Peaceful Societies

Alternatives to Violence and War Encyclopedia of Selected Peaceful Societies Batek Location. About 700 to 800 Batek, an Orang Asli society (Malay for Original People) live in the forests of Peninsular Malaysia, many in the Taman Negara National Park and surrounding areas. Economy. The economy of the Batek is based on gathering, hunting, and collecting forest products for trade, with occasional crop planting on a small scale. They have no concept of land ownershipthe idea is absurd to them and natural resources in the forest cannot be owned until someone harvests them. Wild foods and forest products are available for anyone who wants to take them. People who discover resources in the forest, such as a wild fruit tree, will share the knowledge with the band with no further special rights to it. An exception might be fruits from the orchards in the river valleys, where people might resent individuals from another valley taking them. Beliefs that Foster Peacefulness. The Batek believe that one of their diseases, ke'oy, consisting of fever, depression, shortness of breath, and weakness, is caused when someone is angry with another without justification. While there are some spells that may help, the cure for the disease is for the person who is angry to control his or her feelings so the victim can recover. The person responsible for the problem treats the victim with various folk remedies, tells the victim's heart to be cool, blows on his or her chest for the cooling effect, and grasps and throws away the disease. This belief in ke'oy helps ensure that the Batek treat each other well, since victims receive group backing and angry people, who cause disease, may lose social support and be ostracized. Avoiding and Resolving Conflict. While they do not resolve conflicts in a formal manner, people frequently have public discussions of disputes in attempts to gain supporters for their arguments. When conflict resolution strategies fail, one of the parties to a dispute will often leave the group for a while to let feelings of anger dissipate. Gender Relations. Men normally hunt while women gather vegetables, but both foods are valued equally and both sexes are part of the food-sharing network in their camps. Men sometimes gather vegetables, and women sometimes (though rarely) huntthey have no rigid rules separating their sex roles. Both sexes gather the rattan that they trade for outside

goods, and men and women both participate in government-sponsored agricultural activities. Marriages are based on equality, compatibility, and affection; couples make joint decisions about their activities. They normally have close, companionable relationships while they work together and enjoy their leisure time with one another. If the warmth of the relationship erodes, either spouse can divorce the other and count on the support of the band to assist with child-support and food sharing. Raising Children. Batek fathers as well as mothers spend a lot of time cuddling, holding, and talking with infants of either sex. Parents are quite relaxed about discipline: one two-year old child used a bamboo flute his father had just finished making as a hammer. The father didn't care since he could easily make another. Parents rarely strike a child or use physical force on them, since their word sakel means both to hit and to kill, an abhorrent concept to them. Parents may discipline children by warning them about tigers, strangers, or the thunder god that punishes people who violate religious prohibitions. Children play actively but not aggressively, and they lack competitive games. Social Practices. Their camps consist of autonomous families that share enough interests to prompt them to converge together. They schedule and informally coordinate group activities such as fishing. They discuss group issues extensively and rely on natural leaders for their experience, judgment, and advice. These leaders can only be persuasivethey have no authority. The Batek tolerate the occasional lazy individuals, since their spouses often make extra efforts as if to compensate. Sense of Self. The Batek identify themselves as forest people; the forest is their true home. Their shelters are scattered about wherever they decide to camp, with no symbolic defenses from the forest. While the thatch is still fresh and green, it is almost impossible to see a camp from even a few feet away. They prefer the forest because it is cool and, they feel, healthier than living in the heat of the clearings. They also prefer the forest because it gives them a refuge from other people. Sharing. The Batek have a firm expectation that all food, including game that is killed and vegetables that are gathered, will be shared. When different groups come back to their camp near the end of the day, after the tubers and pieces of meat are carefully shared, the families cook their meals and then send their children carrying plates of food to others, despite the fact that everyone already has enough. This teaches the youngsters the importance of their sharing ethic. They also share other goods freely, whether they are obtained as gifts or purchased through their trading. Except for the elderly or infirm, each person can share without causing a strain and whatever is given will presumably come back at some point.

Strategies for Avoiding Warfare and Violence. The Batek are totally opposed to any interpersonal violencethey flee from enemies instead of fighting. The anthropologist Kirk Endicott (1988) once questioned a man about the Malay slave raids that lasted until the early 20th century: why didnt his ancestors shoot the attackers? Because it would kill them, the man answered in shock. Violence, coercion, aggressive behavior, and physical retribution are so totally unacceptable to the Batek that they would ostracize anyone who was belligerent. Batek women, as well as men, are free from the threat of physical violence because of these beliefs. But How Much Violence Do They Really Experience? Kirk Endicott implies (1988), though he does not come right out and say so, that there is very little if any violence among the Batek. Karen Endicott (1992) does describe the way one woman, who was evidently quite unstable emotionally, struck her children at times when she got very angry with her husband. Sources in this Website. Endicott 1981, Endicott 1988 Sources in Print (click on links for complete references): Endicott, K. 1979, 1988, 1993, 1999; Endicott, K.L. 1981, 1984, 1992; Endicott and Endicott 2008; Lye 2004 Sources on the Web. Endicott and Dentan 2004; Center for Orang Asli Concerns; Orang Asli Archive; ATFP Report: Nomad Hunter-Gatherers; Wikipedia article Updates: News and Reviews: Current January 19, 2012. New Photos of the Batek December 1, 2011. Center for Global Nonkilling [Panel Presentations, part 1] August 4, 2011. Photos of Batek Life June 3, 2010. Blogger of the Batek is Back December 17, 2009. Land Grants to Orang Asli, Who Complain about Representation November 19, 2009. Most Nomadic Batek Still Cling to their Traditions Older Stories

All stories in this website about the Batek are listed in the News and Reviews Subject Listing
Sumber : www.peacfulsocieties.org

Kedatangan pelancong secara berterusan ini sedikit sebanyak telah mendatangkan gangguan kepada aktiviti harian komuniti Batek. Antara gangguan tersebut adalah terhadap aktiviti membuat alatan memburu seperti damak/buluh sumpitan. Komuniti ini terpaksa membuat damak di dalam semak di belakang kawasan petempatan mereka atau pun suatu kawasan lain yang bukan merupakan laluan utama para pelancong. Menurut aturan pantang larang dalam komuniti ini, seseorang tidak dibenarkan memakai wangi-wangian semasa membuat damak. Ia dipercayai boleh mendatangkan sial terhadap alatan memburu tersebut kerana bau wangi-wangian yang melekat pada alatan tersebut boleh menyukarkan mereka menangkap binatang liar atau burung dengan menggunakan alatan memburu tersebut. Sebagai langkah terbaik, mereka akan menyembunyikan diri daripada pelancong semasa membuat alatan tersebut demi mengelakkan alatan berburu mereka tercemar dengan bau wangi-wangian dan menjadi sial Selain alatan berburu, struktur binaan pondok kediaman atau haya Batek juga diperhatikan berbeza untuk kawasan kampung yang sering dikunjungi pelancong dengan kampung yang kurang tidak dikunjungi pelancong. Haya di Kg.Trenggan lebih bersifat tertutup, berlantai tinggi daripada aras tanah dan berstruktur kukuh berbanding haya yang dibina di Kg. Gua Telinga (lihat Rajah 1). Manakala di Kg. Dedari, kebanyakan haya dibina berpintu kecil dan lebih tertutup berbanding haya di petempatan Kg. Gua Telinga. Menurut seorang penduduk di Kg. Dedari, beberapa haya secara sengaja dibina secara terbuka dan tanpa dinding di Kg. Gua Telingga kerana ia dikhususkan sebagai tempat berehat pelancong yang datang berkunjung. Sebaliknya, haya yang dibina dengan berpintu kecil dan lebih tertutup adalah untuk kegunaan sendiri dan seisi keluarga. Mereka juga membina dinding pada haya tersebut sebagai perlindungan kepada panas terik matahari, tiupan angin berpasir, mengurangkan hembusan angin sejuk masuk ke rumah pada waktu malam dan hujan, selain mengurangkan pendedahan aktiviti peribadi isi rumah seperti memasak, menukar pakaian, tidur/beristirehat daripada menjadi tontonan para

pelancong. Perbezaan struktur binaan haya antara beberapa kampung kajian juga dilaporkan ada kaitan dengan kedudukan sesuatu kawasan perkampungan ini dengan aktiviti pelancongan. Menurut beberapa individu dari Kg. Trenggan, kebanyakan haya yang terdapat di Kg. Gua Telinga dan Kg. Dedari dibina secara terbuka tanpa dinding khas untuk tarikan pelancong. Manakala, struktur binaan haya di Kg.Trenggan lebih merupakan tempat tinggal atau kampung sebenar komuniti ini, bukan dibina sebagai tempat tarikan pelancong. Lantas, struktur binaannya lebih kukuh, tertutup dan menjamin privacy penghuninya.

Haya di Kg. Dedari

Haya di Kg. Gua Telinga

Haya di Kg. Trenggan (Lebih terbuka, berlantai tinggi dari tanah dan berstruktur lebih kukuh)

Rajah 1: Beberapa Struktur Binaan Haya di Kg.Trenggan, Kg. Gua Telinga dan Kg. Dedari