Assoc. Pro f,. Dr. Vladislav B.

Sotirovic
Vilnius University/Universitas Vilnensis Faculty of Fhilology and Facuity of Histc,ry
Address f or correspondence:

Vilties g. 24-48 44 Vilnius, L ithuania (Lietuva) Webs:http://w3.vu.lt http ://www. fre ew eb s. com /ovs iste/ind ex.htm
Gerosios
L T-03 i

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Fax:+370 5 268 7208 Mobile:8 676 64317 E-m ai ls :vsotirovi c @serbi an ca f e. com
vs oiirovic(@yaho o. com

ISSN 1392-1517

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t43 Peqen3r{r{, 06sopnr

l'lodislav B. Sr";
it{inetcen tli -c. *: and stateirccc 149
.11elcsanch.

Jpnzv Rusrrc, WiEslaw Bonvs (red.), Praslotviafiszczyzt,tg i .iej rozpad. warszawa: Exrncun, 1998. 386 s. ISBN 83-8511g-x. {8. vet*wonac)

Cllntsrtnx HaNxtct< (Hg.) , Kanzleiw,esen und Kcrnzleisprachen int ostlichen Europa. Koln-Weimar-Wien: Bclhlau , l,ggg. Z3Z S. ISBN 3-412-13897 -5. (Archiv fiir Diplornatik, Schriftgeschichte, siegel- und wappenkunde. Beiheft 6.) (K. steinke)
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.iqzylca,

)ladeida Fadtier i Invariant en:::;i

161

-'-

Kmus SrElNrn, Die russischen Spracltinseln in l]ttlgarien Heidelberg, carl winter universitatsverlag. 1990 . 262 s. ISBN 3-533-a4260-x
kart; ISBN 3-533-A4261-B Gewebe. (SLAVrcA. Sammlung slavischer
Lehr- und Handbticher. Neue Folge .) (8.

oi::.; Sergej Jur'eyii r.rnenology

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verutonac)......

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17a

...............

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r:
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a Lempel..'ic, :l Traditional Jei'.:.."

175
I,

Ntrornl MIKHAILov, Fr{ihslowenische Sprachdenknrciler. Die handschriftliche Periode der slowenischert Sprache (xIV .Ih. bis 1550). Amsrerdam-Atlanta, GA, 1998. 445 S.
(Studies in Slavic ancl General Linguistics, vol. 26.) (8. Korturqxan)

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SI,AVISTICA VII,NENSIS
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49 (2)

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Vladislav

TABLE OF CONTE}J'|S

Articles

lto i jej rozpad. L (8. Veruvoasc)

iprachen irn )99. 732 S.

B. Sotit.ovit Nineteenth-century ideas of Serbian,.linguistic,, nationhood

and

statehood

t49

Aleksandr
Sergej

Dnitrievii Duliienko

Krii,ani(, and KaradZi6: In search of rnetalinguistic

solutions

25

Jur'evii

Temiin

:o:':::l::"'
torii,
_jqz,v"lca,

ts7

An anomalous numbering of the lections after pentecost in Serbian

long lectionary Gospel No. 8 from the

FlilandarMonastery

37

kou"ej. Instytut
w-istr.cznv Osrodek

Nadeida Faddeevna Koujazina

16r

'X. (B. Vercuouac)

Invariant entries and Gospel lections in the Slavic lectionary menology of the 1l-16th cc. (September) ..................
Sergej

5l

rien.

Heidelberg,

Jur'evii

Temiin

r 3-53 3-A4260-X
mlun g slar;ischer

The developrnent of the written culture of Eastern Bulgaria before 971

..

6l

Alla Borisovna Lixqieva

).... JlTieris:c:r':ni e: te U\\'Amnkou,ania

[1\ arsze\\"a. I 61

na

On metaphoric features in contemporary Russian television comlnentary

79

Lat'isa Lempertieni
Traditional Jewish education in

Lithuania

9l

enr \\'arsza\\'skie go,

)auttcKette i .... 'ler.

t75 Valerij
Celcmonas

Materials. Discussions

ipracile
L 4$5 S"

A dialectological journey through

frorn Rjazan to

Oregon

southern Russian dialects

105

Aoruuuxon) ......

t7B

Galina Miikinieni The'Kitab Dictionary' project: Arabic-alphabet Slavic-language

manuscripts from the rnid-17th

century
Notes

123

183

Italerij Cekmonas
The concept of the sociolinguistic

area

l2g
1,32

Marija Romanova
Toward a description of charm

structure

Elena Mixaj lovna Koniclcaj a

An ellipse feature in Slovenian and

Russian
.

135

Nac{eida Morozova
Determining the dating of the Byxovec Chronicle Gerrudzj Cyxun Memorial forAdam r37
143

Suprun
Reviews. Surveys

Jenzv Rusrrc, Wtsslnw BoRys (red .), Praslowia,fiszcztszna i jej rozpacl Warszawa: ENERGEIR. 1998. 386 s. ISBN 83-85118-X. (V Cekn,onas)

t49

Cuntsrlnx HaNxlct< (Hg.), Kanzleiwesen und Kanzleisprachen int ostlichen Europa. Koln-Weirnar-Wien: Bohlau , 1999. 232 S. ISBN 3-412-13897 -5. (Archiv fiir Diplornatik, Schriftgeschichte,
Siegel- und Wappenkunde. Beiheft 6.) (K. Steinlte)

of Ser
r57
.1 diyided nation:
ir'

Invon Gnnr<-PABISown, Staroobrzqdo\vcy. Szlcice z histot'ii, .jqzylca, obycza.low. Wybor prac z okazji l-lecia pracy naukowej. Instytut Slawistyki Polskiej Akadernii Nauk. Warszawa, Slawistyczny Osrodek Wydawnrczy (SOW) , 1999.346 s. ISI{B 83-86619- 18-X. (V Cekmon*s)

g n e ra{

ot'cn'r

e n*

161

Krnus Srptnxa, Die russlsclrcn Spracltinseln in Bulgari,en, Heidelberg,

Carl Winter Universitdtsverlag. 1990. 262 S.ISIIN 3-533-A4260-X kart; ISBI{ 3'533-A4261-8 Gewebe. (Sr-nvrcA. Sammlung slavischer
Lehr- und Handbucher. Neue Folge .) (V Cekmonas).,..........................
L7A

cJivided among :" pire. The Turlus_

poioluks. the nr: pire: the mosr i:

Pnislu/r r.,-hich
.-x,

Jozpr Ponnysrcl-Ponrysra (ed.), Sytuacja jqzl,lro\ua na ltileriszczt,inie; Materialy sympozjum "Socjo- i psycholingwistyczne Llwarunkowania sytuacji jqzykowej w Wilrrie i na WilenszczyLme" (Warszawa, 16-18 pafidzternika 1997 roku). Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego,
Warszaw&, 1999. 222 s. ISBN B3-7l5l-266-X

tricts. The cenrr:

region clf Srim:-;i.

took piace in ffic

17s

(l/. {Jiinslrieni)

L,ecame the cr,rc

Ntrcornr MTKIIAIt-ov) Friihslowenische Spracltdenkntciler. Ilie hatrdschriJtliche Periode der slowenischen Sprache

The Beognej: \ovopazarsli- St7B

(xIV Jh. bis 1550). Amsterdam-Atlanta, GA, 1998. 445 S.

(Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics, vol. 26.) (8. Konickaja) .....
I

belou,) u-ere a rn; ski and SkaCensi:: ski Pa5alrik. Tne r

nforrn ation. C[rronicles

183

Ten years since {Yt Cekmonqs) ....

\fontenesro Cec]. \Iontenegro r,r,'rs tive svstem rr, ith :. Dit'tm fPetror"ich ^ It is imporrar: rhodox Slar-ic in : ttrre Orthodox Sl;.-,

Catholic Croam.
e
\-:!ttitttts

"

Catholic and \{us

!tt;:ttrS:':' .
.,:,

,r

SLAVISTICA VILNI]NSIS I{alboti, ra 49(2)

135

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t43

CTATbI/

Vr-aorslav B. SolnovlC
i

jej

roztrtad 149

t4

tekrnonas)

Vihius University

ochert int ). 232 S. tgeschichte,

r51 'ii, j e-:vlra,
rr

Nineteenth-century ideas 6'linguistic" nationhood and statehood of Serbian

ej. Instytut
161

A divided nation:
(general oven iew)

erbian people in llte

lirst half of the 19th. century

sg'czn1'OSrodek

g'! Cettmortts)
en. Heidelberg, i-533-01260-X lung slavischer

In the first part of the 19th century, the historical Serbian territories were divided among two states, the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish possessions on the Balkan Peninsula consisted of several paialuks, the largest administrative-territorial units in the Ottoman Empire; the most important for future Serbian history was the Beogradski Paialuk which was administratively subdivided into twelve nahijas, or districts. The central and principal part of the Beogradski Pa5aluk was the region of Sumadija'Woodland', where two insurrections against the Turks took place in the years 1804-1815; in the subsequent decades this paSaluk became the core of independent Serbia and later on of Yugoslavia.

170

ileris:c :"t':ttie:
u\f,'arunko,,r'ania
fiarszarq'a.

l6-18
11 5

1r\

arszau,skie go,

hs*lepet.
r'ache

il45 S. '- Konickaja) .....

178

183

The Beogradski Pa3aluk was surrounded by the Ni5ki, Leskovadki, Novopazarski, Sjenidki and Zvornidki Pa5aluks, where the Serbs (defined below) were a majority. The Serbs lived also in the Hercegovadki, Bosanski and Skadarski Pa5aluks which did not border directly on the Beogradski Pa5aluk. The Orthodox Christians of de facto independent (tiom 1688) Montenegro declared themselves to be a part of the Serbian nation as well. Montenegro was only nominally incoqporated into the Tirrkish administrative system with the governor or paia, appointed by an Imperial Council, or Divan [Petrovich L976, see the map on p.20; Ranke 1973, see the map on p. Bl. It is important to note that the Serbian population was exclusively Orthodox Slavic in the Beogradski Pa5aluk only, whilst in all other pa5aluks the Orthodox Slavs lived together with the South Slavic Muslims, Roman Catholic Croats, and Orthodox Bulgarians, as well as with both Roman Catholic and Muslim Albanians.
A lrilniaus
u.rtiuersiteto leifi,kla, 2000

rssN 1392-1517

Vladislav B. Sotiroviri

ln South East;': tne \'luslinls si:

X-{erze.-govine.
r-l

ssme pro\-inc:. Ctiristians li"-e

j\lritv in

\\'EStc
I

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The prir.ile * contrast to the main source c:

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In the midFlabsburg \fcn the areas clf H nnilitarv bordc

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Flg.
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Constituent areas of historical Yugoslavia

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Because of this distribution of Serbs, some historians have considered Serbia proper to consist only of the territory of Beogradski Pa5aluk. Free

\ Ionarchr'. \\'hl
and Croatia anr The Serbs in th

Serbia during the First Insurrection (1804-1813) had about 500,000 inhabitants. It is suggested that in the mid-lgth century there were, in the aggregate, approximately 2,000,000 Serbs under Ottoman administration

[Dordevi6 1956]. Like the other subordinated Christians within the Ottoman Empire, the Serbs (according to the Serbian church, the South Slavic Orthodox Christian population who spoke the Serbo-Croatian language [Velifirirovi6 1915]) lived mainly in villages and were occupied with farming and cattle breeding. The Croats (according to the Croatian church, the South Slavic Roman Catholic population who spoke the Serbo-Croatian language, see feirkovid 1994]) from Bosnia and Herzegovina held the same social status as the Serbs. Both the Serbs and the Croats within Turkey belonged to the subordinated social strata named the raia (the serfs).

on the privileei l'ileges grante" cbligations of t Within the F the mid-18th r i ntensified cu- i vi Sad in the e:
x-x

The religicu

\'[onarcht.

\\'aS

Serbian Ortho'.J
the national lee and the nationa

During the Ottoman period, Bosnia and Herzegovina became a symbol of ethnic and religious mixture; it was a symbol of co-existence of peoples

This was ox
Bosnia and Her

Nineteenth-century ideas of Serbian "linguistic" nationhood and statehood

J
,f/----..^ 'l!,!, hmrro,

-i.*:9:...'.:::-:':::

...5:r\.y' il
-.v ,'

,1

:il
OMANI

in South Eastern Europe in that time. In the first half of the 19th century, the Muslims slightly outnumbered the Christian population in Bosnia and Herzegovina, while the Serbs substantially outnumbered the Croats in the same province. According to French records from 1.809, around 700,000 Christians lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Orthorlox were in a majority in western Bosnia and eastern Herzegovina, whilst the Catholics predominated in western Herzegovina [Istorija srpskog naroda 1981-1986

v(1), 10-121.

The privileged administrative, legal and social status of the Muslims in contrast to the Christians became, apart from their religious diversity, the main source of conflicts and animosities among these three national (religious) groups. According to the Ottoman law, only the Muslims as "Mohamed's people" could get a state oftice. In addition, the Muslims, contrary to the Christians, did not pay an extra state-tax, the harai.

l\^t'/\)f o' tatts

In the mid-19th century, a smaller number of Serbs lived under the Habsburg Monarchy (Austria-Hungary from 1867). They were settled in the areas of Hungary and Croatia under civil administration and in the military border region. This region was established on the Habsburg
Monarchy's border with Turkey in the mid-16th century and divided into
eleven military regiments. When the Habsburg Monarchy gained the former Venetian lands of Dalmatia and Boka Kotorska at the Vienna Congress of 1815, the number of Serbian residents within the Habsburg Monarchy increased significantly: in 1792 there were 667,247 Serbs in the Habsburg
ta

\
E

l{\

.n'"*
----.

--E't'S*i.

-----'-:x...-

g0sl3\ ia

Lorians have considered

Monarchy, while

in

1847 the Serbian population in both civil Hungary

:ograCski Pa5aluk. Free

had aLrout 500,000 inttury- there were, in the

and Croatia and the military border region reached the number of 896,902. The Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy enjoyed their historical rights based

)ttoman administration
he Ottonlan

Empire, the SIar ic Orthodox Chris-

lage l\-elimirovi6 19151) rminq and cattle breed-

on the privileges given to them by several Habsburg emperors. These privileges granted them ecclesiastic and educational autonomy. The exact obligations of the Serbs in the military border region were fixed in 1807. Within the Habsburg Monarchy, the cultural center for the Serbs before the mid-l8th century was Vienna. It then shifted to Budapest because of intensified censorship in Vienna, and, in the end, it was transfened to Novi Sad in the early L9th century. The religious life of the Serbs in the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy was concentrated in ancient monasteries and churches. The Serbian Orthodox church became a leading nationai institution preserving the national legend and historical memory of Serbian mediaeval statehood and the national language and letters.

&e South Slavic Roman

language, see [Cirkovid tme social status as the I'belonged to the suborlovina became a symbol co-existence of peoples

This was of particular importance in such ethnically mixed areas as

Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia.

10

Vladislav R. Sotirovid

Faith was a crucial point of politicar ideology and national cletermination under the ottoman Empire, see [Itzkowi tz r97z; Inalcik rg73].It was religion that attached the Balkan Muslims of south slavic origin to the Turkish government, Turkish political irleology and Turkish state interests. It was because of their new religion that the south slavic Muslims were given the disparaging name Turks by their christian compatriots. undoubtedly, the Islarnizatiorr of certain part of south slavic population was one of the most remarkable achievernents of the ottoman administration (for instance, national afJiliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina accorcling to the Yugoslav census of 1981: 39,5% Musrims, 37,zro serbs and
18,4% Croats).

\\'hen the ri:;",r Jrl\1-. tfie SerL'i.t: ; ;iiurcli traditi*.,n;.

-

Gcrm anrzatii..,ii.

]- I
1.

The Cr riiilc

;iili)'rnircd

lrrc-:i
,

national iCcnli;1; :.latia and Cr*.,:i:::

The Serbs were a dividcd nation not only politically but also fiom the point of view of church jurisdiction: the ottoman serbs belongecl to the Greek Patriarchate of constantinople, having lost their autonomous church organization, the Pecka Patrijariija in 1766. Meanr,vhile, the Austrian serbs developed their own national autonomous church organization, the Karlovaika Mitropolija,whichwas supervisecl by the government of Habsburg Monarchy. The main task of the serbian orthorlox clergy in both rurkey and the Habsburg Monarchy was to keep the nation tiorn being convertecl to either Islam or Roman catholicism. For this purpose, they created a theory according to which only the orthodox members of the south slavic community belonged to the serbian nation. At the same time, the serbian clergy proclaimed the church slavonic language and old cyrillic writing system as symbols of Serbian nationality. As is welr known, the serbian variant of the church slavonic language was originally called the slavonic-serbian language (slaveno-serbski) by the serbs, and had been the literary language in mediaeval Serbia. However, slaveno- serbski had unclergone significant changes fiom the 12th to the l8th century. Liturgical *"*i"., *"r" performed in slavonic-Serbian, which was rename d clturch slavonic by the Church during the 18th century [Albin 1970j. serbian church Slavonic was influenced in the eariy lBth century by the Russian version of church slavonic as a result of the impact of Russian liturgical books which were used by the Serbian orthodox clergy. The process of bringing together the two church Slavonic recensions was ini-

Front the p.:r ::inds in the n::i: national liberlr: :

'.rf & frec- afiC

,.

u:::"

can[urv, n'ith [-i.rnd 1815. The f::. siate \\,.cre ciral r i :

:n 1805 [DorJ.'- ]:
i?.iissia's D*ir,_,:'. : -;he state Couni::. f

lrai) p. 91; L liri : : Tlie Serbian o _: l:on in 1835. Irs *:lloclel tlie ntoi.::
zcrland. Foi" tl r s r: as a "French nL:rs:
"

l80i Gavriloi rc : :.

Prince tr ii i,r s i^, : ilational ideoios_. : anlargc the anc:*=:-.: Enrpire inhabaie; :
end llerzeqo\

ifl;.

{more about his

r:

In searclt of natiunal,

tiated in L727, wben the Moscow Holy synod sent up a mission to KarIovci in srem, the location of the headquarters of the serbian orthodox church in the Flabsburg Monarchy. The mission's main achievement appears to have been the adoption of a Russified version of serbian church Slavonic as the literary language of the Austrian Serbs.

While Prince \ir, rights" of the Scri''s. his rule: Vuk Stcf:,:,

tionaI

identi"1"r,,..

In his work 5,-i.;

novii Karad2ic *j-: iining the Serilan :

Nineteenth-century ideas ofSerbian "linguistic" nationhood and

statehood

11

I national cletermina-

Inalcik L9731. It was Slavic origin to the I Turkish state interouth Slavic Muslirns hristian compatriots. Ith Slavic population Ottoman administraHerzegovina accordns, 37,2% Serbs and
,

When the mission completed its service in 1737 and went back to Moscow, the Serbian clergy maintained the attachment to Russian cultural and church traditions, as the only apparent way to keep the Austrian Serbs from Germanization, Magyarization, and conversion to Roman Catholicism. The Cyrillic a$habet was of crucial importance to Serbs in the ethnically mixed areas. Cyrillic writings became a remarkable symbol of their national identification, especially in Bosnia, [Ierzegovina, Slavonia, Dalmatia and Croatia.

tlly but aiso from the erbs belonged to the ir autonomous church
ile, the Austrian Serbs

rganization, the l{arrsrnment of Habsburg

iboth Turkey and the ng converted to either

cated a theory accord-

From the period of the Ottoman occupation of the Serbian people and lands in the 15th century, the essence of Serbian political ideology was national liberation and revival of national statehood. The national dream of a free and united Serbian state began to be realized in the early 19th century, with two Serbian insurrections against the Turks in 1804-1813 and 1815. The first political plans for revival of the mediaeval Serbian state were drafted by Stevan Stratimirovi6, the Metropolitan of Karlovci, in 1805 [Eorc1evid 1956, 11-20]. This was followed by a plan in 1808 by Russia's Deputy in Serbia, K.K. Rodofirrikin, and the Serbia's Secretary of the state Council, Ivan Jugovii [istorija srpskog naroda 1981-1986 V(1), map p. 91; Lju5ii 1993b, 284-285; Lju5i6 1995,7-16; Lawrence 19771. The Serbian state, re-established in 1815, got its first modern constitution in 1835. Its author, the Austrian Serb Dimitrije Davidovi6, took as a model the modern liberal-dernocratic constitutions of Belgium and Switzerland. For this reason, Davidovi6's constihrtion was rcferred to in Russia as a "French nlrrsery-garden in Serbian woods" lStojandevi6 1991,270280; Gavrilovi|1926). Prince Milo3 Obrenovi6 I (181-839/185-860) continued to develop a national ideology of revival of Serbian statehood. He designed a plan to enlarge the ancient state by incorporating all the lands of the Ottoman Empire inhabited by a Serbian majority. It referred parlicularly to Bosnia and Herzegovina, SandZak (Stari Ras) and Kosovo and Metohija (Kosrnet)
(more about his policy see in [Stojandevid 1969; Vudkovil 1957]).

lth Slavic cornmunity n Serbian clergy pro-

Ilic u,riting system

as

he Serbian variant of the Slavonic-Serbiart

hcen the literary Xanff had undergone sig-

inrgical scrvices were I Church Slavonic by

carl)- 18th century by of the impact of RusOrthodox clergy.The ic recensions was iniup a mission to Karthe Serbian Orthodox nain achievement ap-

In search of national identity: Yuk Stefanovit Karadiii's linguistic natiorthood

While Prince Milo5's schemes were primarily based on the "historical rights" of the Serbs, Serbian political thought got a new dimension during hisrule: VukStefanoviiKaradZi6created a linguistic concept of na-

tionaI identification.

on of Serbian Church
rbs.

In his work Srbi svi i svuda ("Serbs All and Everywhere"), Vuk Stefanovii Karadi:if (1787-1864) intended to establish certain criteria for defining the Serbian nationality. Up to his times, Serbdom was identified

12

Vladislav B. Sotirovii

l-{ r-,

l,'i

Karaozl c's ti"; ::terged as tit: ::

iilil"'r
,1,,/

d{

lhr-fe afe I\', C t' ::lrnic Croats: r, r Scros sii'tce tlta', j :::et KaraC2i.r.::
.: --mselr-es as s ; :
""

,i.et ''all Stol;a-, .; r., e to call ii .a::. :

:,.

:i-c''' \\-ou1d it s:
- -:sir,. Karadz:;
)d,#'t*
Fra+.x

HffiT#

kaj kav i an

'fihW"
f.r\h:-:t / !4

fiJ

mlfl
ffi$$

ffiJ
Ii frYl LI&r"dJ
t-*-,

F*r
L::..:.J

dakavian western east hercegovinian slavonian east bosnian

zeta
tr

;#fftit#' r
s,5-*?-r n ;5.f[

.-.- treated

tile S: -

Ttris conc lr:s:

h,+ f *)
.f !: *1
\J

)r

r
\. '(
^b
Ir

carlr,as 181-+. ::: S tokavian su b -; 198-i. !," izii V. S. l :lr -'l Croats, disi. :' jrt this tirne. ti:; rJest obstacle
[l,-,

%r*_.
@
TF

-Banac

.L
'il I

{x:n

ffitr prizren-timok (torlak) international frontiers in

ffi

Sumadib-ygivo{irla
kosovo-resava
19

a,t

..{
I

"i
rl

tr
t-

"

r'Ik
v1

\6 r*-+an$.N'

.ltIr2rg*

19-1920

*.o.,*y'

(i

P? EI..E

S:

Frg. 2. Serbian and Croatian clialects

Ir rcegor.ric Jalr,

:;

mainly as the Balkan community of orthodox christianity that used the church cyrillic letters and cultivated the historical-national myth of the I(osovo tragedy (1389) and the heroic legends connected with it. This traditional-conservative church approach to national iclentification coulcl not satisfy the contemporary serbian intelligentsia which was tremendously atfected in the time of KaradZid by the modern German comprehension of national identification (Herdeq Fichte) (aboutwhich see [Mandelkow 19g2; Schenk 1969; Porter, Teich 1988;Walzel 1966;Beiser 19961).
The German linguistic approach to the question of national identificition led Karadzic to apply the same approach to the Serbian case. He chose the Stokavian ([Ilrorancrcu) dialect as a cardinal indicator of serbdom and named all South slavs who spoke this dialect serbian. In accordance with the German model, Karadlic did not pay any attention to religion in creating his system of national identity although he realized that the Serbs be-

KaradZic ic - -.
castern ethnic

:::

Fie did not

kt--,',,,

1831,he was i;.: "Serbi an" \'ili,rS;' suspicious abr'i:i : people frotn thc " r both Bulgarian ;:

eristence
B

of "tr::S:L:

ulgari an lan

longed to three different denominations. He regarded all Bosnians and

Herzegovinans as serbs because they spoke Stokavian, dividing them into three groups taking religion into consideration: the Serbs of Greek (or-

excluded Macec: : 648]. Finalir'. K,:. lect was sltrel\' s: duy border ber",'. . preserlt-day sr3:. :
.

It is necessai-, \vith the theorr" c:

thodox), Rontan(Catholic) and Turkish(Islamic),,law,, (creed) [KaradZi6 1849, 6-7 ), compare [Cvijii 1906; 1922, 202-2331.

Josef $afaiik. ir,, 5 Sid who claimcC li.,

Nineteenth-century ideas ofserbian "linguistic" nationhood and

statehood

13

KaradZid's treatment of the Croats who spoke the Stokavian dialect

emerged as the most disputable question among historians and linguists. There are two possible answers to it: 1) Karadlil comprehended them as ethnic Croats; or 2) Stokavian-speaking Croats were in his opinion ethnic Serbs since they spoke a native Serbian dialect. I came to the conclusion that KaradZii considered them to be originally ethnic Croats, conceiving themselves as Serbs. Such conclusion emerges liom KaradZii's statement that "all Stokavians of the Roman law (i.e., the Croats) will step by step have to call themselves by the name of Serbs; if they do not want to do so they would lose any national name" lKaradLi(, 1849 , 6; 1 8 14, 1 051 . Obviously, Karadlie did not treat the Croats as Stokavian-speaking Catholics, he treated the Stokavian-speaking Catholics as Catholic Serbs.

This conclusion is also suggested by Prof. Ivo Banac who wrote: "as early as 1814, for example, he (KaradZi6. V.S.) held that one of the Stokavian sub-dialects was characteristic - 'Roman Catholic Serbs'?' of [Banac 1984, 80]. The Croat authors are of the opinion that "He (KaradZie. V.S.) also tries to negate the existence of any significant number of Croats, distorting lristoric and linguistic factors to prove his arguments. At this time, the Croats, along with the Bulgarians, were seen as the biggest obstacle to Serbian dominance in the Balkans" [Beljo, Bosnar, Bing, Ercegovi6 Jambrovii, Stcrtin 1992, l7-l}l.
KaradLi(, found himself unable, however, to

ristianity that used the

fix precisely the south-

l-national myth of the pcted rvith it. This trailentification could not ich \il-as tremendously
mnn comprehension

eastern ethnic borders of Serbiannation from the point of view of his model.

of

soe [XI{andelkow L9B2-

mr lee6l).
of national identificd$crbian case. He ctrrose llcmor of Serbdom and m In accordance with sn to religion in creatiued that the Serbs berded all Bosnians and

He did not know how many Serbs lived in Albania and Macedonia. In 1834, he was informed by some merchants about the existence of 300 or so "Serbian" villages in western Macedonia. Nevertheless, he became very suspicious about the correctness of this information when he heard that the people from these villages spoke the "Slavic language", which could mean both Bulgarian and Serbian [Stoj andevii 197 4, 7 4, 7 7]. He recognized the existence of "transitional zones" between the Stokavian dialect and the Bulgarian language in westem Bulgaria (Torlak andZagorle regions) but excluded Macedonia from the Stokavian-speaking zone fKaradhie, 1:9)g, 6481. Finally,Karadtit, was only able to conclude that the Stokavian dialect was surely spoken on the teritory between Timok River (on the presentday border between Serbia and Bulgaria) and the Sara Mountain (on the
present-day state border between Serbia and Macedonia).

rq dividing them into

hc Serbs of Greek(Or-

It is necessary to emphasize that KaradZi6's ideas were in accordance

with the theory developed by the leading 19th century philologists Pavel Josef Safaiik, Jan Kollar, Josef Dobrovsky, Jemej Kopitai and Franc MikloSid

tqr" (creed) [Kar adlic

who claimed the genuine Slovene dialect was Kajkavian, native Croatian

L4

Vladislav B. Sotirovid

dialect was eakavian (and to a certain extent Kajkavian) and finally, thar the Serbian genuine dialect was Stokavian [Safaiik 1955 (first edition lg42), 146-147l. It should be noted here that the serbo-croatian language is divided into three basic dialects, named after the form of the interrogative pronoun whut: Kajkavian (what = kaj), iakavian (what : ia), and Stokavian (what = ito). At the time when Karadhil was writing his treatise, the Kajkavian dialect was spoken in northwestern parts of croatia proper, eakavian in the northern coast area and islands of eastem Adriatic shore and Stokavian in the area stretching fi'om the Austrian Military Bortler in the northwest to Sara Mountain in the southeast. The last dialect is divided into three sub-dialects according to the pronunciation of the proto-slavic vowel jat [Dedijer I975,103; Jelavich 1983, 304-308]. KaradZi6's concept of Serb "linguistic" nationhood had a significant impact on the 19th-20th century Serbian (and other) scholars. First, it had given impetus to the correction of the traditional picture of the Serbian ethnic territories in the Balkans created earlier. second, the claim for the presence of a considerable amount of Serbian population in western Bu1garia was abandoned. Then, Dubrovnik's literary and cultural legacy became advocated as exclusively serbian [cviji6 1906,4344; r9z2;Gravier 1919, 29-32; Radojdi6 1927). A united nation: Ilija Garaianin's linguistic statehood

Finally, the evolution of the serbian national statehooc|s ideology got its ultimate shape after Ilija Garasanin (1812-1874)had combined "historical" and "national" rights of thc Serbs by drafting a plan for consoliclation of all Serbian lands and people within a single national state. FIis ly'a iertanije ("Druft") became one of the most significant and influential works in the history of South-slavic political thought, especially in serbia. It greatly influenced the development of the serbian national program and fbreign policy in the L9th and 20th centuries. written in 1,844 as a top-secret paper submitted onry to prince Alexander Karadordevi6 r (1842-1858), it became known in Austro-Hungarian diplomatic circles in i888. The general public became farniliar with the text in 1906. The Naiertanije did not come to us in the original version and it can only be reconstructed on the basis of several transcripts. Ditferent interpretations of Garasanin's ultimate iclea of statehood ariie because he did not succeed in finishing the copy of" Naiertanije thatwas delivered to Prince Alexander [MacKenzie 1985]. Garasanin was to a large extent inspirecr by three works written by his contemporaries in 1843 and 1844: The Advice (or: Recomntenclations) by the Polish Prince Adarn Jerzy czafioryski (1770-1861) a leader of the

Gara5anrn

;-nrpire ani iil:; i1_ *:,,ie futurc. -\-:

11-"fitberment

*-i-

Il--;

:-pulation anJ; : : -rlional state - :; r

,1,,.'111d

be the F;--.: ::iSuiarv stai'is -^- . :

I think tti "l ,-: ,-: ;'iases. In th; :l: rnd a fe\\- trl :::: :

r:d Flerzegc'.'::.

-i
',1,,

inalir'. Kcso,-: -lrbited br th; S:

t;--Lr.flification

S -":

Nineteenth-century ideas ofSerbian "linguistic" nationhood and

statehood

15

ian) and finally, thar

i (first edition

IB42),

rtian language is diof the interrogative at - in), and Stokaiting his treatise, the i of Croatia proper, stem Adriatic shore n Iv{ilitary Border in ast dialect is divided i of the Proto-Slavic rl.

il

had a signifrcant cholars. First, it had ;ture of the Serbian td. the claim for the tion in rvestern BulI cultural legacy be3".*{-1; 1922; Gravier

Polish 6migr6s in Paris; A Fragment of the History of Serbia by the Bri:ish author David Urkwart and The Plan by the Czech Francisco Zach. These authors championed the idea of creating a united South Slavic state under the leadership of Serbia, aimed at being a barrier to the Russian and .\ustrian political influence in the Balkans (see more about the political rctivities of Urkwart, Czartoryski and Zach in [Handelsman 1929; 1934; Pavlowitch 196L;Popov 1870; Batowsky 1937; L939,20-1221). This united \ugoslavia would stay, according to these projects, under French and British protection [Aleksi6 1954). Howeveq Gara5anin did not accept this program of uniting Serbia and die South Slav territories of the Habsburg Monarchy in a single, federal state; in fact, he advocated the creation of a single centralized Serbian national state whose boundaries would embrace a total Serbian national :ody and some of the Serbian historical lands (see discussion of this prob"em in [Jeleni6 l9l8; 1923; SiSie tl:Z; Popovid 1940; Stranj akovi(, 1932, )68-27 4; Jovanovi6 1990, 343-37 5 ; 1933, 327 ; 1932, 1 0 1-1 04; Mitrovid

1937,297-3001).
In my opinion, there were two reasons why Gara5anin designed aunited Serbian national state rather than a Yugoslav one. Firstly, he favored the idea of an ethnically uniform state recommended by the German Romanticists. Secondly, he believed that a multinational South Slavic state would easily be disintegrated because of possible frequent struggles between the ditferent nations. In short, he thought that only an ethnically unitbrm state organization could be stable in principle.

xl's ideology got its I combined "historian for consolidation I state. His l{aiertainfluential works in ' in Serbia. It greatly
,rogram and toreign to Prince Alexann Austro-Hungarian ne farniliar with the original version and ranscripts. Different ,od arise because he hat \\;as detrivered to
11.

Gara5anin designed his plans in expectation that both the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy would be disintegrated in the immediate future. According to him, in the case of Austrian and Ottoman dismemberment the principal duty of Serbia was to collect the entire Serbian population and a certain number of Serbian historicai lands into a single national state organization (obviously, the core of a united Serbian state rvould be the Principality of Serbia which had at that time an autonomoustributary status within the Ottoman Empire).

I think that Gara5anin projected Serbs rallying to a united state in two phases. In the first, Serbia would annex all the Serbian ethnic (national) and a few of the historical territories within the Ottoman Empire: Bosnia
and Herzegovina, a part of western Bulgaria, Montenegro, SandZak and, finally, Kosovo with Metohijal. The lands of the Habsburg Monarchy inhabited by the Serbs Croatia, Slavonia, Srem, Badka, Banat and Dalmatia would undergo the same destiny in the second phase of Serbian re-unification. Such a time-schedule was made according to Gara5anin's

orks rvritten by his Recontmendations) t861) a leader of the

n

15

Vladislav B. Sotirovii

estimation that first the ottoman Empire and later on the Habsburg Monarchy would collapse.

In Yugoslav, as well as in international historiography, a great debate by Gara5anin in order to realize his idea. According to the first group of historians, the Serbian minister of
rages about the principles adopted

inner affairs endeavored to make a serbian national state supporting only the principlc of historical state rights [Ljusi6 lgg3a, g4-100; BilandZii 1999,29-30]. They argue that Gara5anin took as a model-state the glorious serbian mediaevai empire (which lasted from 1346 to 1371) [Ljr.rsi6 1993a,94-100,153; Simunji6 tg40 (reprint of 1992); Siaat tOZ:; DSA; Perovii 1955]. For them, he did not consider the teritories settled by ser-bs in the Habsburg Monarchy, but only those withiri the ottoman Empire which did not have historical-state riglrts upon the prior territories [Dordevi( 7979, 87-89; Zdcek 19631. The hisbrians from this group stress that in his consiclerations Garasanin always ref'erred to the Serbian empire of stefan f)usan (ruler of serbia 1331-1355, proclairned Emperor in 1346), whose state borders reached the River I)rina in the west, the Rivers of sava and Danube in the north, the Chalkidiki Peninsula in tlre east and the Albanian seacoast and the Gulf of corinth in the south. This means that the territories of croatia, slavonia, Srem, Badka, Banat and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which did not belong to the rredieval Serbian enrpire, werc not treated by Garasanin as

historicaily Serbian lands. However, their opponents claim that Garasanin advocated the making of a national state by implementatiorr of both serbian ethnic (national) and historical state rights [Banac 1984,83-84;Beljo, Bosnar, Bing, Ercegovii Jambrovi6, St<rtin 1992, 9-131. Evidence for such un upprou"h is found in the last chapter of the text, in which Garasanin urged serbian patriotic propaganda through the national intelligence agencies establishecl on the territories settled by the Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy, as welr as ilr western Bulgaria. According to the second group of historians, Garasanin obviously regarded these territories as part of a unitecl serbian state [petrovitch 197 6, 23'1.-233; Agidii 799 4, 25q6; MacKenzie i 985, 62-:/ Bl. In order to settle this problem one should take into consideration primarily the text of Naiertanye. It is quite obvious that Garasanin did not advocate the inclusion of Macedonia into a single Serbian national state, but favored the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The historians from the first group correctly interpreted Garasanin's idea that the nnodern (for his times) Serbia might continue to build up a great serbian state the process pursued by the Serbian medieval rulers but interrupted by the Turkish demolishing of serbian statehood rn 1459.I{owever, these

iiiiirlt,

,rw,

\ineteeuth-century ideas ofSerbian "linguistic" nationhood and

r

statehood lj

-rLiig fr.4*mar-

' '1, i i: isk"f q:t 'i-,t;i"iiliil *-gttry - -:t i

j-iiiLiusid
l Lr 11

r tir* gloi"i-

i)-1. lgEg; - ., .,'.,i i:y S*l"bs

-: 'ria:rs did not properly understand Garadanin's notion of "the Great r:'ril.'' I belie"*e that he elid not waili to direct serbia's foreign poricy ircl 7lr" Aegean setr and lonisn sea (i.e., scrbian torritorial expansiorr . 'irrl tl:c southern Balkans as it was the case with medieval serbia). In -i. Garalanin turucd his eyes tor,vard the western Baikans ancl iavorerl - - bizi's extension beyond the Drina River. what lvas the reason fbr that? .\iter an extensive investigation, I carne to tirc conclusion that Gara':in's ultimate airn was to unitc all serbs in south-Eastcrn Europe hoiit unitication of all of the South slavs. practically, this meant that . l'rincipality of serbia should be enlarged, accorcling to lrim, by a west-

ii:npire : :1.;i';CS lfllf:tr

,i

.ii_.ls Gilra*a,l,ir cf Sert:ia ,-i; is, rcaCta*ct

-' : Balkan territories settlcd by tlie serbs rather than the southern ones ':re the "linguistic" Serbs had disappeared or were the minority. I think - :oulcl not support the policy of medieval serbian state expansion southrii because he advocated the German-Romanticists principle of estab'.rng a single nationai state organization. It becomes clear that, if we

: portion of the Balkans but not by a southern one. He claimecl tire west-

rii il;e norttrr,

,

- 'rparo the picture of GaraSanin's

unitcd serbian national state organiza-

.';{_

,1

ii

ic

8Jt$ } [

i'--t

ta!

,:-iiili, l$travo.-;t,-i

::*t b*-

:i i'ii

-{ atr

ilt &s

l rvith KarzrdZid's picture of Serbian linguistic-national expansion, we irld come to the conchision that botli of them spoke about the sarne - irories. It allows a definite conclusion, that rhe cent.rsl ideological .i:ciple accepted hy Garaiunin in designirtg a Serbian united :altood was Karadiic's linguis/ic mode l o/'national identiry. :ii, fhe true notion of "t]re Great Serbia', in GaraSanin,s Nttiertaniie
ncthing but a united "linguistic" serbdom lvithin single state borclers. - iously, serbia's minister of the interior accepted Karacrzid's linguistic ' ,. r:cept of the nation anrl identified the serbs with the Stokavian dialect':al'-irig south slavic population. A similar opinion is supported by prof.
..s
-,

Banac who, however, disagrees with the idea that Garalanin,s program

::ccl annexation of Austrian territories settled by tlre serbs: "Though by :ans of propaganda and through the agency of his intelligence service -' :rought to foster Serb national sentimcnt among the non-orthoclox 'lin-

-,.:stic' Serbs in the Habsburg soutli slavic possessions, Garalanin rured -:t exnansion at Habsburg oxpense. He left this thrust in abcyance again , - r reasons of practicality, and fixed serbia's ambition upon ottoman pat.:r)oiry, notably Bosnia-Flerzegovina, in which he saw oniy the serb popu-

'.;c'' [Banac 1984, 84l. For this reason Garaianin exclucled Macedonia r',in his concept of serbian linguistic statehood. Basicaily, he adopted Ka--.Lrania (see documentary reports frorn that

opinion that Stokavian-speakers did not exist in Macedonia and time [Bene"rruu 1829,1-5; Xnr',,r:c 1 963, 241-242)).

'iiii's

1B

Vladislav B. Sotirovi6

was a political center of Stefan Dusan's empire. The biggest Macedoniap city, skopje, was chosen to be a capital of the Serbian Empire and the Emperor Dusan was crowned and had an imperial court theri. However, this historical Serbian land did not find its place in the state projeotecl by Garasanin. on the other hand, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the province that never was a part of the Serbian medieval state, was inborporated into GaraSanin's united serbia. It was his solution of the problem that during the 19th cgntury was the main "apple of discord" between the serbs and the croats [Cubrilovid 1958]. However, Garasanin supported the principle of historical state rights of the Serbs as well, but orly i, his attiiude to those territories where the speakers of Stokavian dialect already represented the majority at the time of writing of the Naiertanije.It was the case for Serbia

on the other hand, he accepted Karadzii's claim that the entire population of Bosnia and Herzegovina belonged to serbian linguistic nationhood and for that reason he included this province into the Serbian linguisticnational state organization. In addition, he understo od,Karadzi(,s o,transitional zones" in western Bulgaria as the teritories populated by Stokavianspeaking inhabitants. According to the same principle, the territories of croatia, Dalmatia, Slavonia, Badka, srem and Banat would compose Gara5anin's "linguistic" Serbian state2. I am free to entitle such staie by the name Stokavia as well. In my opinion, the idea that Garasanin supported only the historical rights of the Serbs in creation of their national state should be rejected by historiography. The cases of Macedonia and Bosnia-Herz6govina provide the best evidence to confirm my conclusion. The territory of Macedonia

proper, Montenegro, sandzak and Kosovo-Metohija. As for these four regions, the Serbian "historical" and "ethnic" rights overlapped in GaraSanin's mind because all of them were a part of the Serbian medieval state and settled by "the Stokavians" at the time of Gara5anin.

In regard to the croats, Garasanin also foflowe d KaradLil's model of linguistic Serbdom: he included into serbian linguistic statehood all the western Balkan territories settled by Stokavian-speaking catholics, that is, by the ethnic croats as a majority and ethnic serbs that are in the minority there. This solution allowed Franjo Tudman, a croatianhistorian and the former President of croatia ( I 990-2000), to emphas ize that KaradLit laid down an ideological, while Garasanin established a political foundations for Serbian hegemony in the Balkans (but Tudman was wrong when he wrote that serbian foreign policy in the 19th century had as main target the re-establishment of the Byzantine Empire under Serbia,s leadership [Tudman 1993, 22]). However, Garasanin did not include into a future Serbian state the territories inhabited by either Cakavian or Kajkavian

\ineteenth-centr:ry ideas of Serbian "lingriistic" nationhood and

state

hood

Lg

:t ti::r tire entire popula-

i: ,:n suistic nationhood

:,:,il

::": Serbian linguistic,j Karad Lle' s "transir r:r,rlated by Stokavian.; ilt,1-'. the territories of
-:.t
-,,,

^.:1kers. This is the reatr reason why Slovenia, Istria, a majority of east -:r]atic Isiands and north-westenr Croatia (around Zagreb) \,vere not men: c,i by him as potential parts of this state. GaraSanitt's linguistic statehood was designed as an empire under tlle

ou1d compose Ga-

::title

such state by the

-:rian ruling clynasty. Fclr him, the geographical position of the country, 'ratural and military resollrces and, above atrtr, ttrre cofilmon ethnic origin ' 'j language of its citizens were to guarantee the lasting existence of this -: rire [Lju5ii 1 993 a, 7 6-S7 1.
,

rrc.J oiilv the historical :. sl.'-ruld be rejected by

:

-ll 3 rzegovina provide

:i:riiorv of Macedonia
he biggest Macedonian i-; rb ian Empire and the

r c,:urt there. Howevel, n rhe staie projeoted by c. :hc province that ne-

j: J t,rpLrrated into Gara1*n. tliat during ttrre lgth

l:

S,lt-.s and the Croats

Tlre majority of modern Croatian schotrars saw in!{aiertaytije aserbian ."ional-state program ultimately clesigned to create a great Serbia which -'uld set up its politicatr-e conomic hegernony in the Balkans (see, for in-:ilce, [Vatrentid 1961]).According to them, a powerfutr Serbia would be --i.clriety lntoterant ot lts non-Serb,tan cttlzens. In - "-:i'eriely intoXerant of its non-Serbian citizens. trn sllpport of this opipiol :'\' allude to the fact that Gara5anin chose "annexation" and "inclusion" :..lller than "unif;cation" as the rnethod of Serbia's state expansion. These ":ltors believed that Gara5anin was an of the ' iicy of state irnperialism and nationalideolcgical inspirertsalkansSerbian oppression in the that is : -:l.lg pLtl'sr-red today. For some of thern, Galalanin's principatr aim was to -',lll access to the Aclriatic Sea for Serbia by annexation of ttrre western 3 "rlkans fAgidid 1994, 26].

il.r :.rinciple of histoto those terri:iitre sented the ma-

i r:ti-tuc1e
:;-1,,
',j,

,ii the case for Serbia

i...:. .{s for these four : ": t-, .3r'1a1;ped in GaraSc

'l\ +..

r:.. elt
I

medieval state

''1 -*--!l-"

-'J x-r::idZt('s model of '.":s. l statehood all the I rr,.::. q Catholics, that : s ::r l: are in the minor,]:,:, r::lan historian and
'

::::r rsize that Karadzii "l-cJ . irolitical foundajnr;.ir \\'as wrong when itrjr-, rac as main target *11: S:rbia's leadership i t:t;l:ide into a future - ,i!;:',.iAn or Kajkavian

The facts show, however, that Garalanin advocated annexation of all B:lkan teritories settled by "linguistic" Serbs rather than unification of :--:se lands with the Principality of Serbia. undoubtedly, he favored a cen.: alized inner state organization similar to that of the principality of ser:ra rather than a federation or confederation fJelavich 1968]. But this could .rot mean in any way that Garasanin was projecting ethnic creansing and -'''.en genocide upon the non-Serbian population in order to create an ethni;:i11y homogeneous serbia (primarily croatian authors saw in Garasanin,s '''' ork the idea of ethnic cleansing and genocide, for example [Gnnek, Gj! :rra, Sirnac 1993; Agidi6 1gg4, z4-25f, contrary to Serbian historians, for :rample [Ljusii 1993a,160-161]. This is simply impossible, because of iire very fact that Garasanin's great serbia would be composed of a serbian :thnic body identified with the entire Stokavian-speaking population of :he south Slavs and the (I(ajkavian) Slovenes, and (iakavian) croats '.r'ould not find their place in it [Tpaiinon 1978, 144-l4gl.
Conclusion

The question of defining the nation, the national idea and goals, as well as lhat of the methods and means for their realization took a crucial place in

the thinking of serbian intellectuals and politicians in the 19th century.

20

Vladislav B. Sotirovid

Nirreteenth-;.-

Two projects of serbian national liberation and unification were based on ideological constructions intended to consolidate all serbs (in the ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy) and to create a Serbian state. This became the chief subject of Vuk Stefanovid-Karadlil's Srbi svi i svuda ("Serbs All and Everywhere") and Ilija Garaianin'sNaiertanije (,,Draft,). The linguistic principle of a unified Serbian state after serbian liberation from the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy, combined, to a certain extent, with the principle of historical state rights, is the keystone

Sanac I., 198-t'. T,t: i Ithaca and L: r.;

3:torvsky H..

19--

"

in Knjiga o E.;
Beiser F., 1996:
3e

Sitowsky H., tr!r :

Tr:-"

ljo A., Bosna: F Serbia fi'oni I ;: 3:landzic D.. 1. *:

of I. Gara5anin's argurnents inNaiertanije. The paper presents both a linguistic model for serbian national determination and a linguistic model for serbian statehood. The most significant problem concerning srbi svi i svuda and Naiertanije is their interpretation and understanding in the historiographical traditions of different nations, especially among Serbian and Croatian historians. It provoked discussion and intellectual friction in the political ideology of the Balkan nations both prior to the dissolution of Yugoslavia (1991-1995) and after it.
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I Gara5anin mentioned "Ancient Serbia" and "northern Albania,'. However, the former name relates to the territory of the first Serbian mediaeval state called "Raska" Iocated on the present-day territory of sandzak which was divided by serbia and Montenegro after the First Balkan War 1912-1913. The latter name related to Kosovo and Metohija but not to the northem portion of present-day Albania. 2 The Serbian historian Miroslav Eortlevi6 agrees that Gara5anin's programme ofunited Serbia was founded on Serbian historical (state) rights and these rights were only a pretext to unite all Serbs. I think that Dordevi6 was on the right path to conclude that Garaianin in fact drafted a united Serbia according to the KaradZi6 linguistic model of Serbdom [Dordevi6 19791.

3,:2ii I., Cirkc'- :; S - .:kovic 1 99-i: l.:

Reli gion &.
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):dijer V., 19-: ;

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,

H,nCelsman\f"--::.icik FI..
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j|.--avich

8.. 19!l *

\.. -;-:

19-:

CarnbriiJ g;.

--:-:rich Ch..
S

-- '
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iido s t.f'or s;,i; :.':

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY AND HISTORICAL SOURCES Agidi6 D., 1992: Statuti tajne Gara5aninove organizacije za pripremu ustanka protiv turske vlasti u slavenskim pokrajinama Turskoga carstva (r}4gl5o. i 1850/ 51.), Historijski zbornik,.l\b XLIV. Zagreb, 163-1j6. Agidii D., 1994: Tajna politilca Srbije u XIX stoljeiu. Zagreb. Albin A., 1970: The Creation of the Slaveno-Serbski Literary Language, The Stavonic and East European Review, Ne XLVIII(I13). 453492. Aleksid Lj.,1954:5ta je dovelo do stvaranja "Nadertanija,, , Historijski pregled, Nt2.

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!-: , ,:lpe J.R... I ! :

Nineteenth-century ideas of Serbian "linguistic" nationhood and

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'ication were based on Serlrs (in the Ottoman : A Serbian state. This

lzic's Srbi svi i svwda -'\-;,i . t' t ott i u ("Draft"). e aite r Serbian liberat,niirchv, combinecl, to rights. is the keystone

errian nationatr deterThe most signifii ;t,i: :; e is their interpretraciitions of different istc,rians. It provoked Je,:l,rgt, of the Balkan 'r|-i995) and atter it.
i

,,-rr1,

;-,.

i" How'ever, the former -: irJ "l{aSka" located on

after

:b.: ::t.l \lontenegro

:,-",

- .,.td Iletohija but not

i:' :t S :l'ogramme OfUnited : :: :i.:. ',r-efe Only a pfeteXt

; : "i -. "r;e lhat Gara5anin in , :: : iSerbdorn [Dordevi6

3rnac L, 1984: The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics. Ithaca and London. :-iitowsky H.,1,937: Jedan poljski preteda Balkanske unije. Knez Adam dartoriski, in Knjiga o Balkanu, t. 2. Beograd. :-rtowsky H., 1939: Podstawy sojuszu Balkatiskiego 1912. Krak6w. 3.'iser F., 1996: The Early Political Writittgs of the Gemun Romantics. Cambridge. 3e1jo A., Bosnar 8., Bing A., Ercegovi6 Jambrovi6 8., StrtinN. (eds.), 1992: Greater Serbia from ldeology to Aggression. Zagreb. 3i1andZi6 D., 1999: Hrvatska moderna povjest. Zagreb. 3o2i6 I., Cirkovi6 S., Ekmedi6 M., Dedijer V., 1973: IstorijaJugoslavije.Beograd. - ilkovi6 1994: Religious Factor in Forming of Cultural and National Identity, in Religion & War. Belgrade. )edijer Y,1.975: History of Yugoslavia. New York. )obrovskf 1., 179211818: Geschichte der b\hmische Sprache und Literatur. Wien. lordevii D., 1991: The Tradition of Kosovo in the Formation of Modem Serbian Statehood in the Nineteenth Century, in Vucinich W.S., Emmeret T.A. (eds.), Kosovo: The Legacy of a Medieval Battle. Minneapolis. : ancev F., (ed.), 1 933: Dokuntenti za naie podrijetlo hrvatskoga preporoda (l 7901832). Zagreb. iravier G., 1919: Les frontidrs historiques de la Serbie. Paris. lrmek M., Gjidara M., Simac N., (eds.), 1993: Etniiko iicenje'. Povjesni dokumenti o jednoj srpskoj ideologiji. Zagreb. Handelsman M, 1929: La question d' Orient et la politique yuogoslave du prince Czartoryski apr6s 1840, Sceances et travaux de l' Acaddntie des sciences morales et politiqes, Novembre-D6cembre. Paris. i{andelsman M.,1934: Czartotyski, Nikolas et la Question du Prosh Orient.Paris. lnaicik H., 1973: Tlte Ottoruan Empire: The Classical Age, I j00-1600. New York. .izkowitz N., 1972: Ottoman Erupire and Islamic Ttadition. New York. Ielavich B., 1983: History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries.
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Siidostfurschungen, l1b 1.-\i- SqIUR.CES

-le1eni6

XXVII. 131-147.

E.,

1918: Le nouvelle Serbie. Origines et basds sociales et politiques Renais-

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l' Etat et son developpement historique. Dinastie nationale et Revendicaliorts liberatrice. Paris and Nancy. -iudah T., 1997: The Serbs. History, Mith & the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven & London. -Yrecmanovi6 1., 1962: Izve5taji poverenika o prilikama u Bosni od 1 848. do 1 854. godine, Glasnik arhiva i Druitva arhivista Bosne i Hercegovine, Ne 2. Sarajevo,
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Viadislav B. Sotirovi6

Lawrence P.M., \977: The First Serbian Uprising (1804-1813): National Revival or a Search for Regional Security, Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism, Ns 4(1). 187-20s. MacKenzie D., 1985: Ilija Garaianin; Balkan Bismarck. New York. Mandelkow K.R., 1982: Ew'opciische Romantik. Wisbaden. Mihaljdi6 R., 1989: The B attle of Kosovo in History and Popular Tradition.Belgrade. Miklo5id F.,185211879: Serbisch und chorvatisch,inVergleichende Gramatik der slawischen Spr achen. Wien. Miller D., 1995: On Nationality. Oxtbrd. Pavlowitch 5.,1961: Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Serbia 1837-18i9. The Mission of Colonel Hodges. Paris. Petrovich M.,1976:A History of ModernSerbia 1804-1918,1. NewYork & I-ondon. Porter R., Teich M. (eds.), 1988: Roruanticism in National Context. Cambridge. Ranke L., 1973: A History of Servia and the Servian Revolution. New York. Schenk H.G.A.V., 1969: The Mind of the European Romantics: An Essay in Cultural History. New York. Smith A., 1986: The Ethric Origin of Nations. Oxford. Smith A., 1991,: Natiortal ldertity.Reno. Safaiik P.J., 1826: Geschichte der slawischen Sprache und Literatur nach allen Mundartett. Buda.

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,,:

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1,,i

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-i:ii
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i:

\ational Revival
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,tiie s

\ ork.

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'

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l-,:i-raHIIHoBoN'I "I{auepraur.rjy" r.tryzocfloBeucKa

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Tlrc Mission

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i var$slce . ! ",,:rrg ttoradnog

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" ::urtlr " ' ,

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"-L-rrrFr

B.C ",7849: Cpdx cFI{ LI cByAa ,I{oauetrcuh 3il uctttapliy,.jesurc w oSr,rua je

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i":
-:-.

.:

'..Zagreb.
13+-+).

Historiiski

', ite)rcesuHe CpSuje {1844). Seorpag. :.. -urrh P., 1993b: Boacd Kapafiopl)e, r. 1". Cue;1epetscxa flaraHr(a. . -i,,rrh P., 1995: Bactcd Kapa$opl\e,r.2. Eeorpa4-lopmu MulalroBau. I , : "r o c aBJbeBnh fI., 1997 : Cpdu u tbuxos esurc: Xpe clon{ar nja. flpnur, HHa. .j ,1,:rpoeuh J", 1937: tp. /{paeocnilG Cmparbateruli, Cp1$a od t 833 do lB-f8 zsd. Eeorpa4.

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-,r..,r:'.;'1:ic I787-l864.
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t-:,

:^o.lajenuh

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lB40 : CpncKu cno.,\teHltlltt Eeorpa4. 1850: Eruapxaja npaBocJraBHe y fanuar{Hju, Cpnct<o-danntatntutt. /;tt xazct3llru, .l& 1 5 " 3agap.

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Flospr Ca.q.

- ,'llalosptftA., 1969: JecrJIpI moJIe3I{o y fipocroM yujaxer'ry f aBarrr , tn l4sa6patru cnLtcu. HosH Cal.

ruraMily rrrro H3-

-:t-.,oetlh P., 1955: EeorpaA 3a BpeMe Byumhene 6yHe. Heo6jatsJr,eHe 6eleume C'rjeiraHa MapjaHoeuha I43 LB42-43, foduttituat{ zpada Eeoeltada, }{b 2. Eeorpaa.

24

Vladislav B. Sotirovi6

flonos H., 1870: Cp6uja

u Pycuja od Ko,awte rcpajuue do ceemoaudpejcxe cxynuilnuHe. Eeorpag. flonoeilh 8., 1923: flonunutrca @pau1ycxe u Aycmpuje ua Eaarcauy y epeae Ha-

noreoHa,I/L Eeorpa.q.

flouonnh B., L940: Eopona

Lt cptlcko nunxatue y nepuody ocno6ofien a 1804-1918. Eeorpag. Pa4ojurahH., 1927:leorparlcro sHame o Cp6r.rju roqerKoM XIXnera,-l-eoepa$cxo dpywnteo. Seorpa4. CT ojanuenuh 8., t969: Kne: Muaour npeua llopru H HapoAur{M rrorperr.rMa y Typcxoj L828-29,36oputu< ucmopujcxoe -uyseja Cp6uje, Ns 6. Eeorpa4. Ctojau.renuh 8.,1974 Je4ua ueucnyn,esa xera Byrona, Koeueucutt saucmopujy Cp6a cea mpu 3aKoHa, Ns 12. 6eorpap,74--77. Crojauveruh B., 1991; Mu.totu O1peuoeutt u Lbezolo do6a.Beorpag. Crparraroeah [,., 7932: B t ad a y cmae odp auumema I 842- 1 8 5 3 . Eeorpa4. Teogoponnh [., 1845: O xn'uuceauoj yaaja.unocmu usaefiy pasnulrHu txre,\ieHa u uapeuuja cnaojaucrcoz uapoda od Jooaua Konapa. Eeorpa4. Tpafixoa B., 1978: IrldeotoeuqecKu meveHur u npoepatutu 6 Hat4uottctJtHooceo6odumenuunte meqeHun ua Eanxauwne do 1878. CoSr.ra. Xutpono M.A., 1963: Cnaaaucxuil apxuo: C6oprl.rr< crarefi u MareprraJroB. Mocxsa. I-{rrajuh J., 1906: Ocuose sa zeozpa{tujy u zeonozujy Makedouuje u Cmape Cp6uje. Eeorpag. t{nujuh J., 1908: Auexcuja Eoate u Xepqezoewrc u cpncKo numatue. Eeorpag. I{rrzjuh J., 1922: Menauactlla3lvKa Kpematua, btmolu y3poqu u nocneduqe. Beorpa4. rly6pn;ronuh B., 1958: I,Icmopuja nonunxttw{e r\tucnu y Cpduju y XIX aexy. EeorpaA.

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