens Reservation Bill A comparative study of women in the parliament of Israel, their quota system and the Indian parliamentary system in regards to women. A comparative study of women in the parliament of Germany, their quota system and the Indian parliamentary system in pertinence to women. Women empowerment and politics

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PART A:
Chapter 3: HISTORY OF WOMEN AND POLITICS IN INDIA Chapter 3.1: WOMEN PIONEERS IN INDIAN POLITICAL HISTORY
Though Indian Women did not have to go through a suffragette movement as in Britain and some other industrially advanced countries the barriers of social pre-judice they had to overcome in all activities were formidable. Many women had to encounter stone walking opposition at every level from the household community, in area of functioning and alien administration. This band of pioneers who evolved in the late 19th & early 20th century gave purpose and direction to the mass of the deprived women of the nation. If today women are in a position to speak up with conviction and courage it is because of monumental performance of pioneers. Whatever be their background and cultivated castes, they were strongly sensitive to any offensive experience as Indians to their national heritage and their pride in it. This explains why Durga Bai at age 12 opted for Public Service rather than lead a secure life of matrimonial bliss. When an Indian was sentenced to three weeks hard labour because he defended himself against a dog owned by English man, the response to this judgment was a westernized Indian lady, Sister Nivedita, Irish by Birth was in hesitantly critical of the condescending Biritish Attitude towards the scientific discoveries of Jagdish Chandra Bose. The Women pioneers for Indian Politics came from all sections of society, while some belonged to a fairly affluent family, the contributions of those from middle class tradition bound background were even more significant as they truly represented the wave of change which swept the masses among them were literates, educationalists and housewife turned crusaders. Names of Savitribai Phule and Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, themselves suffered humiliation which Savitribai gladly faced social ostracism abuse and assault when shook took up the cause of oppressed women, and Pandita Rama Bai underwent pangs of hunger to verge the starvation and led life like a homeless wanderer, but did not abandon her pursuit of knowledge and battle against oppressive, prejudices against women.
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When India won independence Kamaladevi Chattlopadhyays next priority won work for national reconstruction. Though she had no office in the government or outside asking she chose to revive and rejuvenate the countrys cultural heritage. Education even in that time was considered the main instrument for womens upliftment. Subhadra Kumari Chauhan demonstrated through her writings what women could achieve through Education. Launched by activists like Ramabai, wife of Justice Ranade who herself did not have any formal schooling took up the cause of women education as her lifes mission. The First School for women in Pune signified such a revolution in 1848, when Savitri Bai Phule set it up. She and her husband companied against untouchability and for other deprived sections. Eminent artistes like Rukmini Devi Arundale awakened the world to the fine subtleties of Indian performing arts. Soundaram Ramachandran brought modern medical systems in place. The post-independent generation threw up the leadership of Indira Gandhi who influenced the course of contemporary history on a scale no prime minister could ever.

Today, at the dawn of the new millennium, Indian women find that while much has been achieved by way of constitutional rights and opportunities they have still a long way to go to secure their due place in the Indian, Social and Political structure. That the empowerment of women through equal opportunities is a basic requirement for national advancement is conceded both by policy makers and society. Still, a very large segment of Indian Womanhood still suffers deprivation and discriminatory attitudes.

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Chapter 3.2: THE NEW WOMENS MOVEMENT

The womens movement in India took off in the 1920s, building on the 19th century social reform movement. The womens movement progressed during the period of high nationalism and the freedom struggle, both of which shaped its contours. Among the many achievements of the movement, the most significant were the constitutional guarantees of equal rights for women and universal adult suffrage in independent India. However, these guarantees did little to bring about social and material change in the lives of most Indian women. A New Womens movement, articulated to mass and popular politics, emerged in the 1970s.

The turning point came in 1970s, when several events some within and some outside India gave a radical turn to the womens movement. The new feminism in developed Western countries led in 1971 to the international year and then decade of women. The focus was on development. In the 1950s the India state had bypassed Gandhis vision of an alternative path to progress, opting instead for conventional models of development: industrialization, central planning, expansion of science and technology. It was assumed this model would deliver the same results as elsewhere in the developed world that is, raising aggregate well-being would deliver benefits to all. But this prediction foundered on the hard rock of Indian patriarchy. This outcome became evident when, at the urging of the United Nations, the Indian government appointed a Committee on the Status of Women. The committees 1974 report confirmed the worst fears of sceptics. According to the report, since 1911 the condition of Indian women had worsened. Gender disparities had widened in employment, health, education, and political participation. The new generation of middleclass women in the public world who encountered isolation and other disabilities brought a new eye to bear on the womans question.

The mid-1970s were also a watershed in Indian politics. Congress, under Indira Gandhi, inaugurated a new era of populist politics, and there was a gradual broadening of the democratic base of mainstream political institutions. At the same time, the Indian left fractured, giving rise to a new body of leftist thought.

The first of these was the Shahada movement in the Dhulia district of Maharashtra, initiated by Bhil (tribal) landless laborers. In 1972, with help from activists of the new left, the laborers formed Shramik Sangathana, which initiated a vigorous campaign against domestic
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violence. In the same year Gandhian socialists broke away from the Textile Labour Association to form the Self-Employed Womens Association under the leadership of Ela Bhatt.

In 1973, Mrinal Gore from the Socialist Party joined women from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) to form the United Womens Anti-Price Rise Front, which turned into a mass movement of women seeking consumer protection.

A student movement against price rises in Gujarat developed along the same lines to form Nav Nirman (1974), led by middle-class women

In 1973-74 Maoist women formed the Progressive Organisation of Women, initiating a selfconsciously feminist critique of radical leftist politics along with an overarching analysis of gender oppression. This led to other Maoist womens organizations in Pune and Bombay, culminating in the first major celebration of March 8 as International Womens Day in 1975.

Chipko movement (seen as the precursor of eco-feminism) and the Bodhgaya movement with a radical demand for womens land rights.

This was a phase of self-conscious commitment to feminist politics. The national character of this movement is usually ascribed to the countrywide protests (led by women) on a case of custodial rape, the Mathura rape case. Also of considerable importance in the early days were dowry deaths. In the mid 1980s womens groups concentrated on providing services to individual women. The Shah Bano case catapulted the demand for a Uniform Civil Code into the cauldron of communal politics. The Deorala Sati incident of 1987, initiated a critique of feminism. This backlash was complicated by rising majority fundamentalism, which spawned its own womens organizations and its own feminist language.

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Chapter 4: A CONTEMPORARY AND CRITICAL ANALYSIS

Domestic responsibilities, lack of financial clout, rising criminalization of politics and the threat of character assassination, are making it increasingly difficult for women to be part of the political framework, let alone equalizing the gender gap that exists. Moreover, women politicians point out that even within the political parties, women are rarely found in leadership positions. In fact, "women candidates are usually fielded from 'losing' constituencies where the party does not want to 'waste' a male candidate". India is a bicameral parliamentary democracy, with a strong multi-party political system. In 1991, a woman constituted 5.2 per cent of the membership of the Lok Sabha and 9.8 per cent of the membership of the Rajya Sabha. This was lower than the preceding 1989 parliament. The election results in 1996 showed a further decline in women's representation. One of the reasons for this decline may be the strength of the party system itself, which can lead to the marginalization of issue-based politics, or to an expropriation of movements that are based on single issues. The women's movement in India has had to confront this issue. Indian political parties are, however, organizationally weak and dependant on local elites. This might be a second factor for the resistance to implementation of gender-sensitive political initiatives. The demand for greater representation of women in political institutions in India was not taken up in a systematic way until the setting up of the Committee on the Status of Women in India (CSWI) which published its report in 1976. Before this the focus of the growing women's movement had been on improving women's socio-economic position. The CSWI report suggested that women's representation in political institutions, especially at the grassroots level, needed to be increased through a policy of reservation of seats for women. In 1988, the National Perspective Plan for Women suggested that a 30 per cent quota for women be introduced at all levels of elective bodies. The consensus around this demand, in the Panchayat level resulted in the adoption of the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Indian Constitution in 1993. In 1995, the question of quotas was raised again, but this time the focus was women in parliament. When the bill addressing this issue was introduced in the Eleventh Parliament in 1997, several parties and groups raised objections. The objections focused around two main issues: first, the issue of overlapping quotas; second, the issue of elitism.
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The 39 women representatives in the 1991-1996 Indian Parliament were mostly middle-class, professional women, with little or no links to the women's movement. A significant number of them accessed politics through their families, some through student and civil rights movements, and some as a result of state initiatives aimed at increasing representation of women. Caste has been an important feature of Indian public and political life. Most of the women MPs in the Tenth Parliament were members of the higher castes. For example, there were six women from the Brahmin caste. This represents a sizeable 17.14 per cent of the women MPs, while Brahmins comprise only 5.52 per cent of the population. In the same parliament 14% were Schedule Castes and from Backward Castes, were membered. Caste therefore affects the profile, loyalties and work of representatives in the Indian parliament. While Indira Gandhi, for example, did little to promote women's representation in politics, Rajiv Gandhi accepted the principle of reservation of seats for women. He initiated measures that had a direct impact on the inclusion of women in politics, e.g., the 1993 provision for reservation of 33 per cent of elected seats on village Panchayats Most women MPs have supported the 81st Amendment, which would ensure a 33 per cent quota for women in parliament, even though party discipline has not allowed them to vote for this. Women's representation in the parliament, while important on the grounds of social justice and legitimacy of the political system, does not easily translate into improved representation of women's various interests.

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PART B:
Chapter 5: WOMEN IN POLITICS
Women make up half of the population of every country in the world. But the worldwide average percentage of women in National parliaments is only 16% of the more than 190 countries in the world; a woman is the head of government (President or a prime minister) is only 7. Women are 9% of ambassadors to the United States, 7% of the Worlds cabinet ministers, and 8% of the world mayors. And 10 Countries have no women representatives at all.

Almost every country in the world provides the legal right for women to participate in politics. Women can vote, women can support candidates and women can run offices. But the lack of visible women in the politics life of nation after nation suggests that veiled discrimination against women remains. In some countries such as Sweden, Argentine and Rwanda, women have made remarkable progress in their political representation. Unfortunately, in many other countries the struggle for equal representation proceeds slowly and some populations, religions and governments remain openly hostile to the notions of women in politics.

Gender has been a central issue in India since the colonial encounter. An overwhelming preoccupation with the Womans question arose from the 19th Century social reform movement, crucially informed anti colonial nationalism and remains a point of crisis in Indias cultural, social and political space. The recognition of gender as an issue forms the basis for India Womens movement.

In 1974 the Indian Government published a report, towards Equality that put status of women forcefully on the national agenda by arguing that the position of Indian Women has declined not improved, since 1977 (Committee on the status of women 1974) as a result data on gender discrimination in Employment, education, land distribution, inheritance, nutrition and health became impossible to overlook. At the same time violence against women was on the rise and wisely reported in the media. There were cases of rape in police custody, wife murder (usually called bride-burning or dowry deaths) on a large scale and sexual harassment
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in the workplace and on the street. Womens issues entered the fields of culture, religion and law of family and community structures of the problems and official responses to population, poverty, illiteracy and labor and of the new social movements of dalits, environmentalists, tribals, anti dams activists, peasants and trade unions. Womens mobilized to protect violence, legal discrimination and rising prices and agitated for better living conditions through higher wages. The Bengal women showed the way during the non cooperative protests of 1921. Basanti Debi, Urmila Debi and Suniti Debi joined picketing lines, courted arrest and precipitated a broadening of the movement. They were joined by numerous lady volunteers, especially sikh ladies, Calcutta students came out in hundreds joined the prohibited volunteer corps and marched out with Khaddar (Handloom cloth) an seeking imprisonment.

Thus embattled women- and their movement maintained the fragile unity and broad identity in which their differences and diversities were contained in the first phase of their active political engagement. Women have represented not only the biologically female population but have also helped to draw attention to the marginalized sector of our society, be it the down trodden castes or the people with disabilities.

TABLE 2: WORLD CLASSIFICATION OF WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS

Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 19 65 68 97 Country Rwanda Sweden South Africa Cuba Iceland Finland Netherlands Denmark Angola Costa Rica Germany Israel United States of America India Lower or single House Elections Seats* Women 9 2008 80 45 9 2006 349 164 4 2009 400 178 1 2008 614 265 4 2009 63 27 3 2007 200 83 11 2006 150 62 11 2007 179 68 9 2008 220 82 2 2006 57 21 9 2005 612 197 2 2009 120 21 11 2008 435 73 4 2009 543 58 %W 56.3% 47.0% 44.5% 43.2% 42.9% 41.5% 41.3% 38.0% 37.3% 36.8% 32.2% 17.5% 16.8% 10.7% Upper House or Senate Elections Seats* Women % W 10 2003 26 9 34.6% --------4 2009 54 16 29.6% ------------------------5 2007 75 26 34.7% ------------------------N.A. 69 15 21.7% --------11 2008 98 15 15.3% 7 2008 243 23 9.5%

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Chapter 6: INTRODUCTION TO THE WOMMENS RESSEVATION BILL

In September 1996 the United Front government introduced the Constitution (Eighty-first) Amendment Bill, which sought to reserve for women one-third of the seats in Lok Sabha and state assemblies. In the preceding elections almost all political parties had promised such reservation in their manifestos. The bill was referred to a joint select committee under the chairpersonship of Gita Mukherjee, a veteran member of Parliament from the Communist Party of India. The resubmitted bill was hotly debated in the House in 1997 and 1998. Since then the bill has been stalled. It remains on the agenda in each parliamentary session, but with current political instability, no party is willing to take on such a controversial issue. In India the demand for reserved seats in legislative bodies did not arise from the womens movement, but the alacrity with which a section of the movement picked it up reflects a political understanding of empowerment and shifts in the womens movement. This awareness was reflected in the platform for action developed at the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, one of the goals of which was, to increase womens participation in political institutions. In fact, the government claimed the reservation bill to be a fulfilment of the pledge made at Beijing.

The possibility of such a large claim by women is of major significance to established and entrenched interests. Passions have risen to a fever pitch, both in Parliament and outside, especially in the visual and print media. Notably, the public ascribes authorship of the measure to feminists.

Many feminists have welcomed the bill and the political vicissitudes through which it is passing. Male members of Parliament who oppose the bill have indulged in aggression and violence on the floor of the House; and there has been explicit male collusion to block the bill. The male plot, says Jain, has actually done women a service by uniting women parliamentarians across party lines as never before. Yet the Indian womens movement is bitterly divided on the issue. One section, led by leftist female members of Parliament, has vociferously campaigned in its favour. But an equal
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number of activists have been hesitant, doubtful, indifferent, and even hostile to the proposed measure.

TABLE 3: ELECTROL SYSTEM OF INDIAN IN RELATION TO WOMEN

Electoral System: Number of Women in Lower House: Election Year: 2009 Election Year: 2008 No No

FPTP (Plurality/Majority) - Voter Turnout Number of Women Elected: 59 of 543 , 10.9% Number of Women Elected/Appointed: 23 of 243, 9.5%

Number of Women in Upper House: Constitutional Quota for National Parliaments? Election Law Quota or Regulation, National Parliament?
Constitutional or Legislative Quota, Sub-National Level?

Legal Sanctions for NonCompliance? Rank-Order Rules? Political Party Quota for Electoral Candidates: Party
Indian National Congress

Yes -- 33% of seats in all local bodies (panchayats and municipalities) are reserved for women according to the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments. This includes the provision that 33% of the seats reserved for the scheduled classes etc shall be women. No

Yes Political Party Details:*

Acronym
INC

Details, Quota provisions:

The INC has a 15% quota for women candidates.

*Only parties that have or have had quotas are presented in this table. Other:
In 1996, a Women's Representation Bill was first tabled in parliament. It proposed to reserve one-third of the seats in the Lok Sabha (House of the People) and other legislative bodies for women, using a constituency-rotating system. Since then, the Bill has been pending and discussed repeatedly, with various quota formulations. In the Budget Session of 2008, it was accepted by the Rajya Sabha (Council of States). However, before it is adopted, the Bill must also be passed by the Lok Sabha with two-thirds majority, which has not yet been gained. 2009-06-01

Last Updated:

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Chapter 7: COMPARITIVE STUDY OF INDIAN WOMEN POLICIES IN PARLIAMENT Chapter 7.1: ISRAEL Chapter 7.1.1: WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT OF ISRAEL-- KNESSET
Since the establishment of the State of Israel, only six women have served as cabinet ministers, including Prime Minister Golda Meir. TABLE 4: WOMEN MINISTERS SINCE 1948

Golda Meir (Labor) Shoshana ArbeliAlmozlino (Labor) Shulamit Aloni (Labor, Meretz) Sarah Doron (Likud) Ora Namir (Labor) Limor Livnat (Likud) Dalia Itzik (Labor)

Prime Minister, Labor, Foreign Affairs Health Without portfolio, Education, Communications, Arts and Sciences Without portfolio Labor and Social Affairs Communications Environment

Ever since the first Knesset, the number of women MKs has remained relatively constant at around eight to ten members, or 7 to 9 percent of the 120member house. Women MKs have proposed a high number of bills, have chaired committees, and have served as Deputy Speakers. Women in the Knesset play an important part in shaping government responses to a variety of issues, particularly on the domestic front. Notable legislative successes to date include progress in the areas of affirmative action, comparable worth and equal pay legislation, and strict measures in cases of violence against women. In general, women Knesset Members

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have been less successful in participating in some of the highstakes issues such as finance and defense. For many years, women's seats on Knesset committees followed a predictable pattern. Until 1984, no women had served on either the Foreign Affairs and Security Committee or the Finance Committee, the two most powerful committees. Women Knesset members instead tended to be assigned to the more domestic and socially oriented committees. Women candidates have had little success in mayoral elections. 29 women ran for mayoral slots in 1989, but only one was elected; 10 women ran in 1993; none were elected. The number of women participating in local politics has increased systematically. In 1950, 4.2 percent of local representatives were women; by 1978, 5.5%; and in 1993, 11%. This pattern is slowly changing. In the thirteenth Knesset, the Education Committee was chaired by a woman, and women sat on the House Committee, the Foreign Affairs and Security Committee, the Labor and Welfare Committee, the Immigration and Absorption Committee, the Interior and Environment Committee, the Economics Committee and the War against Drugs Committee. In the fourteenth Knesset, women chair three committees: the Immigration and Absorption Committee, the Research and Development Committee, and the Committee on the Status of Women, which is now a statutory committee. Women also serve on the Education Committee, the Interior Committee, the Immigration Committee, the Labor and Welfare Committee and the House Committee. Some of the smaller parties, including those with a religious platform, discourage women from running for office although Emunah, the women's branch of the National Religious Party, has run independently in local elections and won a seat on several occasions.

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TABLE 5: NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF WOMEN IN EACH KNESSET

YEAR 1949 1951 1955 1959 1961 1965 1969 1973 1977 1981 1984 1988 1992 1996

NUMBER 11 12 9 10
9 8 10 8 8 10 7 11 9 9

PERCENTAGE
9.2 9.2 10.0 7.5 8.3 7.5 6.7 8.3 6.7 6.7 8.3 5.8 9.2 7.5

Source: Report to Beijing Conference on Women

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Chapter 7.1.2: OVERVIEW

The system of proportional representation, which actually encouraged women's representation in Europe, has not had the same effect in Israel. Absence of majority party demands coalition of smaller small religious parties, which are generally opposed to the participation of women in public life. Participation of women in the parliament requires three things that women candidates tend not to have in abundance: money, public exposure and organization. Cultural pressures to marry early and start a family are strong among Israeli women. As a result, many women who are interested in politics sacrifice their own aspirations in the name of marriage and family. Given Israel's excellent educational opportunities for women, strong legislation and history of women politicians, men and women should be equally represented within the ranks of public leadership. Nevertheless, the same does not happen. Israel has an average level of women representation of about 15%. One lesson learned from Israel is that electrol systems cannot guarantee high representation levels. A second lesson is that gaining high electrol threshold; which is the minimum percentage of the vote that a party must have in order to win a seat in the legislature is important to increase womens chances.

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TABLE 6: ELECTROL SYSTEM OF ISRAEL IN RELATION TO WOMEN

Electoral System: Number of Women in Lower House: List PR (PR) - Voter Turnout Election Year: 2009 Number of Women Elected: 21 of 120 , 17.5% N/A No

Constitutional Quota for National Parliaments? Election Law Quota or Regulation, National Parliament? Legal Sanctions for NonCompliance? Rank-Order Rules? Political Party Quota for Electoral Candidates:
Political Party Details:*

N/A

Yes

Party

Acronym

Original Name

Details, Quota provisions:

Since 1997, ILP has a 25% quota, to be increased gradually in order to reach 40% in 2015. Placement is decided ad hoc for each election. Women should comprise 40% of party lists. At least one woman must be among the top 10 after the primaries.

Israel Labor Party MeretzYachad Likud

ILP

Aavoda

*Only parties that have or have had quotas are presented in this table. 2009-03-10 Last Updated:

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Chapter 7.1: GERMANY Chapter 7.1.1: WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT OF GERMANY

The Federal Republic of Germany is a democratic, federal and social constitutional state. Together with the basic rights, these principles form the inviolable core of the constitution, adherence to which is guarded over by the Federal Constitutional Court. After it had been approved by the Parliamentary Council, the Basic Law came into force on May 23, 1949. It is the legal and political foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany. In determining that it is the people who exercise power through special bodies, the Basic Law lays down representative democracy as the form of ruler ship. As per the Basic Law, there are no constitutional, regional or national quotas for women, but there is proportional representation system in the parties, which has caused 195 women out of the total strength of 614, of the parliament to be elected. That accounts to about 31.8%, which is a considerably good number, as compared to Indias 10.9%. In Germany women gained both active and passive suffrage in 1918. The Social-Democrats (SPD) have been the first political party that integrated equal rights for women to vote and to stand as candidates in their Manifesto (Erfurter Programm) in 1891. Quotas as a tool to create a gender balance in political decision-making are seen as the responsibility of political parties. In 1988 the Social Democrats added a system of flexible quota and stipulated that in all internal party elections at least one third of candidates must be female. From 1994, 40 per cent of all party positions have to be held by women. The German electoral system combines the principle of proportionality with the relativemajority system of single-member constituencies. In that sense it is mixed system and consequently the seats of the Bundestag (lower house of national parliamentarian assembly) are made up half by 'constituency' seats (Direktmandate) and half from the party lists. The strong and decisive proportionality angle of the system favours women's chances to be elected.

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TABLE 7: QUICK FACT: WOME IN POLITICS OF GERMANY

Women's suffrage active: Women's suffrage passive: 1st Women in parliament: 1st Women in government:

1st Ministry on women's issues: % women in national Parliament: % women in national Government: Mixed/Two:

1918 1918 1919 Marie Juchacz (SPD) 1961-1966 Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt (CDU), Ministry of Health 1986 Ministry of Youth, Family, Women and Health 31,2% Lower House (2000), 13,2 Upper House (2000) 35,0% (2000)

Electoral System: Federal Diet: 656 members; 328 elected by majority vote from single-seat constituencies, 328 elected by party list vote from 16 multi-seat states awarded to ensure proportional representation. 1988 SPD 40% women in all bodies of the parties and parliaments, PDS 50%, Grne 50%, since 1996 CDU 1 (woman) to 2 (men) proportion.

Party Quota:

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Chapter 7.1.2: OVERVIEW

Should there be introduction of proportionality norms or quotas for representation of women in INDIA?

Germany has had proportional representation that has resulted in three to four times more women participating in politics and also being elected in countries with similar political cultures, for example as in the case of Australia. The internal voluntary party quota systems have also been influential and effective in escalating the number of women participating in politics, and this system has also been capably been implemented in France by means of legislation. In countries, like India, where compulsory quotas are politically difficult, voluntary targets can be set. Mechanisms to monitor and scrutinise the implementation of quotas that are accountable to the assembly should be established. This ensures that regular discussions on progress are part of the parliamentary timetable. Setting up committees on womens issues and national womens policy agencies that are also accountable to parliament have similar effects.

The reservation of seats is also a very effective measure, especially in countries such as India where there is such meagre representation of women in parliament. In India, only 6.5 percent of parliamentarians, 39 members of a house of 543, are women. A bill for reservation of seats for women in parliament is also pending; discussions are ongoing.

Also, Changes in procedure can be effective in and of them and can also have a wider impact on society. One such practice is in place in the German Bundestag: when a woman raises her hand to speak in discussions she is automatically shifted to the top of the list of male speakers. This practice seeks to overcome womens diffidence about speaking in maledominated groups by maximizing their opportunities to participate. In addition, the candidate selection rules must be altered to assist womens access to political offices, must be reviewed.

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TABLE 8: ELECTROL SYSTEM OF GERMANY IN RELATION TO WOMEN

Electoral System: Number of Women in Lower House: Constitutional Quota for National Parliaments? Election Law Quota or Regulation, National Parliament? Legal Sanctions for NonCompliance? Rank-Order Rules? Political Party Quota for Electoral Candidates:

MMP (Mixed) - Voter Turnout Election Year: 2005 Number of Women Elected: 195 of 614 , 31.8% No No N/A Yes

Political Party Details:* Party The Left Party Alliance 90/The Greens Acronym Original Name Die Linkspartei Bndnis 90/Die Grnen Details, Quota provisions: Die Links has a 50% quota for women on party lists. Alliance 90/The Greens has a 50% quota for women on party lists (1986).

Christian Democratic Union

CDU

At least one-third (i.e. every third candidate) on an CDU electoral list must be women (1996). If this Christlichquota is not met, the internal Demokratische Union elections for CDU delegates have to be repeated. The delegates are also candidates for elections on national level.

SPD introduced a quota system in 1988. The target was 25% by 1990, Social 33% by 1994 and 40% by 1998. Democratic Sozialdemokratische According to the 40% rule, it is SPD Party of Partei Deutschlands required that the lists should be Germany zipped, with the option of allocating every fifth place to someone of either sex. *Only parties that have or have had quotas are presented in this table. Last Updated: 2006-05-31

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Chapter 8: CONCLUSION
WOMEN EMPLOWERMENT AND POLITICS: Empowerment was the buzzword of the 1990s. According to Bina Agarwal empowerment is a process that enhances the ability of disadvantaged (powerless) individuals and groups to challenge and change (in their favour) existing power relationships that place them in subordinate economic, social and political positions. In a general way, the emphasis on power is a response to post-feminist (and feminist) critiques of the earlier focus on victimization. But indiscriminate application of the term is likely to trivialize it and defuse its potential. Devaki Jain rightly points out that to say inputs of education, better health facilities or toilets are empowering is misusing the word and misleading policy.

Toilets by themselves cannot be empowering, but the exercise of power by certain groups may lead to a situation where most people are denied basic facilities, like toilets, and the goal should be to empower underprivileged groups so that they can claim such facilities. Achieving empowerment requires the womens movement to operate in the field of politics, not only in the manner in which it redefines the field (the personal is the political) but also in the arena where power is brokered the public world of formal, institutionalized politics.

A crucial step has been taken since the 1980s, from protest politics toward the political mainstream, in order to actualize the movements claims of playing a transformative role in society and politics. Indian women have had little representation in institutional politics since independence. The largest share of women in Parliament occurred in 1985, when the womens movement was at its peak. Since then womens representation has fallen. The womens constituency is fragmenting rather than consolidating. There is an urgent need for political intervention. The issue of reservation is meaningful for womens leadership; feminist arguments and advocacy now have to deepen into validating claims about the quality of leadership. Leadership is essential because feminist claims on the political arena are not just to share power but to change the nature of power; not just to govern but to change the nature of governance. Women have many ways of enhancing, transforming, and expanding the notion of power and politics and giving full meaning to the concept of representation.
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All this requires us to address the broader field of power and politics. Action at the local level can be useful. But such action inevitably remains at the margins and has limited transformative potential. Only a strong political content can make empowerment a reality. Similarly, empowerment can be made meaningful for women only by enhancing the politicalideological content of development. The definition of political has to reach out to the widest arena of power. Moreover, to be effective players in the distribution of power and resources, women have to stake a claim not only on the states munificence, but also on state power

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Chapter 9: BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES: GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS: 1. Engendering Governance and Leadership UNIFEM 2. GOI (Government of India Publication), 1974. 3. GOI (Government of India) Publications DWCD (Department of Women and Child Development) 1988. 4. National Perspective Plan for Women 1988-2000: New Delhi 5. United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women 6. United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) - Gender Statistics 7. Women Watch - UN Internet Gateway on the Advancement and Empowerment of Women

OFFICIAL INTERNET WEB SITES: 8. http://parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/intro/ataglance.htm 9. http://usgovinfo.about.com/library/weekly/aa121198.htm 10. http://www.knesset.gov.il/ 11. http://www.usa.gov/ 12. http://www.bundestag.de./

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SECONDARY SOURCES: BOOKS: 13. Changing Terms and Political disclosure: Womens Movement in India, 1970-1990 Author(s) Agnihotri I & V. Mazumdar EDITION : 1995 14. Confronting Myraid Oppressions : The Western Regional Experience PUBLICATION: Centre for Womens Development Studies, New Delhi EDITION:1995 15. Empowering Indian Women AUTHOR: Promila Kapur PUBLICATION: Ministry of Information & Broadcasting 16. India : Party, personality & Dynasty AUTHOR : Alan Ware PUBLICATION : Oxford Blackwell 17. Indian Womens Battle for Freedom AUTHOR(S): Chatlopadhaya & Kamaladevi PUBLICATION: Abhinav Press, New Delhi EDITION : 1983 18. Law And Gender Inequality: The Politics Of Womens Rights In India AUTHOR: Flavia Agnes 19. Theory And Practice Of Womens Movement in India:: A Disclosure Analysis AUTHOR : A. Kerker 20. Towards Feminist Politics 21. Towards Bejing : A perspective from the Indian Womens Movements Published By : CWDS New Delhi
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22. Women & Politics In India AUTHORS : Chakraborthy, Manas & Agarwal, Vidyawati PUBLICATION: Oxford Publication House 23. Women and Public Power : Women in the Parliament AUTHOR: S. M. Raj PUBLICATION:IDS Bulletain, Vol 26, No. 3 July 24. Women in Contemporary Germany Life, Work & Politics AUTHOR: Eva Kolinsky PUBLISHER: Providence Berg Press 25. Women Pioneer in Indias Renaissance AUTHOR: Sushila Nayar & Kamala Mankekar PUBLISHER: National Book Trust, India 26. Womens Political Engagment in India AUTHOR: H. L .Swarup, Nirog Sinha, Chitra Gosh, Ram Rajrut PUBLICATION: London: Yale University Press, 1994

RESEARCH PAPERS/JOURNALS/MAGAZINES: 27. BBC World Service: Women in Power 28. Democracy Forum - International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) 29. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. xxx, No. 29. pp. 1869-1878. 30. International Review of Women and Leadership - Edith Cowan University 31. International Women's Democracy Center 32. National Democratic Institute for International Affairs NDI 33. Women's Environment and Development Organization 34. Zarate's Political Collections - Women Leaders

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INTERNET WEBSITE SOURCES: 35. http://archive.idea.int/women/parl/CH5E.htm 36. http://archive.idea.int/women/parl/studies4a.htm 37. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bundestag 38. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Knesset 39. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parliament 40. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Congress 41. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women_in_governments_of_Israel 42. http://www.america.gov/constitution.html?gclid=CIHztL2j2pwCFZMwpAodOWgpw 43. http://www.america.gov/women-courage.html 44. http://www.america.gov/women-in-govt.html 45. http://www.bundestag.de/ 46. http://www.business-standard.com/india/storypage.php?autono=322827 47. http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/fast_facts/women_of_color/politics.php 48. http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/research/index.php 49. http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/research/topics/impact.php 50. http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/research/topics/term_limits.php 51. http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/research/topics/voting_behavior.php 52. http://www.goethe.de/ges/mol/dos/gen/ger/en4206290.htm 53. http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/women_parliament.htm 54. http://www.idea.int/gender/ 55. http://www.iknowpolitics.org/en/library/regions/north_africa_middle_east/israel 56. http://www.israelemb.org/education/publications/Women.pdf 57. http://www.manushi-india.org/women-in-politics.htm 58. http://www.myjewishlearning.com/israel/Contemporary_Life/Politics/Women_in_Pol itics.shtml 59. http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/statistics.htm 60. http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/womensit/in-w-sit.pdf 61. http://www.parl.gc.ca/information/library/PRBpubs/prb0562-e.htm 62. http://www.pineforge.com/upm-data/14346_Chapter1.pdf 63. http://www.quotaproject.org/ 64. http://www.wic.org/misc/history.htm 65. http://www.womengateway.com/NR/exeres/4EE7C44F-50E0-406C-85D246958EF174DF.htm 66. http: //www.worldbank.org/gender/prr

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