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IDEAL COMMONWEALTHS

COMPRISING

MORE'S UTOPIA

BACON' S NEW ATLANTIS

CAMPANELLA'S C ITY OF THE SUN

AND
HARRINGTON'S OCEANA

WITH INTRODUCTIONS BY
HENRY MORLEY, LL.D.
LATE PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN
UNIVERSITY C O L L E G E , LONDON

REVISED EDITION

THE
COLONIAL
X P R ES S .
COPYRIGHT, 1901,

BY T H E C O L O N I A L PRESS.
INTRODUCTION
TO

UTOPIA, N E W ATLANTIS, AND CITY OF TH E SUN

P L A T O , i n his " R e p u b l i c , " a r gues that it is the aim of


individual man , as of the State, to be wi s e, br ave, and
temperate. In a Sta te, he says, there are three or ders
— t h e Guard ia ns, the Au xi l i a r i es , the P r od u cer s . Wisdom
should be the special vi rtue of the g u a r d i a n s ; c o ur a ge of
the a u x i l i a r i e s ; and temperance of all. T he s e three virtues
belon g respectively to the individua l m a n — w i s d o m to his
rational part, c our a ge to his spirited, and temperance to his
a ppetiti ve; while in the State, as in the ma n , it is injustice
that disturbs their harmony.
Because the character of ma n appears in the State un-
c han ged , but in a la rger form, P l a to represented Soc ra tes as
s tud yi ng the ideal man himself thr ough an ideal c ommon-
wealth.
In another of his d ia logues , " C r i ti a s , " of w hic h we hav e
only the begi nn in g, Socr ates wis hes that he could see how
such a c ommonwealth w o ul d w o r k, if it were set mov in g.
Cri ti as undertakes to tell h i m ; for he has received tradition
of events that happened more than 9,000 year s a g o , when the
Atheni a ns themselves w e re such ideal citizens. C ri ti as has
received this tradition, he sa ys, from a ninety-year-old gr a n d-
father, whose father, Dr opi d es , w a s the friend of Solon.
Solon, l a w gi v er and poet, had heard it from the priests of the
godd es s Nei'th, or A then e , at Sa is , and had be gun to shape i t
into a heroic poem.
T h i s w a s the tr ad i tio n: Ni n e thousand yea r s before the
time of Solon, the godd es s Ath ene, w h o w a s worshipped also
in Sa is , ha d gi v en to her Atheni ans a hea lthy climate, a fertile
soil, and temperate people s tr ong in w i s d om and c our age.
T h e i r republic w a s like that which Socr ates i ma gi ned , and it
had to bear the shock of a gr ea t invasion by the people of the
iii
iv INTRODUCTION

vas t island Atl an tis . T h i s island, la rger than all Li by a and


A s i a put together, w a s once in the sea w e s tw a r d beyond the
Atl anti c w a v e s ; thus A mer i c a w a s dreamed of l o n g befor e
it wa s discovered. Atla ntis had ten ki ngs, descended fr om
ten sons of Poseid on ( N e p t u n e ) , w ho w a s the go d magnifi-
cently wor shi pped by its people. V a s t p ow e r and dominion,
that extended thr ough all Li b ya as far as E g y p t , and over a
part of Eur o p e, caused the Atla n ti d k i ngs to g r o w ambitious
and unjust. T h e n they entered the Mediterr anean and fell
upon Ath ens w ith enormous force. B u t in the little band of
citizens, temperate, brave, and w ise, there w e re forces of rea-
son able to resist and overc ome brute strength. N o w , however,
go ne are the Atla ntid s, go ne are the old vir tues of At he ns .
Ea r thq uakes and d eluges laid w a ste the w or ld . T h e w hole
gr ea t island of Atl an tis , with its people and its wealth, sank
to the bottom of the ocean. T h e ideal wa r r io rs of A the n s ,
in one day and night, were sw a ll owed by an ea rthqua ke, and
w e r e to be seen no more.
P la t o, a philosopher w ith the soul of a poet, died in the
yea r 347 before Christ. P lutar ch w a s w r i t i ng at the close of
the first century after Chri st, and in his parallel " L i v es of
Greeks and R o m a n s , " the most fa mous of his ma ny w r i ti ngs ,
he took occasion to paint an ideal commonwea lth as the con-
ception of L y c u r g us , the half mythical or all mythica l So lon
of Sparta. To P luta r c h's " L i f e of L y c u r g u s , " as well as to
Pl a to , T h o ma s Mo r e and others have been indebted for some
part of the s hapi ng of their philosophic d reams.

T h e d iscovery of the N e w W o r l d at the end of the fifteenth


centur y follow ed hard upon the diffusion of the new inven-
tion of pri nting, and came at a time when the fall of C o n-
stantinople by s catterin g Gr eek scholars, w h o became teachers
in Italy, Fra nc e, and elsewhere, spread the study of Gr eek ,
and caused Pl a to to live a gai n. Little had been heard of him
thr oug h the A r a b s , w ho cared little for his poetic method.
B u t with the revival of learning he had become a force in
Eur op e, a s tr ong aid to the R efor mer s .
Sir T h o m a s Mo r e' s " U t o p i a " w a s wri tten in the yea rs
1 51 5 and 1 516, when its author's a ge w as about thi rty-seven.
He wa s a y o u n g ma n of twenty when C ol umb us first touched
INTRODUCTION v

the continent named after the Florentine A m e r i g o V es p uc c i ,


w ho mad e his v o y a ges to it in the year s 1 49 9-1 503. Mor e
wr ote his " U to pi a " w hen i maginations of men w e r e stirred
by the sudden enlargement of their conceptions of the wo r ld ,
and A m e r i g o V esp ucc i 's account of his v o ya ge s , first printed
in 1507, w a s fresh in ever y scholar's mind. He imagined a
traveller, Ra phael H y t h l o d a y — w h o s e name is from Gr eek
w or ds that mean " k n o w i n g in trifles " — w h o had sailed wi t h
V esp ucc i on his three last v oy a ge s , but had not returned fr om
the last v o y a g e until, after separation fr om his comra des, he
had wa nder ed into some further discovery of his o w n . Thus
he had found , s omewher e in those parts, the island of Utop ia .
Its name is fr om Gr eek w or d s mea ni n g " n o w her e. " Mo r e
had gone on an embassy to Br us sel s w i th C uthber t T u ns t a l
w h en he w rote his philosophical satire upon Eur op ea n, and
more particularly En g li s h, statecraft, i n the form of an ideal
commonw ea lth described by Hy thl od a y as he ha d found it in
U topi a . It w a s printed at L ou va i n in the latter part of the
year 1 51 6, under the editorship of E r a s m us and that enlight-
ened y o u n g secretary to the municipality of A n t w e r p , Peter
Gi les, or ^Egidius, w h o is introduced into the story. " U to p i a "
w a s not printed i n E n gl a n d i n the r eign of H e n r y V I I I , a nd
could not be, for its satire w a s too direct to be misunderstood,
even w hen i t mocked E n g l i s h policy w i th ironical praise for
d oing exac tly w ha t it failed to do. Mo r e w a s a wi t and a
philosopher, but a t the same time so practical and earnest that
E r a s mu s tells of a burgoma ster at A n t w e r p w ho fastened upon
the parable of " U to p i a " w ith such good -wi ll tha t he learnt
it by heart. A n d in 1 5 1 7 E r a s mu s advised a correspondent to
send for " U t o p i a , " if he had not yet read it, an d if he wished
to see the true source of all political evils.

Fra nc is Ba c on 's " N e w At l a n ti s , " firs t wri tten i n Lati n , w a s


published in 1629, three year s after its a uthor' s death. Ba c on
placed his ideal commonw ea lth in those seas w her e a great
Aus tr al continent w a s even then supposed to be, but had not
been discovered. As the old Atla ntis implied a for ebo di ng of
the Amer i c a n continent, so the N e w Atl an tis implied fore-
bodi ng of the Aus tra l i an . Bac on , in his philosophy, s ought
thr ough experi mental science the dominion of men ov er things,
vi INTRODUCTION

" for nature is only gov ern ed by o be yi n g her . " In his ideal
w or ld of the N e w Atla nti s, science i s mad e the civilizer w h o
binds man to man, and is his leader to the lov e of G od .

T h o m a s Campa nella w a s Ba c on 's contemp or ary, a ma n only


seven yea rs y o u n g e r ; and a n Italian w h o suffered for his
ar dor in the cause of science. He w a s born in Calabria in
1568, and died in 1639. He entered the Domini ca n or der w hen
a boy, but had a free and eager appetite for kn ow l ed ge. He
ur ged , like Ba co n , that nature should be studied thr ough her
o w n w o r k s , not through b o o k s ; he attacked, like Ba co n , the
dead faith in Ari stotle, that, instead of f ol l ow i ng his energetic
spirit of research, lapsed into blind idolatry. Campanella
strenuously ur ged that men should r eform all sciences by fol-
l o w i n g nature and the books of G od . He had been s ti rri ng
in this w a y for ten years, when there arose in Ca la bria a con-
spiracy agai nst the Spanis h rule. Campan ella, w h o w a s an
Italian patriot, w as seized and sent to Na p l es. T h e Spa nis h
Inquisition joined in attack on him. He w a s accused of books
he had not written and of opinions he did not h o l d ; he w a s
seven times put to the question and suffered, with firmness
of mind, the most cruel tortures. T h e P op e interceded in
vain for him w ith the K i n g of Spain . He suffered imprison-
ment for twenty-seven year s, d u r i n g w hic h time he w r ote
much, and one piece of his prison w o r k wa s his ideal of " T h e
Ci ty of the S u n . "

Released at last from his prison, C ampa nel la w en t to R om e,


where he w a s defended by Po p e U r b a n V I I I a gai ns t con-
tinued violence of attack. But he w a s compelled at last to
leave R ome , and made his escape as a servant in the livery
of the Fr ench Amba s sa d or. In P ar i s, Richelieu became C a m -
panella's fr ien d; the K i n g of Fra n c e ga v e hi m a pension of
3,000 l i vr es ; the Sorbonn e vouched for the o r tho d oxy of his
w ri ti ngs. He died in Pa ri s , at the age of seventy-one, in the
convent of the Dominica ns .
Of C a m p a n ul a ' s " Civitas Soils," whi ch has not hitherto
been translated into Engl is h, the translation here gi ven , wi th
one or tw o omissions of detail whic h can well be spared, has
been made for me by my old pupil and friend, M r . T h o ma s
W. Ha l l i d a y. JJ yr
INTRODUCTION
TO

OCEANA

A M E S H A R R I N G T O N , eldest son o f S i r Sa pcotes H a r -


rington of E x t o n , in Rutla ndshir e, w a s born in the
»_/ reign of James I, in Jan ua ry, 1 6 1 1 , five yea rs before
the death of Shakespeare. He w a s tw o or three years y o un ger
than John Mi lton. H i s grea t-gr an dfa ther w a s Si r James H a r -
ri ngton , w h o marri ed L uc y , d aughter of Si r W i l l i a m Si dney,
lived wi th her to their gold en w e d di n g-d ay, and had eighteen
children, thro ugh w h o m he counted himself, before his death,
patriarch in a famil y that in his o w n time prod uced ei ght
dukes, three marquises, seventy earls, tw enty-s even vi scounts,
and thirty-six barons, sixteen of them all being K n i gh t s of
the Ga rter. James H a r r i n gto n' s ideal of a commonw ea lth w a s
the design, therefore, of a man in ma n y w a y s connected with
the chief nobility of En gl a n d .
S ir Sapcotes Ha r r i n gto n marr ied tw ic e, and had by each
of his w iv es t w o sons a nd t w o da u ghters . James H a r r i n g-
ton w a s eldest son by the first mar r ia ge, w hic h w as to Jane,
da ughter of Si r Wi ll i a m Sa muel of U p ton , in Nor tha mpton-
shire. James Ha r r i n gton 's brother became a mer c h a n t ; of
his ha lf-brothers, one went to sea, the other became a captain
in the army.
As a child, James H a r ri n gto n w a s studious, and so sedate
that i t w a s said pla yfully of him he rather kept his parents
and teachers in a w e than needed c or r ecti on ; but in after-life
his quick wi t made him full of playfulness in conversation. In
1629 he entered T r i n it y Col lege, O x f o r d , as a gentlema n c om-
moner. T h er e he had for tutor W i l l i a m C hi l li n gw or th, a F e l-
low of the college, w ho after conversion to the C hur ch of
R om e had reasoned his w a y back into Pr otesta nt opinions.
Chi llin gw orth became a famous champion of Protestantism in
Vll
viii INTRODUCTION

the question between the C hur ches, although many Protes tants
attacked him as unsound because he w oul d not accept the
Atha na si an C reed and had some other reservations.
Ha r r i ng ton prepared himself for for ei gn travel by study
of mod ern la nguages , but before he went abroad, and whi le
he w a s still under a ge, his father died and he succeeded to his
patrimony. T h e socage tenure of his estate ga ve him free
choice of his o w n gua r di an, and he chose his mother's mother,
L a d y Samuel.
He then b ega n the season of travel which usually followed
studies at the university, a part of his tr ai nin g to whic h he
had looked for wa rd wi th especial interest. He went first to
Ho ll a nd , which had been in Queen Eli zabeth's time the battle-
gr ound of civil and religious liberty. Bef or e he left En gl a n d
he used to say he knew of monar chy, a narchy, a ristocr acy,
democracy, oli ga rc hy, only as hard w or d s to be looked for in
a dictionary. But his interest in problems of gover nment be-
gan to be aw akened while he w a s a m o ng the Dutch. He
served in the regiment of Lo r d C r a ven, and a fter war d in that
of Sir Robert S t o n e ; w as much at T h e H a g u e ; became
familiar with the C our t of the Pr i nc e of O r a n g e , and w ith
K i n g James's daughter , the Que en of Bohemia , wh o , wi th
her husband the Pr in ce Elector, w a s then a fugitive to H o l -
land. Lo r d Ha r r i n g to n , w ho had once acted as gov ern o r to
the princess, and w o n her affection, w a s James H a r r i n gto n' s
uncle, and she now cordially w elcomed the y o u n g student of
life, for his uncle's sake and for his o wn pleasantness of out-
w a r d wi t and inwa rd gr a vi ty o f thought. H a r r i n g to n w as
taken with him by the exiled and plundered Pr inc e Elec tor ,
when he paid a visit to the C our t of D enma r k, and he w a s
intrusted a fterwa rd w ith the chief care of rhe prince's affairs
in E n gl a n d .
F r o m Holla nd , James Ha r r i ng ton passed through Fla nders
into Fra nc e, and thence to Italy. W h e n he came back to E n g -
land, some courtiers w ho were with him in R o m e told C har les
I that Ha r r i n gton had been too squeamish at the Po pe's con-
secration of w a x lights, in refusi ng to obtain a light, as others
did, by kissing his Holiness's toe. T h e K i n g told H a r r i n g-
ton that he might have complied with a custom which only
signified respect to a temporal prince. But his Ma jes ty w a s
INTRODUCTION ix

satisfied wi th the reply, that h a v i ng had the honor to kiss his


Maj es ty' s hand, he thought it beneath him to kis s a ny other
prince's foot.
Of all places in Ital y, V en i c e pleased H a r r i n gt on best. He
w a s deeply interested in the V en eti a n for m of gov ern ment,
and his observations bore fruit in many s uggestions for the
administration of the C o mmon w e a lt h of Oc ean a .
A ft e r his return to E n g l a n d , bein g of a ge, James H a r r i n g-
ton cared activel y for the interests of his y o ung er brothers
and sisters. It w as he w h o mad e his brother Wi l l i a m a mer-
chant. Wi l l i a m H a r r i n gto n thr ove, and for his ingenuity in
matters of construction he w a s a fter wa rd ma de one of the
Fel l ow s of the n ewl y formed R o ya l Soci ety. He took pains
over the tr ai nin g of his sisters, m a ki ng no difference between
sisters and half-sisters, and tr eating his step-mother as a
mother. He fi lled his home w ith loving-kind ness, and w a s
most liberal in g i v i n g help to friends. W h e n he w a s told that
he often threw a w a y his bounty on ungr ateful persons, he
pla yfully told his a dvisers they w e r e mercenary and that he
saw they sold their gifts, since they expected so gr ea t a r etur n
as gra titude.
James Ha r r i n gt on ' s bent w a s for the study of life, and he
made no active suit for court emp loyment. B u t he went to
court, wher e Charles I liked him, and admitted him as one
of his privy chamber extra ord in ar y, in w hich character he
w e nt wi th the K i n g in his first expedition agains t the Sco ts .
Beca use Cha rles I kn ew him and liked him, and because
he had show n himself no partisan of either side in the civil
w a r , thoug h he w a s kn ow n to be inclined, in the w a y of a b-
stract opinion, to w ar d a form of gover nment that w a s not
monarchy, the commissioners appointed in 1646 to bri n g
Cha rles from Newc as tl e named Ha r r i n gt on as one of the
K i n g ' s attendants. T h e K i n g w a s pleased, and Ha r r i n gt on
w a s appointed a g r o o m of the bedchamber at H o l mb y. He
followed faithfully the for tunes of the fallen K i n g , never sa y-
i n g even to the K i n g himself a w o r d in contradiction of his
o w n principles of liberty, and finding n othi ng in his principles
or in his temper that should prevent hi m fr om p a yi n g honor
to his sovereign, and seeki ng to secure for him a happy issue
out of his afflictions. An t o n y a W o o d says that " H i s Maj es ty
X INTRODUCTION

loved Ha r r i ng ton ' s compa ny, and, finding him to be an ingen-


ious man , chose rather to converse wi th him than wi th others
of his c ha mber : they had often discourses concern ing go ve r n-
ment ; but when they happened to talk of a common weal th the
K i n g seemed not to endure i t."
Ha r r i ng to n used all the influence he had wi th those in
whose p ower the K i n g wa s , to prevent the u r g i n g of av oid -
able questions that w ould stand in the w a y of such a treaty
as they professed to seek d u r in g the K i n g ' s imprisonment at
Ca ris brooke. Ha r r i ngton ' s friendly interventions on the
K i n g ' s behalf before the Pa rli ament commissioners at N e w -
port caused him, indeed, to be s usp ected; and w hen the K i n g
w a s removed from Ca ris br ooke to H ur st Castle, Ha r r i n gt o n
w a s not allowed to remain in his service. B u t after w ar d ,
when K i n g Cha rles w a s being taken to Wi n d s o r , Ha r r i n gt on
got leave to bid him farew el l at the door of his c ar ri age. As
he w a s about to kneel, the K i n g took him by the hand and
pulled him in. F o r a few days he w a s left w ith the K i n g , but
an oath w a s required of him that he w oul d not assist in, or
conceal kn ow led ge of any attempt to procure the K i n g ' s es-
cape. He would not take the o a th ; and w a s this time not
only dismissed fr om the K i n g ' s service but himself imprisoned,
until Ireton obtained his release. B efo r e the K i n g ' s death,
Ha r r i ng to n found his w a y to him a ga in , and he w a s a mo n g
those w ho were w ith Charles I upon the scaffold.
A ft er the K i n g ' s execution, Ha r r in gto n w as for some time
secluded in his study. Mo na r c hy wa s g o n e ; some for m of
commonwealth w a s to be established; and he set to w o r k upon
the w r i t i n g of " Oc e a n a , " calmly to show w hat form of g ov -
ernment, since men were free to choose, to him seemed best.
He based his w o r k on an opinion he had formed that the
troubles of the time were not due wholly to the intemperance
of faction, the mis government of a kin g, or the stubbornness
of a people, but to change in the balance of p r o p er ty; and
he laid the foundations of his commonw ea lth in the opinion
that empire follow s the balance of property. T h e n he showed
the common wealth of Oc ean a in action, with s afegua rd s
against future shiftings of that balance, and w ith a popular
government in w hi ch all offices w e re filled by men chosen by
ballot, who should hold office for a limited term. T h u s there
INTRODUCTION xí

w a s to be a constant flow of new blood th ro ugh the political


system, and the representative w a s to be kept true as a reflec-
tion of the public mind.
T h e Co mmo nw e a l th o f Oc e a n a w a s En g la nd . H a r r i n g to n
called Scotland M a r p e s i a ; and Ireland, Panop ea . Lo n d o n he
called E m p o r i u m ; the T h a me s , H a l c i o n i a ; Wes tmi ns ter,
H i e r a ; Wes tmi n s ter H a l l , Pa ntheon. T h e Pa l ac e of St.
James w a s A l m a ; H amp ton C our t, C o n v a l l i u m; W i n d s or ,
Moun t Celia. By Hemi s ua , Ha r r i n g to n meant the river T r e n t.
P a s t sovereigns of E n gl a n d he rena med for O c e a n a : W i l l -
iam the Co nquer or became T u r b o ; K i n g John, A d o x u s ;
Ri cha r d I I , D i c o t o me ; He n r y V I I , P a n u r g u s ; He n r y V I I I ,
C o r a u n u s ; Eli zabeth, Pa r th en i a ; James I , Mor p heus . He
referred to Hobbes as L ev i a t h a n ; and to Fra n c i s Ba c on a s
V er ul a mi us. O l i v e r C r om w e l l he renamed Ol p ha u s M e g a -
letor.
Ha r r i n gt on ' s book w a s seized while printing, a nd carried
to Whi teha ll . Ha r r i n gt on went to Cr o mw e l l 's daughter, L a d y
Cl aypole, played w ith her three-year-old child w hil e w a i ti n g
for her, and said to her, when she came and found him with
her little gi rl upon his lap, " M a d a m , y ou have come in the
nick of time, for I w a s just about to steal this pretty la d y. "
" W h y should y o u ? " " W h y shouldn't I , unless y o u cause
yo ur father to restore a child of mine that he has stolen ? "
It w as only, he said, a kind of political r o ma n c e; so far from
a ny treason a ga ins t her father that he hoped she would let
him know it w a s to be dedicated to him. So the book w a s
r es tor ed ; and it w a s published in the time of C r om w e l l ' s
C ommon w ea l th, in the y ea r 1656.
T hi s treatise, which ha d its or igi n in the most direct
pressure of the problem of gover nmen t upon the minds of
men continues the course of tho ug ht on w hi ch Ma c hi a v el-
li's " Pr in ce " had formed one fa mous station, and H o b b e s ' s
" Le v i a th a n , " another .
" Oc ea na , " when published, w a s wi d ely read and actively
attacked. On e opponent of its doctrines w a s D r . H en r y
F e m e , afterw ard Bi shop of Chester . An o th e r w a s M a tt he w
W r e n , eldest son to the Bis hop of E l y. He w a s one of those
w h o met for scientific research at the house of Dr . W i l k i n s ,
and had, said H a r r i ng ton , " an excellent faculty of ma gni fy-
i n g a louse and diminishing a c ommo nw e al th. "
xii INTRODUCTION

In 1659, Ha r r i n g to n published an abr idgment of his Oc ean a


as " T h e A r t of L a w g i v i n g , " in three books. O ther pieces
followed, in which he defended or developed his opinions. He
a ga in urged them w hen C r omw e ll 's C ommon w ea l th w a s in its
death-throes. T h e n he fell back upon ar gumen t at ni ghtl y
meetings of a Rota C lub w hic h met in the N e w Pala ce Y a r d ,
Westmi ns ter . Mi lton's old pupil, C yri a c Skinner, w a s one of
its m em be r s ; and its elections w er e by ballot, wi th rotation
in the tenure of all offices. T h e club w a s put an end to at
the Res tora ti on , when H a r ri n gto n retired to his study and
amused himself by putti ng his " Sy s tem of Politics " into the
form of " A p ho r i s ms . "
On December 28, 1661, James H a r r i n gt on , then fifty years
old, w a s arrested and carried to the T o w e r as a traitor. H i s
" A ph or i s ms " wer e on his desk, and as they also wer e to be
carried off, he asked only that they might first be stitched
together in their proper order. W h y he w a s arrested, he w a s
not told. O n e of his sisters pleaded in vai n to the K i n g . He
w a s falsely accused of complicity in an i ma gi na ry plot, of
whi ch nothing could be made by its i nvestigators . No heed
w a s paid to the frank denials of a man of the sincerest nature,
w h o never had concealed his thoughts or actions. " Why,"
he w a s asked, at his first examination by Lo r d Lauder d a le,
w h o w a s one of his kinsmen, " w hy did he, as a private man,
meddle with politics? W h a t had a pr ivate man to d o w ith
government?" H i s ans wer w a s : " M y lord , there i s not
any public person, nor any ma gi str ate, that has written on
politics, w or th a button. Al l they that ha ve been excellent in
this w a y have been private men, as private men, my lord, as
myself. T he r e is Pla to, there is Ar is totle, there is L i v y , there
is Mac hi avel . My lord, I can sum up Ar is totle' s ' Poli tics '
in a very few w o r d s : he says, there is the Ba r bar ous Mo n -
a r c h y —s uc h a one wher e the people have no votes in ma ki n g
the l a w s ; he says, there is the Heroi c M o n a r c h y — s u c h a one
where the people have their votes in ma k i n g the l a w s ; and
then, he says, there is Demo cr ac y, and affirms that a man
cannot be said to have liberty but in a democracy on ly. " L o r d
La ud er da le here s ho w i ng impatience, Ha r r i n gt o n a d d ed : " I
say Ar is totle says so. I have not said so much. A n d under
wha t prince w a s it ? W a s it not under Alexa nd er , the greatest
INTRODUCTION xiii

prince then in the w o r l d ? I beseech yo u, my lord, did A l e x -


ander ha n g up A r i s t ot l e? did he moles t hi m ? L i v y , for a
common wealth, is one of the fullest a u th o r s ; did not he w ri te
under A u g u s t u s Caesar? Di d Caesar h a n g up L i v y ? did he
molest hi m? Ma chi av el , wh a t a commonw eal thsman w a s h e !
but he w r ote under the Med ic i when they w er e princes in Fl or -
en c e: did they ha ng up Mac hi a v el , or did they molest hi m?
I have done no otherwise than as the greatest politic ians : the
K i n g wil l do no otherwise than a s the greatest pr in ces . "
T h a t w a s too much to hope, even in a dream, of the lo w-
minded Char les I I . H a r r i n gto n could not obtain even the
show of justice in a public trial. He w a s kept five months an
untried prisoner i n the T o w e r , only sheltered fr om daily bru-
talities by bribe to the lieutenant. W h e n his habeas corpus
had been moved for, it w as at first flatly r efus ed ; and when
it had been gra nted , Ha r r i ngt on w a s s mugg le d a w a y fro m the
T o w e r between one and t w o o'clock in the mo rn i ng, and car-
ried on board a ship that took him to closer imprisonment on
St. Nic hola s Island, opposite P ly mouth . T h er e his health
suffered seriously, and his family obtained his removal to im-
prisonment in Pl y mo uth by g i v i n g a bond of ¿5,000 as sure-
ties against his escape. In P l ymo uth , Ha r r i n gt on suffered
from s curvy, and at last he became insane.
W h e n he had been mad e a complete w reck in body and in
mind, his gr ac ious Maj es ty restored Ha r r i n gt on to his fam-
ily. He never recovered health, but still occupied himself
muc h w ith his pen, w r i ti n g , a mo n g other thi ngs, a serious
a rgumen t to prove that they w er e themselves mad w h o thought
him so.
In those last days of his shattered life James Ha r r i n gt o n
married an old friend of the family, a witty lady, da u ghter of
Sir Ma r ma d u k e Dor r el l , of Bucki n gha ms hi r e. Gou t w a s
added to his tr oubl es ; then he w a s pa l si ed ; and he died at
Wes tmins ter, at the age of s ixty -s i x, on September r i , 1677.
He w a s buried in S t. Ma r g a r et' s C hur ch, by the g r a v e of Si r
Wa l ter Ra l ei gh , on the south side of the altar.
H. M.
CONTENTS
UTOPIA. R A G E

Book 1 3
Book II 34

NEW ATLANTIS 103

THE CITY OF THE SUN 141

OCEANA.
Part 1 183
Part II 234
Part III 236
Part TV 393
Description of Oceana 413
ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PA GE

SIR T H OM A S MO RE .....Frontispiict
P h ot og r a v u r e fr om a n ol d pri nt

THE GENIUS O F PHILOSOPHY . . . . . 1 o o


P h o t o - e n g r a v i n g fr om th e or i gi n a l statue b y T o u r n o i s in the G r a n d
O p e r a H o u s e , Pa r i s

EX A MP LE O F UN CIAL WRITI NG . . . .138


Fa c- si mi l e ma n usc ri pt of the S i x t h C e n t u r y
UTOPIA

BY
V

SIR T H O M A S M O R E
UTOPIA
BOOK I

H E N R Y V I I I , the u n c o n q u e r e d K i n g o f E n g l a n d , a
pri nce ad o r n e d w it h all th e virt ue s tha t b e c o m e a
g r e a t m o n a r c h , h a v i n g s o m e differences o f no small
conseq uence with C h a rl e s , the mo st serene P r in ce of Castile,
sent me into F la n d e rs , as his am b as s a do r, for t r e a t i n g and
c o m p o s i n g mat te rs b e t w e en t h em . I w a s c o l l e a g u e and c o m -
p an i o n t o that i n co m p ar a b l e m a n C u t h b e rt T o n s t a l , w h o m
the K i n g w it h such u ni ve rsal applause lately m ade M a st e r o f
the R o ll s , but of w h o m I will say n o t h i n g ; not b ecause I fear
th at the t e st i m o ny of a friend will be su spe ct e d, bu t rat he r
b ec au se his l e a r n i n g a nd vi rt ue s are t o o g r e a t fo r m e t o do
t h e m j u st i ce, and s o well k n o w n t hat t he y need no t m y c o m -
m e nd at i o n s unless I w o u l d , a c c o r d i n g to the p r o v e r b , " S h o w
the sun w it h a l a n t h o r n . " T h o s e that w e r e ap po i nt e d b y the
P r i n ce to treat wi t h us, met us at B r u g e s , a cc o r di n g to ag re e -
m e n t ; th ey w er e all w o r t h y m en. The M a r g r a v e of Br uge s
w a s their h ead, and the chief m an a m o n g them ; but he that w a s
esteemed the wises t, and that spo ke for the rest, w a s G e o r g e
T e m s e , the P r o v o s t of C a s se ls e e ; both art and natu re had co n-
curre d t o m ak e him e lo q ue nt : he w a s ve r y learned in the l a w ;
and as he h ad a g r e a t capacity , so by a l o n g practice in affairs
he w a s ve r y d ex t e ro u s at u nr a v el li n g th em .
A ft er w e h ad se ver al times m et w i t h o u t c o m i n g t o a n a g r e e -
ment, th ey w e nt to B ru ss e ls f or some day s to k n o w the P r inc e 's
pleasu re. A n d since o u r b usine ss w o u l d ad m i t it, I w e n t t o
A n t w e r p . W h i l e I w a s there, a m o n g m a ny that visited me ,
th ere w a s o ne th at w a s m o r e acc ept ab le to m e t ha n a ny o ther ,
P e t e r G iles, b o r n at A n t w e r p , w h o is a m a n of g r e a t h o n o r ,
a nd of a g o o d r ank in his t o w n , t h o u g h less t h a n he d e s e r v e s ;
3
4 MORE

for I d o not k n o w if there be a ny w he r e to be found a mo r e


learned and a better br ed y o u n g m a n : for as he is both a ve r y
w o r t h y and a v e r y k n o w i n g pers on, s o he is s o civil to all m en ,
so par ticularl y kind to his friends, and so full of ca ndor an d
affection, that ther e i s no t perha ps a bo v e one or t w o a ny w he r e
to be found that are in all respects so perfect a friend. He is
extr aor d ina r ily mod es t, there is no artifice i n h i m ; and yet no
ma n has m o r e of a pruden t s i mp l i ci ty : his con vers ati on w a s
so plea sant and so innocentl y cheerful, that his c om p a n y in a
gr ea t mea sure lessened an y l o n gi n gs to go ba c k to my country ,
and to my wife and children, w hi c h an a bsence of four mo nt hs
had qui cken ed v ery muc h . O n e day as I w a s retur ni n g h o m e
from mass at St. M a r y ' s , w hi c h is the chief c hur c h, and the
mos t frequented of a ny in A n t w e r p , I saw him by acci dent talk-
i n g with a s tr a ng er, w h o seemed past the flower of his a g e ; his
face w a s tanned, he had a l on g beard, a nd his cl oak w a s h a n g -
i n g carelessly a bo ut him, so that by his l o ok s and habit I
concluded he w a s a seaman.
As s oon as Peter saw me, he c ame and saluted m e ; and as I
wa s r etur ni ng his civility, he to o k me aside, and p oi n ti ng to
him wi th wh om he had been d is cour sing, he s a i d : " Do yo u
see that m a n ? I w a s just th i nk i n g to b r i n g him to y o u . "
I a ns wer ed, " He should ha ve been very w e l c o me on y o u r
a c c o un t . "
" A n d on his o w n t o o , " replied he, " if yo u kn ew the man,
for there is none alive that can gi v e so co p i ous an a c co unt of
un kn ow n nations and c ountr ies a s he can d o ; w h i c h I k n o w
y o u v er y muc h des ir e."
T h e n said I, " I did not g ues s amiss, for at first si ght I t o ok
him for a s ea ma n. "
" B ut y o u are much m i s ta ken , " said he, " for he ha s not
sailed as a s ea man , but as a traveller, or rather a p hi l osop her.
T h i s Ra pha el, w h o from his family carries the n ame of H y t h l o -
day, is not i gn or a n t of the La ti n to n gu e, but is emi nentl y
learned in the Greek, h a v i n g applied himself mo re pa rticula rly
to that than to the former , beca us e he had g i v e n himself muc h
to phil osophy, in w hi c h he k n ew that the R o m a n s ha ve left us
n oth i ng that is va luabl e, exc ept what is to be found in Seneca
and C i c er o . He is a P o r t u gu es e by bir th, and was so desirous
of seein g the wo rld that he divided his estate a m o n g his
UTOPIA S

brothers , run the sa me ha za r d a s A m e r i c u s V e s p u c i us , a nd bor e


a share in three of his four v o y a g e s , tha t a re n o w p ub l i s h ed ;
onl y he did no t retur n wi th hi m in his last, but obtai ned leave
of him a lmos t by force, that he m i g h t be one of thos e tw e nty-
four w h o w e r e left at the farthest place at w hi c h they t ouc hed ,
i n their last v o y a g e to N e w Castile. T h e l ea v i n g him thus did
not a little gratify one that wa s m o r e fond of tr a vell i ng th an
of r etur ni n g h o m e to be buri ed in his o w n c o u n t r y ; for he
used often to say that the w a y to hea ven w as the s a me from all
p l a c e s ; and he that had no gr a v e ha d the hea v en still over hi m.
Y e t this disposition of mi n d had cost him dear, if G o d ha d not
been v er y gr a c i ous to h i m ; for after he, wi th five Ca sti lians,
had travelled o v er ma n y c ountri es, a t last, by str an ge g o o d -
fortune, h e g o t to C e y l o n , and from then ce to Ca li c ut, w her e
he v er y ha ppi ly found s o me P o r t u g ue s e ships, a nd , b ey o n d all
men's expec ta ti ons , returned to his nati ve c o un t r y . "
W h e n Peter had said this to me, I tha nk ed him for his kind-
ness, in i ntendi ng to gi ve me the a cquai ntan ce of a ma n who s e
c onv er sa ti o n he k n ew w oul d be so a c c e p ta bl e ; and upo n that
R a p h a e l a nd I em br a c ed each other. After those civilities
w e r e pa ssed w h i c h are usual w i th str an ger s up on their fi r st
meet i ng , w e all w e nt to my ho use, and enter i n g into the ga r d e n ,
sat d o wn on a gr een ba n k, and entertained on e an other in dis-
co ur se. He told us that wh en V es p u c i u s ha d sailed a w a y , he
and his c omp a n i on s that s tayed behind i n N e w Castile, by de-
grees insinuated themselves into the affections of the people of
the country , me et i n g often with them, a nd trea ti ng them
g e n t l y : and at last they not only lived a m o n g them without dan-
ger , but conversed familiarly wi th t h e m ; and got so far into the
heart of a pr ince, w h os e na m e a nd c oun tr y I h a ve for got , that
he bo th furnished them plentifully with all th in gs nec es sar y,
and also wi th the conveniences of t r a v el l i n g; both boats w hen
they wen t b y wa ter, and w a g o n s w hen they travelled over l a n d :
he sent with them a ver y faithful guid e, w h o w as to i ntr oduce
and r e c omm en d them to such other pr inc es as they ha d a mind
to see: and after ma n y d a y s ' journey, they came to to wn s and
cities, and to c o mmo n w e a l th s , tha t w er e bo th happi ly g o v-
erned .and well-peopled. U n d e r the equator, and as fa r on
bot h sides of it as the sun mo v es , there lay vast deserts that
w e r e parc hed with the perpetua l heat of the s u n ; the soil w a s
6 MOR E

wi ther ed , all thi ngs l ooked disma lly, and all places w e re either
quite uninhabited, or abounded with wild beasts and serpents,
and some few men that wer e neither less wi ld nor less cruel
than the beasts thems elv es .
B u t as they w e nt farther, a new scene op ened , all thi ngs g r ew
milder, the air less bu r n i n g, the soil mor e v er da n t, and e ven the
beasts wer e less w i l d : and at last there w e r e nations , to w n s , an d
cities, that had not only mutua l c om mer c e a m o n g th ems el ves,
and with their nei gh bor s , but traded both by sea and land, to
v er y remote countri es. T h e r e they found the c on v eni enc es of
s eei ng ma ny c ountri es on all hand s, for no ship w e n t any
v o y a g e into w hi ch he and his c omp an i on s were not ver y w e l -
c o me. T h e fi rst vessels that they saw w er e flat-bottomed , their
sails were mad e of reeds and w i c k er w o v e n close together, only
some were of leather ; but a fterw ard they found ships made
with round keels and canva s sails, and in all respects like our
s h i p s ; and the seamen understood both a stronomy and n a v i ga -
tion. He got w onderfully into their favor, by s ho w i n g them
the use of the needle, of which till then they wer e utterly ignor -
ant. T h e y sailed before with gr eat caution, and only in sum-
mer-time, but now they count all seasons alike, tr usti ng w hol ly
to the loadstone, in which they are perhaps mor e secure than
s a fe; so that there is reason to fear that this discovery, w hi ch
w a s thought w ould prove so muc h to their a dv a nta ge, ma y by
Iheir imprudence become an occasion of much mischief to them.
B ut it were too l o n g to dwell on all that he told us he had
ob s erv ed in every p l a c e ; it w oul d be too great a d i gres si o n
from our present p u r p o s e : w ha tev er is neces sary to be told,
c on c er ni n g those wise and prudent institutions w hi ch he o b -
served a m o n g civilized na tions, ma y perhaps be related by us
on a more proper occasion. We asked him many questions
c on c er n i n g all these thi ngs, to which he ans wered very wi ll-
ingly ; only we ma d e no inquiries after mons ters , than w hic h
n oth i n g is more c o m mo n ; for ev er yw h ere one ma y hear of
ravenous dogs and wol ves, and cruel man -eater s; but it is not
so easy to find States that are well and wi sely go ve r ne d.

As he told us of ma ny thi ngs that were ami ss in those new-


dis covered coun tr ies, so he r eckoned up not a few thi ngs from
w hi c h pa tterns mi ght be taken for c or r ecti ng the errors of these
nations a m o n g w h o m we l i v e; o f w hich a n a cc ount ma y be
UTOPIA 7

gi ve n , as I h a ve a lready pr omi sed, at s om e other t i m e ; for a t


present I intend only to relate thos e pa rticula rs that he told us
of the man ners and la w s of the U t o p i a n s : but I will b egi n
wi th the occasion that led us to speak of that c ommon weal th.
After Ra p h a el ha d d isc ours ed w ith gr ea t j u d g me n t on the ma n y
er rors that w e r e bo th a m o n g us and thes e n a ti o n s ; had treated
of the wis e institutions both here a nd ther e, and had s p o ke n as
distinctly of the c ust oms and g o v e r n m e n t of ev ery nation
th r o ugh w h i ch he ha d passed , as if he had spent his w ho l e life
in it, P eter, being s truck wi th a dmiration, s a i d : " I won der,
R a p h a el , how i t c o me s that y o u enter i nto n o ki n g' s s ervice,
for I a m sure there are none to w h o m y o u w o uld not be v ery
a c c ep ta bl e: for y o u r l ea r ni n g and k n o w l e d g e both of men and
thi ngs, are such that y o u w oul d not only entertain them v er y
plea santly, but be of gr ea t use to them, by the exa mp l es y o u
could set before them and the a d vic es y o u c ould gi v e t h e m ;
and by this mea n s y o u w oul d both serve y o ur o w n interest
and be of gr ea t use to all y o ur friends."
" As for my fr iends," a n sw e r e d he, " I need not be m u c h
con cern ed , h a v i n g a lr eady d on e for them all that w a s i n c um-
bent on m e ; for w he n I w a s not only in g o o d health, but fresh
and y o u n g , I distributed that a m o n g my ki ndr ed and friends
w hi ch other people do not part with till they are ol d and sick,
when they then un wi ll in gly gi v e that which they can enjoy no
l onger thems elv es . I think my friends o u g h t to rest c on ten ted
w i th this, and not to ex p ect tha t for their sa ke I should enslave
myself t o any k i n g w h a t s o ev e r . "
" Soft and fair, " said Peter, " I do not mean that y o u should
be a slave to a ny ki n g, but on ly that y o u s houl d assist them,
an d be useful to t h e m. "
" T h e c h a n g e of the w o r d , " said he, " does not alter the
ma tter . "
" B u t term it as y o u w i l l , " replied Peter, " I do n ot see a ny
other w a y in w hi c h y o u can be so useful, both i n p riva te to
y o u r friends, and to the public, and b y w hi c h y o u can ma ke
y o ur o w n condition h ap p i er. "
" H a p p i e r ! " a nsw er ed R a p h a e l ; " is that to be c ompa s s ed
in a w a y so a bhorrent to my g en i u s ? N o w I live as I will, to
w hi c h I believe few courtier s can pretend. A n d there are so
ma n y that court the favor of great men , that ther e will be no
8 MOR E

g r ea t loss if they are not troubled ei ther w ith me or w it h


other s of my t e mp e r . "
U p o n this, said I : " I perceive, Ra p ha el , that y o u neither
desire wealth no r g r e a t n e s s ; and indeed I val ue and ad mi re
s uch a man mu c h mor e than I do a ny of the g r e a t me n in the
w or ld. Y e t I think y o u w o ul d d o w hat w oul d well bec o me s o
ge ne r o us and phi loso phic a l a soul as y o ur s is, if y o u w oul d
apply y o ur ti me and th oug ht s to publi c affairs, ev en t h o u g h
y o u ma y ha pp en to find it a little uneasy to yo ur se lf : and this
y o u can n ever do with s o muc h a d v a n ta g e, as by b ei n g taken
into the counsel of s ome gr eat prince, and p ut ti ng hi m on noble
an d w or t hy ac ti ons, w hi ch I k n o w y o u w oul d do i f y o u w e r e
in s uc h a p o s t; for the s pr i ngs both of g o o d and evil flow from
the pr inc e, ov er a w ho le nation, as from a l as tin g fountain. So
m uc h l ea r n i ng as y o u have, even w i thout pra cti ce in affairs, or
s o gr ea t a pr acti ce as y o u ha ve had , w i thout an y o ther learn-
i n g , w o ul d render y o u a ver y fit co un sel lor to any k i n g w h a ts o -
e v er . "
" Y o u are d o ubl y m i s ta ken , " said he, " M r . M o r e , both i n
y o u r opi nion o f me, and i n the j u d g m en t y o u m a k e of t h i n g s :
for as I ha ve not that c apac ity that y o u fancy I hav e, so, if I
had it, the public w o ul d not be on e j ot the better, when I ha d
sacrificed my quiet to it. F o r most princes apply themselves
more to affairs of w a r than to the useful arts of p ea c e; and in
these I neither ha ve any k n o w l e d g e , nor do I mu c h desire i t :
they are gener al ly mo re set on a c q ui r i ng n ew k i n gd o m s , r i ght
or w r o n g , than on g o v e r n i n g well those they possess. And
a mo n g the ministers of princes, there are none that are not so
wise as to need no assistance, or at least that do not think
themselves so wise that they imagine they need no n e; and if
they c our t any, it is only those for w h o m the princ e has m uc h
per sonal favor, w h o m by their fa wni ngs and flatteries they en-
d ea vo r to fi x to their ow n i nter ests : and indeed Na tur e has so
ma de us that we all lov e to be flattered, and to please our selv es
wi th our o w n n otion s. T h e old cr ow loves his y o u n g , and the
ape her c ubs . N o w if in such a cour t, ma de up of per sons w h o
envy all other s , and only ad mi r e thems el ves, a person should
but pr op os e a n yt h i n g that he had either read in history or
observed in his travels, the rest w oul d think that the reputation
of their wi s d om w ould sink, and that their interest w oul d be
UTOPIA 9

m uc h depressed, if they c ould not run i t d o w n : and if all other


thi n gs failed, then they w o u ld fly to this, that s uc h or s uc h
th i n gs pleased o ur anc estors , an d it w e r e well for us i f we co ul d
but matc h them. T h e y w o ul d set up their rest on such an
a ns wer , as a sufficient confutation of all that c ould be s a i d ; as
if it w e r e a gr eat mi sfortune, that any s houl d be found wiser
tha n his a n c es t o r s ; but t h o u g h they wi ll in gly let go all the
g o o d thi n gs tha t w e r e a m o n g those of former a ge s , yet if
better thi ngs are p r op os ed they c o v e r thems elv es obs ti na tely
wi th this exc us e of reverenc e to past times. I ha v e met w ith
these p r oud , mo r o s e , and abs ur d j u d g m e n t s of th in gs in ma ny
pl ac es, particularly on ce in E n g l a n d . "
" W e r e yo u ever there ? " said I.
" Y e s , I w a s , " a nsw er ed he, " a nd s tayed s o me mon ths there,
not l on g after the rebellion in the w e st w a s s uppress ed w ith a
gr ea t sl aughter of the p oor p eopl e that w e r e e n g a g ed in it. I
w a s then mu c h obl iged to that reverend prelate, Jo hn M o r t o n ,
A r c h b i s h o p of C a n ter b ur y, card inal, and Cha n c el l or of E n g -
land : a m a n , " said he, " Pe ter (for M r . Mo r e k n o w s well w ha t
he w a s ) , that w a s not less venerable for his w i s d om a n d vir tues
than for the hi gh char acter he bore. He w a s of a mi ddl e
stature, not b r ok en with a g e ; his l o ok s b eg o t rev er enc e rather
than f ea r ; his conv er sa tio n w a s easy, but seri ous and g r a v e ;
he someti me s t o o k p lea sure to try the force of those that c ame
a s suitors to hi m up on bus ines s, by s p ea k i n g sharply t h o ug h
decently to t hem, an d by that he di sc over ed their spirit a nd
presence of mind , wi th w hi c h he w a s m uc h d eli ghted , w h en it
did not g r o w up to i mpudenc e, as b ea r i n g a g r ea t res embl an c e
to his o w n te m p e r ; and he l o ok e d on such per sons as the fittes t
men for affairs. He s p o ke bo th gr acefully a n d w e i g h t i l y ; he
w a s eminently skilled in the la w, had a v as t und ers tan d in g and
a p r o d i gi o us m e m o r y ; and those exc el lent talents with w h i c h
nature had furnished him w er e i mp roved by s tudy and exp er i-
ence. W h e n I w as i n E n g l a n d the K i n g d epend ed mu c h on
his c ouns el s, and the g o v e r n m en t s eemed to be chiefly sup-
por ted by h i m ; for from his y o uth he had been all a l o n g
practised in affairs ; and h a v i n g passed th r o u gh m a n y tra v er s es
of fortune, he had w ith grea t cost a cqui red a va st .stock of
w i s d om , w hi c h is not so on lost w h en it is pur chas ed so dear.

" O n e da y w he n I w as d i ni n g w i th hi m ther e ha ppened to


IO MORE

be a t table o n e o f the E n g l i s h l a w y er s , w h o to o k oc ca s i on to
run out in a hig h c om men d a t i o n of the sever e exec uti o n of
justi ce upon thieves, w h o , as he said, w e r e then ha n g ed so fast
that there w e r e s ometimes twenty on one g i b b e t ; and up on
that he said he could not w on d er e n o u gh ho w i t c a me to p ass ,
that since so few escaped, there were yet so ma n y thieves left
w h o w e r e still r ob b i n g in all pla ces. U p o n this, I w h o to ok
the boldness to s pea k freely before the car dinal, said there w a s
no reason to w on d e r at the matter, since this w a y of p un i s hi ng
thieves w a s neither just in itself nor g o o d for the p ub l i c ; for
as the s everity w a s t o o gr ea t, so the r emed y wa s n o t effec tual;
simple theft not b ei n g so gr ea t a cr ime that it o ug ht to cost a
ma n his life, no p un i shment h o w severe s oever b e i n g able to
restrai n those from r o b b i n g w h o can find out no other w a y of
livelihood . ' In this,' said I, ' not only y o u in E n g l a n d , but a
gr ea t part of the w or l d imitate s ome ill masters that are readier
to chastise their s cholar s than to teach them. T h e r e are d read -
ful pun is hments enacted a ga ins t thieves , but it wer e m uc h bet-
ter t o ma ke such g o o d p rovi sion s by w hi c h every m an mi gh t
be put in a metho d h ow to live, and so be pr eser ved from the
fatal necessity of s tea li ng and of d y i n g for it.'
" ' T h er e has been care enough taken for that,' said he, ' there
are m a n y handicrafts, and ther e i s husba nd r y, by w hi c h they
m a y ma ke a shift to live unless they ha ve a gr ea ter mi nd to
follow ill cour ses.'
" ' T h a t will not serve yo ur turn,' said I, ' for ma n y lose their
limbs in civil or foreign w ar s, as lately in the C o rn i s h rebellion,
and s ome time a g o i n y o u r w ar s with F r a n c e, w h o b ei ng thus
mutilated in the s er vic e of their k i n g and c oun tr y, can no mor e
follow their old trades, and are t oo old to learn new o n e s : but
since w a r s are only accidental thi ngs, and have intervals, let
us consi der those thin gs that fall out ev ery day. T h er e is a
great n umb er of n oblemen a m o n g y o u, that are thems elves a s
idle as dr ones, that subsist on other men' s labor , on the labor
of their tena nts , w h o m , to raise their r ev enues, they pare to
the quick. T hi s indeed is the only instance of their fr ugali ty,
for in all other thi n gs they are p r odi gal , even to the b e g g a r i n g
of th ems el v es : but besides this, they ca rr y about with them a
gr ea t n umb er of idle fellows, w h o never learned a ny art by
w hi ch they ma y gai n their l i v i n g ; and these, as s oon as either
UTOPIA II

their lord dies or they thems el ves fall sick, are tur ned out of
d o o r s ; for y o u r lords a re readi er to feed idle p eop le than to
ta ke care of the s i c k ; and often the heir is not able to k ee p
to g et he r s o gr ea t a family a s his p red ecess or did. N o w w h en
the st oma c hs of thos e that are thus turned out of d oor s g r o w
keen , they r o b no less k e e n l y ; a nd w ha t else can they do ? for
w he n, by w a n d e r i n g about, they ha v e w o r n out both their
health an d their clothes, and are tattered , and l o o k gha s tl y,
men of quali ty will not entertain th em, and p o o r m en dare not
do it, k n o w i n g that one w h o has been bred up i n idleness and
pleasure, and w h o w a s used to w a l k a bout w ith his sw or d and
buckler, despi sing all the nei ghborhood wi t h an insolent scorn
as far below him, is not fit for the spa de an d m a t t o c k : nor will
he serve a p oor man for so small a hire, an d in so low a diet
as he can afford to gi v e him. '
" To this he a n s w e r e d : ' T h i s sort of men o u g h t to be par-
ticularly cher ished , for in them consists the force of the armies
for w hi ch w e hav e o c c a s i o n ; since their bir th inspires th em
wi th a nobler sense of honor than is to be found a m o n g trad es -
men or p l ou gh m en . '
"' Y o u ma y a s well say,' replied I, ' that y o u must cherish
thieves on the a c c o un t of w a r s, for yo u will never wa n t the one
a s l o n g a s y o u hav e the o t h e r ; a nd as r o bbe r s p r o ve s ometi mes
ga llant sold iers, s o soldiers often p r o v e bra ve r o b b e r s ; so nea r
an alliance there is b etween those t w o sorts of life. B u t this
bad c us tom , s o c o m m o n a m o n g y o u , of k e ep i n g ma n y ser vants,
is not peculia r to this nation. In Fr a n c e there is yet a more
pestiferous sort of peopl e, for the w ho le c ountry is full of
soldiers , still kept up in time of peace, if such a state of a nation
ca n be called a p e a c e : and these are kept in p ay up o n the sa me
a c c ou nt that y o u plead for those idle retainer s a bout n o b l e me n ;
this bein g a m a x i m of those pretended statesmen that it is
necessary for the public safety to have a g oo d bod y of veteran
soldiers ever in readiness . T h e y think r a w men are no t to be
d ep end ed on , an d they someti mes seek occ as i ons for m a k i n g
w ar , that the y m a y train up their soldiers in the art of c utti n g
t h r o a t s ; or as Sallust obser ved , for k ee p i n g their ha nd s i n use,
that they m a y not g r o w dull by too l o n g an intermis sion. But
Fr a n c e has learned to its cos t h o w d a n ge r o us it is to feed s uch
beasts .
12 MO RE

" ' T h e fate of the R o m a n s , Ca r tha gi n i a ns , and Sy r i a n s , and


ma n y other na tions and cities, w hi c h w er e b oth ov er tur ne d and
quite ruined by those s t a nd i n g a r mi es , s hould m a k e others
w i s e r : and the folly of this m a x i m of the Fr enc h appears
plainly even from this, that their trained soldiers often find y o ur
r aw men prove too hard for them ; of w hich I will not say muc h,
lest y o u ma y thi nk I flatter the En g l i s h . E v e r y day's ex p e r i -
ence s ho w s that the mecha ni c s in the tow n s, or the cl ow ns in
the countr y, are not afraid of fighting w ith those idle gentl e-
men , if they are not disabled by s om e mi sfortune in their body,
or dispirited by extr e me wa nt, s o that y o u need not fear that
those well-s haped a nd s t r o n g men (for it is on ly such that
n ob l emen love to k eep about them, till they spoil them) w h o
n o w g r o w feeble with ease, and are softened wi th their effemi-
nate man ner of life, w oul d be less fit for ac tion if they w e re well
bred and well emp l oy ed . A n d it seems v er y unr ea son abl e that
for the prospect of a w ar , w hi ch y o u need n ev er ha ve but w hen
y o u please, y o u should mainta in so ma ny idle men, as will
a l w a ys disturb y o u in time of peace, wh ic h is ever to be mo r e
considered than war . Eu t I do not think that this necessity of
s tea li ng arises on l y from hen ce ; there is another c ause of it
more peculiar t o E n g l a n d . '

" ' W h a t is that ? ' said the cardinal.


" ' T h e increase of pa sture, ' said I, ' by whi ch y o u r s heep,
w hi c h are natura lly mild, and easily kep t in order , ma y be said
n ow to devo ur men , and unpeople, not only v i ll a ges , but to wn s ;
for wh er ever it is found that the sheep of a ny soil yield a softer
and richer w o o l than ord ina ry, there the nobility and g ent r y,
and even those holy men the a bbots , not contented with the old
rents which their farms yielded , nor th i n k i n g it en o ugh that
they, l i v i n g at their ease, do no g o o d to the p ublic, res olve to
do it hurt instead of good. T h e y stop the course of a gr ic ul-
ture, destr oyi ng houses and tow ns, reser vin g only the churches,
and enclose g r o un d s that they ma y l od ge their sheep in them.
As if forests and pa rks had s w al low e d up too little of the land,
those w or t hy countrymen turn the best inhabited places in soli-
tudes ; for w hen an insatiable wr etch, w ho is a p la gue to his
co untr y, res olves to enclose man y thous and acres of g r oun d,
the own er s as well as tenants are turned out of their posses-
sions , by tric ks , or by mai n force, or b e i n g weari ed out with
UTOPIA 13

ill-usage, they are forced to sell them. By w h i c h mea n s those


mi serable people, both m e n a nd w o m e n , ma rr ied and un mar -
ried, old and y o u n g , wi th thei r p o or but n ume r o u s families
(since country business r equi res m a n y han ds ), a r e all forced to
c ha n ge their seats, not k n o w i n g w hither t o g o ; and they mus t
sell a lmost for n o t h i n g their hous ehold stuff, wh ic h coul d not
b r i n g them m uc h m o n ey , ev en t h o u gh they m i g h t sta y for a
buyer . W h e n that little mo n e y is at an end, for it will be s oo n
spent, what is left for them to do, but either to steal and so to
b e ha n g ed ( Go d k n o w s ho w j us tl y ), o r to g o abo ut and b e g ?
A n d if they do this, they a re put in p r is o n as idle v a g a b o n d s ;
while they w oul d w i ll i ngl y w or k, but ca n find none that w ill
hire t h e m; for there i s no more occasion for country labor, to
w hi ch they ha ve been bred, w h en ther e i s n o ara ble g r o u n d
left. O n e s hepherd can l o o k after a flock, w hi c h wi ll s toc k an
exten t of g r o u n d that w o ul d requi re m a n y hand s if it w e r e to
be p l o ug h ed and reaped . T h i s li kewis e in ma n y p la c es raises
the price of corn.
" ' T h e price of w ool is also so risen that the poor people w h o
w e r e w o n t to ma ke cloth are n o mor e able to b uy i t ; and this
li kew i se m a kes ma n y of them idle. F o r since the increa se of
pasture, God has punis hed the a var ic e of the ow n ers , by a r ot
a m o n g the sheep, whi ch has destr oyed vas t number s of t h e m ;
to us it mig ht ha v e seemed mor e j ust had it fell on the o w n er s
themselves. B u t suppose the s heep should increase ever s o
muc h , their pric e is n ot like to f al l; since t h o u g h they c a n no t
be called a monopoly, because they are not engrossed by one
pers on, yet they are in so few hand s , and these are so rich, that
as they are not pr essed to sell them s oo ner tha n they ha ve a
min d to it, so they n ev e r d o it till they ha v e raised the price as
hi g h as p ossible. A n d on the s a me a cc ount it is, that the other
kinds of cattle ar e so dear, beca us e ma n y vi ll ages b e i n g pulled
d o w n , and all countr y labor b e i n g muc h ne gle ct ed , ther e are
none w h o ma ke it their business to br eed them. T h e rich d o
not br eed cattle as they do sheep, but b u y them lean, an d at
low p r i ces ; and after they hav e fattened them on their gr oun d s ,
sell them a ga in at hi gh rates. A n d I do not think that all the
inconveniences this will produce are yet o bs er v ed ; for as they
sell the cattle dear, so if they a re con sumed faster than the
br eed i ng countri es fr o m wh ic h they are br ou gh t can afford
14 MORE

them, then the s toc k mus t d ecr ea se, and this mus t needs end
in gr ea t s c a r c i t y; and by these mea ns this y o u r island, wh ic h
seemed as to this particula r the happiest in the w or l d , will
suffer muc h by the cursed av ar ic e of a few p e r s o n s ; besides
this, the r is ing of cor n mak es all people lessen their families as
m uc h a s they c a n ; and w ha t can those w h o are dismissed by
them d o, but either b e g or rob ? A n d to this last, a m a n of a
gr ea t mind is m u c h so on er dr a wn than to the for mer .
" ' L u x u r y likew ise br ea ks in a pace up on y o u , to set fo rw a r d
y o ur p o v er ty and m i s e r y ; there is an exc ess i v e va ni ty in a p -
par el, and g r ea t cost i n d i et ; and tha t not on l y in n o blemen 's
families, but even a m o n g tra desmen, a mo n g the fa rmers them-
selves, and a m o n g all ra nks of pers ons . Y o u ha ve also ma ny
i nfamous houses, and, besides thos e that are kn ow n, the
taverns and a lehouses are no b e t te r ; ad d to these, dice, c ar ds ,
tables, foot-ball, tennis, and quoi ts , in w hi c h m o n ey r un s fast
a w a y ; and those that ar e initiated into them, mus t in the co n-
clusion beta ke themsel ves to r o b b i n g for a suppl y. Ba n is h
these pl a gues , and gi v e orders that those w h o hav e dispeopled
so muc h soil, ma y either rebuild the vi ll age s they have pulled
d ow n , or let out their g r o u n d s to s uch as will d o i t: restrain
those en gr o s s i n gs of the rich, that are as bad a lmost as m o n o p o -
lies ; leav e fewer occ as ion s to i d l e n es s ; let a gr i cul tur e be set
up a ga i n , and the man ufa cture of the w o o l be regula ted , that
so there ma y be w o r k found for thos e c omp an i es of idle p eople
w h o m w an t forces to be thieves , or w h o , n o w b e i n g idle v a g a -
bo nd s or useless ser vants, will certainly g r o w thieves a t last.
If y o u do not find a r emed y to these evils, it is a va i n th i ng to
boast of y o u r severi ty in p un i s hi n g theft, whi c h t h ou gh it may
have the a p p ear a n ce of jus ti ce, yet in itself is neither just nor
convenient. F o r if y o u suffer y o u r people to be ill-educated,
and their ma nners to be co rr up ted from their infancy, and then
punish them for thos e cr imes to w hi c h their first education
disposed them, w hat else i s to be c on cluded fr om this, but that
y ou first ma ke thieves and then punish them ? '

" W h i l e I w as t a l ki n g thus , the c ouns ell or w h o w as present


had pr ep ar ed an an swer , and had resolved to r es ume all I had
said, a c c o r d i ng to the formality of a debate, in w hich thi ngs
are gener all y repeated more faithfully than th ey are a n s w e r e d ;
as if the chief trial to be mad e w e r e of men' s memories.
UTOPIA

"' Y o u have talked prettily for a stra nger, ' said he, ' h a v i n g
hea rd of ma n y thi ngs a m o n g us w h i c h y o u have not been able
to consid er w e l l ; but I will m a k e the w hol e ma tter plain to y o u ,
and wi ll first repeat in ord er all that y o u h av e said, then I wi ll
s how h o w m uc h y o ur i gn or a n c e o f o u r affairs ha s misled y o u ,
and will i n the last pla ce a nswer all y o u r a r g um en t s . A n d that
I ma y be gi n w h e r e I pr omi s ed , there w e r e four thi ngs '
" ' H o l d y o u r peac e,' said th e c a r d i n a l ; ' this will ta ke up to o
m uc h t i m e ; therefore we will at present ease y o u of the tr ouble
of a n s w e r i ng , and res erve it to o u r n e xt meeti n g, w h i c h shall
be to -m or r o w , if Ra p ha el' s affairs a nd y ou r s can a dmit of it.
B ut , R a p ha el , ' said he to m e , ' I w o ul d g l a d l y k n o w u p on w ha t
reas on it is that y o u think theft o u g h t not to be punis hed by
death ? W o u l d y o u gi v e w a y to it ? Or do y o u pr o p os e any
other p uni shment that will be m o r e useful to the p ubl i c ? Fo r
since death does n o t restrain theft, if men t ho u gh t their lives
w o ul d be safe, w ha t fear or force co ul d restrain ill m e n ? On
the c on tr a ry , the y w o ul d l oo k on the mi tiga tion of the p unis h-
ment a s a n invitation to c ommi t mo r e cri mes. '
" I answered: ' It seems to me a ver y unjust t hi n g to ta ke
a w a y a ma n' s life for a little m o n e y ; for n o th i n g in the w or ld
can be of equal value wi th a ma n 's li fe: and if it is said that it
is not for the m o n ey tha t one suffers, but for his b r e a k i n g the
law, I must say e xtr em e justice is an e xtr eme i n j u r y ; for we
o ug h t not to a p p r ov e of these terrible la ws that ma ke the small-
est offences capital, no r of that op ini on of the Stoics that ma kes
all c rimes equal, as if there w e r e no difference to be mad e b e-
tween the ki ll in g a ma n and the ta ki n g his p ur s e, betw een
w hi c h , if we ex a mi n e thi ngs imparti ally, ther e is no likeness
nor p r op o r ti o n. G od has c o mm a n d ed us not to kill, and shall
we kill so easily for a little m o n ey ? B u t if one shall say, that
by that law we are onl y forbid to kill a n y, ex c ep t w h e n the la w s
of the land allow of i t ; up on the s ame g r o u n d s , la ws ma y be
ma d e in some cases to a llow of adultery a n d p er j u r y : for G od
h a v i n g ta ken from us the ri ght of di s posi ng, either of our o w n
or of other p eople' s lives, if it is p retende d that the mutua l
consent of ma n in m a k i n g la ws can author i ze ma ns la u ghter in
cases i n w hi c h G o d has g i v en us n o exa mp l e, that it frees people
from the obli ga tio n of the divine law , and so ma k e s mur d er a
lawful a c t i o n ; wha t is this, but to g i v e a preference to huma n
laws before the divine ?
i6 MORE

" ' A n d if this is on c e ad mi tted, by the s ame r ule men m a y in


all other thi ng s p ut w h a t restrictions they please u p on the l aw s
of Go d . If by the M os a i c a l law, t h o ug h it w a s r o u g h a nd
severe, as b e i n g a y o k e laid on an obstinate and servile nation,
men w er e only fined and not put to death for theft, we c annot
i ma g i ne that in this new law of mer cy, in w hi c h G o d treats us
with the tenderness of a father, he has gi v en us a gr ea ter
license to cruelty tha n he did to the J ews . U p o n these rea-
sons it is tha t I think p utt i n g thi eves to death is not l a w f ul ;
and it is plain an d o bv i ous that it is abs urd, and of ill-conse-
quenc e to the c o m mo n w e a l t h , that a thief an d a mur d er er
should be equa lly p un i s h e d ; for if a r ob ber sees that his d a ng er
is the s a me, if he is c on vi c ted of theft as if he w e r e guil ty of
murd er , this will natura lly incite hi m to kill the pers on w h o m
otherwise he wo uld only have robbed , since if the punishment is
the s a me, ther e is m or e s ecurity, and less d a n ge r of d is covery,
w hen he that can best m a ke it i s put o ut of the w a y ; so that
ter ri fyin g thi eves t oo m uc h , p r o v o k es them to cruelty.
" ' B ut as to the question, W h a t mor e convenient w a y of
punishment can be found ? I think it is muc h more easier to find
out that than to invent a n yth i ng that i s w o r s e ; w h y should we
d oubt but the w a y that w a s s o l o n g in us e a m o n g the old
R o m a n s , w h o und er s tood s o w ell the a rts of g o v e r n me n t, w a s
v ery pr op er for their p u n i s h me n t? T h e y c on d emned such a s
they found gui l ty of gr ea t cr i mes , to w o r k their w hol e lives in
qua rri es , o r to d i g i n mi nes with chains a bout them. B u t the
method that I li ked best, w a s that w hi c h I obs er v ed in my
travels in Pers ia , a m o n g the P olyl er i ts , w h o are a c on sid er able
and well -govern ed people. T h ey pa y a yea rly tribute to the
K i n g of P e r s i a ; but in all other respects they are a free nation,
and go v e r n ed by their o w n l aw s . T h e y lie far from the sea,
and are en vi r on ed with hi l l s ; and b e i n g conten ted with the
p ro duc ti ons of their o w n co untr y, w hi c h is v er y fruitful, they
have little c o m me r c e wi th any other n a t i o n ; and a s they, a c-
c o r d i n g to the geni us of their coun try , hav e no inclination to
enla r ge their bord ers ; so their mounta i ns , and the pension they
pay to the Pers ia ns, secure them from all invasions.
" ' T h u s they ha ve n o w ars a m o n g t h e m ; they live rather
c onv eni entl y than with splend or , and ma y be rather called a
ha p py na tion, than either eminent or f a m o u s ; for I do not thi nk
UTOPIA 17

that they are k n o w n s o m uc h a s b y na me t o a ny but their n e x t


neighbors . T h o s e that are foun d gui lt y of theft a mo n g them
ar e b oun d to m a k e restitution to the o w n er , and not as i t is in
other places, to the prince, for they reckon that the prince has
no mor e r i gh t to the stolen g o o d s than the thief; but i f tha t
w hi ch w a s stolen is no mor e in being, then the go o d s of the
thi eves are estimated, and restitution b e i n g ma d e out of them,
the rema ind er i s g i v e n to their w i v e s a nd c hi l d r en : a nd the y
thems elv es are c on d emn ed to s er ve i n the public w o r k s , but
ar e neither i mp ri soned, n o r cha ined, unless there ha p pen ed to
be s ome extr a or d i na r y c i rc ums ta nc es in their c rimes . T h e y
go about loose and free, w o r k i n g for the publi c. If they ar e
idle or ba c kw a r d to w o r k , they are w h i p p e d ; but if they w o r k
har d, they are well used and treated w i tho ut a ny ma r k of re-
p r oa c h, o nly the lists of them are called a l w a y s a t n i ght , a nd
then they ar e shut up . T h e y suffer no other unea siness , but
this of c onstant l a b o r ; for as they w o r k for the p ubli c, so they
are well entertained out of the p ubli c s toc k, w hi c h is d on e
differently in different pl aces. In s ome plac es , w ha t ev er is
bestow e d on them, i s raised by a c ha ritable c o n tr i b uti o n ; a nd
t h o u g h this w a y m a y seem uncertain, yet s o merciful ar e the
inclinations of that p eop l e, that they are plentifully supplied by
i t ; but i n other places, p ublic r evenues ar e set aside for t h e m ;
or there is a cons ta nt t a x of a p ol l - mo n ey raised for their ma i n-
tena nc e. In s o me plac es they are set to no public w o r k , but
ever y private man that has occasion to hire w or k men go es to
the ma r ket-pl ac es a nd hires them of the publi c, a little l ow e r
tha n he w ou l d do a fr ee ma n : if they go lazily a bo ut their tas k,
he m a y q ui ck en them w it h the w h i p.

" ' By this mea n s there is a lw a ys s ome pi ece of w o r k or other


to b e done by t h e m ; and beside their liveli hood, they earn
s o mewha t still to the publi c. T h e y all w e a r a p eculiar ha bit,
of on e certain c olor , and their hair is c r op p ed a little a b o v e
their ea rs , and a piec e of on e of their ears is cut off. T h e i r
friend s are a llowed to g i v e them either meat, dr ink, or clothes
so th ey are of their pr op er c o l o r ; but it is death, bo t h to the
gi v er and taker, if th e y g i ve them m o n e y ; nor is it less penal
for a ny freema n to take m o n ey from them, up o n a n y a cc ount
w h a t s o ev er : and it is also death for a ny of these slaves (so they
are called) to ha ndle ar ms . T h o s e of ever y division of the
2
i8 MORE

c oun try are d isti ngui shed by a peculi ar m a r k ; w hi c h it is c ap i -


tal for them to lay aside, to go out of their bounds, or to talk
wi th a slave of a nother jur isd iction ; and the ver y attemp t of an
escape is no less penal than an escape itself; it is death for a n y
other slave to be a c cess or y to i t ; and if a freema n en ga ge s in it
he i s c on d emn e d to slavery. T h o s e that di sc over it a re
r e w a r d ed — i f freemen, i n m o n e y ; and if slaves, wi th liberty, to-
get her w ith a p a r d on for b ei n g a c c ess or y to i t ; that s o they
m i g ht find their a c c ount, rather in rep en ti ng of their e n g a g i n g
in such a d es i gn, than in persi sti ng in it.
" ' T h e s e are their laws and rules in relation to r o bber y , and
it is o b v i o u s that they are as a d v a n ta g eo u s as they are mild
an d g e n t l e ; since v ic e i s not onl y des tr oyed, and men pr e-
served, but they treated in suc h a ma nner as to ma ke th em see
the necessi ty of b ei n g honest, and of e m p l o y i n g the rest of
their lives in r epa i r in g the injuries they ha ve formerly d one to
soci ety. N o r is ther e any ha zar d of their fallin g ba c k to their
old c u s t o m s : and so little do tr aveller s app rehen d mischief
from them, that they genera lly m a k e use of them for gui d e s ,
from one juri sdiction to a n o t h e r ; for there is n o t h i n g left them
by wh i ch they can r ob, or be the better for it, since, as they are
dis armed , so the ver y h a v i n g of m o n e y is a sufficient c o n vi c -
tion : and as they are certainly punished if di scovered , so they
cannot hop e to es c a p e ; for their habit b e i n g in all the parts of
it different from what is c o mm o n l y w o r n, they cannot fly aw a y,
unless they w oul d go na k ed , and even then their c r o p p ed ear
w o ul d betra y them. T h e on ly d a ng er to be feared fr om them
is their c on s pi r i ng agai nst the g o v e r n m e n t : but those of on e
division and n e i gh bo r h o o d can d o n ot hi n g to any p urp os e,
unless a genera l conspiracy were laid a mo n g all the slaves of
the several jur isd ictions, w hi c h ca nn ot be d on e, since they
c a nn o t meet or talk t o g et h e r ; n or will any ven tur e on a desi gn
w her e the concealment w ould be so d a ngerous and the discov-
ery so profitable. Non e are quite hopeless of r ec over i ng their
freedom, since by their obed ience and patience, and by g i v i n g
g o o d gr o un d s to believe that they will c h a ng e their ma n ner of
life for the future, they ma y exp ec t at last to obtain their l i b er ty :
and s ome are ever y year restored to it, up on the g o o d char acter
that is g i ve n of them. '

" W h e n I had related all this, I add ed, that I did not see w h y
UTOPIA »9

such a method mi ght not be follow ed wi th mor e a dv a nta ge,


than could ev er be exp ec t ed fr om that s evere justice w h i ch the
counsellor ma gni fied so m uc h . To thi s he a ns w e red that it
c ould n ev er take pl ac e i n E n g l a n d w i t hout en d a n ge r i n g the
w h o l e na tion. As he said this he s h oo k his head , ma de s ome
gr i ma c es , and held his pea ce, whi le all the c o mp a n y seemed of
his op in ion, ex c ep t the cardinal, w h o said that it w a s not ea sy
to form a j ud gm e n t of its succ es s, since it w a s a met ho d that
n ever yet had been tried.
"' B u t if,' said he, ' w he n the sentenc e of death w as passed
up on a thief, the pri nce w o u l d r ep rieve hi m for a w hile, a nd
m a k e the exp e r i men t up o n him, d e n y i n g him the p ri v i lege of
a s a n c t uar y; and then if it had a g o o d effect up o n hi m, it mi ght
take p l a c e; and if it did not s ucc eed, the w o r s t w o ul d be, to
exec ut e the sentence on the c o nd em ned per son s a t last. And
I do not see,' a dded he, ' w h y it w o uld be either unjust, i ncon-
ven ient, or at all d a n ge r o us , to a dmit of such a d el a y : in my
op in io n, the v a g a b o n d s ou g ht to be treated in the sa me m a n -
ner ; a ga i n st w h o m , th o ug h we ha ve ma de ma ny la ws , yet we
have not been able to ga i n our end .' W h e n the cardinal had
d on e, they all c o mme n d ed the motion , t h o u g h they ha d d e-
spised it w hen i t c ame from m e ; but mo r e p ar ti cular ly c o m -
men d e d wh at related to the v a g a b o n d s , beca use it w a s his o w n
ob ser v a tio n .
" I do not k n o w w h ethe r it be w o r th w hile to tell w ha t fol-
l ow e d , for it w a s v ery r i d i c ul o us ; but I shall v en tur e at it, for
as it is not for ei gn to this matter, so s ome g o o d use ma y be
ma de of it. T h e r e wa s a jester sta n d i ng by, tha t counterfeited
the fool so naturally that he seemed to be really one. T h e
jests w hi ch he offered w e r e so cold and dull that w e l a u gh ed
mo r e a t hi m than at them ; yet so meti mes he said, as it w e r e by
chan ce, th in gs that w er e not u n p l ea s a n t; s o as to justify the
old pr o ver b , ' T h a t he w h o thr o w s the dice often, will s o me-
times ha ve a l ucky hit. ' W h e n one of the c o m p a n y had said
that I had taken care of the thieves , and the car dina l had ta ken
car e of the v a g a b o n d s , so that ther e rema ined n o th i n g but that
s ome publi c pr ovi si on mi g ht be ma de for the p oor , w h o m sic k-
ness or old a ge had disabled from labor, ' L e a v e that to me, '
said the f o o l , ' and I shall take car e of t h e m ; for there is no sort
of p eople w h os e si ght I a bhor mor e, h a v i n g been so often
20 MOR E

v e x e d wi th th em, an d with their sad c o m p l a i n t s ; but as dole-


fully s oever a s th ey ha v e told their tale, they c oul d never p r e-
vail so far as to d r a w one p enn y from m e : for either I had no
mind to gi v e them a nythi ng, or when I had a mind to do it I
had n oth i ng to g i v e them : and they n ow k n o w me so w ell that
they will not los e their labor, but let me pass w i thout g i v i n g
me a ny trouble, bec ause they hop e for n ot hi n g, no m o r e in faith
than if I w e r e a p r i es t: but I w oul d ha v e a law ma d e, for send -
i n g all these b e g g a r s to mon asteri es , the men to the B e n e -
dictines to be ma de la y- br other s , a nd the w o m e n to be n uns . '
" T h e cardinal smiled, and a pp r ov ed of it in j e s t ; but the
rest liked it in earnest. T h e r e w as a d ivine pres ent, w h o
though he w a s a gr a ve, morose man, yet he w a s so pleased w i th
thi s reflection that wa s made on the priests and the mon ks , that
he bega n to play with the fool, and said to him, ' T h i s will not
deliver y ou fr om all be gg a r s , exc ept you take care of us fria rs.'
" ' T h a t is done already,' a nsw er ed the fool, ' for the card inal
has pr ovi ded for yo u, by w ha t he proposed for r es tr ai ni ng v a g -
abonds , and setting them to w or k, for I kn ow no va ga bo n d s like
yo u. '
" T h i s w a s w ell entertained by the w hol e c ompa ny, w h o ,
lo okin g at the cardinal, perceived that he w a s not ill-pleased
a t i t ; only the friar himself w a s v exed , as may be easily i m a g-
ined, and fell into such a passion that he could not forbear rail-
i n g at the fool, and ca lling him knave, slanderer, backbiter, and
son of perdition, and then cited some dreadful threatenings out
of the Scr iptures a gai ns t him N o w the jester thought he w a s
in his element, and laid about him freely.
" ' Goo d friar,' said he, ' be not a ng ry , for it is wri tten, " In
patience possess your s oul . " '
" T h e friar a ns wer ed ( f o r I shall gi v e you his o w n w o r d s ) ,
' I am not a ngr y, you h a n g m a n ; at least I do not sin in it, for
the Ps almi st says, " Be ye a n gr y , and sin n ot. " '
" U p o n this the cardinal admonished him gently, and wi shed
him to gov er n his passions.
" ' No , my lord,' said he, ' I speak not but fr om a go o d zeal,
whic h I ought to h a v e ; for holy men ha ve had a good zeal, as it
is said, " T h e zeal of thy house hath eaten me u p ; " and we si n g
in our chur ch, that those, w ho mocked El ish a as he w e nt up to
the house of God, felt the effects of his z ea l ; w hi ch that moc ker ,
that ro gue, that scoundrel, wil l perhaps feel/
UTOPIA 21

"' Y o u d o this per ha ps wi th a go od intention,' said the cardi -


n a l ; ' but in my opinion it were w i se r in y ou, and perha ps better
for y ou, not to en ga ge in so ridi culous a contest wi th a fool.'
"' N o , my lord, ' an sw er ed he, ' that w e re not wi sely d o n e ;
for Solomon, the wisest of men, said, " A n s w e r a fool a cc ord -
i n g to his fo l l y ; " w hic h I now d o, and s how him the ditch into
w hi c h he wi ll fall, if he is not a w a r e of i t ; for if the many
moc ker s of Eli s ha , w h o w a s but one bald man , felt the effect
of his zeal, w ha t will become of one mocker of so ma ny friars,
a m o n g w h o m ther e are so ma n y bald men ? We have li kewise
a bull, by w hi c h all that jeer us are excommuni ca ted .'
" W h e n the cardinal s a w that there w a s n o end of this ma t-
ter, he made a sign to the fool to w i t hd r a w , turned the discourse'
another w a y , and soon after rose from the table, and, dismiss-
i n g us , went to hea r causes.
" T h u s , M r . M o r e , I have run out into a tedious story, of
the length of w hi ch I had been a sha med, if, as y ou earnestly
begged it of me, I had not observed y o u to hearken to it, as if
yo u had no mind to lose a ny part of it. I mi ght ha ve con-
tracted it, but I r esolved to gi v e it to y ou at lar ge, that y o u
might observe how those that despised w ha t I ha d proposed, no
sooner perceived that the cardinal did not dislike it, but pres-
ently approved of it, faw ned so on him, and flattered hi m to
such a degree, that they in goo d earnest applauded those thi ngs
that he only liked in jest. A n d fr om hence y o u may gather ,
h o w little courtiers wo uld value either me or my counsels. "
To this I a n s w e r e d : " Y o u ha ve done me a great kindness
in this r ela ti on; for as ever ythi ng has been related by y ou, both
w is ely and pleasantly, so y ou have ma de me i magine that I w a s
i n my o w n country, and g r o w n y o u n g aga in, by recall ing that
go od cardinal to my thoughts, in w hose fa mi ly I w a s bred from
my c hi l d ho od : and th ough yo u are upon other a ccounts ver y
dear to me, yet you are the dearer, because yo u honor his mem-
or y so m u c h ; but after all this I cannot cha nge my o pi n i on; for
I still think that if yo u could overcome that aversi on w hi ch y ou
hav e to the courts of princes, you might, by the advice w hi ch it
is in y our p ow er to g iv e, do a grea t deal of good to ma n ki n d ;
and this is the chief d esign that every g oo d ma n ought to pro-
pose to himself in l i v i n g ; for y our friend Pl a to thinks that
nations wi ll be happy, wh en either philosophers become ki n gs
22 MOR E

or k i ng s become philosophers, i t is no w ond er if we are s o far


from that happiness, while philosophers will not think it their
duty to assist ki ngs wi th their councils.
"' T h e y are not so base-minded,' said he, ' but that they
w ould w i lli ngly do i t : ma ny of them have a lr eady done i t by
their books, if those that are in p ower w oul d but hearken to
their goo d advi ce. ' B ut Pl ato j u d g ed ri ght, that except k i ngs
themselves became philosophers, they w h o from their child-
hood are cor rupted wi th false notions w ould never fall in en-
tirely wi th the councils of philosophers, and this he himself
found to be true in the person of Di ony si us .
" Do not you think that if I were about any ki ng , p ro po si n g
g oo d la ws to hi m, and end eav or in g to root out all the cursed
seeds of evil that I found in him, I should either be turned out
of his cour t or at least be la ughed at for my pa in s? F o r in-
stance, wha t could it s ign ify if I w er e about the K i n g of F r a n c e,
and were called into his Cabinet Counc il, w here several wis e
men, i n his hea ri ng, w er e pr op os i ng ma n y exp edients, as by
w ha t arts and practices Mil an ma y be kept, and Na pl es , that
had so oft slipped out of their hands , r ec ov er ed ; how the V e n e -
tians, and after them the rest of Italy, may be s ub d u ed ; a nd
then ho w Fla n d er s , Br aba nt, and all B u r g u n d y , and some other
ki n gd o ms w hi c h he has s wa ll owed already in his d esi gns , m a y
be added to his empire. O n e proposes a lea gue wi th the V en e -
ti ans, to be kept as l on g as be finds his account in it, and that
he ought to communi cate councils wi th them, and gi v e them
some share of the spoil, till his success makes him need or fear
them less, and then it will be easily taken out of their hand s.
An oth er proposes the hi ri ng the G er ma n s , and the s ec ur i ng the
S w i tze r s by pensions. A n ot h er proposes the g a i n i n g the E m -
peror by money, w hi ch is omnipotent w ith him. A no th er pro-
poses a peace with the K i n g of A r r a g o n , and, in order to cement
it, the yi el di ng up the K i n g of Na v a r r e' s pretensions. An ot he r
thinks the Pr i nc e of Castile is to be w r o u gh t on, by the hope of
an a ll ia nc e; and that some of his courtiers are to be ga ined to
the Fr en ch faction by pensions. T h e hardest point of all is
wha t to do with E n g l a n d : a treaty of peace is to be set on foot,
and if their alliance is not to be depended on, yet it is to be
mad e as firm as poss ible; and they are to be called friends, but
suspected as enemies: therefore the Scots are to be kept in read-
UTOPIA 23

iness, to be let loose upon En g l a n d on ever y oc c a s i on: and some


banished nobleman i s to be supported und erhand ( fo r by the
lea gue it cannot be done a v o w e d l y ) w h o has a pretension to the
c r o w n , by w hi c h means that suspected prince m a y be kept in
a w e.
" N o w w hen things a re in so grea t a fermentation, and s o
ma n y ga llant men are j oi n i n g councils , how to ca r ry on the
w a r , if so mean a man as I should stand up, and w i s h them to
c ha n ge all their councils, to let Italy alone, an d stay at home,
since the K i n g d o m of Fr a n ce w a s indeed greater than coul d
be well go ver ne d by one m a n ; that ther efore he o ug ht not to
think of a d d i n g others to i t: a nd if after this, I should propose
to them the resolutions of the Ac h or i a n s , a people that lie on the
southeast of U to p i a , w h o l o ng a g o e nga g ed in w a r , i n or der
to add to the dominions of their prince another ki n gd o m, to
w hi c h he had some pretensions by a n ancient alliance. This
they conquered, but found tha t the trouble of keep ing it w a s
equa l to that by whi c h it w a s g a i n e d ; that the conquered people
w er e a l w a y s either in rebellion or exp osed to for eign invasions,
while they w e r e obliged to be incessantly at w a r , either for or
a ga i ns t them, and consequently could never disband their a r m y ;
that in the meantime they wer e oppressed w i th ta x e s , their
money w ent out of the k i n gd o m, their blood w a s spilt for the
g l or y of their K i n g , w it hout pr o c ur i ng the least a d va n ta g e to
the people, w h o received not the smallest benefit from it even
in time of p e a c e; and that their man ner s bein g corrupted by a
l o n g w a r , robber y and mur d er s every where abounded, and their
l a w s fell into c on tempt ; while their K i n g , distracted wi th the
ca r e of t w o ki n gd oms , w a s the less able to a pp ly his mind to the
interests of either.

" W h e n they sa w this, an d that ther e w o ul d be no end to


(these evils, they by joint councils ma de an humble add ress to
their K i n g , des iri ng him to choose w hi c h of the t w o ki n gd o ms
he had the grea tes t mind to keep, since he coul d not hold b o t h ;
for they w e re too gr ea t a people to be go ver n ed by a divided
ki ng, since no ma n w o uld wi ll in gly hav e a g r o o m that should
be in common between him and another. U p o n w hi c h the
go od prince w a s forced to quit his new ki ng d o m to one of his
friends ( w h o w a s not l on g after d et hr o n ed ) , and to be c on-
tented w i th his old one. To this I w o uld a dd that after all
24 MOR E

thos e wa r li ke attempts, the vast confusi ons, and the co ns ump -


tion both of treasure and of people that must follow t h e m ; per-
haps upon some mis fortune, they mi ght be forc ed to thr ow up
all at l a s t; therefore it seemed muc h more eligible tha t the K i n g
should impr ove his ancient k i n gd o m all he could , and ma ke it
flourish as much as p os si ble; that he should love his people,
and be beloved of t h e m ; that he should live a mo n g them, g o v -
ern them gently, and let other ki n gd oms alone, since that whi ch
had fallen to his share w a s b i g enough, if not too bi g for him.
P r a y ho w do y o u think w ould s uch a speech as this be hear d ? "
" I c onfes s ," said I, " I think not v er y w el l . "
" B u t w h a t , " said he, " if I should sort wi th a nother ki nd of
mini ster s, whos e chief contrivances a nd consultations were,
by w h at art the prince's trea sures m i gh t be increased. Wh ere
one proposes ra i s in g the value of specie w hen the K i n g ' s debts
ar e la rge, and l o w e r i n g i t whe n his r evenues w e r e to come in,
tha t so he mi g ht both pay much w i th a little, and in a little
receive a gr eat d ea l : another proposes a pretence of a wa r , that
money mi ght be raised in order to c ar r y it on, and that a peace
be concluded as soon as that w a s d o n e; and this wi th such a p-
pearances of religion as mi ght w o r k on the people, and ma ke
them impute it to the piety of their prince, and to his tenderness
for the lives of his subjects . A third offers some old must y
l a w s , that hav e been antiquated by a l o n g d i s us e; an d w hi c h,
as they had been for gotten by all the subjects, so they had been
al so broken by t h em ; and proposes the l ev y i n g the penalties of
these l aw s, that as it would br i ng in a vast treasure, so there
mi ght be a very good pretence for it, since it w o ul d look like
the exec u ti n g a l aw, and the d o i ng of justice. A fourth p r o-
poses the pr ohi bi ti ng of man y things under severe penalties,
especially such as w e re agai nst the interest of the people, and
then the di spensi ng with these prohibitions upon gr eat c omp o-
sitions, to those w ho mig ht find their ad v a n ta ge in br ea ki n g
them. T h i s w ou ld serve t w o ends, both of them acceptable to
m a n y ; for a s those whose avar ice led them to trans gr es s w o ul d
be ser verely fined, so the selli ng licenses dear w ould look as if a
prince w e re tender of his people, and would not easily, or at
low rates, dispense w ith a n y thi ng that mi ght be a ga inst the
public good .

" A n ot her proposes that the j ud ge s mus t be made sure, that


UTOPIA 2
S

they ma y declare a l w a ys in fa v or of the pr er ogati ve, that they


must be often sent for to court, that the K i n g ma y hea r them
a r g u e those points in w h i ch he is c on cer n ed; since ho w un j us t
soever any of his pretensions ma y be, yet still some one or other
of them, either out of contradi ction to others or the pr id e of
si ngular ity or to- ma ke their cour t, w o uld find out some pre-
tence or other to g i v e the K i n g a fa ir color to c a r ry the p oi n t :
for if the j udg es but differ in opinion, the clearest t hi ng in the
w or ld is ma de by that means disputable, and truth be in g once
br o ug ht in question, the K i n g m a y then take ad v a n ta ge to e x -
pound the la w for his o w n profi t; w hil e the j u d g e s that stand
out wil l be br o ug ht over, either out of fear or mo d es t y ; and
they bei ng thus ga ined , all of them ma y be sent to the bench to
g i v e sentence boldly, as the K i n g w ould ha ve i t ; for fair pre-
tences wil l never be w a n t i n g when sentence is to be g i v e n in the
prince's favor . It wi ll either be said that equity lies on his side,
or some w o r d s i n the law wi ll be found s ound i ng that w a y ,
or some forced sense will be put on t h e m ; and w hen all other
thi n gs fail, the K i n g ' s und oubted pr eroga tive will be pretended ,
as that w hi c h is above all l a w ; and to whi c h a religious j u d g e
o ugh t to ha ve a special r ega r d.
" T h u s all consent to that ma xi m of Cr a s s us , that a prince
cannot ha ve treasure en ough, since he must maintai n his armies
out of i t : that a ki ng, even t ho ugh he w oul d, can do n othin g
un j us t l y ; that all pr operty is i n hi m, not e xc ep ti n g the ver y
persons of his s ub j ec t s : and that no man has a n y other pr op -
erty, but that whi ch the K i n g out of his good n es s thinks fit to
leave him. A n d they think it is the prince's interest, that there
be as little of this left as ma y be, as if it w e r e his a d va n ta ge that
his people should ha v e neither riches n or li b er ty; since these
thi ngs ma ke them less easy and less w i l l i n g to submit to a cruel
and unjust g o v er n m en t; wherea s necessity a nd p overty blunt
them, ma ke them patient, beat them d o w n , and break that
height of spirit, tha t mi gh t otherwis e dispose them to rebel.
N o w w ha t if after all these propositions were made, I should
rise up and assert, that such councils w er e both un bec omi ng
a ki n g, and mis chievous to h i m : and that not onl y his honor
but his safety consisted mor e in his people's wea lth, than in his
o w n ; if I should show that they choose a k i n g for their o w n
sake, and not for h i s ; that by hi s care and endeavors they ma y
25 MOR E

be both easy and s a f e ; and that therefore a pri nce ou ght to ta ke


more care of his people's happines s than of his o w n , as a shep -
herd is to take more care of his flock than of himself.
" It is also certain that they are much mistaken that think the
pov er ty of a nation is a means of the public safety. W h o quar -
rel more than b e g g a r s ? W h o does mo re earnestly l on g for a
c ha nge, than he that is uneasy in his present ci rcums tances?
A n d w h o run to create confusions wi th so desperate a boldness,
as those w h o ha ve nothi n g to lose hop e to gai n by them? If
a ki n g should fall under such contempt or envy, that he could
not keep his subjects in their duty, but by oppression and ill-
usa ge, and by r en der in g them poor and miserable, it w e r e cer-
tainly better for him to quit his k i n gd om, than to retain it by
such method s, as makes him while he keeps the name of a u-
thority, lose the majesty due to it. N o r is it so bec omi ng the
di gni ty of a k i n g to reign over b eg ga r s , as over rich and happy
subjects . A n d therefore Fa br ic i us, a man of a noble and ex-
alted temper, said, he w o ul d rather g o v er n rich men than be
rich hi mself; since for one man to abound in wealth and pleas-
ure, when all about him are mo u r n i n g and gr o a n i n g, is to a
gaol er and not a ki ng. He is an unski lful phys ici an, that can-
not cure one disease wi thout c as ting his patient into a n o the r :
so he that can find no other w a y for cor rec ti ng the errors of
his people, but by ta ki n g from them the conveniences of life,
s hows that he k no w s not w ha t it is to g o v er n a free nation.
He himself o ught rather to shake off his sloth, or to lay d o w n
his p r i d e; for the contempt or hatred that his people hav e for
hi m, takes its rise fr om the vices in himself. Let him live upon
wha t belongs to him, w i thout w r o n g i n g others , and a c co mmo -
date his expense to his revenue. L e t him punish crimes, and
by hi s wi se conduct let him endea vor to prevent them, rather
than be severe w hen he has suffered them to be too c o mm o n :
let him not rashly r evive l a w s that are abrogated by disuse,
especially i f they have been lo ng forgotten, and never w a n t e d ;
and let him never take any penalty for the breach of them, to
w hi ch a j ud g e w oul d not gi ve w a y in a private man , but w ould
look on him as a crafty and unjus t person for p retend in g to it.

" To these thi ngs I w oul d add that law a mo n g the Ma c a ri a ns ,


a people that live not far from Uto pi a , by which their K i n g , on
the d ay on w hi ch he begins to reign, is tied by an oath con-
UTOPIA 27

firmed by solemn sacrifices, never to h av e at once above 1,000


pounds of go ld in his treasures, or so muc h silver as is equal
to that i n value. T h i s l a w , they tell us, w a s made by an exc el-
lent ki n g, w ho had mor e r ega r d to the riches of his c ountry
than to his o w n weal th , and therefore p rovi ded a gai nst the
hea p i ng up of so much treasure a s mi gh t i mpoveri sh the people.
He tho ught that a moderate s um mi g ht be sufficient for a ny
accident, if either the K i n g had occasion for it agai nst rebels,
or the ki n gd om agai nst the invasion of an e n e my ; but that it
w a s not en oug h to enc our a ge a prince to invade other men's
r ights , a circums tance that w a s the chief cause of his ma k i n g
that la w. He also tho ugh t that it w a s a go o d provision for
tha t free circulation of money, so necessar y for the cours e of
commerc e and e x c h a n g e : an d w hen a ki n g must distribute all
those extra or d i na r y accessions that increase treasure beyond
the due pitch, it ma kes him less disposed to oppress his subjects.
S u c h a k i n g as this wi ll be the terror of ill men, and w ill be
beloved by all the goo d.
" If, I say, I should talk of these or such like thi ngs , to men
that ha d taken their bias another w a y , h o w deaf w o ul d they
be to all I coul d say ? "
" No doubt, v er y deaf," ans wered I; " and no won d er , for
one is never to offer at propositions or advice that we are cer-
tain wi ll not be entertained. Dis cour ses so much out of the
roa d could not avail a nythi ng , nor ha ve an y effect on men
whos e mind s w e r e prepossessed with different sentiments.
T hi s philosophical w a y of speculation is not unpleasant a mo n g
friends in a free conversa tion, but there is no r oom for it in
the courts of princes where gr ea t affairs ar e carried on by a u -
thor i ty. "
" T h a t is w hat I w a s s a y i n g , " replied he, " that there is no
room for philos ophy in the courts of p ri nc es. "
" Y e s , there i s , " said I, " but not for this speculative philoso-
phy that makes ever ythi ng to be alike fitting at all t i m es : but
there is another philosophy that is more pliable, that k n ow s its
proper scene, accommod ates itself to it, and teaches a man with
propriety and decenc y to act that part wh i ch has fallen to his
share. If when one of Pl autus' s comedies is upon the s tage
and a compan y of servants are ac ti ng their parts, you should
come out in the ga r b of a philosopher, and repeat out of ' Oc ta -
28 MO R E

via ,' a discourse of Seneca's to Ner o , w oul d it not be better for


yo u to say nothing than by m i x i n g things of such different
natures to make an impertinent tr agi-comedy ? Fo r you spoil
and c or rupt the p la y that is in hand w hen y ou mix w ith it
thi ngs of an opposite nature, even though they are much better.
T her efo r e go t hr o ugh wi th the play that is ac ti ng, the best y ou
can, and do not c onfound it because another that is pleasanter
comes into your thoughts . It is even so in a common w e al th
and in the councils of p r i n c es; if ill opinions cannot be quite
rooted out, and you cannot cure some received vice ac c or d in g
to yo ur w ishes , y o u must not therefore abandon the c ommon-
wealth ; for the same reasons y ou should not fors ake the ship
in a stor m because y ou cannot comma nd the w i nd s. Y o u are
not obliged to assault people wi th discourses that ar e out of
their r oad, w hen you see that their received notions must pre-
vent y our ma ki n g a n impression upon them. Y o u ough t rather
to cast about and to ma na ge thin gs wi th all the d exterity in
yo ur p ow e r, so that if y ou are not able to ma ke them go wel l
th ey ma y be as little ill as pos s ibl e; for except all men wer e
go od ev erythi ng cannot be r i ght , and that is a blessi ng that I
do not at present hope to s ee."
" A c c o r d i n g to y our a r g u men ts , " an swer ed he, " all that I
could be able to do would be to preserve myself from bei ng ma d
while I endeavored to cure the madness of others ; for if I speak
tr uth, I must repeat w ha t I have said to y o u ; and as for lyi ng,
whether a philosopher can do it or not, I cannot tel l ; I am sure
I cannot do it. B ut tho ugh these discourses ma y be uneasy
and ungra teful to them, I do not see w hy they should seem
foolish or e x t r a v a g a n t : indeed if I should either propose such
thin gs as P l a to has contrived in his common wea lth, or as the
U topi a ns practise in theirs, tho ugh they might seem better, as
certainly they are, yet they are so different fr om our establish-
ment, whic h is founded on property, there bein g no such thi ng
a m o n g them, that I could not exp ect that it w ould have any
effect on t h e m ; but such discourses as mine, w hi ch only call
past evils to mind and g i ve w a r n i n g of wha t ma y follow, hav e
nothi n g in them that is so absurd that they ma y not be used at
a ny time, for they can only be unpleasant to those w h o are
resolved to run hea dl ong the contr ary w a y ; and if we must let
alone ever yt hi ng as absurd or e xtr a va ga n t w hic h by reason
UTOPIA 29

of the wicked lives of many may seem uncouth, we must, even


among Christians, give over pressing the greatest part of those
things that Christ hath taught us, though He has commanded
us not to conceal them, but to proclaim on the house-tops that
which he taught in secret.
" The greatest parts of his precepts are more opposite to the
lives of the men of this age than any part of my discourse has
been; but the preachers seemed to have learned that craft to
which you advise me, for they observing that the world would
not willingly suit their lives to the rules that Christ has given,
have fitted his doctrine as if it had been a leaden rule, to their
lives, that so some way or other they might agree with one
another. But I see no other effect of this compliance except
it be that men become more secure in their wickedness by it.
And this is all the success that I can have in a court, for I must
always differ from the rest, and then I shall signify nothing;
or if I agree with them, I shall then only help forward their
madness. I do not comprehend what you mean by your cast-
ing about, or by the bending and handling things so dexter-
ously, that if they go not well they may go as little ill as may
be; for in courts they will not bear with a man's holding his
peace or conniving at what others do. A man must bare-
facedly approve of the worst counsels, and consent to the.
blackest designs: so that he would pass for a spy, or possibly
for a traitor, that did but coldly approve of such wicked prac-
tices: and therefore when a man is engaged in such a society,
he will be so far from being able to mend matters by his casting
about, as you call it, that he will find no occasions of doing any
good: the ill company will sooner corrupt him than be the bet-
ter for him: or if notwithstanding all their ill company, he still
remains steady and innocent, yet their follies and knavery will
be imputed to him; and by mixing counsels with them, he must
bear his share of all the blame that belongs wholly to others.
" It was no ill simile by which Plato set forth the unreasona-
bleness of a philosopher's meddling with government. If a
man, says he, was to see a great company run out every day into
the rain, and take delight in being wet; if he knew that it would
be to no purpose for him to go and persuade them to return to
their houses, in order to avoid the storm, and that all that could
be expected by his going to speak to them would be that he him-
3° MORE

self should be as wet as they, it would be best for him to keep


within doors; and since he had not influence enough to correct
other people's folly, to take care to preserve himself.
" Though to speak plainly my real sentiments, I must freely
own that as long as there is any property, and while money
is the standard of all other things, I cannot think that a nation
can be governed either justly or happily: not justly, because the
best things will fall to the share of the worst men ; nor happily,
because all things will be divided among a few (and even these
are not in all respects happy), the rest being left to be absolutely
miserable. Therefore when I reflect on the wise and good con-
stitution of the Utopians—among whom all things are so well
governed, and with so few laws; where virtue hath its due re-
ward, and yet there is such an equality, that every man lives in
plenty—when I compare with them so many other nations that
are still making new laws, and yet can never bring their consti-
tution to a right regulation, where notwithstanding everyone
has his property; yet all the laws that they can invent have not
the power either to obtain or preserve it, or even to enable men
certainly to distinguish what is their own from what is an-
other's ; of which the many lawsuits that every day break out,
and are eternally depending, give too plain a demonstration;
when, I say, I balance all these things in my thoughts, I grow
more favorable to Plato, and do not wonder that he resolved
not to make any laws for such as would not submit to a com-
munity of all things: for so wise a man could not but foresee
that the setting all upon a level was the only way to make a
nation happy, which cannot be obtained so long as there is
property: for when every man draws to himself all that he can
compass, by one title or another, it must needs follow, that how
plentiful soever a nation may be, yet a few dividing the wealth
of it among themselves, the rest must fall into indigence.
" So that there will be two sorts of people among them, who
deserve that their fortunes should be interchanged; the former
useless, but wicked and ravenous; and the latter, who by their
constant industry serve the public more than themselves, sin-
cere and modest men. From whence I am persuaded, that till
property is taken away there can be no equitable or just distri-
bution of things, nor can the world be happily governed: for as
long as that is maintained, the greatest and the far best part
UTOPIA 31

of mankind will be still oppressed with a load of cares and anxi-


eties. I confess without taking it quite away, those pressures
that lie on a great part of mankind may be made lighter; but
they can never be quite removed. For if laws were made to
determine at how great an extent in soil, and at how much
money every man must stop, to limit the prince that he might
not grow too great, and to restrain the people that they might
not become too insolent, and that none might factiously as-
pire to public employments; which ought neither to be sold, nor
made burdensome by a great expense; since otherwise those
that serve in them would be tempted to reimburse themselves
by cheats and violence, and it would become necessary to find
out rich men for undergoing those employments which ought
rather to be trusted to the wise—these laws, I say, might have
such effects, as good diet and care might have on a sick man,
whose recovery is desperate: they might allay and mitigate the
disease, but it could never be quite healed, nor the body politic
be brought again to a good habit, as long as property remains;
and it will fall out as in a complication of diseases, that by ap-
plying a remedy to one sore, you will provoke another; and that
which removes the one ill symptom produces others, while the
strengthening one part of the body weakens the rest."
" On the contrary," answered I, " it seems to me that men
cannot live conveniently where all things are common: how can
there be any plenty, where every man will excuse himself from
labor? For as the hope of gain doth not excite him, so the
confidence that he has in other men's industry may make him
slothful: if people come to be pinched with want, and yet can-
not dispose of anything as their own; what can follow upon
this but perpetual sedition and bloodshed, especially when the
reverence and authority due to magistrates fall to the ground ?
For I cannot imagine how that can be kept up among those that
are in all things equal to one another."
" I do not wonder," said he, " that it appears so to you, since
you have no notion, or at least no right one, of such a constitu-
tion : but if you had been in Utopia with me, and had seen their
laws and rules, as I did, for the space of five years, in which I
lived among them; and during which time I was so delighted
with them, that indeed I should never have left them, if it had
not been to make the discovery of that new world to the Euro-
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3 2

peans; you would then confess that you had never seen a people
so well constituted as they."
" You will not easily persuade me," said Peter, " that any
nation in that new world is better governed than those among
us. For as our understandings are not worse than theirs, so
our government, if I mistake not, being more ancient, a long
practice has helped us to find out many conveniences of life:
and some happy chances have discovered other things to us,
which no man's understanding could ever have invented."
" As for the antiquity, either of their government or of ours,"
said he, " you cannot pass a true judgment of it unless you had
read their histories; for if they are to be believed, they had
towns among them before these parts were so much as inhab-
ited. And as for those discoveries, that have been either hit on
by chance, or made by ingenious men, these might have hap-
pened there as well as here. I do not deny but we are more
ingenious than they are, but they exceed us much in industry
and application. They knew little concerning us before our ar-
rival among them; they call us all by a general name of the
nations that lie beyond the equinoctial line; for their chronicle
mentions a shipwreck that was made on their coast 1,200 years
a go ; and that some Romans and Egyptians that were in the
ship, getting safe ashore, spent the rest of their days among
them; and such was their ingenuity, that from this single op-
portunity they drew the advantage of learning from those
unlooked-for guests, and acquired all the useful arts that were
then among the Romans, and which were known to these ship-
wrecked men: and by the hints that they gave them, they them-
selves found out even some of those arts which they could not
fully explain; so happily did they improve that accident, of
having some of our people cast upon their shore.
" But if such an accident has at any time brought any from
thence into Europe, we have been so far from improving it, that
we do not so much as remember it; as in after-times perhaps it
will be forgot by our people that I was ever there. For though
they from one such accident made themselves masters of all
the good inventions that were among us; yet I believe it would
be long before we should learn or put in practice any of the
good institutions that are among them. And this is the true
cause of their being better governed, and living happier than
UTOPIA 33

we, though we come not short of them in point of understand-


ing or outward advantages."
Upon this I said to him: " I earnestly beg you would de-
scribe that island very particularly to us. Be not too short,
but set out in order all things relating to their soil, their rivers,
their towns, their people, their manners, constitution, laws,
and, in a word, all that you imagine we desire to know. And
you may well imagine that we desire to know everything con-
cerning them, of which we are hitherto ignorant."
" I will do it very willingly," said he, " for I have digested
the whole matter carefully; but it will take up some time."
" Let us go then," said I, " first and dine, and then we shall
have leisure enough."
He consented. We went in and dined, and after dinner came
back and sat down in the same place. I ordered my servants to
take care that none might come and interrupt us. And both
Peter and I desired Raphael to be as good as his word. When
he saw that we were very intent upon it, he paused a little to
recollect himself, and began in this manner:

3
BOOK II

T HE island of Utopia is in the middle 200 miles broad, and


holds almost at the same breadth over a great part of
it; but it grows narrower toward both ends. Its figure
is not unlike a crescent: between its horns, the sea comes in
eleven miles broad, and spreads itself into a great bay, which
is environed with land to the compass of about 500 miles, and
is well secured from winds. In this bay there is no great cur-
rent ; the whole coast is, as it were, one continued harbor, which
gives all that live in the island great convenience for mutual
commerce; but the entry into the bay, occasioned by rocks on
the one hand, and shallows on the other, is very dangerous. In
the middle of it there is one single rock which appears above
water, and may therefore be easily avoided, and on the top of
it there is a tower in which a garrison is kept; the other rocks
lie under water, and are very dangerous. The channel is
known only to the natives, so that if any stranger should enter
into the bay, without one of their pilots, he would run great
danger of shipwreck; for even they themselves could not pass
it safe, if some marks that are on the coast did not direct their
way; and if these should be but a little shifted, any fleet that
might come against them, how great soever it were, would be
certainly lost.
On the other side of the island there are likewise many har-
bors ; and the coast is so fortified, both by nature and art, that a
small number of men can hinder the descent of a great army.
But they report (and there remain good marks of it to make it
credible) that this was no island at first, but a part of the con-
tinent. Utopus that conquered it (whose name it still carries,
for Abraxa was its first name) brought the rude and uncivilized
inhabitants into such a good government, and to that measure
of politeness, that they now far ecel all the rest of mankind;
having soon subdued them, he designed to separate them from
34
UTOPIA 35

the continent, and to bring the sea quite round them. To ac-
complish this, he ordered a deep channel to be dug fifteen miles
long; and that the natives might not think he treated them like
slaves, he not only forced the inhabitants, but also his own sol-
diers, to labor in carrying it on. As he set a vast number of
men to work, he beyond all men's expectations brought it to a
speedy conclusion. And his neighbors who at first laughed at
the folly of the undertaking, no sooner saw it brought to per-
fection than they were struck with admiration and terror.
There are fifty-four cities in the island, all large and well
built: the manners, customs, and laws of which are the same,
and they are all contrived as near, in the same manner as the
ground on which they stand will allow. The nearest lie at least
twenty-four miles distance from one another, and the most re-
mote are not so far distant but that a man can go on foot in one
day from it to that which lies next it. Every city sends three
of its wisest Senators once a year to Amaurot, to consult about
their common concerns; for that is the chief town of the island,
being situated near the centre of it, so that it is the most con-
venient place for their assemblies. The jurisdiction of every
city extends at least twenty miles: and where the towns lie
wider, they have much more ground: no town desires to en-
large its bounds, for the people consider themselves rather as
tenants than landlords. They have built over all the country,
farmhouses for husbandmen, which are well contrived, and are
furnished with all things necessary for country labor. Inhabi-
tants are sent by turns from the cities to dwell in them; no
country family has fewer than forty men and women in it, be-
sides two slaves. There is a master and a mistress set over
every family; and over thirty families there is a magistrate.
Every year twenty of this family come back to the town, after
they have stayed two years in the country; and in their room
there are other twenty sent from the town, that they may learn
country work from those that have been already one year in the
country, as they must teach those that come to them the next
from the town. By this means such as dwell in those country
farms are never ignorant of agriculture, and so commit no
errors, which might otherwise be fatal, and bring them under
a scarcity of corn. But though there is every year such a shift-
ing of the husbandmen, to prevent any man being forced against
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36
his will to follow that hard course of life too long, yet many
among them take such pleasure in it that they desire leave to
continue in it many years. These husbandmen till the ground,
breed cattle, hew wood, and convey it to the towns, either by
land or water, as is most convenient. They breed an infinite
multitude of chickens in a very curious manner; for the hens
do not sit and hatch them, but vast numbers of eggs are laid in
a gentle and equal heat, in order to be hatched, and they are
no sooner out of the shell, and able to stir about, but they seem
to consider those that feed them as their mothers, and follow
them as other chickens do the hen that hatched them.
They breed very few horses, but those they have are full of
mettle, and are kept only for exercising their youth in the art
of sitting and riding them; for they do not put them to any
work, either of ploughing or carriage, in which they employ
oxen; for though their horses are stronger, yet they find oxen
can hold out longer; and as they are not subject to so many dis-
eases, so they are kept upon a less charge, and with less trouble;
and even when they are so worn out, that they are no more fit
for labor, they are good meat at last. They sow no corn, but
that which is to be their bread; for they drink either wine, cider,
or perry, and often water, sometimes boiled with honey or lic-
orice, with which they abound; and though they know exactly
how much corn will serve every town, and all that tract of coun-
try which belongs to it, yet they sow much more, and breed
more cattle than are necessary for their consumption; and they
give that overplus of which they make no use to their neighbors.
When they w ant anything in the country which it does not pro-
r

duce, they fetch that from the town, without carrying anything
in exchange for it. And the magistrates of the town take care
to see it given them; for they meet generally in the town once
a month, upon a festival clay. When the time of harvest comes,
the magistrates in the country send to those in the towns, and
let them know how many hands they will need for reaping the
harvest; and the number they call for being sent to them, they
commonly despatch it all in one day.
UTOPIA 37

Of Their Towns, Particularly of Amaurot

HE that knows one of their towns, knows them all, they are
so like one another, except where the situation makes some dif-
ference. I shall therefore describe one of them; and none is so
proper as Amaurot; for as none is more eminent, all the rest
yielding in precedence to this, because it is the seat of their
Supreme Council, so there was none of them better known to
me, I having lived five years altogether in it.
It lies upon the side of a hill, or rather a rising ground: its
figure is almost square, for from the one side of it, which shoots
up almost to the top of the hill, it runs down in a descent for
two miles to the river Anider; but it is a little broader the other
way that runs along by the bank of that river. The Anider
rises about eighty miles above Amaurot, in a small spring at
first, but other brooks falling into it, of which two are more
considerable than the rest. As it runs by Amaurot, it is grown
half a mile broad; but it still grows larger and larger, till after
sixty miles course below it, it is lost in the ocean, between the
town and the sea, and for some miles above the town, it ebbs
and flows every six hours, with a strong current. The tide
comes up for about thirty miles so full that there is nothing but
salt water in the river, the fresh water being driven back with
its force; and above that, for some miles, the water is brackish;
but a little higher, as it runs by the town, it is quite fresh; and
when the tide ebbs, it continues fresh all along to the sea.
There is a bridge cast over the river, not of timber, but of fair
stone, consisting of many stately arches; it lies at that part of
the town which is farthest from the sea, so that ships without
any hinderance lie all along the side of the town.
There is likewise another river that runs by it, which, though
it is not great, yet it runs pleasantly, for it rises out of the same
hill on which the town stands, and so runs down through it,
and falls into the Anider. The inhabitants have fortified the
fountain-head of this river, which springs a little without the
town; so that if they should happen to be besieged, the enemy
might not be able to stop or divert the course of the water, nor
poison it; from thence it is carried in earthen pipes to the lower
streets; and for those places of the town to which the water of
3 8 MORE

that shall river cannot be conveyed, they have great cisterns for
receiving the rain-water, which supplies the want of the other.
The town is compassed with a high and thick wall, in which
there are many towers and forts; there is also a broad and deep
dry ditch, set thick with thorns, cast round three sides of the
town, and the river is instead of a ditch on the fourth side.
The streets are very convenient for all carriage, and are well
sheltered from the winds. Their buildings are good, and are
so uniform that a whole side of a street looks like one house.
The streets are twenty feet broad; there lie gardens behind all
their houses; these are large but enclosed with buildings that
on all hands face the streets; so that every house has both a
door to the street, and a back door to the garden. Their doors
have all two leaves, which, as they are easily opened, so they
shut of their own accord; and there being no property among
them, every man may freely enter into any house whatsoever.
At every ten years' end they shift their houses by lots.
They cultivate their gardens with great care, so that they
have vines, fruits, herbs, and flowers in them; and all is so well
ordered, and so finely kept, that I never saw gardens anywhere
that were both so fruitful and so beautiful as theirs. And this
humor of ordering their gardens so well is not only kept up
by the pleasure they find in it, but also by an emulation between
the inhabitants of the several streets, who vie with each other;
and there is indeed nothing belonging to the whole town that
is both more useful and more pleasant. So that he who found-
ed the town, seems to have taken care of nothing more than of
their gardens; for they say, the whole scheme of the town was
designed at first by Utopus, but he left all that belonged to the
ornament and improvement of it, to be added by those that
should come after him, that being too much for one man to
bring to perfection. Their records, that contain the history of
their town and State, are preserved with an exact care, and run
backward 1,760 years. From these it appears that their houses
were at first low and mean, like cottages, made of any sort of
timber, and were built with mud walls and thatched with straw.
But now their houses are three stories high: the fronts of them
are faced with stone, plastering, or brick; and between the fac-
ings of their walls they throw in their rubbish. Their roofs are
flat, and on them they lay a sort of plaster, which costs very lit—
UTOPIA 39

tie, and yet is so tempered that it is not apt to take fire, and yet
resists the weather more than lead. They have great quantities
of glass among them, with which they glaze their windows.
They use also in their windows a thin linen cloth, that is so
oiled or gummed that it both keeps out the wind and gives free
admission to the light.

Of Their Magistrates

THIRTY families choose every year a magistrate, who was


anciently called the syphogrant, but is now called the philarch;
and over every ten syphogrants, with the families subject to
them, there is another magistrate, who was anciently called the
tranibor, but of late the archphilarch. All the syphogrants,
who are in number 200, choose the Prince out of a list of four,
who are named by the people of the four divisions of the city;
but they take an oath before they proceed to an election, that
they will choose him whom they think most fit for the office.
They give their voices secretly, so that it is not known for whom
everyone gives his suffrage. The Prince is for life, unless he
is removed upon suspicion of some design to enslave the people.
The tranibors are new-chosen every year, but yet they are for
the most part continued. All their other magistrates are only
annual. The tranibors meet every third day, and oftener if
necessary, and consult with the prince, either concerning the
affairs of the State in general or such private differences as
may arise sometimes among the people; though that falls out
but seldom. There are always two syphogrants called into the
council-chamber, and these are changed every day. It is a
fundamental rule of their government that no conclusion can
be made in anything that relates to the public till it has been
first debated three several days in their Council. It is death
for any to meet and consult concerning the State, unless it be
either in their ordinary Council, or in the assembly of the whole
body of the people.
These things have been so provided among them, that the
prince and the tranibors may not conspire together to change
the government and enslave the people; and therefore when
anything of great importance is set on foot, it is sent to the
syphogrants; who after they have communicated it to the fami-
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lies that belong to their divisions, and have considered it among


themselves, make report to the Senate; and upon great occa-
sions, the matter is referred to the Council of the whole island.
One rule observed in their Council, is, never to debate a thing
on the same day in which it is first proposed; for that is always
referred to the next meeting, that so men may not rashly, and in
the heat of discourse, engage themselves too soon, which might
bias them so much, that instead of consulting the good of the
public, they might rather study to support their first opinions,
and by a perverse and preposterous sort of shame, hazard their
country rather than endanger their own reputation, or venture
the being suspected to have wanted foresight in the expedients
that they at first proposed. And therefore to prevent this, they
take care that they may rather be deliberate than sudden in their
motions.

Of Their Trades, and Manner of Life

AGRI CULTURE is that which is so universally understood


among them that no person, either man or woman, is ignorant
of it; they are instructed in it from their childhood, partly by
what they learn at school and partly by practice; they being led
out often into the fields, about the town, where they not only
see others at work, but are likewise exercised in it themselves.
Besides agriculture, which is so common to them all, every man
has some peculiar trade to which he applies himself, such as the
manufacture of wool, or flax, masonry, smith's work, or car-
penter's work; for there is no sort of trade that is not in great
esteem among them. Throughout the island they wear the
same sort of clothes without any other distinction, except what
is necessary to distinguish the two sexes, and the married and
unmarried. The fashion never alters; and as it is neither dis-
agreeable nor uneasy, so it is suited to the climate, and calculat-
ed both for their summers and winters. Every family makes
their own clothes; but all among them, women as well as men,
learn one or other of the trades formerly mentioned. Women,
for the most part, deal in wool and flax, which suit best with
their weakness, leaving the ruder trades to the men. The same
trade generally passes down from father to son, inclinations
often following descent; but if any man's genius lies another
way, he is by adoption translated into a family that deals in the
UTOPIA 41

trade to which he is inclined: and when that is to be done, care


is taken not only by his father, but by the magistrate, that he
may be put to a discreet and good man. And if after a person
has learned one trade, he desires to acquire another, that is also
allowed, and is managed in the same manner as the former.
When he has learned both, he follows that which he likes best,
unless the public has more occasion for the other.
The chief, and almost the only business of the syphogrants,
is to take care that no man may live idle, but that every one may
follow his trade diligently: yet they do not wear themselves
out with perpetual toil, from morning to night, as if they were
beasts of burden, which, as it is indeed a heavy slavery, so it
is everywhere the common course of life among all mechanics
except the Utopians; but they dividing the day and night into
twenty-four hours, appoint six of these for work; three of
which are before dinner, and three after. They then sup, and
at eight o'clock, counting from noon, go to bed and sleep eight
hours. The rest of their time besides that taken up in work,
eating and sleeping, is left to every man's discretion; yet they
are not to abuse that interval to luxury and idleness, but must
employ it in some proper exercise according to their various in-
clinations, which is for the most part reading. It is ordinary
to have public lectures every morning before daybreak; at
which none are obliged to appear but those who are marked
out for literature; yet a great many, both men and women of
all ranks, go to hear lectures of one sort of other, according
to their inclinations. But if others, that are not made for con-
templation, choose rather to employ themselves at that time in
their trades, as many of them do, they are not hindered, but are
rather commended, as men that take care to serve their country.
After supper, they spend an hour in some diversion, in summer
in their gardens, and in winter in the halls where they eat;
where they entertain each other, either with music or discourse.
They do not so much as know dice, or any such foolish and mis-
chievous games: they have, however, two sorts of games not
unlike our chess; the one is between several numbers, in which
one number, as it were, consumes another: the other resembles
a battle between the virtues and the vices, in which the enmity
in the vices among themselves, and their agreement against
virtue, is not unpleasantly represented; together with the spe-
42 MORE

cial oppositions between the particular virtues and vices; as also


the methods by which vice either openly assaults or secretly
undermines virtue; and virtue on the other hand resists it. But
the time appointed for labor is to be narrowly examined, other-
wise you may imagine, that since there are only six hours ap-
pointed for work, they may fall under a scarcity of necessary
provisions. But it is so far from being true, that this time is
not sufficient for supplying them with plenty of all things,
either necessary or convenient, that it is rather too much; and
this you will easily apprehend, if you consider how great a part
of all other nations is quite idle.
First, women generally do little, who are the half of man-
kind ; and if some few women are diligent, their husbands are
idle: then consider the great company of idle priests, and of
those that are called religious men; add to these all rich men,
chiefly those that have estates in land, who are called noblemen
and gentlemen, together with their families, made up of idle
persons, that are kept more for show than use; add to these, all
those strong and lusty beggars, that go about pretending some
disease, in excuse for their begging; and upon the whole ac-
count you will find that the number of those by whose labors
mankind is supplied, is much less than you perhaps imagined.
Then consider how few of those that work are employed in
labors that are of real service; for we who measure all things
by money, give rise to many trades that are both vain and super-
fluous, and serve only to support riot and luxury. For if those
who work were employed only in such things as the conven-
iences of life require, there would be such an abundance of them
that the prices of them would so sink that tradesmen could not
be maintained by their gains; if all those who labor about use-
less things, were set to more profitable employments, and if all
they that languish out their lives in sloth and idleness, every
one of whom consumes as much as any two of the men that are
at work, were forced to labor, you may easily imagine that a
small proportion of time would serve for doing all that is either
necessary, profitable, or pleasant to mankind, especially while
pleasure is kept within its due bounds.
This appears very plainly in Utopia, for there, in a great city,
and in all the territory that lies round it, you can scarce find
500, either men or women, by their age and strength, are capa-
UTOPIA 43

ble of labor, that are not engaged in it; even the syphogrants,
though excused by the law, yet do not excuse themselves, but
work, that by their examples they may excite the industry of the
rest of the people. The like exemption is allowed to those who,
being recommended to the people by the priests, are by the
secret suffrages of the syphogrants privileged from labor, that
they may apply themselves wholly to study; and if any of these
fall short of those hopes that they seemed at first to give, they
are obliged to return, to work. And sometimes a mechanic,
that so employs his leisure hours, as to make a considerable
advancement in learning, is eased from being a tradesman, and
ranked among their learned men. Out of these they choose
their ambassadors, their priests, their tranibors, and the prince
himself, anciently called their Barzenes, but is called of late
their Ademus.
And thus from the great numbers among them that are
neither suffered to be idle, nor to be employed in any fruitless
labor, you may easily make the estimate how much may be done
in those few hours in which they are obliged to labor. But
besides all that has been already said, it is to be considered that
the needful arts among them are managed with less labor than
anywhere else. The building or the repairing of houses among
us employ many hands, because often a thriftless heir suffers a
house that his father built to fall into decay, so that his succes-
sor must, at a great cost, repair that which he might have kept
up with a small charge: it frequently happens that the same
house which one person built at a vast expense, is neglected by
another, who thinks he has a more delicate sense of the beauties
of architecture; and he suffering it to fall to ruin, builds an-
other at no less charge. But among the Utopians all things are
so regulated that men very seldom build upon a new piece of
ground; and are not only very quick in repairing their houses,
but show their foresight in preventing their decay: so that their
buildings are preserved very long, with but little labor; and
thus the builders to whom that care belongs are often without
employment, except the hewing of timber and the squaring of
stones, that the materials may be in readines for raising a build-
ing very suddenly when there is any occasion for it.
As to their clothes, observe how little work is spent in them:
while they are at labor, they are clothed with leather and skins,
44 MORE

cast carelessly about them, which will last seven years; and
when they appear in public they put on an upper garment,
which hides the other; and these are all of one color, and that
is the natural color of the wool. As they need less woollen
cloth than is used anywhere else, so that which they make use
of is much less costly. They use linen cloth more; but that is
prepared with less labor, and they value cloth only by the white-
ness of the linen or the cleanness of the wool, without much
regard to the fineness of the thread: while in other places, four
or five upper garments of woollen cloth, of different colors,
and as many vests of silk, will scarce serve one man; and while
those that are nicer think ten are too few, every man there is
content with one, which very often serves him two years. Nor
is there anything that can tempt a man to desire more; for if he
had them, he would neither be the warmer nor would he make
one jot the better appearance for it. And thus, since they are
all employed in some useful labor, and since they content them-
selves with fewer things, it falls out that there is a great abun-
dance of all things among them: so that it frequently happens
that, for want of other work, vast numbers are sent out to mend
the highways. But when no public undertaking is to be per-
formed, the hours of working are lessened. The magistrates
never engage the people in unnecessary labor, since the chief
end of the constitution is to regulate labor by the necessities of
the public, and to allow all the people as much time as is neces-
sary for the improvement of their minds, in which they think
the happiness of life consists.

Of Their Traffic

B U T it is now time to explain to you the mutual intercourse


of this people, their commerce, and the rules by which all things
are distributed among them.
As their cities are composed of families, so their families are
made up of those that are nearly related to one another. Their
women, when they grow up, are married out; but all the males,
both children and grandchildren, live still in the same house,
in great obedience to their common parent, unless age has weak-
ened his understanding; and in that case, he that is next to him
in age comes in his room. But lest any city should become
UTOPIA 45

either too great, or by any accident be dispeopled, provision is


made that none of their cities may contain above 6,000 families,
besides those of the country round it. No family may have
less than ten and more than sixteen persons in it; but there can
be no determined number for the children under age. This
rule is easily observed, by removing some of the children of a
more fruitful couple to any other family that does not abound
so much in them.
By the same rule, they supply cities that do not increase so
fast, from others that breed faster; and if there is any increase
over the whole island, then they draw out a number of their
citizens out of the several towns, and send them over to the
neighboring continent; where, if they find that the inhabitants
have more soil than they can well cultivate, they fix a colony,
taking the inhabitants into their society, if they are willing to
live with them; and where they do that of their own accord,
they quickly enter into their method of life, and conform to their
rules, and this proves a happiness to both nations; for accord-
ing to their constitution, such care is taken of the soil that it
becomes fruitful enough for both, though it might be otherwise
too narrow and barren for any one of them. But if the natives
refuse to conform themselves to their laws, they drive them out
of those bounds which they mark out for themselves, and use
force if they resist. For they account it a very just cause of
war, for a nation to hinder others from possessing a part of
that soil, of which they make no use, but which is suffered to lie
idle and uncultivated; since every man has by the law of nature
a right to such a waste portion of the earth as is necessary for
his subsistence. If an accident has so lessened the number of
the inhabitants of any of their towns that it cannot be made up
from the other towns of the island, without diminishing them
too much, which is said to have fallen out but twice since they
were first a people, when great numbers were carried off by the
plague, the loss is then supplied by recalling as many as are
wanted from their colonies; for they will abandon these, rather
than suffer the towns in the island to sink too low.
But to return to their manner of living in society, the oldest
man of every family, as has been already said, is its governor.
Wives serve their husbands, and children their parents, and
always the younger serves the elder. Every city is divided into
4 6 MORE

four equal parts, and in the middle of each there is a market-


place : what is brought thither, and manufactured by the sev-
eral families, is carried from thence to houses appointed for
that purpose, in which all things of a sort are laid by them-
selves; and thither every father goes and takes whatsoever he
or his family stand in need of, without either paying for it or
leaving anything in exchange. There is no reason for giving
a denial to any person, since there is such plenty of everything
among them; and there is no danger of a man's asking for
more than he needs; they have no inducements to do this, since
they are sure that they shall always be supplied. It is the fear
of want that makes any of the whole race of animals either
greedy or ravenous; but besides fear, there is in man a pride
that makes him fancy it a particular glory to excel others in
pomp and excess. But by the laws of the Utopians, there is
no room for this. Near these markets there are others for all
sorts of provisions, where there are not only herbs, fruits, and
bread, but also fish, fowl, and cattle.
There are also, without their towns, places appointed near
some running water, for killing their beasts, and for washing
away their filth, which is done by their slaves: for they suffer
none of their citizens to kill their cattle, because they think
that pity and good-nature, which are among the best of those
affections that are born with us, are much impaired by the
butchering of animals: nor do they suffer anything that is foul
or unclean to be brought within their towns, lest the air should
be infected by ill-smells which might prejudice their health.
In every street there are great halls that lie at an equal distance
from each other, distinguished by particular names. The sy-
phogrants dwell in those that are set over thirty families, fifteen
lying on one side of it, and as many on the other. In these
halls they all meet and have their repasts. The stewards of
every one of them come to the market-place at an appointed
hour; and according to the number of those that belong to the
hall, they carry home provisions. But they take more care of
their sick than of any others: these are lodged and provided
for in public hospitals: they have belonging to every town four
hospitals, that are built without their walls, and are so large
that they may pass for little towns: by this means, if they had
ever such a number of sick persons, they could lodge them con-
UTOPIA 47

veniently, and at such a distance, that such of them as are sick


of infectious diseases may be kept so far from the rest, that there
can be no danger of contagion. The hospitals are furnished
and stored with all things that are convenient for the ease and
recovery of the sick; and those that are put in them are looked
after with such tender and watchful care, and are so constantly
attended by their skilful physicians, that as none is sent to them
against their will, so there is scarce one in a whole town that,
if he should fall ill, would not choose rather to go thither than
lie sick at home.
After the steward of the hospitals has taken for the sick
whatsoever the physician prescribes, then the best things that
are left in the market are distributed equally among the halls,
in proportion to their numbers, only, in the first place, they
serve the Prince, the chief priest, the tranibors, the ambassa-
dors, and strangers, if there are any, which indeed falls out but
seldom, and for whom there are houses well furnished, par-
ticularly appointed for their reception when they come among
them. At the hours of dinner and supper, the whole sypho-
granty being called together by sound of trumpet, they meet
and eat together, except only such as are in the hospitals or lie
sick at home. Yet after the halls are served, no man is hin-
dered to carry provisions home from the market-place; for they
know that none does that but for some good reason; for though
any that will may eat at home, yet none does it willingly, since
it is both ridiculous and foolish for any to give themselves the
trouble to make ready an ill-dinner at home, when there is a
much more plentiful one made ready for him so near at hand.
All the uneasy and sordid services about these halls are per-
formed by their slaves; but the dressing and cooking their meat,
and the ordering their tables, belong only to the women, all
those of every family taking it by turns. They sit at three or
more tables, according to their number; the men sit toward the
wall, and the women sit on the other side, that if any of them
should be taken suddenly ill, which is no uncommon case
among women with child, she may, without disturbing the rest,
rise and go to the nurse's room, who are there with the sucking
children, where there is always clean water at hand, and cradles
in which they may lay the young children, if there is occasion
for it, and a fire that they may shift and dress them before it.
4 8 MORE

Every child is nursed by its own mother, if death or sickness


does not intervene; and in that case the syphogrants' wives find
out a nurse quickly, which is no hard matter; for anyone that
can do it offers herself cheerfully; for as they are much inclined
to that piece of mercy, so the child whom they nurse considers
the nurse as its mother. All the children under five years old
sit among the nurses, the rest of the younger sort of both sexes,
till they are fit for marriage, either serve those that sit at table
or, if they are not strong enough for that, stand by them in great
silence, and eat what is given them; nor have they any other
formality of dining. In the middle of the first table, which
stands across the upper end of the hall, sit the syphogrant and
his wife; for that is the chief and most conspicuous place; next
to him sit two of the most ancient, for there go always four to
a mess. If there is a temple within that syphogranty, the priest
and his wife sit with the syphogrant above all the rest: next
them there is a mixture of old and young, who are so placed,
that as the young are set near others, so they are mixed with
the more ancient; which they say was appointed on this account,
that the gravity of the old people, and the reverence that is due
to them, might restrain the younger from all indecent words
and gestures. Dishes are not served up to the whole table at
first, but the best are first set before the old, whose seats are dis-
tinguished from the young, and after them all the rest are
served alike. The old men distribute to the younger any curi-
ous meats that happen to be set before them, if there is not such
an abundance of them that the whole company may be served
alike.

Thus old men are honored with a particular respect; yet all
the rest fare as well as they. Both dinner and supper are be-
gun with some lecture of morality that is read to them; but it
is so short, that it is not tedious nor uneasy to them to hear it:
from hence the old men take occasion to entertain those about
them with some useful and pleasant enlargements; but they do
not engross the whole discourse so to themselves, during their
meals, that the younger may not put in for a share: on the con-
trary, they engage them to talk, that so they may in that free
way of conversaion find out the force of everyone's spirit, and
observe his temper. They despatch their dinners quickly, but
sit long at supper; because they go to work after the one, and
UTOPIA 49

are to sleep after the other, during which they think the stomach
carries on the concoction more vigorously. They never sup
without music; and there is always fruit served up after meat;
while they are at table, some burn perfumes and sprinkle about
fragrant ointments and sweet waters: in short, they want noth-
ing that may cheer up their spirits: they give themselves a large
allowance that way, and indulge themselves in all such pleas-
ures as are attended with no inconvenience. Thus do those
that are in the towns live together; but in the country, where
they live at great distance, everyone eats at home, and no family
wants any necessary sort of provision, for it is from them that
provisions are sent unto those that live in the towns.

Of the Travelling of the Utopians

IF any man has a mind to visit his friends that live in some
other town, or desires to travel and see the rest of the country,
he obtains leave very easily from the syphogrant and tranibors
when there is no particular occasion for him at home: such as
travel, carry with them a passport from the Prince, which both
certifies the license that is granted for travelling, and limits the
time of their return. They are furnished with a wagon, and a
slave who drives the oxen and looks after them; but unless
there are women in the company, the wagon is sent back at the
end of the journey as a needless encumbrance. While they are
on the road, they carry no provisions with them; yet they want
nothing, but are everywhere treated as if they were at home.
If they stay in any place longer than a night, everyone follows
his proper occupation, and is very well used by those of his own
trade; but if any man goes out of the city to which he belongs,
without leave, and is found rambling without a passport, he is
severely treated, he is punished as a fugitive, and sent home
disgracefully; and if he falls again into the like fault, is con-
demned to slavery. If any man has a mind to travel only over
the precinct of his own city, he may freely do it, with his
father's permission and his wife's consent; but when he comes
into any of the country houses, if he expects to be entertained
by them, he must labor with them and conform to their rules:
and if he does this, he may freely go over the whole precinct;
being thus as useful to the city to which he belongs, as if he
4
MORE
50

were still within it. Thus you see that there are no idle per-
sons among them, nor pretences of excusing any from labor.
There are no taverns, no alehouses nor stews among them; nor
any other occasions of corrupting each other, of getting into
corners, or forming themselves into parties: all men live in full
view, so that all are obliged, both to perform their ordinary
tasks, and to employ themselves well in their spare hours.
And it is certain that a people thus ordered must live in great
abundance of all things; and these being equally distributed
among them, no man can want, or be obliged to beg.
In their great Council at Amaurot, to which there are three
sent from every town once a year, they examine what towns
abound in provisions and what are under any scarcity, that so
the one may be furnished from the other; and this is done freely,
without any sort of exchange; for according to their plenty
or scarcity they supply or are supplied from one another; so
that indeed the whole island is, as it were, one family. When
they have thus taken care of their whole country, and laid up
stores for two years, which they do to prevent the ill-conse-
quences of an unfavorable season, they order an exportation
of the overplus, of corn, honey, wool, flax, wood, wax, tallow,
leather, and cattle; which they send out commonly in great
quantities to other nations. They order a seventh part of all
these goods to be freely given to the poor of the countries to
which they send them, and sell the rest at moderate rates. And
by this exchange, they not only bring back those few things
that they need at home (for indeed they scarce need anything
but iron), but likewise a great deal of gold and silver; and by
their driving this trade so long, it is not to be imagined how
vast a treasure they have got among them: so that now they
do not much care whether they sell off their merchandise for
money in hand, or upon trust.
A great part of their treasure is now in bonds ; but in all their
contracts no private man stands bound, but the writing runs in
the name of the town; and the towns that owe them money,
raise it from those private hands that owe it to them, lay it up
in their public chamber, or enjoy the profit of it till the Uto-
pians call for it; and they choose rather to let the greatest part
of it lie in their hands who make advantage by it, than to call
for it themselves: but if they see that any of their other neigh-
UTOPIA 51

bors stand more in need of it, then they call it in and lend it to
them: whenever they are engaged in war, which is the only oc-
casion in which their treasure can be usefully employed, they
make use of it themselves. In great extremities or sudden
accidents they employ it in hiring foreign troops, whom they
more willingly expose to danger than their own people: they
give them great pay, knowing well that this will work even on
their enemies, that it will engage them either to betray their
own side, or at least to desert it, and that it is the best means
of raising mutual jealousies among them: for this end they
have an incredible treasure; but they do not keep it as a treas-
ure, but.in such a manner as I am almost afraid to tell, lest you
think it so extravagant, as to be hardly credible. This I have
the more reason to apprehend, because if I had not seen it my-
self, I could not have been easily persuaded to have believed
it upon any man's report.
It is certain that all things appear incredible to us, in propor-
tion as they differ from our own customs. But one who can
judge aright will not wonder to find that, since their constitu-
tion differs so much from ours, their value of gold and silver
should be measured by a very different standard; for since they
have no use for money among themselves, but keep it as a pro-
vision against events which seldom happen, and between which
there are generally long intervening intervals, they value it no
farther than it deserves, that is, in proportion to its use. So
that it is plain they must prefer iron either to gold or silver ; for
men can no more live without iron than without fire or water,
but nature has marked out no use for the other metals, so es-
sential as not easily to be dispensed with. The folly of men
has enhanced the value of gold and silver, because of their
scarcity. Whereas, on the contrary, it is their opinion that
nature, as an indulgent parent, has freely given us all the best
things in great abundance, such as water and earth, but has laid
up and hid from us the things that are vain and useless.
If these metals were laid up in any tower in the kingdom, it
would raise a jealousy of the Prince and Senate, and give birth
to that foolish mistrust into which the people are apt to fall,
a jealousy of their intending to sacrifice the interest of the pub-
lic to their own private advantage. If they should work it into
vessels or any sort of plate, they fear that the people might
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grow too fond of it, and so be unwilling to let the plate be run
down if a war made it necessary to employ it in paying their
soldiers. To prevent all these inconveniences, they have fallen
upon an expedient, which, as it agrees with their other policy,
so is it very different from ours, and will scarce gain belief
among us, who value gold so much and lay it up so carefully.
They eat and drink out of vessels of earth, or glass, which make
an agreeable appearance though formed of brittle materials:
while they make their chamber-pots and close-stools of gold
and silver; and that not only in their public halls, but in their
private houses: of the same metals they likewise make chains
and fetters for their slaves; to some of which, as a badge of
infamy, they hang an ear-ring of gold, and make others wear
a chain or coronet of the same metal; and thus they take care,
by all possible means, to render gold and silver of no esteem.
And from hence it is that while other nations part with their
gold and silver as unwillingly as if one tore out their bowels,
those of Utopia would look on their giving in all they possess
of those (metals, when there was any use for them) but as the
parting with a trifle, or as we would esteem the loss of a penny.
They find pearls on their coast, and diamonds and carbuncles
on their rocks; they do not look after them, but, if they find
them by chance, they polish them, and with them they adorn
their children, who are delighted with them, and glory in them
during their childhood; but when they grow to years, and see
that none but children use such baubles, they of their own ac-
cord, without being bid by their parents, lay them aside; and
would be as much ashamed to use them afterward as children
among us, when they come to years, are of their puppets and
other toys.
I never saw a clearer instance of the opposite impres-
sions that different customs make on people, than I ob-
served in the ambassadors of the Anemolians, who came to
Amaurot when I was there. As they came to treat of affairs
of great consequence, the deputies from several towns met to-
gether to wait for their coming. The ambassadors of the
nations that lie near Utopia, knowing their customs, and that
fine clothes are in no esteem among them, that silk is despised,
and gold is a badge of infamy, used to come very modestly
clothed; but the Anemolians, lying more remote, and having
UTOPIA S3

had little commerce with them, understanding that they were


coarsely clothed, and all in the same manner, took it for granted
that they had none of those fine things among them of which
they made no use; and they being a vainglorious rather than
a wise people, resolved to set themselves out with so much
pomp, that they should look like gods, and strike the eyes of
the poor Utopians with their splendor. Thus three ambassa-
dors made their entry with 100 attendants, all clad in garments
of different colors, and the greater part in silk; the ambassadors
themselves, who were of the nobility of their country, were in
cloth-of-gold, and adorned with massy chains, ear-rings, and
rings of gold: their caps were covered with bracelets set full
of pearls and other gems: in a word, they were set out with all
those things that, among the Utopians, were the badges of
slavery, the marks of infamy, or the playthings of children.
It was not unpleasant to see, on the one side, how they looked
big, when they compared their rich habits with the plain clothes
of the Utopians, who were come out in great numbers to see
them make their entry: and, on the other, to observe how much
they were mistaken in the impression which they hoped this
pomp would have made on them. It appeared so ridiculous a
show to all that had never stirred out of their country, and had
not seen the customs of other nations, that though they paid
some reverence to those that were the most meanly clad, as if
they had been the ambassadors, yet when they saw the ambas-
sadors themselves, so full of gold and chains, they looked upon
them as slaves, and forbore to treat them with reverence. You
might have seen the children, who were grown big enough to
despise their playthings, and who had thrown away their
jewels, call to their mothers, push them gently, and cry out,
" See that great fool that wears pearls and gems, as if he were
yet a child." While their mothers very innocently replied,
" Hold your peace; this, I believe, is one of the ambassador's
fools." Others censured the fashion of their chains, and ob-
served that they were of no use; for they were too slight to bind
their slaves, who could easily break them; and besides hung so
loose about them that they thought it easy to throw them away,
and so get from them.
But after the ambassadors had stayed a day among them,
and saw so vast a quantity of gold in their houses, which was
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as much despised by them as it was esteemed in other nations,


and beheld more gold and silver in the chains and fetters of one
slave than all their ornaments amounted to, their plumes fell,
and they were ashamed of all that glory for which they had
formerly valued themselves, and accordingly laid it aside; a
resolution that they immediately took, when on their engaging
in some free discourse with the Utopians, they discovered their
sense of such things and their other customs. The Utopians
wonder how any man should be so much taken with the glaring
doubtful lustre of a jewel or a stone, that can look up to a star
or to the sun himself; or how any should value himself because
his cloth is made of a finer thread: for how fine soever that
thread may be, it was once no better than the fleece of a sheep,
and that sheep was a sheep still for all its wearing it. They
wonder much to hear that gold which in itself is so useless a
thing, should be everywhere so much esteemed, that even men
for whom it was made, and by whom it has its value, should
yet be thought of less value than this metal. That a man of
lead, who has no more sense than a log of wood, and is as bad
as he is foolish, should have many wise and good men to serve
him, only because he has a great heap of that metal; and that
if it should happen that by some accident or trick of law (which
sometimes produces as great changes as chance itself) all this
wealth should pass from the master to the meanest varlet of his
whole family, he himself would very soon become one of his
servants, as if he were a thing that belonged to his wealth, and
so were bound to follow its fortune. But they much more ad-
mire and detest the folly of those who, when they see a rich
man, though they neither owe him anything nor are in any
sort dependent on his bounty, yet merely because he is rich
give him little less than divine honors, even though they know
him to be so covetous and base-minded that notwithstanding
all his wealth he will not part with one farthing of it to them
as long as he lives.

These and such like notions has that people imbibed, partly
from their education, being bred in a country whose customs
and laws are opposite to all such foolish maxims, and partly
from their learning and studies; for though there are but few
in any town that are so wholly excused from labor as to give
themselves entirely up to their studies, these being only such
UTOPIA SS

persons as discover from their childhood an extraordinary ca-


pacity and disposition for letters; yet their children, and a great
part of the nation, both men and women, are taught to spend
those hours in which they are not obliged to work, in reading:
and this they do through the whole progress of life. They
have all their learning in their own tongue, which is both a
copious and pleasant language, and in which a man can fully
express his mind. It runs over a great tract of many countries,
but it is not equally pure in all places. They had never so much
as heard of the names of any of those philosophers that are so
famous in these parts of the world, before we went among
them; and yet they had made the same discoveries as the
Greeks, in music, logic, arithmetic, and geometry. But as they
are almost in everything equal to the ancient philosophers, so
they far exceed our modern logicians; for they have never yet
fallen upon the barbarous niceties that our youth are forced to
learn in those trifling logical schools that are among us ; they
are so far from minding chimeras, and fantastical images made
in the mind, that none of them could comprehend what we
meant when we talked to them of man in the abstract, as com-
mon to all men in particular (so that though we spoke of him as
a thing that we could point at with our fingers, yet none of them
could perceive him), and yet distinct from everyone, as if he
were some monstrous Colossus or giant.
Ye t for all this ignorance of these empty notions, they knew
astronomy, and were perfectly acquainted with the motions of
the heavenly bodies, and have many instruments, well contrived
•and divided, by which they very accurately compute the course
and positions of the sun, moon, and stars. But for the cheat,
of divining by the stars by their oppositions or conjunctions,
it has not so much as entered into their thoughts. They have
a particular sagacity, founded upon much observation, in judg-
ing of the weather, by which they know when they may look
for rain, wind, or other alterations in the air; but as to the
philosophy of these things, the causes of the saltness of the sea,
of its ebbing and flowing, and of the origin and nature both
of the heavens and the earth; they dispute of them, partly as
our ancient philosophers have done, and partly upon some new
hypothesis, in which, as they differ from them, so they do not
in all things agree among themselves.
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As to moral philosophy, they have the same disputes among


them as we have here: they examine what are properly good
both for the body and the mind, and whether any outward thing
can be called truly good, or if that term belong only to the en-
dowments of the soul. They inquire likewise into the nature
of virtue and pleasure; but their chief dispute is concerning the
happiness of a man, and wherein it consists ? Whether in some
one thing, or in a great many? They seem, indeed, more in-
clinable to that opinion that places, if not the whole, yet the
chief part of a man's happiness in pleasure; and, what may
seem more strange, they make use of arguments even from re-
ligion, notwithstanding its severity and roughness, for the sup-
port of that opinion so indulgent to pleasure; for they never
dispute concerning happiness without fetching some arguments
from the principles of religion, as well as from natural reason,
since without the former they reckon that all our inquiries after
happiness must be but conjectural and defective.
These are their religious principles, that the soul of man
is immortal, and that God of his goodness has designed that it
should be happy; and that he has therefore appointed rewards
for good and virtuous actions, and punishments for vice, to be
distributed after this life. Though these principles of religion
are conveyed down among them by tradition, they think that
even reason itself determines a man to believe and acknowledge
them, and freely confess that if these were taken away no man
would be so insensible as not to seek after pleasure by all possi-
ble means, lawful or unlawful; using only this caution, that a
lesser pleasure might not stand in the way of a greater, and that
no pleasure ought to be pursued that should draw a great deal
of pain after it; for they think it the maddest thing in the world
to pursue virtue, that is a sour and difficult thing; and not only
to renounce the pleasures of life, but willingly to undergo much
pain and trouble, if a man has no prospect of a reward. And
what reward can there be for one that has passed his whole life,
not only without pleasure, but in pain, if there is nothing to be
expected after death? Yet they do not place happiness in all
sorts of pleasures, but only in those that in themselves are good
and honest.
There is a party among them who place happiness in bare
virtue; others think that our natures are conducted by virtue
UTOPIA 57

to happiness, as that which is the chief good of man. They


define virtue thus, that it is a living according to nature, and
think that we are made by God for that end; they believe that
a man then follows the dictates of nature when he pursues or
avoids things according to the direction of reason; they say that
the first dictate of reason is the kindling in us of a love and
reverence for the Divine Majesty, to whom we owe both all
that we have and all that we can ever hope for. In the next
place, reason directs us to keep our minds as free from passion
and as cheerful as we can, and that we should consider our-
selves as bound by the ties of good-nature and humanity to use
our utmost endeavors to help forward the happiness of all other
persons; for there never was any man such a morose and severe
pursuer of virtue, such an enemy to pleasure, that though he
set hard rules for men to undergo much pain, many watchings,
and other rigors, yet did not at the same time advise them to
do all they could, in order to relieve and ease the miserable,
and who did not represent gentleness and good-nature as amia-
ble dispositions. And from thence they infer that if a man
ought to advance the welfare and comfort of the rest of man-
kind, there being no virtue more proper and peculiar to our
nature, than to ease the miseries of others, to free from trouble
and anxiety, in furnishing them with the comforts of life, in
which pleasure consists, nature much more vigorously leads
them to do all this for himself.
A life of pleasure is either a real evil, and in that case we
ought not to assist others in their pursuit of it, but on the con-
trary, to keep them from it all we can, as from that which is
most hurtful and deadly; or if it is a good thing, so that we
not only may, but ought to help others to it, why, then, ought
not a man to begin with himself? Since no man can be more
bound to look after the good of another than after his own;
for nature cannot direct us to be good and kind to others, and
yet at the same time to be unmerciful and cruel to ourselves.
Thus, as they define virtue to be living according to nature, so
they imagine that nature prompts all people on to seek after
pleasure, as the end of all they do. They also observe that in
order to our supporting the pleasures of life, nature inclines
us to enter into society; for there is no man so much raised
above the rest of mankind as to be the only favorite of nature
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who, on the contrary, seems to have placed on a l e v e l a l l those


that belong to the same species. Upon this they infer that no
man ought to seek his own conveniences so eagerly as to preju-
dice others; and therefore they think that not only all agree-
ments between private persons ought to be observed, but like-
wise that all those laws ought to be kept, which either a good
prince has published in due form, or to which a people that is
neither oppressed with tyranny nor circumvented by fraud, has
consented, for distributing those conveniences of life which
afford us all our pleasures.
They think it is an evidence of true wisdom for a man to
pursue his own advantages as far as the laws allow it. They
account it piety to prefer the public good to one's private con-
cerns; but they think it unjust for a man to seek for pleasure
by snatching another man's pleasures from him. And on t h e
contrary, they think it a sign of a gentle and good soul, for a
man to dispense with his own advantage for the good of others;
and that by this means a good man finds as much pleasure one
way as he parts with another; for as he may expect the like
from others when he may come to need it, so if that should fail
him, yet the sense of a good action, and the reflections that he
makes on the love and gratitude of those whom he has so
obliged, gives the mind more pleasure than the body could have
found in that from which it had restrained itself. They are
also persuaded that God will make up the loss of those small
pleasures, with a vast and endless joy, of which religion easily
convinces a good soul.
Thus, upon an inquiry into the whole matter, they reckon that
all our actions, and even all our virtues, terminate in pleasure,
as in our chief end and greatest happiness; and they call every
motion or state, either of body or mind, in which nature teaches
us to delight, a pleasure. Thus they cautiously limit pleasure
only to those appetites to which nature leads us ; for they say
that nature leads us only to those delights to which reason as
well as sense carries us, and by which we neither injure any
other person nor lose the possession of greater pleasures, and of
such as draw no troubles after them; but they look upon those
delights which men by a foolish though common mistake call
pleasure, as if they could change as easily the nature of things
as the use of words; as things that greatly obstruct their real
UTOPIA 59

happiness, instead of advancing it, because they so entirely pos-


sess the minds of those that are once captivated by them with
a false notion of pleasure, that there is no room left for pleas-
ures of a truer or purer kind.
There are many things that in themselves have nothing that
is truly delightful; on the contrary, they have a good deal of
bitterness in them; and yet from our perverse appetites after
forbidden objects, are not only ranked among the pleasures,
but are made even the greatest designs of life. Among those
who pursue these sophisticated pleasures, they reckon such as
I mentioned before, who think themselves really the better for
having fine clothes; in which they think they are doubly mis-
taken, both in the opinion that they have of their clothes, and in
that they have of themselves; for if you consider the use of
clothes, why should a fine thread be thought better than a coarse
one ? And yet these men, as if they had some real advantages
beyond others, and did not owe them wholly to their mistakes,
look big, seem to fancy themselves to be more valuable, and
imagine that a respect is due to them for the sake of a rich gar-
ment, to which they would not have pretended if they had been
more meanly clothed; and even resent it as an affront, if that
respect is not paid them. It is also a great folly to be taken
with outward marks of respect, which signify nothing: for
what true or real pleasure can one man find in another's stand-
ing bare, of making legs to him ? Will the bending another
man's knees give ease to yours? And will the head's being
bare cure the madness of yours? And yet it is wonderful to
see how this false notion of pleasure bewitches many who de-
light themselves with the fancy of their nobility, and are
pleased with this conceit, that they are descended from ances-
tors who have been held for some successions rich, and who
have had great possessions; for this is all that makes nobility
at present; yet they do not think themselves a whit the less
noble, though their immediate parents have left none of this
wealth to them, or though they themselves have squandered it
away.
The Utopians have no better opinion of those who are much
taken with gems and precious stones, and who account it a de-
gree of happiness, next to a divine one, if they can purchase
one that is very extraordinary; especially if it be of that sort
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of stones that is then in greatest request; for the same sort is


not at all times universally of the same value; nor will men buy
it unless it be dismounted and taken out of the gold; the jeweller
is then made to give good security, and required solemnly to
swear that the stone is true, that by such an exact caution a
false one might not be bought instead of a true: though if you
were to examine it, your eye could find no difference between
the counterfeit and that which is true; so that they are all one
to you as much as if you were blind. Or can it be thought
that they who heap up a useless mass of wealth, not for any
use that it is to bring them, but merely to please themselves
with the contemplation of it, enjoy any true pleasure in it?
The delight they find is only a false shadow of joy. Those are
no better whose error is somewhat different from the former,
and who hide it, out of their fear of losing it; for what other
name can fit the hiding it in the earth, or rather the restoring
it to it again, it being thus cut off from being useful, either to
its owner or to the rest of mankind ? And yet the owner hav-
ing hid it carefully, is glad, because he thinks he is now sure
of it. If it should be stolen, the owner, though he might live
perhaps ten years after the theft, of which he knew nothing,
would find no difference between his having or losing it; for
both ways it was equally useless to him.
Among those foolish pursuers of pleasure they reckon all that
delight in hunting, in fowling, or gaming: of whose madness
they have only heard, for they have no such things among them.
But they have asked us, what sort of pleasure is it that men can
find in throwing the dice? For if there were any pleasure in
it, they think the doing of it so often should give one a surfeit
of it: and what pleasure can one find in hearing the barking
and howling of dogs, which seem rather odious than pleasant
sounds ? Nor can they comprehend the pleasure of seeing
dogs run after a hare, more than of seeing one dog run after
another; for if the seeing them run is that which gives the pleas-
ure, you have the same entertainment to the eye on both these
occasions, since that is the same in both cases: but if the pleas-
ure lies in seeing the hare killed and torn by the dogs, this ought
rather to stir pity, that a weak, harmless and fearful hare
should be devoured by strong, fierce, and cruel dogs. There-
fore all this business of hunting is, among the Utopians, turned
UTOPIA 61
over to their butchers; and those, as has been already said, are
all slaves; and they look on hunting as one of the basest parts
of a butcher's work: for they account it both more profitable
and more decent to kill those beasts that are more necessary
and useful to mankind; whereas the killing and tearing of so
small and miserable an animal can only attract the huntsman
with a false show of pleasure, from which he can reap but small
advantage. They look on the desire of the bloodshed, even of
beasts, as a mark of a mind that is already corrupted with
cruelty, or that at least by the frequent returns of so brutal a
pleasure must degenerate into it.
Thus, though the rabble of mankind look upon these, and on
innumerable other things of the same nature, as pleasures, the
Utopians, on the contrary, observing that there is nothing in
them truly pleasant, conclude that they are not to be reckoned
among pleasures: for though these things may create some
tickling in the senses (which seems to be a true notion of pleas-
ure), yet they imagine that this does not arise from the thing
itself, but from a depraved custom, which may so vitiate a
man's taste, that bitter things may pass for sweet; as women
with child think pitch or tallow tastes sweeter than honey; but
as a man's sense when corrupted, either by a disease or some
ill habit, does not change the nature of other things, so neither
can it change the nature of pleasure.
They reckon up several sorts of pleasures, which they call
true ones: some belong to the body and others to the mind.
The pleasures of the mind lie in knowledge, and in that delight
which the contemplation of truth carries with it; to which they
add the joyful reflections on a well-spent life, and the assured
hopes of a future happiness. They divide the pleasures of the
body into two sorts; the one is that which gives our senses some
real delight, and is performed, either by recruiting nature, and
supplying those parts which feed the internal heat of life by
eating and drinking; or when nature is eased of any surcharge
that oppresses it; when we are relieved from sudden pain, or
that which arises from satisfying the appetite which nature
has wisely given to lead us to the propagation of the species.
There is another kind of pleasure that arises neither from our
receiving what the body requires, nor its being relieved when
overcharged, and yet by a secret, unseen virtue affects the
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senses, raises the passions, and strikes the mind with generous
impressions; this is the pleasure that arises from music. An-
other kind of bodily pleasure is that which results from an un-
disturbed and vigorous constitution of body, when life and
active spirits seem to actuate every part. This lively health,
when entirely free from all mixture of pain, of itself gives an
inward pleasure, independent of all external objects of delight;
and though this pleasure does not so powerfully affect us,
nor act so strongly on the senses as some of the others, yet it
may be esteemed as the greatest of all pleasures, and almost all
the Utopians reckon it the foundation and basis of all the other
joys of life; since this alone makes the state of life easy and
desirable; and when this is wanting, a man is really capable of
no other pleasure. They look upon freedom from pain, if it
does not rise from perfect health, to be a state of stupidity
rather than of pleasure.
This subject has been very narrowly canvassed among them ;
and it has been debated whether a firm and entire health could
be called a pleasure or not ? Some have thought that there was
no pleasure but what was excited by some sensible motion in
the body. But this opinion has been long ago excluded from
among them, so that now they almost universally agree that
health is the greatest of all bodily pleasures; and that as there is
a pain in sickness, which is as opposite in its nature to pleasure
as sickness itself is to health, so they hold that health is accom-
panied with pleasure: and if any should say that sickness is not
really pain, but that it only carries pain along with it, they look
upon that as a fetch of subtilty, that does not much alter the
matter. It is all one, in their opinion, whether it be said that
health is in itself a pleasure, or that it begets a pleasure, as fire
gives heat; so it be granted, that all those whose health is entire
have a true pleasure in the enjoyment of it: and they reason
thus—what is the pleasure of eating, but that a man's health
which had been weakened, does, with the assistance of food,
drive away hunger, and so recruiting itself recovers its former
vigor? And being thus refreshed, it finds a pleasure in that
conflict; and if the conflict is pleasure, the victory must yet
breed a greater pleasure, except we fancy that it becomes stupid
as soon as it has obtained that which it pursued, and so neither
knows nor rejoices in its own welfare. If it is said that health
UTOPIA 63

cannot be felt, they absolutely deny it; for what man is in health
that does not perceive it when he is awake ? Is there any man
that is so dull and stupid as not to acknowledge that he feels
a delight in health ? And what is delight but another name for
pleasure ?
But of all pleasures, they esteem those to be most valuable
that lie in the mind, the chief of which arises out of true virtue,
and the witnesses of a good conscience. They account health
the chief pleasure that belongs to the body; for they think that
the pleasure of eating and drinking, and all the other delights of
sense, are only so far desirable'as they give or maintain health.
But they are not pleasant in themselves, otherwise than as they
resist those impressions that our natural infirmities are still
making upon us : for as a wise man desires rather to avoid dis-
eases than to take physic, and to be freed from pain, rather than
to find ease by remedies; so it is more desirable not to need this
sort of pleasure, than to be obliged to indulge it. If any man
imagines that there is a real happiness in these enjoyments, he
must then confess that he would be the happiest of all men if
he were to lead his life in perpetual hunger, thirst, and itching,
and by consequence in perpetual eating, drinking, and scratch-
ing himself; which anyone may easily see would be not only a
base, but a miserable state of life. These are indeed the low-
est of pleasures, and the least pure; for we can never relish
them, but when they are mixed with the contrary pains. The
pain of hunger must give us the pleasure of eating; and here
the pain out-balances the pleasure; and as the pain is more ve-
hement, so it lasts much longer; for as it begins before the
pleasure, so it does not cease but with the pleasure that extin-
guishes it, and both expire together.
They think, therefore, none of those pleasures are to be
valued any further than as they are necessary; yet they rejoice
in them, and with due gratitude acknowledge the tenderness of
the great Author of nature, who has planted in us appetites, by
which those things that are necessary for our preservation are
likewise made pleasant to us. For how miserable a thing would
life be, if those daily diseases of hunger and thirst were to be
carried off by such bitter drugs as we must use for those dis-
eases that return seldomer upon us ? And thus these pleasant
as well as proper gifts of nature maintain the strength and the
sprightliness of our bodies.
6 4
MORE

They also entertain themselves with the other delights let


in at their eyes, their ears, and their nostrils, as the pleasant
relishes and seasonings of life, which nature seems to have
marked out peculiarly for man; since no other sort of animals
contemplates the figure and beauty of the universe; nor is
delighted with smells, any further than as they distinguish
meats by them; nor do they apprehend the concords or dis-
cords of sound; yet in all pleasures whatsoever they take care
that a lesser joy does not hinder a greater, and that pleasure
may never breed pain, which they think always follows dis-
honest pleasures. But they think it madness for a man to
wear out the beauty of his face, or the force of his natural
strength; to corrupt the sprightliness of his body by sloth
and laziness, or to waste it by fasting; that it is madness to
weaken the strength of his constitution, and reject the other
delights of life; unless by renouncing his own satisfaction,
he can either serve the public or promote the happiness of
others, for which he expects a greater recompense from God.
So that they look on such a course of life as the mark of a
mind that is both cruel to itself, and ungrateful to the Author
of nature, as if we would not be beholden to Him for His
favors, and therefore reject all His blessings; as one who
should afflict himself for the empty shadow of virtue; or for
no better end than to render himself capable of bearing those
misfortunes which possibly will never happen.
This is their notion of virtue and of pleasure; they think
that no man's reason can carry him to a truer idea of them,
unless some discovery from heaven should inspire him with
sublimer notions. I have not now the leisure to examine
whether they think right or wrong in this matter: nor do I
judge it necessary, for I have only undertaken to give you
an account of their constitution, but not to defend all their
principles. I am sure, that whatsoever may be said of their
notions, there is not in the whole world either a better peo-
ple or a happier government: their bodies are vigorous and
lively; and though they are but of a middle stature, and have
neither the fruitfullest soil nor the purest air in the world,
yet they fortify themselves so well by their temperate course
of life, against the unhealthiness of their air, and by their in-
dustry they so cultivate their soil, that there is nowhere to be
UTOPIA

seen a greater increase both of corn and cattle, nor are there
anywhere healthier men and freer from diseases: for one may
there see reduced to practice, not only all the arts that the
husbandman employs in manuring and improving an ill soil,
but whole woods plucked up by the roots, and in other places
new ones planted, where there were none before.
Their principal motive for this is the convenience of car-
riage, that their timber may be either near their towns or
growing on the banks of the sea or of some rivers, so as
to be floated to them; for it is a harder work to carry wood
at any distance over land, than corn. The people are in-
dustrious, apt to learn, as well as cheerful and pleasant; and
none can endure more labor, when it is necessary; but ex-
cept in that case they love their ease. They are unwearied
pursuers of knowledge; for when we had given them some
hints of the learning and discipline of the Greeks, concerning
whom we only instructed them (for we know that there was
nothing among the Romans, except their historians and their
poets, that they would value much), it was strange to see
how eagerly they were set on learning that language. We be-
gan to read a little of it to them, rather in compliance with
their importunity, than out of any hopes of their reaping from
it any great advantage. But after a very short trial, we
found they made such progress, that we saw our labor was
like to be more successful than we could have expected. They
learned to write their characters and to pronounce their lan-
guage so exactly, had so quick an apprehension, they remem-
bered it so faithfully, and became so ready and correct in the
use of it, that it would have looked like a miracle if the
greater part of those whom we taught had not been men both
of extraordinary capacity and of a fit age for instruction.
They were for the greatest part chosen from among their
learned men, by their chief Council, though some studied it
of their own accord. In three years' time they became mas-
ters of the whole language, so that they read the best of the
Greek authors very exactly. I am indeed apt to think that
they, learned that language the more easily, from its having
some relation to their own. I believe that they were a colony
of the Greeks; for though their language comes nearer the
5
66 MORE

Persian, yet they retain many names, both for their towns
and magistrates, that are of Greek derivation.
I happened to carry a great many books with me, instead of
merchandise, when I sailed my fourth voyage; for I was so far
from thinking of soon coming back, that I rather thought never
to have returned at all, and I gave them all my books, among
which were many of Plato's and some of Aristotle's works. I
had also Theophrastus " On Plants," which, to my great regret,
was imperfect; for having laid it carelessly by, while we were at
sea, a monkey had seized upon it, and in many places torn out
the leaves. They have no books of grammar but Lascares, for
I did not carry Theodorus with me; nor have they any diction-
aries but Hesichius and Dioscorides. They esteem Plutarch
highly, and were much taken with Lucian's wit and with his
pleasant way of writing. As for the poets, they have Aris-
tophanes, Homer, Euripides, and Sophocles of Aldus's edition;
and for historians Thucydides, Herodotus, and Herodian.
One of my companions, Thricius Apinatus, happened to carry
with him some of Hippocrates's works, and Galen's " Micro-
techne," which they hold in great estimation; for though there
is no nation in the world that needs physic so little as they do,
yet there is not any that honors it so much: they reckon the
knowledge of it one of the pleasantest and most profitable parts
of philosophy, by which, as they search into the secrets of
nature, so they not only find this study highly agreeable, but
think that such inquiries are very acceptable to the Author of
nature; and imagine that as He, like the inventors of curious
engines among mankind, has exposed this great machine of the
universe to the view of the only creatures capable of contem-
plating it, so an exact and curious observer, who admires His
workmanship, is much more acceptable to Him than one of the
herd, who, like a beast incapable of reason, looks on this glori-
ous scene with the eyes of a dull and unconcerned spectator.
The minds of the Utopians when fenced with a love for
learning, are very ingenious in discovering all such arts as are
necessary to carry it to perfection. Tw o things they owe to us,
the manufacture of paper and the art of printing: yet they are
not so entirely indebted to us for these discoveries but that a
great part of the invention was their own. We showed them
some books printed by Aldus, we explained to them the way of
UTOPIA 67

making paper, and the mystery of printing; but as we had never


practised these arts, we described them in a crude and super-
ficial manner. They seized the hints we gave them, and though
at first they could not arrive at perfection, yet by making many
essays they at last found out and corrected all their errors, and
conquered every difficulty. Before this they only wrote on
parchment, on reeds, or on the bark of trees; but now they have
established the manufacture of paper, and set up printing-
presses, so that if they had but a good number of Greek authors
they would be quickly supplied with many copies of them: at
present, though they have no more than those I have mentioned,
yet by several impressions they have multiplied them into many
thousands.
If any man was to go among them that had some extraordi-
nary talent, or that by much travelling had observed the cus-
toms of many nations (which made us to be so well received),
he would recejve a hearty welcome; for they are very desirous
to know the state of the whole world. Very few go among
them on the account of traffic, for what can a man carry to them
but iron or gold or silver, which merchants desire rather to
export than import to a strange country: and as for their ex-
portation, they think it better to manage that themselves than
to leave it to foreigners, for by this means, as they understand
the state of the neighboring countries better, so they keep up
the art of navigation, which cannot be maintained but by much
practice.

Of Their Slaves, and of Their Marriages


T H E Y do not make slaves of prisoners of war, except those
that are taken in battle; nor of the sons of their slaves, nor of
those of other nations: the slaves among them are only such
as are condemned to that state of life for the commission of
some crime, or, which is more common, such as their merchants
find condemned to die in those parts to which they trade, whom
they sometimes redeem at low rates; and in other places have
them for nothing. They are kept at perpetual labor, and are
always chained, but with this difference, that their own natives
are treated much worse than others; they are considered as
more profligate than the rest, and since they could not be re-
strained by the advantages of so excellent an education, are
68 MORE

judged worthy of harder usage. Another sort of slaves are


the poor of the neighboring countries, who offer of their own
accord to come and serve them; they treat these better, and use
them in all other respects as well as their own countrymen, ex-
cept their imposing more labor upon them, which is no hard
task to those that have been accustomed to it; and if any of
these have a mind to go back to their own country, which in-
deed falls out but seldom, as they do not force them to stay, so
they do not send them away empty-handed.
I have already told you with what care they look after their
sick, so that nothing is left undone that can contribute either to
their ease or health: and for those who are taken with fixed
and incurable diseases, they use all possible ways to cherish
them, and to make their lives as comfortable as possible. They
visit them often, and take great pains to make their time pass
off easily: but when any is taken with a torturing and lingering
pain, so that there is no hope, either of recovery or ease, the
priests and magistrates come and exhort them, that since they
are now unable to go on with the business of life, are become
a burden to themselves and to all about them, and they have
really outlived themselves, they should no longer nourish such
a rooted distemper, but choose rather to die, since they cannot
live but in much misery: being assured, that if they thus deliver
themselves from torture, or are willing that others should do
it, they shall be happy after death. Since by their acting
thus, they lose none of the pleasures, but only the troubles of
life, they think they behave not only reasonably, but in a man-
ner consistent with religion and piety; because they follow the
advice given them by their priests, who are the expounders
of the will of God. Such as are wrought on by these persua-
sions, either starve themselves of their own accord, or take
opium, and by that means die without pain. But no man is
forced on this way of ending his life; and if they cannot be
persuaded to it, this does not induce them to fail in their at-
tendance and care of them; but as they believe that a voluntary
death, when it is chosen upon such an authority, is very honora-
ble, so if any man takes away his own life, without the appro-
bation of the priests and the Senate, they give him none of the
honors of a decent funeral, but throw his body into a ditch.

Their women are not married before eighteen, nor their men
UTOPIA 69
*

before two-and-twenty, and if any of them run into forbidden


embraces before marriage they are severely punished, and the
privilege of marriage is denied them, unless they can obtain
a special warrant from the Prince. Such disorders cast a great
reproach upon the master and mistress of the family in which
they happen, for it is supposed that they have failed in their
duty. The reason of punishing this so severely is, because
they think that if they were not strictly restrained from all
vagrant appetites, very few would engage in a state in which
they venture the quiet of their whole lives, by being confined
to one person, and are obliged to endure all the inconveniences
with which it is accompanied.
In choosing their wives they use a method that would appear
to us very absurd and ridiculous, but it is constantly observed
among them, and is accounted perfectly consistent with wis-
dom. Before marriage some grave matron presents the bride
naked, whether she is a virgin or a widow, to the bride-
groom ; and after that some grave man presents the bridegroom
naked to the bride. We indeed both laughed at this, and con-
demned it as very indecent. But they, on the other hand, won-
dered at the folly of the men of all other nations, who, if they
are but to buy a horse of a small value, are so cautious that
they will see every part of him, and take off both his saddle
and all his other tackle, that there may be no secret ulcer hid
under any of them; and that yet in the choice of a wife, on
which depends the happiness or unhappiness of the rest of his
life, a man should venture upon trust, and only see about a
hand's-breadth of the face, all the rest of the body being cov-
ered, under which there may lie hid what may be contagious
as well as loathsome. All men are not so wise as to choose
a woman only for her good qualities; and even wise men con-
sider the body as that which adds not a little to the mind: and
it is certain there may be some such deformity covered with the
clothes as may totally alienate a man from his wife when it is
too late to part from her. If such a thing is discovered after
marriage, a man has no remedy but patience. They therefore
think it is reasonable that there should be good provision made
against such mischievous frauds.
There was so much the more reason for them to make a reg-
ulation in this matter, because they are the only people of those
70 MORE

parts that neither allow of polygamy nor of divorces, except


in the case of adultery or insufferable perverseness; for in
these cases the Senate dissolves the marriage, and grants the
injured person leave to marry again; but the guilty are made
infamous, and are never allowed the privilege of a second mar-
riage. None are suffered to put away their wives against their
wills, from any great calamity that may have fallen on their
persons; for they look on it as the height of cruelty and treach-
ery to abandon either of the married persons when they need
most the tender care of their comfort, and that chiefly in the
case of old age, which as it carries many diseases along with it,
so it is a disease of itself. But it frequently falls out that when
a married couple do not well agree, they by mutual consent
separate, and find out other persons with whom they hope they
may live more happily. Yet this is not done without obtaining
leave of the Senate, which never admits of a divorce but upon
a strict inquiry made, both by the Senators and their wives, into
the grounds upon which it is desired; and even when they are
satisfied concerning the reasons of it, they go on but slowly, for
they imagine that too great easiness in granting leave for new
marriages would very much shake the kindness of married peo-
ple. They punish severely those that defile the marriage-bed.
If both parties are married they are divorced, and the injured
persons may marry one another, or whom they please; but the
adulterer and the adulteress are condemned to slavery. Yet
if either of the injured persons cannot shake off the love of the
married person, they may live with them still in that state, but
they must follow them to that labor to which the slaves are con-
demned ; and sometimes the repentance of the condemned, to-
gether with the unshaken kindness of the innocent and injured
person, has prevailed so far with the Prince that he has taken
off the sentence; but those that relapse after they are once par-
doned are punished with death.

Their law does not determine the punishment for other


crimes; but that is left to the Senate, to temper it according
to the circumstances of the fact. Husbands have power to
correct their wives, and parents to chastise their children, un-
less the fault is so great that a public punishment is thought
necessary for striking terror into others. For the most part,
slavery is the punishment even of the greatest crimes; for as
UTOPIA 71

that is no less terrible to the criminals themselves than death,


:
so they think the preserving them in a state of servitude is more
for the interest of the commonwealth than killing them; since
as their labor is a greater benefit to the public than their death
could be, so the sight of their misery is a more lasting terror to
other men than that which would be given by their death. If
their slaves rebel, and will not bear their yoke and submit to
the labor that is enjoined them, they are treated as wild beasts
that cannot be kept in order, neither by a prison nor by their
chains, and are at last put to death. But those who bear their
punishment patiently, and are so much wrought on by that
, pressure that lies so hard on them that it appears they are really
more troubled for the crimes they have committed than for the
miseries they suffer, are not out of hope but that at last either
the Prince will, by his prerogative, or the people by their inter-
cession, restore them again to their liberty, or at least very
much mitigate their slavery. He that tempts a married woman
to adultery is no less severely punished than he that commits
it; for they believe that a deliberate design to commit a crime
is equal to the fact itself: since its not taking effect does not
make the person that miscarried in his attempt at all the less
guilty.
They take great pleasure in fools, and as it is thought a base
and unbecoming thing to use them ill, so they do not think it
amiss for people to divert themselves with their folly: and, in
their opinion, this is a great advantage to the fools themselves:
for if men were so sullen and severe as not at all to please them-
selves with their ridiculous behavior and foolish sayings, which
is all that they can do to recommend themselves to others, it
could not be expected that they would be so well provided for,
nor so tenderly used as they must otherwise be. If any man
should reproach another for his being misshaped or imperfect
in any part of his body, it would not at all be thought a reflec-
tion on the person so treated, but it would be accounted scan-
dalous in him that had upbraided another with what he could
not help. It is thought a sign of a sluggish and sordid mind
not to preserve carefully one's natural beauty; but it is likewise
infamous among them to use paint. They all see that no
beauty recommends a wife so much to her husband as the prob-
ity of her life, and her obedience: for as some few are catched
72 MORE

and held only by beauty, so all are attracted by the other excel-
lences which charm all the world.
As they fright men from committing crimes by punishments,
so they invite them to the love of virtue by public honors: there-
fore they erect statues to the memories of such worthy men
as have deserved well of their country, and set these in their
market-places, both to perpetuate the remembrance of their
actions, and to be an incitement to their posterity to follow
their example.
If any man aspires to any office, he is sure never to compass
it: they all live easily together, for none of the magistrates are
either insolent or cruel to the people: they affect rather to be
called fathers, and by being really so, they well deserve the
name ; and the people pay them all the marks of honor the more
freely, because none are exacted from them. The Prince him-
self has no distinction, either of garments or of a crown; but
is only distinguished by a sheaf of corn carried before him; as
the high-priest is also known by his being preceded by a person
carrying a wa x light.
They have but few laws, and such is their constitution that
they need not many. They very much condemn other nations,
whose laws, together with the commentaries on them, swell up
to so many volumes; for they think it an unreasonable thing to
oblige men to obey a body of laws that are both of such a bulk
and so dark as not to be read and understood by every one of
the subjects.
They have no lawyers among them, for they consider them
as a sort of people whose profession it is to disguise matters
and to wrest the laws ; and therefore they think it is much better
that every man should plead his own cause, and trust it to the
judge, as in other places the client trusts it to a counsellor. By
this means they both cut off many delays, and find out truth
more certainly: for after the parties have laid open the merits
of the cause, without those artifices which lawyers are apt to
suggest, the judge examines the whole matter, and supports
the simplicity of such well-meaning persons, whom otherwise
crafty men would be sure to run down: and thus they avoid
those evils which appear very remarkably among all those
nations that labor under a vast load of laws. Every one of
them is skilled in their law, for as it is a very short study, so
UTOPIA 73

the plainest meaning of which words are capable is always the


sense of their laws. And they argue thus: all laws are prom-
ulgated for this end, that every man may know his duty; and
therefore the plainest and most obvious sense of the words is
that which ought to be put upon them; since a more refined
exposition cannot be easily comprehended, and would only
serve to make the laws become useless to the greater part of
mankind, and especially to those who need most the direction
of them: for it is all one, not to make a law at all, or to couch
it in such terms that without a quick apprehension, and much
study, a man cannot find out the true meaning of it; since the
generality of mankind are both so dull and so much employed
in their several trades that they have neither the leisure nor the
capacity requisite for such an inquiry.
Some of their neighbors, who are masters of their own lib-
erties, having long ago, by the assistance of the Utopians,
shaken off the yoke of tyranny, and being much taken with
those virtues which they observe among them, have come to
desire that they would send magistrates to govern them; some
changing them every year, and others every five years. At
the end of their government they bring them back to Utopia,
with great expressions of honor and esteem, and carry away
others to govern in their stead. In this they seem to have
fallen upon a very good expedient for their own happiness and
safety; for since the good or ill condition of a nation depends
so much upon their magistrates, they could not have made a
better choice than by pitching on men whom no advantages can
bias; for wealth is of no use to them, since they must so soon
go back to their own country; and they being strangers among
them, are not engaged in any of their heats or animosities; and
it is certain that when public judicatories are swayed, either
by avarice or partial affections, there must follow a dissolution
of justice, the chief sinew of society.
The Utopians call those nations that come and ask magis-
trates from them, neighbors ; but those to whom they have been
of more particular service, friends. And as all other nations
are perpetually either making leagues or breaking them, they
never enter into an alliance with any State. They think leagues
are useless things, and believe that if the common ties of human-
ity do not knit men together, the faith of promises will have
74 MORE

no great effect; and they are the more confirmed in this by what
they see among the nations round about them, who are no strict
observers of leagues and treaties. We know how religiously
they are observed in Europe, more particularly where the Chris-
tian doctrine is received, among whom they are sacred and in-
violable; which is partly owing to the justice and goodness
of the princes themselves, and partly to the reverence they pay
to the popes; who as they are most religious observers of their
own promises, so they exhort all other princes to perform
theirs; and when fainter methods do not prevail, they compel
them to it by the severity of the pastoral censure, and think that
it would be the most indecent thing possible if men who are par-
ticularly distinguished by the title of the " faithful " should not
religiously keep the faith of their treaties. But in that new-
found world, which is not more distant from us in situation
than the people are in their manners and course of life, there is
no trusting to leagues, even though they were made with all the
pomp of the most sacred ceremonies; on the contrary, they are
on this account the sooner broken, some slight pretence being
found in the words of the treaties, which are purposely couched
in such ambiguous terms that they can never be so strictly
bound but they will always find some loophole to escape at; and
thus they break both their leagues and their faith. And this
is done with such impudence, that those very men who value
themselves on having suggested these expedients to their
princes, would with a haughty scorn declaim against such craft,
or, to speak plainer, such fraud and deceit, if they found private
men make use of it in their bargains, and would readily say
that they deserved to be hanged.
By this means it is, that all sorts of justice passes in the
world for a low-spirited and vulgar virtue, far below the dig-
nity of royal greatness. Or at least, there are set up two sorts
of justice; the one is mean, and creeps on the ground, and there-
fore becomes none but the lower part of mankind, and so must
be kept in severely by many restraints that it may not break
out beyond the bounds that are set to it. The other is the pe-
culiar virtue of princes, which as it is more majestic than that
which becomes the rabble, so takes a freer compass; and thus
lawful and unlawful are only measured by pleasure and inter-
est. These practices of the princes that lie about Utopia, who
UTOPIA 75

make so little account of their faith, seem to be the reasons that


determine them to engage in no confederacies; perhaps they
would change their mind if they lived among u s ; but yet though
treaties were more religiously observed, they would still dis-
like the custom of making them; since the world has taken up a
false maxim upon it, as if there were no tie of nature uniting
one nation to another, only separated perhaps by a mountain
or a river, and that all were born in a state of hostility, and so
might lawfully do all that mischief to their neighbors against
which there is no provision made by treaties; and that when
treaties are made, they do not cut off the enmity, or restrain
the license of preying upon each other, if by the unskilfulness
of wording them there are not effectual provisos made against
them. They, on the other hand, judge that no man is to be es-
teemed our enemy that has never injured us ; and that the part-
nership of the human nature is instead of a league. And that
kindness and good-nature unite men more effectually and with
greater strength than any agreements whatsoever; since there-
by the engagements of men's hearts become stronger than the
bond and obligation of words.

Of Their Military Discipline

THEY detest war as a very brutal thing; and which, to the


reproach of human nature, is more practised by men than by
any sort of beasts. They, in opposition to the sentiments of al-
most all other nations, think that there is nothing more inglori-
ous than that glory that is gained by war. And therefore
though they accustom themselves daily to military exercises
and the discipline of war—in which not only their men but their
women likewise are trained up, that in cases of necessity they
may not be quite useless—yet they do not rashly engage in war,
unless it be either to defend themselves, or their friends, from
any unjust aggressors; or out of good-nature or in compassion
assist an oppressed nation in shaking off the yoke of tyranny.
They indeed help their friends, not only in defensive, but also in
offensive wars; but they never do that unless they had been
consulted before the breach was made, and being satisfied with
the grounds on which they went, they had found that all de-
mands of reparation were rejected, so that a war was unavoida-
7 6 MORE

ble. This they think to be not only just, when one neighbor
makes an inroad on another, by public order, and carry away
the spoils; but when the merchants of one country are op-
pressed in another, either under pretence of some unjust laws,
or by the perverse wresting of good ones. This they count a
juster cause of war than the other, because those injuries are
done under some color of laws.
This was the only ground of that war in which they engaged
with the Nephelogetes against the Aleopolitanes, a little before
our time; for the merchants of the former having, as they
thought, met with great injustice among the latter, which,
whether it was in itself right or wrong, drew on a terrible war,
in which many of their neighbors were engaged; and their
keenness in carrying it on being supported by their strength in
maintaining it, it not only shook some very flourishing States,
and very much afflicted others, but after a series of much mis-
chief ended in the entire conquest and slavery of the Aleopoli-
tanes, who though before the war they were in all respects much
superior to the Nephelogetes, were yet subdued; but though the
Utopians had assisted them in the war, yet they pretended to
no share of the spoil.
But though they so vigorously assist their friends in obtain-
ing reparation for the injuries they have received in affairs of
this nature, yet if any such frauds were committed against
themselves, provided no violence was done to their persons,
they would only on their being refused satisfaction forbear trad-
ing with such a people. This is not because they consider their
neighbors more than their own citizens; but since their neigh-
bors trade everyone upon his own stock, fraud is a more sensi-
ble injury to them than it is to the Utopians, among whom the
public in such a case only suffers. As they expect nothing in
return for the merchandise they export but that in which they
so much abound, and is of little use to them, the loss does not
much affect them; they think therefore it would be too severe
to revenge a loss attended with so little inconvenience, either
to their lives or their subsistence, with the death of many per-
sons ; but if any of their people is either killed or wounded
wrongfully, whether it be done by public authority or only by
private men, as soon as they hear of it they send ambassadors,
and demand that the guilty persons may be delivered up to
UTOPIA 77

them; and if that is denied, they declare war; but if it be com-


plied with, the offenders are condemned either to death or
slavery.
They would be both troubled and ashamed of a bloody vic-
tory over their enemies, and think it would be as foolish a pur-
chase as to buy the most valuable goods at too high a rate.
And in no victory do they glory so much as in that which is
gained by dexterity and good conduct, without bloodshed. In
such cases they appoint public triumphs, and erect trophies to
the honor of those who have succeeded; for then do they reckon
that a man acts suitably to his nature when he conquers his
enemy in such a way as that no other creature but a man could
be capable of, and that is by the strength of his understanding.
Bears, lions, boars, wolves, and dogs, and all other animals em-
ploy their bodily force one against another, in which as many
of them are superior to men, both in strength and fierceness, so
they are all subdued by his reason and understanding.
The only design of the Utopians in war is to obtain that by
force, which if it had been granted them in time would have
prevented the war; or if that cannot be done, to take so severe a
revenge on those that have injured them that they may be terri-
fied from doing the like for the time to come. By these ends
they measure all their designs, and manage them so that it is
visible that the appetite of fame or vainglory does not work
so much on them as a just care of their own security.
As soon as they declare war, they take care to have a great
many schedules, that are sealed with their common seal, affixed
in the most conspicuous places of their enemies' country. This
is carried secretly, and done in many places all at once. In
these they promise great rewards to such as shall kill the prince,
and lesser in proportion to such as shall kill any other persons,
who are those on whom, next to the prince himself, they cast
the chief balance of the war. And they double the sum to him
that, instead of killing the person so marked out, shall take him
alive and put him in their hands. They offer not only indem-
nity, but rewards, to such of the persons themselves that are
so marked, if they will act against their countrymen; by this
means those that are named in their schedules become not only
distrustful of their fellow-citizens, but are jealous of one an-
other, and are much distracted by fear and danger; for it has
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often fallen out that many of them, and even the Prince himself,
have been betrayed by those in whom they have trusted most;
for the rewards that the Utopians offer are so unmeasurably
great, that there is no sort of crime to which men cannot be
drawn by them. They consider the risk that those run who
undertake such services, and offer a recompense proportioned
to the danger; not only a vast deal of gold, but great revenues
in lands, that lie among other nations that are their friends,
where they may go and enjoy them very securely; and they ob-
serve the promises they make of this kind most religiously.
They very much approve of this way of corrupting their ene-
mies, though it appears to others to be base and cruel; but they
look on it as a wise course, to make an end of what would be
otherwise a long war, without so much as hazarding one battle
to decide it. They think it likewise an act of mercy and love
to mankind to prevent the great slaughter of those that must
otherwise be killed in the progress of the war, both on their
own side and on that of their enemies, by the death of a few
that are most guilty; and that in so doing they are kind even to
their enemies, and pity them no less than their own people, as
knowing that the greater part of them do not engage in the
war of their own accord, but are driven into it by the passions
of their prince.
If this method does not succeed with them, then they sow
seeds of contention among their enemies, and animate the
prince's brother, or some of the nobility, to aspire to the crown.
If they cannot disunite them by domestic broils, then they en-
gage their neighbors against them, and make them set on foot
some old pretensions, which are never wanting to princes when
they have occasion for them. These they plentifully supply
with money, though but very sparingly with any auxiliary
troops: for they are so tender of their own people, that they
would not willingly exchange one of them, even with the
prince of their enemies' country.
But as they keep their gold and silver only for such an occa-
sion, so when that offers itself they easily part with it, since it
would be no inconvenience to them though they should reserve
nothing of it to themselves. For besides the wealth that they
have among them at home, they have a vast treasure abroad,
many nations round about them being deep in their debt: so
UTOPIA 79

that they hire soldiers from all places for carrying on their
wars, but chiefly from the Zapolets, who live 500 miles east of
Utopia. They are a rude, wild, and fierce nation, who delight
in the woods and rocks, among which they were born and bred
up. They are hardened both against heat, cold, and labor, and
know nothing of the delicacies of life. They do not apply
themselves to agriculture, nor do they care either for their
houses or their clothes. Cattle is all that they look after; and
for the greatest part they live either by hunting, or upon rapine;
and are made, as it were, only for war. They watch all oppor-
tunities of engaging in it, and very readily embrace such as are
offered them. Great numbers of them will frequently go out,
and offer themselves for a very low pay, to serve any that will
employ them: they know none of the arts of life, but those that
lead to the taking it a way; they serve those that hire them, both
with much courage and great fidelity; but will not engage to
serve for any determined time, and agree upon such terms, that
the next day they may go over to the enemies of those whom
they serve, if they offer them a greater encouragement: and will
perhaps return to them the day after that, upon a higher ad-
vance of their pay.
There are few wars in which they make not a considerable
part of the armies of both sides: so it often falls out that they
who are related, and were hired in the same country, and so
have lived long and familiarly together, forgetting both their
relations and former friendship, kill one another upon no other
consideration than that of being hired to it for a little money,
by princes of different interests; and such a regard have they
for money, that they are easily wrought on by the difference
of one penny a day to change sides. So entirely does their
avarice influence them; and yet this money, which they value
so highly, is of little use to them; for what they purchase thus
with their blood, they quickly waste on luxury, which among
them is but of a poor and miserable form.
This nation serves the Utopians against all people whatso-
ever, for they pay higher than any other. The Utopians hold
this for a maxim, that as they seek out the best sort of men for
their own use at home, so they make use of this worst sort of
men for the consumption of war, and therefore they hire them
with the offers of vast rewards, to expose themselves to all
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sorts of hazards, out of which the greater part never returns


to claim their promises. Yet they make them good most relig-
iously to such as escape. This animates them to adventure
again, whenever there is occasion for it; for the Utopians are
not at all troubled how many of these happen to be killed, and
reckon it a service done to mankind if they could be a means
to deliver the world from such a lewd and vicious sort of peo-
ple, that seem to have run together as to the drain of human
nature. Next to these they are served in their wars with those
upon whose account they undertake them, and with the aux-
iliary troops of their other friends, to whom they join a few
of their own people, and send some men of eminent and ap-
proved virtue to command in chief. There are two sent with
him, who during his command are but private men, but the first
is to succeed him if he should happen to be either killed or
taken; and in case of the like misfortune to him, the third comes
in his place; and thus they provide against ill events, that
such accidents as may befall their generals may not endan-
ger their armies.
When they draw out troops of their own people, they take
such out of every city as freely offer themselves, for none are
forced to go against their wills, since they think that if any
man is pressed that wants courage, he will not only act faintly,
but by his cowardice dishearten others. But if an invasion is
made on their country they make use of such men, if they have
good bodies, though they are not brave; and either put them
aboard their ships or place them on the walls of their towns,
that being so posted they may find no opportunity of flying
away; and thus either shame, the heat of action, or the impossi-
bility of flying, bears down their cowardice; they often make a
virtue of necessity and behave themselves well, because noth-
ing else is left them. But as they force no man to go into any
foreign war against his will, so they do not hinder those women
who are willing to go along with their husbands; on the con-
trary, they encourage and praise them, and they stand often
next their husbands in the front of the army. They also place
together those who are related, parents and children, kindred,
and those that are mutually allied, near one another; that those
whom nature has inspired with the greatest zeal for assisting
one another, may be the nearest and readiest to do it; and it is
UTOPIA 81

matter of great reproach if husband or wife survive one an-


other, or if a child survives his parents, and therefore when
they come to be engaged in action they continue to fight to the
last man, if their enemies stand before them.
And as they use all prudent methods to avoid the endanger-
ing their own men, and if it is possible let all the action and dan-
ger fall upon the troops that they hire, so if it becomes necessary
for themselves to engage, they then charge with as much cour-
age as they avoided it before with prudence: nor is it a fierce
charge at first, but it increases by degrees; and as they continue
in action, they grow more obstinate and press harder upon the
enemy, insomuch that they will much sooner die than give
ground; for the certainty that their children will be well looked
after when they are dead, frees them from all that anxiety con-
cerning them which often masters men of great courage; and
thus they are animated by a noble and invincible resolution.
Their skill in military affairs increases their courage; and the
wise sentiments which, according to the laws of their country,
are instilled into them in their education, give additional vigor
to their minds: for as they do not undervalue life so as prodi-
gally to throw it away, they are not so indecently fond of it as
to preserve it by base and unbecoming methods. In the great-
est heat of action, the bravest of their youth, who have devoted
themselves to that service, single out the general of their ene-
mies, set on him either openly or by ambuscade, pursue him
everywhere, and when spent and wearied out, are relieved by
others, who never give over the pursuit; either attacking him
with close weapons when they can get near him, or with those
which wound at a distance, when others get in between them;
so that unless he secures himself by flight, they seldom fail at
last to kill or to take him prisoner.
When they have obtained a victory, they kill as few as possi-
ble, and are much more bent on taking many prisoners than on
killing those that fly before them; nor do they ever let their men
so loose in the pursuit of their enemies, as not to retain an en-
tire body still in order; so that if they have been forced to
engage the last of their battalions before they could gain the
day, they will rather let their enemies all escape than pursue
them, when their own army is in disorder; remembering well
what has often fallen out to themselves, that when the main
6
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body of their army has been quite defeated and broken, when
their enemies imagining the victory obtained, have let them-
selves loose into an irregular pursuit, a few of them that lay
for a reserve, waiting a fit opportunity, have fallen on them in
their chase, and when straggling in disorder and apprehensive
of no danger, but counting the day their own, have turned the
whole action, and wrestling out of their hands a victory that
seemed certain and undoubted, while the vanquished have sud-
denly become victorious.
It is hard to tell whether they are more dexterous in laying
or avoiding ambushes. They sometimes seem to fly when it is
far from their thoughts; and when they intend to give ground,
they do it so that it is very hard to find out their design. If
they see they are ill posted, or are like to be overpowered by
numbers, they then either march off in the night with great
silence, or by some stratagem delude their enemies: if they re-
tire in the daytime, they do it in such order, that it is no less
dangerous to fall upon them in a retreat than in a march. They
fortify their camps with a deep and large trench, and throw up
the earth that is dug out of it for a wall; nor do they employ
only their slaves in this, but the whole army works at it, except
those that are then upon the guard; so that when so many
hands are at work, a great line and a strong fortification are fin-
ished in so short a time that it is scarce credible. Their armor
is very strong for defence, and yet is not so heavy as to make
them uneasy in their marches; they can even swim with it. All
that are trained up to war, practise swimming. Both horse
and foot make great use of arrows, and are very expert. They
have no swords, but fight with a pole-axe that is both sharp
and heavy, by which they thrust or strike down an enemy.
They are very good at finding out warlike machines, and dis-
guise them so well, that the enemy does not perceive them till
he feels the use of them; so that he cannot prepare such a
defence as would render them useless; the chief considera-
tion had in the making them, is that they may be easily car-
ried and managed.
If they agree to a truce, they observe it so religiously that no
provocations will make them break it. They never lay their
enemies' country waste nor burn their corn, and even in their
marches they take all possible care that neither horse nor foot
UTOPIA 83

may tread it down, for they do not know but that they may
have use for it themselves. They hurt no man whom they find
disarmed, unless he is a spy. When a town is surrendered to
them, they take it into their protection; and when they carry a
place by storm, they never plunder it, but put those only to the
sword that opposed the rendering of it up, and make the rest
of the garrison slaves, but for the other inhabitants, they do
them no hurt; and if any of them had advised a surrender, they
give them good rewards out of the estates of those that they
condemn, and distribute the rest among their auxiliary troops,
but they themselves take no share of the spoil.
When a war is ended, they do not oblige their friends to
reimburse their expenses; but they obtain them of the con-
quered, either in money, which they keep for the next occa-
sion, or in lands, out of which a constant revenue is to be paid
them; by many increases, the revenue which they draw out
from several countries on such occasions, is now risen to above
700,000 ducats a year. They send some of their own people
to receive these revenues, who have orders to live magnifi-
cently, and like princes, by which means they consume much
of it upon the place; and either bring over the rest to Utopia,
or lend it to that nation in which it lies. This they most com-
monly do, unless some great occasion, which falls out but
very seldom, should oblige them to call for it all. It is out
of these lands that they assign rewards to such as they en-
courage to adventure on desperate attempts. If any prince
that engages in war with them is making preparations for in-
vading their country, they prevent him, and make his country
the seat of the wa r; for they do not willingly suffer any war
to break in upon their island; and if that should happen, they
would only defend themselves by their own people, but would
not call for auxiliary troops to their assistance.

Of the Religions of the Utopians

T H E R E are several sorts of religions, not only in different


parts of the island, but even in every town ; some worshipping
the sun, others the moon or one of the planets: some worship
such men as have been eminent in former times for virtue or
glory, not only as ordinary deities, but as the supreme God:
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yet the greater and wiser sort of them worship none of these,
but adore one eternal, invisible, infinite, and incomprehensible
Deity; as a being that is far above all our apprehensions, that
is spread over the whole universe, not by His bulk, but by
His power and virtue; Him they call the Father of All, and
acknowledge that the beginnings, the increase, the progress,
the vicissitudes, and the end of all things come only from H i m;
nor do they offer divine honors to any but to Him alone. And
indeed, though they differ concerning other things, yet all
agree in this, that they think there is one Supreme Being that
made and governs the world, whom they call in the language
of their country Mithras. They differ in this, that one thinks
the god whom he worships is this Supreme Being, and another
thinks that his idol is that God ; but they all agree in one
principle, that whoever is this Supreme Being, He is also that
great Essence to whose glory and majesty all honors are
ascribed by the consent of all nations.
By degrees, they fall off from the various superstitions that
are among them, and grow up to that one religion that is the
best and most in request; and there is no doubt to be made
but that all the others had vanished long ago, if some of those
who advised them to lay aside their superstitions had not met
with some unhappy accident, which being considered as in-
flicted by heaven, made them afraid that the God whose wor-
ship had like to have been abandoned, had interposed, and
revenged themselves on those who despised their authority.
After they had heard from us an account of the doctrine,
the course of life, and the miracles of Christ, and of the won-
derful constancy of so many martyrs, whose blood, so willingly
offered up by them, was the chief occasion of spreading their
religion over a vast number of nations ; it is not to be imagined
how inclined they were to receive it. I shall not determine
whether this proceeded from any secret inspiration of God,
or whether it was because it seemed so favorable to that com-
munity of goods, which is an opinion so particular as well as
so dear to them; since they perceived that Christ and his
followers lived by that rule, and that it was still kept up in
some communities among the sincerest sort of Christians.
From whichsoever of these motives it might be, true it is that
many of them came over to our religion, and were initiated
UTOPIA

into it by baptism. But as two of our number were dead, so


none of the four that survived were in priest's orders; we
therefore could only baptize them; so that to our great regret
they could not partake of the other sacraments, that can only
be administered by priests; but they are instructed concern-
ing them, and long most vehemently for them. They have
had great disputes among themselves, whether one chosen by
them to be a priest would not be thereby qualified to do all
the things that belong to that character, even though he had
no authority derived from the Pope ; and they seemed to be
resolved to choose some for that employment, but they had
not done it when I left them.
Those among them that have not received our religion, do
not fright any from it, and use none ill that goes over to it;
so that all the while I was there, one man was only punished
on this occasion. He being newly baptized, did, notwithstand-
ing all that we could say to the contrary, dispute publicly
concerning the Christian religion with more zeal than discre-
tion; and with so much heat, that he not only preferred our
worship to theirs, but condemned all their rites as profane;
and cried out against all that adhered to them, as impious and
sacrilegious persons, that were to be damned to everlasting
burnings. Upon his having frequently preached in this man-
ner, he was seized, and after trial he was condemned to ban-
ishment, not for having disparaged their religion, but for his
inflaming the people to sedition: for this is one of their most
ancient laws, that no man ought to be punished for his re-
ligion. At the first constitution of their government, Utopus
having understood that before his coming among them the
old inhabitants had been engaged in great quarrels concerning
religion, by which they were so divided among themselves,
that he found it an easy thing to conquer them, since instead
of uniting their forces against him, every different party in
religion fought by themselves; after he had subdued them, he
made a law that every man might be of what religion he
pleased, and might endeavor to draw others to it by force of
argument, and by amicable and modest ways, but without bit-
terness against those of other opinions; but that he ought
to use no other force but that of persuasion, and was neither
to mix with it reproaches nor violence; and such as did other-
wise were to be condemned to banishment or slavery.
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This law was made by Utopus, not only for preserving the
public peace, which he saw suffered much by daily contentions
and irreconcilable heats, but because he thought the interest
of religion itself required it. He judged it not fit to determine
anything rashly, and seemed to doubt whether those different
forms of religion might not all come from God, who might
inspire men in a different manner, and be pleased with this
variety; he therefore thought it indecent and foolish for any
man to threaten and terrify another to make him believe what
did not appear to him to be true. And supposing that only
one religion was really true, and the rest false, he imagined
that the native force of truth would at last break forth and
shine bright, if supported only by the strength of argument,
and attended to with a gentle and unprejudiced mind; while,
on the other hand, if such debates were carried on with vio-
lence and tumults, as the most wicked are always the most
obstinate, so the best and most holy religion might be choked
with superstition, as corn is with briars and thorns.
He therefore left men wholly to their liberty, that they might
be free to believe as they should see cause; only he made a
solemn and severe law against such as should so far degen-
erate from the dignity of human nature as to think that our
souls died with our bodies, or that the world was governed
by chance, without a wise overruling Providence: for they
all formerly believed that there was a state of rewards and
punishments to the good and bad after this life; and they
now look on those that think otherwise as scarce fit to be
counted men, since they degrade so noble a being as the soul,
and reckon it no better than a beast's: thus they are far from
looking on such men as fit for human society, or to be citizens
of a well-ordered commonwealth ; since a man of such prin-
ciples must needs, as oft as he dares do it, despise all their
laws and customs: for there is no doubt to be made that a
man who is afraid of nothing but the law, and apprehends
nothing after death, will not scruple to break through all the
laws of his country, either by fraud or force, when by this
means he may satisfy his appetites. They never raise any
that hold these maxims, either to honors or offices, nor em-
ploy them in any public trust, but despise them, as men of
base and sordid minds: yet they do not punish them, because
UTOPIA 87

they lay this down as a maxim that a man cannot make him-
self believe anything he pleases; nor do they drive any to
dissemble their thoughts by threatenings, so that men are not
tempted to lie or disguise their opinions; which being a sort
of fraud, is abhorred by the Utopians. They take care indeed
to prevent their disputing in defence of these opinions, espe-
cially before the common people; but they suffer, and even
encourage them to dispute concerning them in private with
their priests and other grave men, being confident that they
will be cured of those mad opinions by having reason laid
before them.
There are many among them that run far to the other ex-
treme, though it is neither thought an ill nor unreasonable
opinion, and therefore is not at all discouraged. They think
that the souls of beasts are immortal, though far inferior to
the dignity of the human soul, and not capable of so great a
happiness. They are almost all of them very firmly persuaded
that good men will be infinitely happy in another state; so
that though they are compassionate to all that are sick, yet
they lament no man's death, except they see him loth to
depart with life; for they look on this as a very ill presage,
as if the soul, conscious to itself of guilt, and quite hopeless,
was afraid to leave the body, from some secret hints of ap-
proaching misery. They think that such a man's appearance
before God cannot be acceptable to him, who being called on,
does not go out cheerfully, but is backward and unwilling,
and is, as it were, dragged to it. They are struck with horror
when they see any die in this manner, and carry them out in
silence and with sorrow, and praying God that he would be
merciful to the errors of the departed soul, they lay the body
in the ground; but when any die cheerfully, and full of hope,
they do not mourn for them, but sing hymns when they carry
out their bodies, and commending their souls very earnestly
to God: their whole behavior is then rather grave than sad,
they burn the body, and set up a pillar where the pile was
made, with an inscription to the honor of the deceased.
When they come from the funeral, they discourse of his
good life and worthy actions, but speak of nothing oftener
and with more pleasure than of his serenity at the hour of
death. They think such respect paid to the memory of good
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men is both the greatest incitement to engage others to fol-


low their example, and the most acceptable worship that can
be offered them; for they believe that though by the imper-
fection of human sight they are invisible to us, yet they are
present among us, and hear those discourses that pass con-
cerning themselves. They believe it inconsistent with the
happiness of departed souls not to be at liberty to be where
they will, and do not imagine them capable of the ingratitude
of not desiring to see those friends with whom they lived on
earth in the strictest bonds of love and kindness: besides they
are persuaded that good men after death have these affections
and all other good dispositions increased rather than dimin-
ished, and therefore conclude that they are still among the
living, and observe all they say or do. From hence they en-
gage in all their affairs with the greater confidence of success,
as trusting to their protection; while this opinion of the pres-
ence of their ancestors is a restraint that prevents their en-
gaging in ill designs.
They despise and laugh at auguries, and the other vain
and superstitious ways of divination, so much observed among
other nations; but have great reverence for such miracles as
cannot flow from any of the powers of nature, and look on
them as effects and indications of the presence of the Supreme
Being, of which they say many instances have occurred among
them; and that sometimes their public prayers, which upon
great and dangerous occasions they have solemnly put up to
God, with assured confidence of being heard, have been an-
swered in a miraculous manner.
They think the contemplating God in His works, and the
adoring Him for them, is a very acceptable piece of worship
to Him.
There are many among them, that upon a motive of relig-
ion neglect learning, and applv themselves to no sort of study;
nor do they allow themselves any leisure time, but are per-
petually employed, believing that by the good things that a
man does he secures to himself that happiness that comes
after death. Some of these visit the sick; others mend high-
ways, cleanse ditches, repair bridges, or dig turf, gravel, or
stones. Others fell and cleave timber, and bring wood, corn,
and other necessaries on carts into their towns. Nor do these
UTOPIA 89

only serve the public, but they serve even private men, more
than the slaves themselves do; for if there is anywhere a
rough, hard, and sordid piece of work to be done, from which
many are frightened by the labor and loathsomeness of it, if
not the despair of accomplishing it, they cheerfully, and of
their own accord, take that to their share; and by that means,
as they ease others very much, so they afflict themselves, and
spend their whole life in hard labor; and yet they do not value
themselves upon this, nor lessen other people's credit to raise
their own; but by their stooping to such servile employments,
they are so far from being despised, that they are so much the
more esteemed by the whole nation.
Of these there are two sorts; some live unmarried and
chaste, and abstain from eating any sort of flesh; and thus
weaning themselves from all the pleasures of the present life,
which they account hurtful, they pursue, even by the hardest
and painfullest methods possible, that blessedness which they
hope for hereafter; and the nearer they approach to it, they are
the more cheerful and earnest in their endeavors after it. An -
other sort of them is less willing to put themselves to much
toil, and therefore prefer a married state to a single one; and
as they do not deny themselves the pleasure of it, so they think
the begetting of children is a debt which they owe to human
nature and to their country; nor do they avoid any pleasure
.that does not hinder labor, and therefore eat flesh so much
the more willingly, as they find that by this means they are
the more able to work; the Utopians look upon these as the
wiser sect, but they esteem the others as the most holy. They
would indeed laugh at any man, who from the principles of
reason would prefer an unmarried state to a married, or a life
of labor to an easy life; but they reverence and admire such
as do it from the motives of religion. There is nothing in
which they are more cautious than in giving their opinion
positively concerning any sort of religion. The men that lead
those severe lives are called in the language of their country
Brutheskas, which answers to those we call religious orders.
Their priests are men of eminent piety, and therefore they
are but few, for there are only thirteen in every town, one for
every temple; but when they go to war, seven of these go
out with their forces, and seven others are chosen to supply
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their room in their absence; but these enter again upon their
employment when they return; and those who served in their
absence attend upon the high-priest, till vacancies fall by death;
for there is one set over all the rest. They are chosen by the
people as the other magistrates are, by suffrages given in se-
cret, for preventing of factions; and when they are chosen
they are consecrated by the College of Priests. The care of
all sacred things, the worship of God, and an inspection into
the manners of the people, are committed to them. It is a
reproach to a man to be sent for by any of them, or for them
to speak to him in secret, for that always gives some suspicion.
All that is incumbent on them is only to exhort and admonish
the people; for the power of correcting and punishing ill men
belongs wholly to the Prince and to the other magistrates.
The severest thing that the priest does, is the excluding those
that are desperately wicked from joining in their worship.
There is not any sort of punishment more dreaded by them
than this, for as it loads them with infamy, so it fills them with
secret horrors, such is their reverence to their religion; nor
will their bodies be long exempted from their share of trouble;
for if they do not very quickly satisfy the priests of the truth
of their repentance, they are seized on by the Senate, and pun-
ished for their impiety. The education of youth belongs to
the priests, yet they do not take so much care of instructing
them in letters as in forming their minds and manners aright;
they use all possible methods to infuse very early into the ten-
der and flexible minds of children such opinions as are both
good in themselves and will be useful to their country. For
when deep impressions of these things are made at that age,
they follow men through the whole course of their lives, and
conduce much to preserve the peace of the government, which
suffers by nothing more than by vices that rise out of ill-
opinions. The wives of their priests are the most extraordi-
nary women of the whole country; sometimes the women
themselves are made priests, though that falls out but seldom,
nor are any but ancient widows chosen into that order.

None of the magistrates have greater honor paid them than


is paid the priests; and if they should happen to commit any
crime, they would not be questioned for it. Their punishment
is left to God, and to their own consciences; for they do not
UTOPIA 91

think it lawful to lay hands on any man, how wicked soever


he is, that has been in a peculiar manner dedicated to Go d;
nor do they find any great inconvenience in this, both because
they have so few priests, and because these are chosen with
much caution, so that it must be a very unusual thing to find
one who merely out of regard to his virtue, and for his being
esteemed a singularly good man, was raised up to so great
a dignity, degenerate into corruption and vice. And if such
a thing should fall out, for man is a changeable creature, yet
there being few priests, and these having no authority but
what rises out of the respect that is paid them, nothing of
great consequence to the public can proceed from the indem-
nity that the priests enjoy.
They have indeed very few of them, lest greater numbers
sharing in the same honor might make the dignity of that
order which they esteem so highly to sink in its reputation.
They also think it difficult to find out many of such an ex-
alted pitch of goodness, as to be equal to that dignity which
demands the exercise of more than ordinary virtues. Nor are
the priests in greater veneration among them than they are
among their neighboring nations, as you may imagine by that
which I think gives occasion for it.
When the Utopians engage in battle, the priests who accom-
pany them to the war, apparelled in their sacred vestments,
kneel down during the action, in a place not far from the field;
and lifting up their hands to heaven, pray, first for peace, and
then for victory to their own side, and particularly that it may
be gained without the effusion of much blood on either side;
and when the victory turns to their side, they run in among
their own men to restrain their fury; and if any of their ene-
mies see them, or call to them, they are preserved by that
means; and such as can come so near them as to touch their gar-
ments, have not only their lives, but their fortunes secured to
them; it is upon this account that all the nations round about
consider them so much, and treat them with such reverence,
that they have been often no less able to preserve their own
people from the fury of their enemies, than to save their ene-
mies from their r age ; for it has sometimes fallen out, that
when their armies have been in disorder, and forced to fly, so
that their enemies were running upon the slaughter and spoiL
92 MORE

the priests by interposing have separated them from one an-


other, and stopped the effusion of more blood; so that by their
mediation a peace has been concluded on very reasonable
terms; nor is there any nation about them so fierce, cruel,
or barbarous as not to look upon their persons as sacred and
inviolable.
The first and the last day of the month, and of the year, is
a festival. They measure their months by the course of the
moon, and their years by the course of the sun. The first days
are called in their language the Cynemernes, and the last the
Trapemernes; which answers in our language to the festival
that begins, or ends, the season.
They have magnificent temples, that are not only nobly
built, but extremely spacious; which is the more necessary, as
they have so few of them; they are a little dark within, which
proceeds not from any error in the architecture, but is done
with design; for their priests think that too much light dis-
sipates the thoughts, and that a more moderate degree of it
both recollects the mind and raises devotion. Though there
are many different forms of religion among them, yet all these,
how various soever, agree in the main point, which is the wor-
shipping of the Divine Essence; and therefore there is nothing
to be seen or heard in their temples in which the several per-
suasions among them may not agree; for every sect performs
those rites that are peculiar to it, in their private houses, nor
is there anything in the public worship that contradicts the
particular ways of those different sects. There are no images
for God in their temples, so that everyone may represent Him
to his thoughts, according to the way of his religion; nor
do they call this one God by any other name than that of
Mithras, which is the common name by which they all express
the Divine Essence, whatsoever otherwise they think it to be;
nor are there any prayers among them but such as every one
of them may use without prejudice to his own opinion.
They meet in their temples on the evening of the festival
that concludes a season: and not having yet broke their fast,
they thank God for their good success during that year or
month, which is then at an end; and the next day being that
which begins the new season, they meet early in their temples,
to pray for the happy progress of all their affairs during that
UTOPIA 93

period upon which they then enter. In the festival which con-
cludes the period, before they go to the temple, both wives
and children fall on their knees before their husbands or par-
ents, and confess everything in which they have either erred
or failed in their duty, and beg pardon for it. Thus all little
discontents in families are removed, that they may offer up
their devotions with a pure and serene mind; for they hold it
a great impiety to enter upon them with disturbed thoughts,
or with a consciousness of their bearing hatred or anger in
their hearts to any person whatsoever; and think that they
should become liable to severe punishments if they presumed
to offer sacrifices without cleansing their hearts, and recon-
ciling all their differences. In the temples, the two sexes are
separated, the men go to the right hand, and the women to the
left; and the males and females all place themselves before
the head and master or mistress of that family to which they
belong; so that those who have the government of them at
home may see their deportment in public; and they inter-
mingle them so, that the younger and the older may be set
by one another; for if the younger sort were all set together,
they would perhaps trifle away that time too much in which
they ought to beget in themselves that religious dread of the
Supreme Being, which is the greatest and almost the only in-
citement to virtue.
They offer up no living creature in sacrifice, nor do they
think it suitable to the Divine Being, from whose bounty it is
that these creatures have derived their lives, to take pleasure
in their deaths, or the offering up of their blood. They burn
incense and other sweet odors, and have a great number of
wa x lights during their worship; not out of any imagination
that such oblations can add anything to the divine nature,
which even prayers cannot do ; but as it is a harmless and
pure way of worshipping God, so they think those sweet
savors and lights, together with some other ceremonies, by a
secret and unaccountable virtue, elevate men's souls, and in-
flame them with greater energy and cheerfulness during the
divine worship.
All the people appear in the temples in white garments, but
the priest's vestments are parti-colored, and both the work
and colors are wonderful. They are made of no rich materials,
94 MORE

for they are neither embroidered nor set with precious stones,
but are composed of the plumes of several birds, laid together
with so much art and so neatly, that the true value of them
is far beyond the costliest materials. They say that in the
ordering and placing those plumes some dark mysteries are
represented, which pass down among their priests in a secret
tradition concerning them ; and that they are as hieroglyphics,
putting them in mind of the blessings that they have received
from God, and of their duties both to Him and to their neigh-
bors. As soon as the priest appears in those ornaments, they
all fall prostrate on the ground, with so much reverence and
so deep a silence that such as look on cannot but be struck
with it, as if it were the effect of the appearance of a deity.
After they have been for some time in this posture, they all
stand up, upon a sign given by the priest, and sing hymns
to the honor of God, some musical instruments playing all the
while. These are quite of another form than those used among
us : but as many of them are much sweeter than ours, so
others are made use of by us.
Y e t in one thing they very much exceed u s ; all their music,
both vocal and instrumental, is adapted to imitate and express
the passions, and is so happily suited to every occasion, that
whether the subject of the hymn be cheerful or formed to
soothe or trouble the mind, or to express grief or remorse,
the music takes the impression of whatever is represented,
affects and kindles the passions, and works the sentiments
deep into the hearts of the hearers. When this is done, both
priests and people offer up very solemn prayers to God in a
set form of words; and these are so composed, that whatso-
ever is pronounced by the whole assembly may be likewise
applied by every man in particular to his own condition; in
these they acknowledge God to be the author and governor
of the world, and the fountain of all the good they receive, and
therefore offer up to Him their thanksgiving; and in particular
bless Him for His goodness in ordering it so, that they are born
under the happiest government in the world, and are of a
religion which they hope is the truest of all others : but if they
are mistaken, and if there is either a better government or a
religion more acceptable to God, they implore Him goodness
to let them know it, vowing that they resolve to follow Him
UTOPIA 95

whithersoever He leads them. But if their government is the


best, and their religion the truest, then they pray that He may
fortify them in it, and bring all the world both to the same
rules of life, and to the same opinions concerning Himself;
unless, according to the unsearchableness of His mind, He is
pleased with a variety of religions. Then they pray that God
may give them an easy passage at last to Himself; not pre-
suming to set limits to Him, how early or late it should be;
but if it may be wished for, without derogating from His su-
preme authority, they desire to be quickly delivered, and to
be taken to Himself, though by the most terrible kind of death,
rather than to be detained long from seeing Him by the most
prosperous course of life. When this prayer is ended, they all
fall down again upon the ground, and after a little while they
rise up, go home to dinner, and spend the rest of the day in
diversion or military exercises.
Thus have I described to you, as particularly as I could,
the constitution of that commonwealth, which I do not only
think the best in the world, but indeed the only common-
wealth that truly deserves that name. In all other places it
is visible, that while people talk of a commonwealth, every
man only seeks his own wealth; but there, where no man has
any property, all men zealously pursue the good of the public:
and, indeed, it is no wonder to see men act so differently; for
in other commonwealths, every man knows that unless he pro-
vides for himself, how flourishing soever the commonwealth
may be, he must die of hunger; so that he sees the necessity
of preferring his own concerns to the public; but in Utopia,
where every man has a right to everything, they all know that
if care is taken to keep the public stores full, no private man
can want anything; for among them there is no unequal dis-
tribution, so that no man is poor, none in necessity; and
though no man has anything, yet they are all rich; for what
can make a man so rich as to lead a serene and cheerful life,
free from anxieties; neither apprehending want himself, nor
vexed with the endless complaints of his wife? He is not
afraid of the misery of his children, nor is he contriving how
to raise a portion for his daughters, but is secure in this, that
both he and his wife, his children and grandchildren, to as
many generations as he can fancy, will all live both plentifully
96 MORE

and happily; since among them there is no less care taken


of those who were once engaged in labor, but grow after-
ward unable to follow it, than there is elsewhere of these that
continue still employed.
I would gladly hear any man compare the justice that is
among them with that of all other nations; among whom,
may I perish, if I see anything that looks either like justice
or equity: for what justice is there in this, that a nobleman,
a goldsmith, a banker, or any other man, that either does noth-
ing at all, or at best is employed in things that are of no use
to the public, should live in great luxury and splendor, upon
what is so ill acquired; and a mean man, a carter, a smith,
or a ploughman, that works harder even than the beasts them-
selves, and is employed in labors so necessary, that no com-
monwealth could hold out a year without them, can only earn
so poor a livelihood, and must lead so miserable a life, that
the condition of the beasts is much better than theirs? For
as the beasts do not work so constantly, so they feed almost
as well, and with more pleasure; and have no anxiety about
what is to come, whilst these men are depressed by a barren
and fruitless employment, and tormented with the apprehen-
sions of want in their old a ge ; since that which they get by
their daily labor does but maintain them at present, and is con-
sumed as fast as it comes in, there is no overplus left to lay
up for old age.
Is not that government both unjust and ungrateful, that is
so prodigal of its favors to those that are called gentlemen,
or goldsmiths, or such others who are idle, or live either by
flattery, or by contriving the arts of vain pleasure; and on
the other hand, takes no care of those of a meaner sort, such
as ploughmen, colliers, and smiths, without whom it could
not subsist? But after the public has reaped all the advan-
tage of their service, and they come to be oppressed with age,
sickness, and want, all their labors and the good they have
done is forgotten; and all the recompense given them is that
they are left to die in great misery. The richer sort are often
endeavoring to bring the hire of laborers lower, not only by
their fraudulent practices, but by the laws which they procure
to be made to that effect; so that though it is a thing most
unjust in itself, to give such small rewards to those who de-
UTOPIA 97

serve so well of the public, yet they have given those hard-
ships the name and color of justice, by procuring laws to be
made for regulating them.
Therefore I must say that, as I hope for mercy, I can have
no other notion of all the other governments that I see or
know, than that they are a conspiracy of the rich, who on
pretence of managing the public only pursue their private
ends, and devise all the ways and arts they can find out; first,
that they may, without danger, preserve all that they have so
ill acquired, and then that they may engage the poor to toil
and labor for them at as low rates as possible, and oppress
them as much as they please. And if they can but prevail to
get these contrivances established by the show of public au-
thority, which is considered as the representative of the whole
people, then they are accounted laws. Ye t these wicked men
after they have, by a most insatiable covetousness, divided
that among themselves with which all the rest might have
been well supplied, are far from that happiness that is enjoyed
among the Utopians: for the use as well as the desire of
money being extinguished, much anxiety and great occasions
of mischief is cut off with it. And who does not see that the
frauds, thefts, robberies, quarrels, tumults, contentions, sedi-
tions, murders, treacheries, and witchcrafts, which are indeed
rather punished than restrained by the severities of law, would
all fall off, if money were not any more valued by the world?
Men's fears, solicitudes, cares, labors, and watchings, would
all perish in the same moment with the value of money: even
poverty itself, for the relief of which money seems most neces-
sary, would fall. But, in order to the apprehending this aright,
take one instance.
Consider any year that has been so unfruitful that many
thousands have died of hunger; and yet if at the end of that
year a survey was made of the granaries of all the rich men
that have hoarded up the corn, it would be found that there
was enough among them to have prevented all that consump-
tion of men that perished in misery; and that if it had been
distributed among them, none would have felt the terrible ef-
fects of that scarcity; so easy a thing would it be to supply
all the necessities of life, if that blessed thing called money,
which is pretended to be invented for procuring them, was
7
9 8 MORE

not really the only thing that obstructed their being pro-
cured !
I do not doubt but rich men are sensible of this, and that
they well know how much a greater happiness it is to want
nothing necessary than to abound in many superfluities, and
to be rescued out of so much misery than to abound with so
much wealth; and I cannot think but the sense of every man's
interest, added to the authority of Christ's commands, who as
He was infinitely wise, knew what was best, and was not less
good in discovering it to us, would have drawn all the world
over to the laws of the Utopians, if pride, that plague of human
nature, that source of so much misery, did not hinder it; for
this vice does not measure happiness so much by its own con-
veniences as by the miseries of others; and would not be
satisfied with being thought a goddess, if none were left that
were miserable, over whom she might insult. Pride thinks its
own happiness shines the brighter by comparing it with the
misfortunes of other persons; that by displaying its own
wealth, they may feel their poverty the more sensibly. This
is that infernal serpent that creeps into the breasts of mortals,
and possesses them too much to be easily drawn out; and
therefore I am glad that the Utopians have fallen upon this
form of government, in which I wish that all the world could
be so wise as to imitate them; for they have indeed laid down
such a scheme and foundation of policy, that as men live hap-
pily under it, so it is like to be of great continuance; for they
having rooted out of the minds of their people all the seeds
both of ambition and faction, there is no danger of any com-
motion at home; which alone has been the ruin of many States
that seemed otherwise to be well secured; but as long as
they live in peace at home, and are governed by such good
laws, the envy of all their neighboring princes, who have often
though in vain attempted their ruin, will never be able to put
their State into any commotion or disorder.

When Raphael had thus made an end of speaking, though


many things occurred to me, both concerning the manners
and laws of that people, that seemed very absurd, as well in
their way of making war, as in their notions of religion and
divine matters; together with several other particulars, but
UTOPIA
99
chiefly what seemed the foundation of all the rest, their living
in common, without the use of money, by which all nobility,
magnificence, splendor, and majesty, which, according to the
common opinion, are the true ornaments of a nation, would
be quite taken a way;—ye t since I perceived that Raphael was
weary, and was not sure whether he could easily bear contra-
diction, remembering that he had taken notice of some who
seemed to think they were bound in honor to support the
credit of their own wisdom, by finding out something to cen-
sure in all other men's inventions, besides their own; I only
commended their constitution, and the account he had given
of it in general; and so taking him by the hand, carried him
to supper, and told him I would find out some other time for
examining this subject more particularly, and for discoursing
more copiously upon it; and indeed I shall be glad to embrace
an opportunity of doing it. In the meanwhile, though it must
be confessed that he is both a very learned man, and a person
who has obtained a great knowledge of the world, I cannot
perfectly agree to everything he has related; however, there
are many things in the Commonwealth of Utopia that I rather
wish, than hope, to see followed in our governments.
CHOICE EXAMPLES OF FRENCH SCULPTURE.

THE GENIUS OF PHILOSOPHY.


Photo-en graviu v from the original statue in the foyer of the
drautf Opera House, Paris.
Si mpl ic i ty cha rartnri /es this co nc ep ti on of Ph i loso ph y by To u rn o i s. Prof ound
meditation is e vi de ntl y , in the .sculptor's mind, the only road to the h i gh e r wi sdom
e m bo di e d in the term P hi lo soph y , and in this idealization he evid ently see k s to c on-
vev his bel ief that not from w i th ou t—f rom be tw e en the c o ve rs of b o o k s — b u t from
within, from the re ce sses of the h u m an mind se lf -co nce ntre d, d oe s the h igh est
ph iloso pny spring. As the sage of old said, " K n o w thy self. "
NEW ATLANTIS

F R A N C I S B A C O N

Lord Verulam
N EW A T L A N T I S

W E sailed from Peru, where we had continued by the


space of one whole year, for China and Japan, by the
South Sea, taking with us victuals for twelve months;
and had good winds from the east, though soft and weak, for
five months' space and more. But then the wind came about,
and settled in the west for many days, so as we could make
little or no way, and were sometimes in purpose to turn back.
But then again there arose strong and great winds from the
south, with a point east; which carried us up, for all that we
could do, toward the north: by which time our victuals failed
us, though we had made good spare of them. So that find-
ing ourselves, in the midst of the greatest wilderness of waters
in the world, without victual, we gave ourselves for lost men,
and prepared for death. Ye t we did lift up our hearts and
voices to God above, who showeth His wonders in the deep;
beseeching Him of His mercy that as in the beginning He dis-
covered the face of the deep, and brought forth dry land, so
He would now discover land to us, that we might not perish.
And it came to pass that the next day about evening we
saw within a kenning before us, toward the north, as it were
thick clouds, which did put us in some hope of land, knowing
how that part of the South Sea was utterly unknown, and
might have islands or continents that hitherto were not come
to light. Wherefore we bent our course thither, where we
saw the appearance of land, all that night; and in the dawning
of next day we might plainly discern that it was a land flat
to our sight, and full of boscage, which made it show the more
dark. And after an hour and a half's sailing, we entered into
a good haven, being the port of a fair city. Not great, indeed,
but well built, and that gave a pleasant view from the sea.
And we thinking every minute long till we were on land, came
close to the shore and offered to land. But straightway we
103
BACON

saw divers of the people, with batons in their hands, as it


were forbidding us to land: yet without any cries or fierce-
ness, but only as warning us off, by signs that they made.
Whereupon being not a little discomfited, we were advising
with ourselves what we should do. During which time there
made forth to us a small boat, with about eight persons in it,
whereof one of them had in his hand a tipstaff of a yellow cane,
tipped at both ends with blue, who made aboard our ship,
without any show of distrust at all. And when he saw one
of our number present himself somewhat afore the rest, he
drew forth a little scroll of parchment (somewhat yellower
than our parchment, and shining like the leaves of writing-
tables, but otherwise soft and flexible), and delivered it to our
foremost man. In which scroll were written in ancient He-
brew, and in ancient Greek, and in good Latin of the school,
and in Spanish these words: " Land ye not, none of you, and
provide to be gone from this coast within sixteen days, except
you have further time given y o u; meanwhile, if you want
fresh water, or victual, or help for your sick, or that your ship
needeth repair, write down your wants, and you shall have
that which belongeth to mercy." This scroll was signed with
a stamp of cherubim's wings, not spread, but hanging down-
ward ; and by them a cross.
This being delivered, the officer returned, and left only a
servant with us to receive our answer. Consulting hereupon
among ourselves, we were much perplexed. The denial of
landing, and hasty warning us away, troubled us much: on
the other side, to find that the people had languages, and were
so full of humanity, did comfort us not a little. And above all,
the sign of the cross to that instrument, was to us a great rejoic-
ing, and as it were a certain presage of good. Our answer
was in the Spanish tongue, " That for our ship, it was well;
for we had rather met with calms and contrary winds, than
any tempests. For our sick, they were many, and in very ill
case; so that if they were not permitted to land, they ran in
danger of their lives." Our other wants we set down in par-
ticular, adding, " That we had some little store of merchandise,
which if it pleased them to deal for, it might supply our wants,
without being chargeable unto them." We offered some re-
ward in pistolets unto the servant, and a piece of crimson velvet
NEW ATLANTIS

to be presented to the officer; but the servant took them not,


nor would scarce look upon them; and so left us, and went
back in another little boat which was sent for him.
About three hours after we had despatched our answer, there
came toward us a person (as it seemed) of a place. He had
on him a gown with wide sleeves, of a kind of water chamolet,
of an excellent azure color, far more glossy than ours; his
under-apparel was green, and so was his hat, being in the form
of a turban, daintily made, and not so huge as the Turkish
turbans; and the locks of his hair came down below the brims
of it. A reverend man was he to behold. He came in a boat,
gilt in some part of it, with four persons more only in that
boat; and was followed by another boat, wherein were some
twenty. When he was come within a flight-shot of our ship,
signs were made to us that we should send forth some to meet
him upon the water, which we presently did in our ship-boat,
sending the principal man amongst us save one, and four of
our number with him. When we were come within six yards
of their boat, they called to us to stay, and not to approach far-
ther, which we did.
And thereupon the man, whom I before described, stood
up, and with a loud voice in Spanish asked, " Are ye Chris-
tians ? " We answered, " We were; " fearing the less, because
of the cross we had seen in the subscription. At which answer
the said person lift up his right hand toward heaven, and drew
it softly to his mouth (which is the gesture they use, when
they thank God), and then said: " If ye will swear, all of you,
by the merits of the Saviour, that ye are no pirates; nor have
shed blood, lawfully or unlawfully, within forty days past; you
may have license to come on land." We said, " We were all
ready to take that oath." Whereupon one of those that were
with him, being (as it seemed) a notary, made an entry of this
act. Which done, another of the attendants of the great per-
son, which was with him in the same boat, after his lord had
spoken a little to him, said aloud: " My lord would have you
know that ft is not of pride, or greatness, that he cometh not
aboard your ship; but for that in your answer you declare that
you have many sick amongst you, he was warned by the conser-
vator of health of the city that he should keep a distance."
We bowed ourselves toward him and answered: " We were
106 BACON

his humble servants; and accounted for great honor and


singular humanity toward us, that which was already done; but
hoped well that the nature of the sickness of our men was not
infectious."
So he returned; and awhile after came the notary to us
aboard our ship, holding in his hand a fruit of that country,
like an orange, but of color between orange-tawny and scarlet,
which cast a most excellent odor. He used it (as it seemed)
for a preservative against infection. He gave us our oath,
" By the name of Jesus, and His merits," and after told us that
the next day, by six of the clock in the morning, we should be
sent to, and brought to the strangers' house (so he called it),
where we should be accommodated of things, both for our
whole and for our sick. So he left us ; and when we offered
him some pistolets, he smiling, said, " He must not be twice
paid for one labor: " meaning (as I take it) that he had salary
sufficient of the State for his service. For (as I after learned)
they call an officer that taketh rewards twice paid.
The next morning early there came to us the same officer
that came to us at first, with his cane, and told us he came
to conduct us to the strangers' house; and that he had pre-
vented the hour, because we might have the whole day before
us for our business. " For," said he, " if you will follow my
advice, there shall first go with me some few of you, and see
the place, and how it may be made convenient for y o u ; and
then you may send for your sick, and the rest of your num-
ber which ye will bring on land." We thanked him and said,
" That his care which he took of desolate strangers, God would
reward." And so six of us went on land with him ; and when
we were on land, he went before us, and turned to us and
said " he was but our servant and our guide." He led us
through three fair streets; and all the way we went there were
gathered some people on both sides, standing in a row; but
in so civil a fashion, as if it had been, not to wonder at us,
but to welcome us ; and divers of them, as we passed by them,
put their arms a little abroad, which is their gesture when
they bid any welcome.
The strangers' house is a fair and spacious house, built of
brick, of somewhat a bluer color than our brick; and with
handsome windows, some of glass, some of a kind of cambric
NEW ATLANTIS 107

oiled. He brought us first into a fair parlor above stairs, and


then asked us " what number of persons we were ? and how
many sick ? " We answered, " We were in all (sick and whole)
one-and-fifty persons, whereof our sick were seventeen." He
desired us have patience a little, and to stay till he came back
to us, which was about an hour after; and then he led us to
see the chambers which were provided for us, being in num-
ber nineteen. They having cast it (as it seemeth) that four
of those chambers, which were better than the rest, might re-
ceive four of the principal men of our company; and lodge
them alone by themselves; and the other fifteen chambers
were to lodge us, two and two together. The chambers were
handsome and cheerful chambers, and furnished civilly. Then
he led us to a long gallery, like a dorture, where he showed
us all along the one side (for the other side was but wall and
window) seventeen cells, very neat ones, having partitions of
cedar wood. Which gallery and cells, being in all forty
(many more than we needed), were instituted as an infirmary
for sick persons. And he told us withal, that as any of our
sick waxed well, he might be removed from his cell to a cham-
ber; for which purpose there were set forth ten spare cham-
bers, besides the number we spake of before.
This done, he brought us back to the parlor, and lifting up
his cane a little (as they do when they give any charge or
command), said to u s : " Ye are to know that the custom of
the land requireth that after this day and to-morrow (which
we give you for removing your people from your ship), you
are to keep within doors for three days. But let it not trouble
you, nor do not think yourselves restrained, but rather left to
your rest and ease. Y o u shall want nothing; and there are
six of our people appointed to attend you for any business you
may have abroad." We gave him thanks with all affection
and respect, and said, " God surely is manifested in this land."
We offered him also twenty pistolets; but he smiled, and only
said: " What? Twice paid! " And so he left us. Soon after
our dinner was served i n; which was right good viands, both
for bread and meat: better than any collegiate diet that I have
known in Europe. We had also drink of three sorts, all whole-
some and good: wine of the grape; a drink of grain, such
as is with us our ale, but more clear; and a kind of cider
io8 BACON

made of a fruit of that country, a wonderful pleasing and re-


freshing drink. Besides, there were brought in to us great
store of those scarlet oranges for our sick; which (they said)
were an assured remedy for sickness taken at sea. There was
given us also a box of small gray or whitish pills, which they
wished our sick should take, one of the pills every night be-
fore sleep; which (they said) would hasten their recovery.
The next day, after that our trouble of carriage and remov-
ing of our men and goods out of our ship was somewhat
settled and quiet, I thought good to call our company to-
gether, and, when they were assembled, said unto them: " My
dear friends, let us know ourselves, and how it standeth with
us. We are men cast on land, as Jonas was out of the whale's
belly, when we were as buried in the deep; and now we are
on land, we are but between death and life, for we are beyond
both the Old World and the N e w ; and whether ever we shall
see Europe, God only knoweth. It is a kind of miracle hath
brought us hither, and it must be little less that shall bring
us hence. Therefore in regard of our deliverance past, and
our danger present and to come, let us look up to God, and
every man reform his own ways. Besides, we are come here
among a Christian people, full of piety and humanity. Let
us not bring that confusion of face upon ourselves, as to show
our vices or unworthiness before them. Y e t there is more,
for they have by commandment (though in form of courtesy)
cloistered us within these walls for three days; who knoweth
whether it be not to take some taste of our manners and con-
ditions ? And if they find them bad, to banish us straightway;
if good, to give us further time. For these men that they
have given us for attendance, may withal have an eye upon
us. Therefore, for God's love, and as we love the weal of our
souls and bodies, let us so behave ourselves as we may be at
peace with God and may find grace in the eyes of this people."
Our company with one voice thanked me for my good ad-
monition, and promised me to live soberly and civilly, and
without giving any the least occasion of offence. So we spent
our three days joyfully, and without care, in expectation what
would be done with us when they were expired. During
which time, we had every hour joy of the amendment of our
sick, who thought themselves cast into some divine pool of
healing, they mended so kindly and so fast.
NEW ATLANTIS 109

The morrow after our three days were past, there came to
us a new man, that we had not seen before, clothed in blue
as the former was, save that his turban was white with a small
red cross on top. He had also a tippet of fine linen. At his
coming in, he did bend to us a little, and put his arms abroad.
We of our parts saluted him in a very lowly and submissive
manner; as looking that from him we should receive sen-
tence of life or death. He desired to speak with some few of
us. Whereupon six of us only stayed, and the rest avoided
the room. He said: " I am by office, governor of this house
of strangers, and by vocation, I am a Christian priest, and
therefore am come to you to offer you my service, both as
strangers and chiefly as Christians. Some things I may tell
you, which I think you will not be unwilling to hear. The
State hath given you license to stay on land for the space of
six wee ks; and let it not trouble you if your occasions ask
further time, for the law in this point is not precise; and I
do not doubt but myself shall be able to obtain for you such
further time as shall be convenient. Ye shall also understand
that the strangers' house is at this time rich and much afore-
hand ; for it hath laid up revenue these thirty-seven years, for
so long it is since any stranger arrived in this part; and there-
fore take ye no care; the State will defray you all the time
you stay. Neither shall you stay one day the less for that.
As for any merchandise you have brought, ye shall be well
used, and have your return, either in merchandise or in gold
and silver, for to us it is all one. And if you have any other
request to make, hide it not; for ye shall find we will not
make your countenance to fall by the answer ye shall receive.
Only this I must tell you, that none of you must go above a
karan (that is with them a mile and a half) from the walls of
the city, without special leave."
We answered, after we had looked awhile upon one an-
other, admiring this gracious and parent-like usage, that we
could not tell what to say, for we wanted words to express our
thanks; and his noble free offers left us nothing to ask. It
seemed to us that we had before us a picture of our salvation
in heaven; for we that were awhile since in the jaws of death,
were now brought into a place where we found nothing but
consolations. For the commandment laid upon us, we would
no BACON

not fail to obey it, though it was impossible but our hearts
should be inflamed to tread further upon this happy and holy
ground. We added that our tongues should first cleave to the
roofs of our mouths ere we should forget either this reverend
person or this whole nation, in our prayers. We also most
humbly besought him to accept of us as his true servants, by
as just a right as ever men on earth were bounden; laying and
presenting both our persons and all we had at his feet. He
said he was a priest, and looked for a priest's reward, which
was our brotherly love and the good of our souls and bodies.
So he went from us, not without tears of tenderness in his eyes,
and left us also confused with joy and kindness, saying among
ourselves that we were come into a land of angels, which did
appear to us daily, and prevent us with comforts, which we
thought not of, much less expected.
The next day, about ten of the clock, the governor came to
us again, and after salutations said familiarly that he was come
to visit us, and called for a chair and sat him down; and we,
being some ten of us (the rest were of the meaner sort or else
gone abroad), sat down with him; and when we were set he be-
gan thus: " We of this island of Bensalem (for so they called
it in their language) have this: that by means of our solitary
situation, and of the laws of secrecy, which we have for our
travellers, and our rare admission of strangers; we know well
most part of the habitable world, and are ourselves unknown.
Therefore because he that knoweth least is fittest to ask ques-
tions, it is more reason, for the entertainment of the time, that
ye ask me questions, than that I ask you." We answered, that
we humbly thanked him that he would give us leave so to do.
And that we conceived by the taste we had already, that there
was no worldly thing on earth more worthy to be known than
the state of that happy land. But above all, we said, since that
we were met from the several ends of the world, and hoped
assuredly that we should meet one day in the kingdom of heaven
(for that we were both parts Christians), we desired to know
(in respect that land was so remote, and so divided by vast and
unknown seas from the land where our Saviour walked on
earth) who was the apostle of that nation, and how it was con-
verted to the faith ? It appeared in his face that he took great
contentment in this our question; he said : " Ye knit my heart
NEW ATLANTIS in

to you by asking this question in the first place; for it showeth


that you first seek the kingdom of heaven; and I shall gladly,
and briefly, satisfy your demand.
" About twenty years after the ascension of our Saviour it
carne to pass, that there was seen by the people of Renfusa (a
city upon the eastern coast of our island, within sight, the night
was cloudy and calm), as it might be some mile in the sea, a
great pillar of light; not sharp, but in form of a column, or cyl-
inder, rising from the sea, a great way up toward heaven; and
on the top of it was seen a large cross of light, more bright and
resplendent than the body of the pillar. Upon which so strange
a spectacle, the people of the city gathered apace together upon
the sands, to wonder; and so after put themselves into a number
of small boats to go nearer to this marvellous sight. But when
the boats were come within about sixty yards of the pillar, they
found themselves all bound, and could go no further, yet so
as they might move to go about, but might not approach nearer;
so as the boats stood all as in a theatre, beholding this light, as
a heavenly sign. It so fell out that there was in one of the
boats one of the wise men of the Society of Saloman's House
(which house, or college, my good brethren, is the very eye of
this kingdom), who having awhile attentively and devoutly
viewed and contemplated this pillar and cross, fell down upon
his face; and then raised himself upon his knees, and lifting
up his hands to heaven, made his prayers in this manner;
"' Lord God of heaven and earth; thou hast vouchsafed of
thy grace, to those of our order to know thy works of creation,
and true secrets of them; and to discern, as far as appertaineth
to the generations of men, between divine miracles, works of
nature, works of art and impostures, and illusions of all sorts.
I do here acknowledge and testify before this people that the
thing we now see before our eyes is thy finger, and a true mira-
cle. And forasmuch as we learn in our books that thou never
workest miracles, but to a divine and excellent end (for the
laws of nature are thine own laws, and thou exceedest them
not but upon great cause), we most humbly beseech thee to
prosper this great sign, and to give us the interpretation and
use of it in mercy; which thou dost in some part secretly prom-
ise, by sending it unto us.'
" When he had made his prayer, he presently found the boat
112 BACON

he was in movable and unbound; whereas all the rest remained


still fast; and taking that for an assurance of leave to approach,
he caused the boat to be softly and with silence rowed toward
the pillar; but ere he came near it, the pillar and cross of light
broke up, and cast itself abroad, as it were, into a firmament of
many stars, which also vanished soon after, and there was noth-
ing left to be seen but a small ark or chest of cedar, dry and not
wet at all with water, though it swam; and in the fore end of it,
which was toward him, grew a small green branch of palm;
and when the wise man had taken it with all reverence into his
boat, it opened of itself, and there were found in it a book and
a letter, both written in fine parchment, and wrapped in sindons
of linen. The book contained all the canonical books of the
Old and New Testament, according as you have them (for we
know well what the churches with you receive), and the Apoca-
lypse itself; and some other books of the New Testament,
which were not at that time written, were nevertheless in the
book. And for the letter, it was in these words:
" ' I, Bartholomew, a servant of the Highest, and apostle of
Jesus Christ, was warned by an angel that appeared to me in a
vision of glory, that I should commit this ark to the floods of
the sea. Therefore I do testify and declare unto that people
where God shall ordain this ark to come to land, that in the
same day is come unto them salvation and peace, and good-will
from the Father, and from the Lord Jesus.'
" There was also in both these writings, as well the book as
the letter, wrought a great miracle, conform to that of the apos-
tles, in the original gift of tongues. For there being at that
time, in this land, Hebrews, Persians, and Indians, besides the
natives, everyone read upon the book and letter, as if they had
been written in his own language. And thus was this land
saved from infidelity (as the remain of the old world was from
water) by an ark, through the apostolical and miraculous even-
gelism of St. Bartholomew." And here he paused, and a mes-
senger came and called him forth from us. So this was all that
passed in that conference.
The next day the same governor came again to us, immedi-
ately after dinner, and excused himself, saying that the day be-
fore he was called from us somewhat abruptly, but now he
would make us amends, and spend time with us, if we held his
NEW ATLANTIS "3

company and conference agreeable. We answered that we


held it so agreeable and pleasing to us, as we forgot both dan-
gers past, and fears to come, for the time we heard him speak;
and that we thought an hour spent with him was, worth years of
our former life. He bowed himself a little to us, and after we
were set again, he said, " Well, the questions are on your part."
One of our number said, after a little pause, that there was
a matter we were no less desirous to know than fearful to ask,
lest we might presume too far. But, encouraged by his rare
humanity toward us (that could scarce think ourselves stran-
gers, being his vowed and professed servants), we would take
the hardness to propound it; humbly beseeching him, if he
thought it not fit to be answered, that he would pardon it,
though he rejected it. We said, we well observed those his
words, which he formerly spake, that this happy island, where
we now stood, was known to few, and yet knew most of the na-
tions of the world, which we found to be true, considering they
had the languages of Europe, and knew much of our State and
business; and yet we in Europe (notwithstanding all the remote
discoveries and navigations of this last age) never heard any
of the least inkling or glimpse of this island. This we found
wonderful strange; for that all nations have interknowledge
one of another, either by voyage into foreign parts, or by
strangers that come to them; and though the traveller into a
foreign country doth commonly know more by the eye than he
that stayeth at home can by relation of the traveller; yet both
ways suffice to make a mutual knowledge, in some degree, on
both parts. But for this island, we never heard tell of any ship
of theirs that had been seen to arrive upon any shore of Eu-
rope ; no, nor of either the East or West Indies, nor yet of any
ship of any other part of the world, that had made return for
litem. And yet the marvel rested not in this. For the situa-
tion of it (as his lordship said) in the secret conclave of such
a vast sea might cause it. But then, that they should have
knowledge of the languages, books, affairs, of those that lie
such a distance from them, it was a thing we could not tell what
to make of; for that it seemed to us a condition and propriety
of divine powers and beings, to be hidden and unseen to others,
and yet to have others open, and as in a light to them.
At this speech the governor gave a gracious smile and said
8
114 BACON

that we did well to ask pardon for this question we now asked,
for that it imported, as if we thought this land a land of magi-
cians, that sent forth spirits of the air into all parts, to bring
them news and intelligence of other countries. It was an-
swered by us all, in all possible humbleness, but yet with a coun-
tenance taking knowledge, that we knew that he spake it but
merrily. That we were apt enough to think there was some-
what supernatural in this island, but yet rather as angelical than
magical. But to let his lordship know truly what it was that
made us tender and doubtful to ask this question, it was not
any such conceit, but because we remembered he had given a
touch in his former speech, that this land had laws of secrecy
touching strangers. To this he said, " You remember it
aright; and therefore in that I shall say to you, I must reserve
some particulars, which it is not lawful for me to reveal, but
there will be enough left to give you satisfaction.
" You shall understand (that which perhaps you will scarce
think credible) that about 3,000 years ago, or somewhat more,
the navigation of the world (especially for remote voyages)
was greater than at this day. Do not think with yourselves,
that I know not how much it is increased with you, within these
threescore years ; I know it well, and yet I say, greater then than
now; whether it was, that the example of the ark, that saved
the remnant of men from the universal deluge, gave men confi-
dence to venture upon the waters, or what it was ; but such is
the truth. The Phoenicians, and especially the Tyrians, had
great fleets; so had the Carthaginians their colony, which is yet
farther west. Toward the east the shipping of Egypt, and of
Palestine, was likewise great. China also, and the great At-
lantis (that you call America), which have now but junks and
canoes, abounded then in tall ships. This island (as appeareth
by faithful registers of those times) had then 1,500 strong
ships, of great content. Of all this there is with you sparing
memory, or none; but we have large knowledge thereof.
" At that time this land was known and frequented by the
ships and vessels of all the nations before named. And (as
it cometh to pass) they had many times men of other countries,
that were no sailors, that came with them; as Persians, Chal-
deans, Arabians, so as almost all nations of might and fame re-
sorted hither; of whom we have some stirps and little tribes
NEW ATLANTIS "5

with us at this day. And for our own ships, they went sundry
voyages, as well to your straits, which you call the Pillars of
Hercules, as to other parts in the Atlantic and Mediterranean
seas; as to Paguin (which is the same with Cambalaine) and
Quinzy, upon the Oriental seas, as far as to the borders of the
East Tartary.
" At the same time, and an age after or more, the inhabitants
of the great Atlantis did flourish. For though the narration
and description which is made by a great man with you, that
the descendants of Neptune planted there, and of the magnifi-
cent temple, palace, city, and hill; and the manifold streams of
goodly navigable rivers, which as so many chains environed the
same site and temple; and the several degrees of ascent, where-
by men did climb up to the same, as if it had been a Scala Cceli ;
be all poetical and fabulous; yet so much is true, that the said
country of Atlantis, as well that of Peru, then called Coya, as
that of Mexico, then named Tyrambel, were mighty and proud
kingdoms, in arms, shipping, and riches; so mighty, as at one
time, or at least within the space of ten years, they both made
two great expeditions; they of Tyrambel through the Atlantic
to the Mediterranean Sea ; and they of Coya, through the South
Sea upon this our island; and for the former of these, which
was into Europe, the same author among you, as it seemeth,
had some relation from the Egyptian priest, whom he citeth.
For assuredly, such a thing there was. But whether it were
the ancient Athenians that had the glory of the repulse and re-
sistance of those forces, I can say nothing; but certain it is
there never came back either ship or man from that voyage.
Neither had the other voyage of those of Coya upon us had bet-
ter fortune, if they had not met with enemies of greater clem-
ency. For the Ki ng of this island, by name Altabin, a wise
man and a great warrior, knowing well both his own strength
and that of his enemies, handled the matter so as he cut off
their land forces from their ships, and entoiled both their navy
and their camp with a greater power than theirs, both by sea
and land; and compelled them to render themselves without
striking a stroke; and after they were at his mercy, contenting
himself only with their oath, that they should no more bear
arms against him, dismissed them all in safety.
" But the divine revenge overtook not long after those proud
n6 BACON

enterprises. For within less than the space of 100 years the
Great Atlantis was utterly lost and destroyed; not by a great
earthquake, as your man saith, for that whole tract is little sub-
ject to earthquakes, but by a particular deluge, or inundation;
those countries having at this day far greater rivers, and far
higher mountains to pour down waters, than any part of the
old world. But it is true that the same inundation was not
deep, nor past forty foot, in most places, from the ground, so
that although it destroyed man and beast generally, yet some
few wild inhabitants of the wood escaped. Birds also were
saved by flying to the high trees and woods. For as for men,
although they had buildings in many places higher than the
depth of the water, yet that inundation, though it were shallow,
had a long continuance, whereby they of the vale that were not
drowned perished for want of food, and other things necessary.
So as marvel you not at the thin population of America, nor at
the rudeness and ignorance of the people; for you must account
your inhabitants of America as a young people, younger a thou-
sand years at the least than the rest of the world, for that there
was so much time between the universal flood and their particu-
lar inundation.
" For the poor remnant of human seed which remained in
their mountains, peopled the country again slowly, by little and
little, and being simple and a savage people (not like Noah and
his sons, which was the chief family of the earth), they were not
able to leave letters, arts, and civility to their posterity; and
having likewise in their mountainous habitations been used, in
respect of the extreme cold of those regions, to clothe them-
selves with the skins of tigers, bears, and great hairy goats,
that they have in those parts; when after they came down into
the valley, and found the intolerable heats which are there, and
knew no means of lighter apparel, they were forced to begin
the custom of going naked, which continueth at this day.
Only they take great pride and delight in the feathers of birds,
and this also they took from those their ancestors of the moun-
tains, who were invited unto it, by the infinite flight of birds,
that came up to the high grounds, while the waters stood below.
So you see, by this main accident of time, we lost our traffic
with the Americans, with whom of all others, in regard they
lay nearest to us, we had most commerce. As for the other
NEW ATLANTIS 117

.parts of the world, it is most manifest that in the ages follow-


ing (whether it were in respect of wars, or by a natural revolu-
tion of time) navigation did everywhere greatly decay, and
specially far voyages (the rather by the use of galleys, and such
vessels as could hardly brook the ocean) were altogether left
and omitted. So then, that part of intercourse which could be
from other nations to sail to us, you see how it hath long since
ceased; except it were by some rare accident, as this of yours.
But now of the cessation of that other part of intercourse, which
might be by our sailing to other nations, I must yield you some
Other cause. But I cannot say if I shall say truly, but our ship-
ping, for number, strength, mariners, pilots, and all things that
appertain to navigation, is as great as ever; and therefore why
we should sit at home, I shall now give you an account by itself;
and it will draw nearer, to give you satisfaction, to your prin-
cipal question.
" There reigned in this land, about 1,900 years ago, a King,
whose memory of all others we most adore; not superstitiously,
but as a divine instrument, though a mortal man: his name was
Salomana; and we esteem him as the lawgiver of our nation.
This Ki ng had a large heart, inscrutable for good; and was
wholly bent to make his kingdom and people happy. He, there-
fore, taking into consideration how sufficient and substantive
this land was, to maintain itself without any aid at all of the
foreigner; being 5,000 miles in circuit, and of rare fertility of
soil, in the greatest part thereof; and finding also the shipping
of this country might be plentifully set on work, both by fishing
and by transportations from port to port, and likewise by sail-
ing unto some small islands that are not far from us, and are
under the crown and laws of this State; and recalling into his
memory the happy and flourishing estate wherein this land then
was, so as it might be a thousand ways altered to the worse, but
scarce any one way to the better; though nothing wanted to his
noble and heroical intentions, but only (as far as human fore-
sight might reach) to give perpetuity to that which was in his
time so happily established, therefore among his other funda-
mental laws of this kingdom he did ordain the interdicts and
prohibitions which we have touching entrance of strangers;
which at that time (though it was after the calamity of Amer-
ica) was frequent; doubting novelties and commixture of man-
ii8 BACON

ners. It is true, the like law against the admission of strangers


without license is an ancient law in the Kingdom of China, and
yet continued in use. But there it is a poor thing; and hath
made them a curious, ignorant, fearful, foolish nation. But
our lawgiver made his law of another temper. For first, he
hath preserved all points of humanity, in taking order and mak-
ing provision for the relief of strangers distressed; whereof
you have tasted."
At which speech (as reason was) we all rose up and bowed
ourselves. He went on: " That King also still desiring to
join humanity and policy together; and thinking it against
humanity to detain strangers here against their wills, and
against policy that they should return and discover their knowl-
edge of this estate, he took this course; he did ordain, that of
the strangers that should be permitted to land, as many at all
times might depart as many as would; but as many as would
stay, should have very good conditions, and means to live from
the State. Wherein he saw so far, that now in so many ages
since the prohibition, we have memory not of one ship that ever
returned, and but of thirteen persons only, at several times, that
chose to return in our bottoms. What those few that returned
may have reported abroad, I know not. But you must think,
7

whatsoever they have said, could be taken where they came but
for a dream. Now for our travelling from hence into parts
abroad, our lawgiver thought fit altogether to restrain it. So
is it not in China. For the Chinese sail where they will, or
can; which showeth, that their law of keeping out strangers is
a law of pusillanimity and fear. But this restraint of ours hath
one only exception, which is admirable; preserving the good
which cometh by communicating with strangers, and avoiding
the hurt: and I will now open it to you.
" And here I shall seem a little to digress, but you will by
and by find it pertinent. Ye shall understand, my dear friends,
that among the excellent acts of that King, one above all hath
the pre-eminence. It was the erection and institution of an
order, or society, which we call Saloman's House, the noblest
foundation, as we think, that ever was upon the earth, and the
lantern of this kingdom. It is dedicated to the study of the
works and creatures of God. Some think it beareth the found-
er's name a little corrupted, as if it should be Solomon's House.
NEW ATLANTIS 119

But the records write it as it is spoken. So as I take it to be


denominate of the Ki ng of the Hebrews, which is famous with
you, and no strangers to u s ; for we have some parts of his
works which with you are lost; namely, that natural history
which he wrote of all plants, from the cedar of Libanus to the
moss that groweth out of the wall; and of all things that have
life and motion. This maketh me think that our Ki ng finding
himself to symbolize, in many things, with that King of the
Hebrews, which lived many years before him, honored him with
the title of this foundation. And I am the rather induced to be
of this opinion, for that I find in ancient records, this order or
society is sometimes called Solomon's House, and sometimes
the College of the Six Days' Works, whereby I am satisfied
that our excellent King had learned from the Hebrews that God
had created the world and all that therein is within six days:
and therefore he instituted that house, for the finding out of
the true nature of all things, whereby God might have the more
glory in the workmanship of them, and men the more fruit in
their use of them, did give it also that second name.
" But now to come to our present purpose. When the King
had forbidden to all his people navigation into any part that
was not under his crown, he made nevertheless this ordinance ;
that every twelve years there should be set forth out of this
kingdom, two ships, appointed to several voyages; that in either
of these ships there should be a mission of three of the fellows
or brethren of Saloman's House, whose errand was only to
give us knowledge of the affairs and state of those countries
to which they were designed; and especially of the sciences,
arts, manufactures, and inventions of all the world; and withal
to bring unto us books, instruments, and patterns in every kind:
that the ships, after they had landed the brethren, should re-
turn ; and that the brethren should stay abroad till the new mis-
sion, the ships are not otherwise fraught than with store of
victuals, and good quantity of treasure to remain with the
brethren, for the buying of such things, and rewarding of such
persons, as they should think fit. Now for me to tell you how
the vulgar sort of mariners are contained from being discovered
at land, and how they must be put on shore for any time, color
themselves under the names of other nations, and to what places
these voyages have been designed; and what places of rendez-
120 BACON

vous are appointed for the new missions, and the like circum-
stances of the practice, I may not do it, neither is it much to
your desire. But thus you see we maintain a trade, not for
gold, silver, or jewels, nor for silks, nor for spices, nor any
other commodity of matter; but only for God's first creature,
which was light; to have light, I say, of the growth of all parts
of the world."
And when he had said this, he was silent, and so were we
all; for indeed we were all astonished to hear so strange things
so probably told. And he perceiving that we were willing to
say somewhat, but had it not ready, in great courtesy took us
off, and descended to ask us questions of our voyage and
fortunes, and in the end concluded that we might do well to
think with ourselves what time of stay we would demand of the
State, and bade us not to scant ourselves; for he would procure
such time as we desired. Whereupon we all rose up and pre-
sented ourselves to kiss the skirt of his tippet, but he would not
suffer us, and so took his leave. But when it came once among
our people that the State used to offer conditions to strangers
that would stay, we had work enough to get any of our men to
look to our ship, and to keep them from going presently to the
governor to crave conditions; but with much ado we restrained
them, till we might agree what course to take.
We took ourselves now for freemen, seeing there was no
danger of our utter perdition, and lived most joyfully, going
abroad and seeing what was to be seen in the city and places
adjacent, within our tedder; and obtaining acquaintance with
many of the city, not of the meanest quality, at whose hands
we found such humanity, and such a freedom and desire to take
strangers, as it were, into their bosom, as was enough to make
us forget all that was dear to us in our own countries; and con-
tinually we met with many things, right worthy of observation
and relation ; as indeed, if there be a mirror in the world, worthy
to hold men's eyes, it is that country. One day there were two
of our company bidden to a feast of the family, as they call it;
a most natural, pious, and reverend custom it is, showing that
nation to be compounded of all goodness. This is the manner
of it; it is granted to any man that shall live to see thirty per-
sons descended of his body, alive together, and all above three
years old, to make this feast, which is done at the cost of the
NEW ATLANTIS 121

State. The father of the. family, whom they call the tirsan,
two days before the feast, taketh to him three of such friends
as he liketh to choose, and is assisted also by the governor of
the city or place where the feast is celebrated; and all the per-
sons of the family, of both sexes, are summoned to attend him.
These two days the tirsan sitteth in consultation, concerning
the good estate of the family. There, if there be any discord
or suits between any of the family, they are compounded and
appeased. There, if any of the family be distressed or decayed,
order is taken for their relief, and competent means to live.
There, if any be subject to vice, or take ill-courses, they are
reproved and censured. So, likewise, direction is given touch-
ing marriages, and the courses of life which any of them should
take, with divers other the like orders and advices. The gov-
ernor sitteth to the end, to put in execution, by his public au-
thority, the decrees and orders of the tirsan, if they should be
disobeyed, though that seldom needeth; such reverence and
obedience they give to the order of nature.
The tirsan doth also then ever choose one man from among
his sons, to live in house with him, who is called ever after the
Son of the Vine. The reason will hereafter appear. On the
feast day, the father, or tirsan, cometh forth after divine service
into a large room where the feast is celebrated; which room
hath a half-pace at the upper end. Against the wall, in the
middle of the half-pace, is a chair placed for him, with a table
and carpet before it. Over the chair is a state, made round or
oval, and it is of ivy; an ivy somewhat whiter than ours, like
the leaf of a silver-asp, but more shining; for it is green all win-
ter. And the state is curiously wrought with silver and silk of
divers colors, broiding or binding in the ivy; and is ever of the
work of some of the daughters of the family, and veiled over
at the top, with a fine net of silk and silver. But the substance
of it is true ivy; whereof after it is taken down, the friends of
the family are desirous to have some leaf or sprig to keep. The
tirsan cometh forth with all his generation or lineage, the males
before him, and the females following him; and if there be a
mother, from whose body the whole lineage is descended, there
is a traverse placed in a loft above on the right hand of the
chair, with a privy door, and a carved window of glass, leaded
with gold and blue; where she sitteth, but is not seen.
122 BACON

When the tirsan is come forth, he sitteth down in the chair;


and all the lineage place themselves against the wall, both at
his back, and upon the return of the half-pace, in order of their
years, without difference of sex, and stand upon their feet.
When he is set, the room being always full of company, but
well kept and without disorder, after some pause there cometh
in from the lower end of the room a taratan (which is as much
as a herald), and on either side of him two young lads: whereof
one carrieth a scroll of their shining yellow parchment, and
the other a cluster of grapes of gold, with a long foot or stalk.
The herald and children are clothed with mantles of sea-water-
green satin; but the herald's mantle is streamed with gold, and
hath a train. Then the herald with three courtesies, or rather
inclinations, cometh up as far as the half-pace, and there first
taketh into his hand the scroll. This scroll is the King's char-
ter, containing gift of revenue, and many privileges, exemp-
tions, and points of honor, granted to the father of the family;
and it is ever styled and directed, " To such an one, our well-
beloved friend and creditor," which is a title proper only to this
case. For they say, the King is debtor to no man, but for
propagation of his subjects; the seal set to the King's charter
is the King's image, embossed or .moulded in gold; and though
such charters be expedited of course, and as of right, yet they
are varied by discretion, according to the number and dignity
of the family . This charter the herald readeth aloud; and
7

while it is read, the father, or tirsan, standeth up, supported


by two of his sons, such as he chooseth.
Then the herald mounteth the half-pace, and delivereth the
charter into his hand: and with that there is an acclamation,
by all that are present, in their language, which is thus much,
" Happy are the people of Bensalem." Then the herald taketh
into his hand from the other child the cluster of grapes, which
is of gold; both the stalk, and the grapes. But the grapes are
daintily enamelled ; and if the males of the family be the greater
number, the grapes are enamelled purple, with a little sun set
on the top; if the females, then they are enamelled into a green-
ish yellow, with a crescent on the top. The grapes are in num-
ber as many as there are descendants of the family. This
golden cluster the herald delivereth also to the tirsan; who
presently delivereth it over to that son that he had formerly
NEW ATLANTIS 123

chosen, to be in house with him: who beareth it before his


father, as an ensign of honor, when he goeth in public ever
after; and is thereupon called the Son of the Vine. After this
ceremony ended the father, or tirsan, retireth, and after some
time cometh forth again to dinner, where he sitteth alone under
the state, as before; and none of his descendants sit with him,
of what degree or dignity so ever, except he hap to be of Salo-
man's House. He is served only by his own children, such as
are male; who perform unto him all service of the table upon
the knee, and the women only stand about him leaning against
;

the wall. The room below his half-pace hath tables on the
sides for the guests that are bidden; who are served with great
and comely order; and toward the end of dinner (which in the
greatest feasts with them lasteth never above an hour and a
half) there is a hymn sung, varied according to the invention
of him that composeth it (for they have excellent poesy), but
the subject of it is always the praises of Adam, and Noah, and
Abraham; whereof the former two peopled the world, and the
last was the father of the faithful: concluding ever with a
thanksgiving for the nativity of our Saviour, in whose birth
the births of all are only blessed.
Dinner being done, the tirsan retireth again; and having
withdrawn himself alone into a place, where he maketh some
private prayers, he cometh forth the third time, to give the
blessing; with all his descendants, who stand about him as at
the first. Then he calleth them forth by one and by one, by
name as he pleaseth, though seldom the order of age be inverted.
The person that is called (the table being before removed)
kneeleth down before the chair, and the father layeth his hand
upon his head, or her head, and giveth the blessing in these
words: " S o n of Bensalem (or daughter of Bensalem), thy
father saith it; the man by whom thou hast breath and life
speaketh the word; the blessing of the everlasting Father, the
Prince of Peace, and the Holy Dove be upon thee, and make
the days of thy pilgrimage good and many." This he saith to
every of them; and that done, if there be any of his sons of emi-
nent merit and virtue, so they be not above two, he calleth for
them again, and saith, laying his arm over their shoulders, they
standing: " Sons, it is well you are born, give God the praise,
and persevere to the e n d ; " and withal delivereth to either of
124 BACON

them a jewel, made in the figure of an ear of wheat, which they


ever after wear in the front of their turban, or hat; this done,
they fall to music and dances, and other recreations, after their
manner, for the rest of the day. This is the full order of that
feast.
By that time six or seven days were spent, I was fallen into
straight acquaintatnce with a merchant of that city, whose
name was Joabin. He was a Jew and circumcised; for they
have some few stirps of Jews yet remaining among them, whom
they leave to their own religion. Which they may the better
do, because they are of a far differing disposition from the Jews
in other parts. For whereas they hate the name of Christ, and
have a secret inbred rancor against the people among whom
they live; these, contrariwise, give unto our Saviour many high
attributes, and love the nation of Bensalem extremely. Surely
this man of whom I speak would ever acknowledge that Christ
was born of a Vi rgi n; and that he was more than a man; and
he would tell how God made him ruler of the seraphim, which
guard his throne; and they call him also the Milken Way, and
the Eliah of the Messiah, and many other high names, which
though they be inferior to his divine majesty, yet they are far
from the language of other Jews. And for the country of Ben-
salem, this man would make no end of commending it, being
desirous by tradition among the Jews there to have it believed
that the people thereof were of the generations of Abraham,
by another son, whom they call Nachoran ; and that Moses by a
secret cabala ordained the laws of Bensalem which they now
use; and that when the Messias should come, and sit in his
throne at Hierusalem, the King of Bensalem should sit at his
feet, whereas other kings should keep a great distance. But
yet setting aside these Jewish dreams, the man was a wise man
and learned, and of great policy, and excellently seen in the
laws and customs of that nation.
Among other discourses one day I told him, I was much af-
fected with the relation I had from some of the company of
their custom in holding the feast of the family, for that, me-
thought, I had never heard of a solemnity wherein nature did
so much preside. And because propagation of families pro-
ceedeth from the nuptial copulation, I desired to know of him
what laws and customs they had concerning marriage, and
NEW ATLANTIS 125

whether they kept marriage well, and whether they were tied
to one wife? For that where population is so much affected,
and such as with them it seemed to be, there is commonly per-
mission of plurality of wives. To this he said:
" You have reason for to commend that excellent institution
of the feast of the family; and indeed we have experience, that
those families that are partakers of the blessings of that feast,
do flourish and prosper ever after, in an extraordinary manner.
But hear me now, and I will tell you what I know. You shall
understand that there is not under the heavens so chaste a
nation as this of Bensalem, nor so free from all pollution or
foulness. It is the virgin of the world; I remember, I have
read in one of your European books, of a holy hermit among
you, that desired to see the spirit of fornication, and there ap-
peared to him a little foul ugly Ethiope; but if he had desired
to see the spirit of chastity of Bensalem, it would have appeared
to him in the likeness of a fair beautiful cherub. For there
is nothing, among mortal men, more fair and admirable than
the chaste minds of this people.
" Know, therefore, that with them there are no stews, no dis-
solute houses, no courtesans, nor anything of that kind. Nay,
they wonder, with detestation, at you in Europe, which permit
such things. They say ye have put marriage out of office; for
marriage is ordained a remedy for unlawful concupiscence;
and natural concupiscence seemeth as a spur to marriage. But
when men have at hand a remedy, more agreeable to their cor-
rupt will, marriage is almost expulsed. And therefore there
are with you seen infinite men that marry not, but choose rather
a libertine and impure single life, than to be yoked in marriage;
and many that do marry, marry late, when the prime and
strength of their years are past. And when they do marry,
what is marriage to them but a very bargain; wherein is sought
alliance, or portion, or reputation, with some desire (almost in-
different) of issue; and not the faithful nuptial union of man
and wife, that was first instituted. Neither is it possible that
those that have cast away so basely so much of their strength,
should greatly esteem children (being of the same matter) as
chaste men do. So likewise during marriage is the case much
amended, as it ought to be if those things were tolerated only
for necessity; no, but they remain still as a very affront to mar-
riage.
I2Ó BACON

" The haunting of those dissolute places, or resort to courte-


sans, are no more punished in married men than in bachelors.
And the depraved custom of change, and the delight in mere-
tricious embracements (where sin is turned into a rt), maketh
marriage a dull thing, and a kind of imposition or tax. They
hear you defend these things, as done to avoid greater evils;
as advoutries, deflowering of virgins, unnatural lust, and the
like. But they say this is a preposterous wisdom; and they call
it Lot's offer, who to save his guests from abusing,, offered his
daughters; nay, they say further, that there is little gained in
this; for that the same vices and appetites do still remain and
abound, unlawful lust being like a furnace, that if you stop the
flames altogether it will quench, but if you give it any vent it
will rage; as for masculine love, they have no touch of it; and
yet there are not so faithful and inviolate friendships in the
world again as are there, and to speak generally (as I said be-
fore) I have not read of any such chastity in any people as
theirs. And their usual saying is that whosoever is unchaste
cannot reverence himself; and they say that the reverence of a
man's self, is, next religion, the chiefest bridle of all vices."
And when he had said this the good Jew paused a little;
whereupon I, far more willing to hear him speak on than to
speak myself; yet thinking it decent that upon his pause of
speech I should not be altogether silent, said only this; that I
would say to him, as the widow of Sarepta said to Elias: " that
he was come to bring to memory our sins; " and that I confess
the righteousness of Bensalem was greater than the righteous-
ness of Europe. At which speech he bowed his head, and went
on this manner:
" They have also many wise and excellent laws, touching
marriage. They allow no polygamy. They have ordained
that none do intermarry, or contract, until a month be past from
their first interview. Marriage without consent of parents they
do not make void, but they mulct it in the inheritors; for the
children of such marriages are not admitted to inherit above
a third part of their parents' inheritance. I have read in a book
of one of your men, of a feigned commonwealth, where the
married couple are permitted, before they contract, to see one
another naked. This they dislike; for they think it a scorn to
give a refusal after so familiar knowledge; but because of many
NEW ATLANTIS 127

hidden defects in men and women's bodies, they have a more


civil way ; for they have near every town a couple of pools
(which they call Adam and Eve's pools), where it is permitted
to one of the friends of the man, and another of the friends of
the woman, to see them severally bathe naked."
And as we were thus in conference, there came one that
seemed to be a messenger, in a rich huke, that spake with the
Jew; whereupon he turned to me, and said, " Yo u will pardon
me, for I am commanded away in haste." The next morning
he came to me again, joyful as it seemed, and said: " There
is word come to the governor of the city, that one of the fathers
of Salomon's House will be here this day seven-night; we have
seen none of them this dozen years. His coming is in state ;
but the cause of this coming is secret. I will provide you and
your fellows of a good standing to see his entry." I thanked
him, and told him I was most glad of the news.
The day being come he made his entry. He was a man of
middle stature and age, comely of person, and had an aspect as
if he pitied men. He was clothed in a robe of fine black cloth
and wide sleeves, and a cape: his under-garment was of ex-
cellent white linen down to the foot, girt with a girdle of the
same; and a sindon or tippet of the same about his neck. He
had gloves that were curious, and set with stone; and shoes
of peach-colored velvet. His neck was bare to the shoulders.
His hat was like a helmet, or Spanish montero; and his locks
curled below it decently; they were of color brown. His beard
was cut round and of the same color with his hair, somewhat
lighter. He was carried in a rich chariot, without wheels, lit-
ter-wise, with two horses at either end, richly trapped in blue
velvet embroidered; and two footmen on each side in the like
attire. The chariot was all of cedar, gilt and adorned with
crystal; save that the fore end had panels of sapphires set in
borders of gold, and the hinder end the like of emeralds of the
Peru color. There was also a sun of gold, radiant upon the
top, in the midst; and on the top before a small cherub of gold,
with wings displayed. The chariot was covered with cloth-of-
gold tissued upon blue. He had before him fifty attendants,
young men all, in white satin loose coats up to the mid-leg, and
stockings of white silk; and shoes of blue velvet; and hats of
blue velvet, with fine plumes of divers colors, set round like
1 28 BACON

hat-bands. Next before the chariot went two men, bare-


headed, in linen garments down to the foot, girt, and shoes of
blue velvet, who carried the one a crosier, the other a pastoral
staff like a sheep-hook; neither of them of metal, but the crosier
of balm-wood, the pastoral staff of cedar. Horsemen he had
none, neither before nor behind his chariot; as it seemeth, to
avoid all tumult and trouble. Behind his chariot went all the
officers and principals of the companies of the city. He sat
alone, upon cushions, of a kind of excellent plush, blue; and
under his foot curious carpets of silk of divers colors, like the
Persian, but far finer. He held up his bare hand, as he went,
as blessing the people, but in silence. The street was wonder-
fully well kept; so that there was never any army had their men
stand in better battle-array than the people stood. The win-
dows likewise were not crowded, but everyone stood in them,
as if they had been placed.
When the show was passed, the Jew said to me, " I shall not
be able to attend you as I would, in regard of some charge the
city hath laid upon me for the entertaining of this great person."
Three days after the Jew came to me again, and said: " Ye are
happy men; for the father of Salomon's House taketh knowl-
edge of your being here, and commanded me to tell you that he
will admit all your company to his presence, and have private
conference with one of you, that ye shall choose; and for this
hath appointed the next day after to-morrow. And because
he meaneth to give you his blessing, he hath appointed it in the
forenoon." We came at our day and hour, and I was chosen
by my fellows for the private access. We found him in a fair
chamber, richly hanged, and carpeted under foot, without any
degrees to the state; he was set upon a low throne richly
adorned, and a rich cloth of state over his head of blue satin
embroidered. He was alone, save that he had two pages of
honor, on either hand one, finely attired in white. His under-
garments were the like that we saw him wear in the chariot; but
instead of his gown, he had on him a mantle with a cape, of the
same fine black, fastened about him. When we came in, as we
were taught, we bowed low at our first entrance; and when
we were come near his chair, he stood up, holding forth his
hand ungloved, and in posture of blessing; and we every one
of us stooped down and kissed the end of his tippet. That
NEW ATLANTIS 129

done, the rest departed, and I remained. Then he warned the


pages forth of the room, and caused me to sit down beside him,
and spake to me thus in the Spanish tongue:
" God bless thee, my son; I will give thee the greatest jewel
I have. For I will impart unto thee, for the love of God and
men, a relation of the true state of Salomon's House. Son, to
make you know the true state of Salomon's House, I will keep
this order. First, I will set forth unto you the end of our foun-
dation. Secondly, the preparations and instruments we have
for our works. Thirdly, the several employments and func-
tions whereto our fellows are assigned. And fourthly, the
ordinances and rites which we observe.
" The end of our foundation is the knowledge of causes,
and secret motions of things; and the enlarging of the
bounds of human empire, to the effecting of all things possible.
" The preparations and instruments are these: We have
large and deep caves of several depths; the deepest are sunk 600
fathoms; and some of them are digged and made under great
hills and mountains; so that if you reckon together the depth
of the hill and the depth of the cave, they are, some of them,
above three miles deep. For we find that the depth of a hill
and the depth of a cave from the flat are the same thing; both
remote alike from the sun and heaven's beams, and from the
open air. These caves we call the lower region. And we use
them for all coagulations, indurations, refrigerations, and con-
servations of bodies. We use them likewise for the imitation
of natural mines and the producing also of new artificial metals,
by compositions and materials which we use and lay there for
many years. We use them also sometimes (which may seem
strange) for curing of some diseases, and for prolongation of
life, in some hermits that choose to live there, well accommo-
dated of all things necessary, and indeed live very long; by
whom also we learn many things.
" We have burials in several earths, where we put divers ce-
ments, as the Chinese do their porcelain. But we have them in
greater variety, and some of them more fine. We also have
great variety of composts and soils, for the making of the earth
fruitful.
" We have high towers, the highest about half a mile in
height, and some of them likewise set upon high mountains,
9
130 BACON

so that the vantage of the hill with the tower is in the highest
of them three miles at least. And these places we call the
upper region, account the air between the high places and the
low as a middle region. We use these towers, according to
their several heights and situations, for insulation, refrigera-
tion, conservation, and for the view of divers meteors—as
winds, rain, snow, hail, and some of the fiery meteors also.
And upon them in some places are dwellings of hermits, whom
we visit sometimes and instruct what to observe.
" We have great lakes, both salt and fresh, whereof we have
use for the fish and fowl. We use them also for burials of some
natural bodies, for we find a difference in things buried in earth,
or in air below the earth, and things buried in water. We have
also pools, of which some do strain fresh water out of salt, and
others by art do turn fresh water into salt. We have also some
rocks in the midst of the sea, and some bays upon the shore for
some works, wherein are required the air and vapor of the sea.
We have likewise violent streams and cataracts, which serve us
for many motions; and likewise engines for multiplying and
enforcing of winds to set also on divers motions.
" We have also a number of artificial wells and fountains,
made in imitation of the natural sources and baths, as tincted
upon vitriol, sulphur, steel, brass, lead, nitre, and other min-
erals ; and again, we have little wells for infusions of many
things, where the waters take the virtue quicker and better than
in vessels or basins. And among them we have a water, which
we call water of paradise, being by that we do it made very
sovereign for health and prolongation of life.
" We have also great and spacious houses, where we imitate
and demonstrate meteors—as snow, hail, rain, some artificial
rains of bodies and not of water, thunders, lightnings; also gen-
erations of bodies in air—as frogs, flies, and divers others.
" We have also certain chambers, which we call chambers
of health, where we qualify the air as we think good and proper
for the cure of divers diseases and preservation of health.
" We have also fair and large baths, of several mixtures, for
the cure of diseases, and the restoring of man's body from are-
faction; and others for the confirming of it in strength of
sinews, vital parts, and the very juice and substance of the body.
" We have also large and various orchards and gardens,
NEW ATLANTIS

wherein we do not so much respect beauty as variety of ground


and soil, proper for divers trees and herbs, and some very spa-
cious, where trees and berries are set, whereof we make divers
kinds of drinks, beside the vineyards. In these we practise
likewise all conclusions of grafting, and inoculating, as well of
wild-trees as fruit-trees, which produceth many effects. And
we make by art, in the same orchards and gardens, trees and
flowers, to come earlier or later than their seasons, and to come
up and bear more speedily than by their natural course they do.
We make them also by art greater much than their nature; and
their fruit greater and sweeter, and of differing taste, smell,
color, and figure, from their nature. And many of them we so
order as that they become of medicinal use.
" We have also means to make divers plants rise by mixtures
of earths without seeds, and likewise to make divers new plants,
differing from the vulgar, and to make one tree or plant turn
into another.
" We have also parks, and enclosures of all sorts, of beasts
and birds; which we use not only for view or rareness, but like-
wise for dissections and trials, that thereby may take light what
may be wrought upon the body of man. Wherein we find many
strange effects: as continuing life in them, though divers parts,
which you account vital, be perished and taken forth; resusci-
tating of some that seem dead in appearance, and the like. We
try also all poisons, and other medicines upon them, as well of
chirurgery as physic. By art likewise we make them greater
or smaller than their kind is, and contrariwise dwarf them and
stay their growth; we make them more fruitful and bearing
than their kind is, and contrariwise barren and not generative.
Also we make them differ in color, shape, activity, many ways.
We find means to make commixtures and copulations of divers
kinds, which have produced many new kinds, and them not
barren, as the general opinion is. We make a number of kinds
of serpents, worms, flies, fishes of putrefaction, whereof some
are advanced (in effect) to be perfect creatures, like beasts or
birds, and have sexes, and do propagate. Neither do we this
by chance, but we know beforehand of what matter and com-
mixture, what kind of those creatures will arise.
" We have also particular pools where we make trials upon
fishes, as we have said before of beasts and birds.
132 BACON

" We have also places for breed and generation of those kinds
of worms and flies which are of special use; such as are with
you your silkworms and bees.
" I will not hold you long with recounting of our brew-
houses, bake-houses, and kitchens, where are made divers
drinks, breads, and meats, rare and of special effects. Wines
we have of grapes, and drinks of other juice, of fruits, of grains,
and of roots, and of mixtures with honey, sugar, manna, and
fruits dried and decocted ; also of the tears or wounding of trees
and of the pulp of canes. And these drinks are of several ages,
some to the age or last of forty years. We have drinks also
brewed with several herbs and roots and spices; yea, with sev-
eral fleshes and white meats; whereof some of the drinks are
such as they are in effect meat and drink both, so that divers,
especially in age, do desire to live with them with little or no
meat or bread. And above all we strive to have drinks of ex-
treme thin parts, to insinuate into the body, and yet without
all biting, sharpness, or fretting; insomuch as some of them
put upon the back of your hand, will with a little stay pass
through to the palm, and yet taste mild to the mouth. We have
also waters, which we ripen in that fashion, as they become
nourishing, so that they are indeed excellent drinks, and many
will use no other. Bread we have of several grains, roots, and
kernels; yea, and some of flesh, and fish, dried; with divers
kinds of leavings and seasonings; so that some do extremely
move appetites, some do nourish so as divers do live of them,
without any other meat, who live very long. So for meats, we
have some of them so beaten, and made tender, and mortified,
yet without all corrupting, as a weak heat of the stomach will
turn them into good chilus, as well as a strong heat would meat
otherwise prepared. We have some meats also and bread, and
drinks, which, taken by men, enable them to fast long after;
and some other, that used make the very flesh of men's bodies
sensibly more hard and tough, and their strength far greater
than otherwise it would be.
" We have dispensatories or shops of medicines; wherein you
may easily think, if we have such variety of plants, and living
creatures, more than you have in Europe (for we know what
you have), the simples, drugs, and ingredients of medicines,
must likewise be in so much the greater variety. We have
NEW ATLANTIS 133

them likewise of divers ages, and long fermentations. And for


their preparations, we have not only all manner of exquisite
distillations, and separations, and especially by gentle heats, and
percolations through divers strainers, yea, and substances; but
also exact forms of composition, whereby they incorporate al-
most as they were natural simples.
" We have also divers mechanical arts, which you have not;
and stuffs made by them, as papers, linen, silks, tissues, dainty
works of feathers of wonderful lustre, excellent dyes, and many
others, and shops likewise as well for such as are not brought
into vulgar use among us, as for those that are. For you must
know, that of the things before recited, many of them are grown
into use throughout the kingdom, but yet, if they did flow from
our invention, we have of them also for patterns and principals.
" We have also furnaces of great diversities, and that keep
great diversity of heats; fierce and quick, strong and constant,
soft and mild, blown, quiet, dry, moist, and the like. But above
all we have heats, in imitation of the sun's and heavenly bodies'
heats, that pass divers inequalities, and as it were orbs, prog-
resses, and returns whereby we produce admirable effects. Be-
sides, we have heats of dungs, and of bellies and maws of living
creatures and of their bloods and bodies, and of hays and herbs
laid up moist, of lime unquenched, and such like. Instruments
also which generate heat only by motion. And farther, places
for strong insulations; and, again, places under the earth, which
by nature or art yield heat. These divers heats we use as the
nature of the operation which we intend requireth.
" We have also perspective houses, where we make demon-
strations of all lights and radiations and of all colors; and out
of things uncolored and transparent we can represent unto you
all several colors, not in rainbows, as it is in gems and prisms,
but of themselves single. We represent also all multiplications
of light, which we carry to great distance, and make so sharp
as to discern small points and lines. Also all colorations of
light: all delusions and deceits of the sight, in figures, magni-
tudes, motions, colors; all demonstrations of shadows. We
find also divers means, yet unknown to you, of producing of
light, originally from divers bodies. We procure means of see-
ing objects afar off, as in the heaven and remote places; and
represent things near as afar off, and things afar off as near;
134 BACON

making feigned distances. We have also helps for the sight


far above spectacles and glasses in use; we have also glasses
and means to see small and minute bodies, perfectly and dis-
tinctly; as the shapes and colors of small flies and worms,
grains, and flaws in gems which cannot otherwise be seen, ob-
servations in urine and blood not otherwise to be seen. We
make artificial rainbows, halos, and circles about light. We
represent also all manner of reflections, refractions, and multi-
plications of visual beams of objects.
" We have also precious stones, of all kinds, many of them
of great beauty and to you unknown; crystals likewise, and
glasses of divers kind; and among them some of metals vitrifi-
cated, and other materials, besides those of which you make
glass. Also a number of fossils and imperfect minerals, which
you have not. Likewise loadstones of prodigious virtue, and
other rare stones, both natural and artificial.
" We have also sound-houses, where we practise and demon-
strate all sounds and their generation. We have harmony
which you have not, of quarter-sounds and lesser slides of
sounds. Divers instruments of music likewise to you unknown,
some sweeter than any you have; with bells and rings that are
dainty and sweet. We represent small sounds as great and
deep, likewise great sounds extenuate and sharp; we make
divers tremblings and warblings of sounds, which in their orig-
inal are entire. We represent and imitate all articulate sounds
and letters, and the voices and notes of beasts and birds. We
have certain helps which, set to the ear, do further the hearing
greatly; we have also divers strange and artificial echoes, re-
flecting the voice many times, and, as it were, tossing it; and
some that give back the voice louder than it came, some shriller
and some deeper ; yea, some rendering the voice, differing in the
letters or articulate sound from that they receive. We have all
means to convey sounds in trunks and pipes, in strange lines
and distances.
" We have also perfume-houses, wherewith we join also
practices of taste. We multiply smells which may seem
strange: we imitate smells, making all smells to breathe out of
other mixtures than those that give them. We make divers
imitations of taste likewise, so that they will deceive any man's
taste. And in this house we contain also a confiture-house,
NEW ATLANTIS 135

where we make all sweatmeats, dry and moist, and divers pleas-
ant wines, milks, broths, and salads, far in greater variety than
you have.
" We have also engine-houses, where are prepared engines
and instruments for all sorts of motions. There we imitate
and practise to make swifter motions than any you have, either
out of your muskets or any engine that you have ; and to make
them and multiply them more easily and with small force, by
wheels and other means, and to make them stronger and more
violent than yours are, exceeding your greatest cannons and
basilisks. We represent also ordnance and instruments of war
and engines of all kinds ; and likewise new mixtures and com-
positions of gunpowder, wild-fires burning in water and un-
quenchable, also fire-works of all variety, both for pleasure and
use. We imitate also flights of birds; we have some degrees
of flying in the air. We have ships and boats for going under
water and brooking of seas, also swimming-girdles and sup-
porters. We have divers curious clocks and other like motions
of return, and some perpetual motions. We imitate also mo-
tions of living creatures by images of men, beasts, birds, fishes,
and serpents; we have also a great number of other various
motions, strange for equality, fineness, and subtilty.
" We have also a mathematical-house, where are represented
all instruments, as well of geometry as astronomy, exquisitely
made.
" We have also houses of deceits of the senses, where we rep-
resent all manner of feats of juggling, false apparitions, im-
postures and illusions, and their fallacies. And surely you will
easily believe that we, that have so many things truly natural
which induce admiration, could in a world of particulars de-
ceive the senses if we would disguise those things, and labor
to make them more miraculous. But we do hate all impostures
and lies, insomuch as we have severely forbidden it to all our
fellows, under pain of ignominy and fines, that they do not show
any natural work or thing adorned or swelling, but only pure
as it is, and without all affectation of strangeness.
" These are, my son, the riches of Salomon's House.
" For the several employments and offices of our fellows, we
have twelve that sail into foreign countries under the names of
other nations (for our own we conceal), who bring us the
136 BACON.

books and abstracts, and patterns of experiments of all other


parts. These we call merchants of light.
" We have three that collect the experiments which are in all
books. These we call depredators.
" We have three that collect the experiments of all mechani-
cal arts, and also of liberal sciences, and also of practices which
are not brought into arts. These we call mystery-men.
" We have three that try new experiments, such as themselves
think good. These we call pioneers or miners.
" We have three that draw the experiments of the former
four into titles and tables, to give the better light for the draw-
ing of observations and axioms out of them. These we call
compilers. We have three that bend themselves, looking into
the experiments of their fellows, and cast about how to draw
out of them things of use and practice for man's life and knowl-
edge, as well for works as for plain demonstration of causes,
means of natural divinations, and the easy and clear discovery
of the virtues and parts of bodies. These we call dowry-men
or benefactors.
" Then after divers meetings and consults of our whole num-
ber, to consider of the former labors and collections, we have
three that take care out of them to direct new experiments, of
a higher light, more penetrating into nature than the former.
These we call lamps.
" We have three others that do execute the experiments so
directed, and report them. These we call inoculators.
" Lastly, we have three that raise the former discoveries by
experiments into greater observations, axioms, and aphorisms.
These we call interpreters of nature.
" We have also, as you must think, novices and apprentices,
that the succession of the former employed men do not fail; be-
sides a great number of servants and attendants, men and
women. And this we do also: we have consultations, which of
the inventions and experiences which we have discovered shall
be published, and which not; and take all an oath of secrecy for
the concealing of those which we think fit to keep secret;
though some of those we do reveal sometime to the State, and
some not.
" For our ordinances and rites we have two very long and
fair galleries. In one of these we place patterns and samples
NEW ATLANTIS 137

of all manner of the more rare and excellent inventions ; in the


other we place the statues of all principal inventors. There we
have the statue of your Columbus, that discovered the West
Indies, also the inventor of ships, your monk that was the in-
ventor of ordnance and of gunpowder, the inventor of music,
the inventor of letters, the inventor of printing, the inventor of
observations of astronomy, the inventor of works in metal, the
inventor of glass, the inventor of silk of the worm, the inventor
of wine, the inventor of corn and bread, the inventor of sugars ;
and all these by more certain tradition than you have. Then
we have divers inventors of our own, of excellent works ; which,
since you have not seen, it were too long to make descriptions
of them; and besides, in the right understanding of those de-
scriptions you might easily err. For upon every invention of
value we erect a statue to the inventor, and give him a liberal
and honorable reward. These statues are some of brass, some
of marble and touchstone, some of cedar and other special
woods gilt and adorned ; some of iron, some of silver, some of
gold.
" We have certain hymns and services, which we say daily,
of laud and thanks to God for His marvellous works. And
forms of prayers, imploring His aid and blessing for the illumi-
nation of our labors ; and turning them into good and holy uses.
" Lastly, we have circuits or visits, of divers principal cities
of the kingdom ; where as it cometh to pass we do publish such
new profitable inventions as we think good. And we do also
declare natural divinations of diseases, plagues, swarms of
hurtful creatures, scarcity, tempest, earthquakes, great inunda-
tions, comets, temperature of the year, and divers other things ;
and we give counsel thereupon, what the people shall do for the
prevention and remedy of them."
And when he had said this he stood up, and I, as I had been
taught, knelt down ; and he laid his right hand upon my head,
and said : " God bless thee, my son, and God bless this relation
which I have made. I give thee leave to publish it, for the good
of other nations ; for we here are in God's bosom, a land un-
known." And so he left me ; having assigned a value of about
2,000 ducats for a bounty to me and my fellows. For they give
great largesses, where they come, upon all occasions.
[THE REST WAS NOT PE RFE CTED.]
Digitized by Microsoft®
CHOICE E X A MP L E S OF PALEOGRAPHY.

Fac-similes from Rare and Curious Manuscripts of the


Middle Ages.

EXAMPLE OF UNCIAL WRITING.

From a Merovingian manuscript of the Sixth Century,


Th i s re prod uc tio n of the b e g i n ni n g and e ndi ng of a c h apt e r in a M eroviiigi.ui
manusc ript of the latter part of the sixth ce ntu ry affords an ex ce ll ent opportunity to
study the ch ar ac te r of the unc ial wri ti ngs. T h e text is d rawn from the h omilies of
Or i g e n u po n the bo o k of G e ne si s, and i s r e ma r k ab le tor its r eg ul ari ty , bo ldness,
and legibility .
THE CITY OF THE SUN

BY

T H O M A S C A M P A N E L L A
T H E C ITY O F T H E SUN
A Poetical Dialogue between a Grandmaster of the Knights
Hospitallers and a Genoese Sea-Captain, his guest.

Prithee, now, tell me what happened to you during


that voyage?
Capt. I have already told you how I wandered
over the whole earth. In the course of my journeying I came
to Taprobane, and was compelled to go ashore at a place, where
through fear of the inhabitants I remained in a wood. When I
stepped out of this I found myself on a large plain immediately
under the equator.
G.M. And what befell you here?
Capt. I came upon a large crowd of men and armed women,
many of whom did not understand our language, and they con-
ducted me forthwith to the City of the Sun.
G.M. Tell me after what plan this city is built and how it
is governed.
Capt. The greater part of the city is built upon a high hill,
which rises from an extensive plain, but several of its circles
extend for some distance beyond the base of the hill, which is
of such a size that the diameter of the city is upward of two
miles, so that its circumference becomes about seven. On ac-
count of the humped shape of the mountain, however, the diam-
eter of the city is really more than if it were built on a plain.
It is divided into seven rings or huge circles named from
the seven planets, and the way from one to the other of these is
by four streets and through four gates, that look toward the
four points of the compass. Furthermore, it is so built that
if the first circle were stormed, it would of necessity entail a
double amount of energy to storm the second; still more to
storm the third; and in each succeeding case the strength and
141
143 CAMPANELLA

energy would have to be doubled; so that he who wishes to


capture that city must, as it were, storm it seven times. For
my own part, however, I think that not even the first wall could
be occupied, so thick are the earthworks and so well fortified
is it with breastworks, towers, guns, and ditches.
When I had been taken through the northern gate (which
is shut with an iron door so wrought that it can be raised and
let down, and locked in easily and strongly, its projections run-
ning into the grooves of the thick posts by a marvellous device),
I saw a level space seventy paces* wide between the first and
second walls. From hence can be seen large palaces, all joined
to the wall of the second circuit in such a manner as to appear
all one palace. Arches run on a level with the middle height
of the palaces, and are continued round the whole ring. There
are galleries for promenading upon these arches, which are
supported from beneath by thick and well-shaped columns, en-
closing arcades like peristyles, or cloisters of an abbey.
But the palaces have no entrances from below, except on the
inner or concave partition, from which one enters directly to
the lower parts of the building. The higher parts, however,
are reached by flights of marble steps, which lead to galleries
for promenading on the inside similar to those on the outside.
From these one enters the higher rooms, which are very beauti-
ful, and have windows on the concave and convex partitions.
These rooms are divided from one another by richly decorated
walls. The convex or outer wall of the ring is about eight
spans thick; the concave, three; the intermediate walls are one,
or perhaps one and a half. Leaving this circle one gets to the
second plain, which is nearly three paces narrower than the
first. Then the first wall of the second ring is seen adorned
above and below with similar galleries for walking, and there
is on the inside of it another interior wall enclosing palaces.
It has also similar peristyles supported by columns in the lower
part, but above are excellent pictures, round the ways into the
upper houses. And so on afterward through similar spaces
and double walls, enclosing palaces, and adorned with galleries
for walking, extending along their outer side, and supported
by columns, till the last circuit is reached, the way being still
over a level plain.
* A pa ce w a s 1 & y a r d , 1 , 0 0 0 pa ces m a k i ng a mile.
CITY OF THE SUN U3

But when the two gates, that is to say, those of the outmost
and the inmost walls, have been passed, one mounts by means
of steps so formed that an ascent is scarcely discernible, since
it proceeds in a slanting direction, and the steps succeed one
another at almost imperceptible heights. On the top of the
hill is a rather spacious plain, and in the midst of this there
rises a temple built with wondrous art.
G.M. Tell on, I pray you! Tell on! I am dying to hear
more.
Capt. The temple is built in the form of a circle; it is not
girt with walls, but stands upon thick columns, beautifully
grouped. A very large dome, built with great care in the cen-
tre or pole, contains another small vault as it were rising out of
it, and in this is a spiracle, which is right over the altar. There
is but one altar in the middle of the temple, and this is hedged
round by columns. The temple itself is on a space of more
than 350 paces. Without it, arches measuring about eight
paces extend from the heads of the columns outward, whence
other columns rise about three paces from the thick, strong, and
erect wall. Between these and the former columns there are
galleries for walking, with beautiful pavements, and in the re-
cess of the wall, which is adorned with numerous large doors,
there are immovable seats, placed as it were between the inside
columns, supporting the temple. Portable chairs are not want-
ing, many and well adorned. Nothing is seen over the altar
but a large globe, upon which the heavenly bodies are painted,
and another globe upon which there is a representation of the
earth. Furthermore, in the vault of the dome there can be dis-
cerned representations of all the stars of heaven from the first
to the sixth magnitude, with their proper names and power to
influence terrestrial things marked in three little verses for each.
There are the poles and greater and lesser circles according to
the right latitude of the place, but these are not perfect because
there is no wall below. They seem, too, to be made in their re-
lation to the globes on the altar. The pavement of the temple
is bright with precious stones. Its seven golden lamps hang
always burning, and these bear the names of the seven planets.
At the top of the building several small and beautiful cells
surround the small dome, and behind the level space above the
bands or arches of the exterior and interior columns there are
144 CAMPANELLA

many cells, both small and large, where the priests and relig-
ious officers dwell to the number of forty-nine.
A revolving flag projects from the smaller dome, and this
shows in what quarter the wind is. The flag is marked with
figures up to thirty-six, and the priests know what sort of year
the different kinds of winds bring and what will be the changes
of weather on land and sea. Furthermore, under the flag a
book is always kept written with letters of gold.
I pray you, worthy hero, explain to me their whole
system of government; for I am anxious to hear it.
Capt. The great ruler among them is a priest whom they
call by the name Hoh, though we should call him Metaphysic.
He is head over all, in temporal and spiritual matters, and all
business and lawsuits are settled by him, as the supreme au-
thority. Three princes of equal power—viz., Pon, Sin, and
Mor—assist him, and these in our tongue we should call Power,
Wisdom, and Love. To Power belongs the care of all matters
relating to war and peace. He attends to the military arts, and,
next to Hoh, he is ruler in every affair of a warlike nature.
He governs the military magistrates and the soldiers, and has
the management of the munitions, the fortifications, the storm-
ing of places, the implements of war, the armories, the smiths
and workmen connected with matters of this sort.
But Wisdom is the ruler of the liberal arts, of mechanics,
of all sciences with their magistrates and doctors, and of the
discipline of the schools. As many doctors as there are, are
under his control. There is one doctor who is called Astrolo-
gu s ; a second, Cosmographus; a third, Arithmeticus; a fourth,
Geómetra; a fifth, Historiagraphus; a sixth, Poeta; a seventh,
Logicus; an eighth, Rhetor; a ninth, Grammaticus; a tenth,
Medicus ; an eleventh, Physiologus; a twelfth, Politicus; a thir-
teenth, Moralis. They have but one book, which they call
Wisdom, and in it all the sciences are written with conciseness
and marvellous fluency of expression. This they read to the
people after the custom of the Pythagoreans. It is Wisdom
who causes the exterior and interior, the higher and lower walls
of the city to be adorned with the finest pictures, and to have
all the sciences painted upon them in an admirable manner.
On the walls of the temple and on the dome, which is let down
when the priest gives an address, lest the sounds of his voice,
CITY OF THE S UN 145

being scattered, should fly away from his audience, there are
pictures of stars in their different magnitudes, with the powers
and motions of each, expressed separately in three little verses.
On the interior wall of the first circuit all the mathematical
figures are conspicuously painted—figures more in number
than Archimedes or Euclid discovered, marked symmetrically,
and with the explanation of them neatly written and contained
each in a little verse. There are definitions and propositions,
etc. On the exterior convex wall is first an immense drawing
of the whole earth, given at one view. Following upon this,
there are tablets setting forth for every separate country the
customs both public and private, the laws, the origins and the
power of the inhabitants; and the alphabets the different people
use can be seen above that of the City of the Sun.
On the inside of the second circuit, that is to say of the second
ring of buildings, paintings of all kinds of precious and com-
mon stones, of minerals and metals, are seen; and a little piece
of the metal itself is also there with an apposite explanation
in two small verses for each metal or stone. On the outside
are marked all the seas, rivers, lakes, and streams which are
on the face of the earth; as are also the wines and the oils and
the different liquids, with the sources from which the last are
extracted, their qualities and strength. There are also vessels
built into the wall above the arches, and these are full of liquids
from one to 300 years old, which cure all diseases. Hail and
snow, storms and thunder, and whatever else takes place in the
air, are represented with suitable figures and little verses. The
inhabitants even have the art of representing in stone all the
phenomena of the air, such as the wind, rain, thunder, the rain-
bow, etc.
On the interior of the third circuit all the different families
of trees and herbs are depicted, and there is a live specimen of
each plant in earthenware vessels placed upon the outer parti-
tion of the arches. With the specimens there are explanations
as to where they were first found, what are their powers and
natures, and resemblances to celestial things and to metals, to
parts of the human body and to things in the sea, and also as
to their uses in medicine, etc. On the exterior wall are all the
races of fish found in rivers, lakes, and seas, and their habits
and values, and ways of breeding, training, and living, the pur-
10
146 CAMPANELLA

poses for which they exist in the world, and their uses to man.
Further, their resemblances to celestial and terrestrial things,
produced both by nature and art, are so given that I was as-
tonished when I saw a fish which was like a bishop, one like a
chain, another like a garment, a fourth like a nail, a fifth like
a star, and others like images of those things existing among
us, the relation in each case being completely manifest. There
are sea-urchins to be seen, and the purple shell-fish and mus-
sels ; and whatever the watery world possesses worthy of being
known is there fully shown in marvellous characters of paint-
ing and drawing.
On the fourth interior wall all the different kinds of birds are
painted, with their natures, sizes, customs, colors, manner of
living, etc.; and the only real phoenix is possessed by the inhabi-
tants of this city. On the exterior are shown all the races of
creeping animals, serpents, dragons, and worms; the insects,
the flies, gnats, beetles, etc., in their different states, strength,
venoms, and uses, and a great deal more than you or I can think
of.
On the fifth interior they have all the larger animals of the
earth, as many in number as would astonish you. We indeed
know not the thousandth part of them, for on the exterior wall
also a great many of immense size are also portrayed. To be
sure, of horses alone, how great a number of breeds there is and
how beautiful are the forms there cleverly displayed!
On the sixth interior are painted all the mechanical arts, with
the several instruments for each and their manner of use among
different nations. Alongside, the dignity of such is placed, and
their several inventors are named. But on the exterior all the
inventors in science, in warfare, and in law are represented.
There I saw Moses, Osiris, Jupiter, Mercury, Lycurgus, Pom-
pilius, Pythagoras, Zamolxis, Solon, Charondas, Phoroneus,
with very many others. They even have Mahomet, whom
nevertheless they hate as a false and sordid legislator. In the
most dignified position I saw a representation of Jesus Christ
and of the twelve Apostles, whom they consider very worthy
and hold to be great. Of the representations of men, I per-
ceived Caesar, Alexander, Pyrrhus, and Hannibal in the high-
est place; and other very renowned heroes in peace and war,
especially Roman heroes, were painted in lower positions, under
CITY OF THE SUN 147

the galleries. And when I asked with astonishment whence


they had obtained our history, they told me that among them
there was a knowledge of all languages, and that by persever-
ance they continually send explorers and ambassadors over the
whole earth, who learn thoroughly the customs, forces, rule and
histories of the nations, bad and good alike. These they apply
all to their own republic, and with this they are well pleased.
I learned that cannon and typograhpy were invented by the
Chinese before we knew of them. There are magistrates, who
announce the meaning of the pictures, and boys are accustomed
to learn all the sciences, without toil and as if for pleasure; but
in the way of history only until they are ten years old.
Love is foremost in attending to the charge of the race. He
sees that men and women are so joined together, that they bring
forth the best offspring. Indeed, they laugh at us who exhibit
a studious care for our breed of horses and dogs, but neglect
the breeding of human beings. Thus the education of the chil-
dren is under his rule. So also is the medicine that is sold, the
sowing and collecting of fruits of the earth and of trees, agri-
culture, pasturage, the preparations for the months, the cook-
ing arrangements, and whatever has any reference to food,
clothing, and the intercourse of the sexes. Love himself is
ruler, but there are many male and female magistrates dedi-
cated to these arts.
Metaphysic, then, with these three rulers, manages all the
above-named matters, and even by himself alone nothing is
done; all business is discharged by the four together, but in
whatever Metaphysic inclines to the rest are sure to agree.
Tell me, please, of the magistrates, their services and
duties, of the education and mode of living, whether the gov-
ernment is a monarchy, a republic, or an aristocracy.
Capt. This race of men came there from India, flying from
the sword of the Magi, a race of plunderers and tyrants who
laid waste their country, and they determined to lead a philo-
sophic life in fellowship with one another. Although the com-
munity of wives is not instituted among the other inhabitants
of their province, among them it is in use after this manner:
All things are common with them, and their dispensation is by
the authority of the magistrates. Arts and honors and pleas-
ures are common, and are held in such a manner that no one
can appropriate anything to himself. ,
148 CAMPANELLA

They say that all private property is acquired and improved


for the reason that each one of us by himself has his own home
and wife and children. From this, self-love springs. For
when we raise a son to riches and dignities, and leave an heir to
much wealth, we become either ready to grasp at the property of
the State, if in any case fear should be removed from the power
which belongs to riches and rank; or avaricious, crafty, and
hypocritical, if anyone is of slender purse, little strength, and
mean ancestry. But when we have taken away self-love, there
remains only love for the State.
Under such circumstances no one will be willing to
labor, while he expects others to work, on the fruit of whose
labors he can live, as Aristotle argues against Plato.
Capt. I do not know how to deal with that argument, but
I declare to you that they burn with so great a love for their
fatherland, as I could scarcely have believed possible; and in-
deed with much more than the histories tell us belonged to the
Romans, who fell willingly for their country, inasmuch as they
have to a greater extent surrendered their private property.
I think truly that the friars and monks and clergy'of our coun-
try, if they were not weakened by love for their kindred and
friends or by the ambition to rise to higher dignities, would be
less fond of property, and more imbued with a spirit of charity
toward all, as it was in the time of the apostles, and is now in a
great many cases.
St. Augustine may say that, but I say that among this
race of men, friendship is worth nothing, since they have not
the chance of conferring mutual benefits on one another.
Capt. Nay, indeed. For it is worth the trouble to see that
no one can receive gifts from another. Whatever is necessary
they have, they receive it from the community, and the magis-
trate takes care that no one receives more than he deserves. Yet
nothing necessary is denied to anyone. Friendship is recog-
nized among them in war, in infirmity, in the art contests, by
which means they aid one another mutually by teaching. Some-
times they improve themselves mutually with praises, with con-
versation, with actions, and out of the things they need. All
those of the same age call one another brothers. They call all
over twenty-two years of age, fathers; those that are less than
twenty-two are named sons. Moreover, the magistrates gov-
CITY OF THE SUN 149

ern well, so that no one in the fraternity can do injury to an-


other.
G.M. And how ?
Capt. As many names of virtues as there are among us, so
many magistrates there are among them. There is a magis-
trate who is named Magnanimity, another Fortitude, a third
Chastity, a fourth Liberality, a fifth Criminal and Civil Justice,
a sixth Comfort, a seventh Truth, an eighth Kindness, a tenth
Gratitude, an eleventh Cheerfulness, a twelfth Exercise, a thir-
teenth Sobriety, etc. They are elected to duties of that kind,
each one to that duty for excellence in which he is known from
boyhood to be most suitable. Wherefore among them neither
robbery nor clever murders, nor lewdness, incest, adultery, or
other crimes of which we accuse one another, can be found.
They accuse themselves of ingratitude and malignity when any-
one denies a lawful satisfaction to another of indolence, of sad-
ness, of anger, of scurrility, of slander, and of lying, which
curseful thing they thoroughly hate. Accused persons under-
going punishment are deprived of the common table, and other
honors, until the judge thinks that they agree with their cor-
rection.
G.M. Tell me the manner in which the magistrates are
chosen.
, Capt. You would not rightly understand this, unless you
first learned their manner of living. That you may know, then,
men and women wear the same kind of garment, suited for war.
The women wear the toga below the knee, but the men above;
and both sexes are instructed in all the arts together. When
this has been done as a start, and before their third year, the
boys learn the language and the alphabet on the walls by walk-
ing round them. They have four leaders, and four elders, the
first to direct them, the second to teach them, and these are men
approved beyond all others. After some time they exercise
themselves with gymnastics, running, quoits, and other games,
by means of which all their muscles are strengthened alike.
Their feet are always bare, and so are their heads as far as the
seventh ring. Afterward they lead them to the offices of the
trades, such as shoemaking, cooking, metal-working, carpentry,
painting, etc. In order to find out the bent of the genius of
each one, after their seventh year, when they have already gone
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through the mathematics on the walls, they take them to the


readings of all the sciences; there are four lectures at each read-
ing, and in the course of four hours the four in their order ex-
plain everything.
For some take physical exercise or busy themselves with pub-
lic services or functions, others apply themselves to reading.
Leaving these studies all are devoted to the more abstruse sub-
jects, to mathematics, to medicine, and to other sciences. There
are continual debate and studied argument among them, and
after a time they become magistrates of those sciences or me-
chanical arts in which they are the most proficient; for every-
one follows the opinion of his leader and judge, and goes out
to the plains to the works of the field, and for the purpose of
becoming acquainted with the pasturage of the dumb animals.
And they consider him the more noble and renowned who has
dedicated himself to the study of the most arts and knows how
to practise them wisely. Wherefore they laugh at us in that we
consider our workmen ignoble, and hold those to be noble who
have mastered no pursuit, but live in ease and are so many
slaves given over to their own pleasure and lasciviousness; and
thus, as it were, from a school of vices so many idle and wicked
fellows go forth for the ruin of the State.
The rest of the officials, however, are chosen by the four
chiefs, Hoh, Pon, Sin and Mor, and by the teachers of that art
over which they are fit to preside. And these teachers know
well who is most suited for rule. Certain men are proposed
by the magistrates in council, they themselves not seeking to
become candidates, and he opposes who knows anything against
those brought forward for election, or, if not, speaks in favor
of them. But no one attains to the dignity of Hoh except him
who knows the histories of the nations, and their customs and
sacrifices and laws, and their form of government, whether a
republic or a monarchy. He must also know the names of the
lawgivers and the inventors in science, and the laws and the
history of the earth and the heavenly bodies. They think it
also necessary that he should understand all the mechanical
arts, the physical sciences, astrology and mathematics. Near-
ly every two days they teach our mechanical art. They are not
allowed to overwork themselves, but frequent practice and the
paintings render learning easy to them. Not too much care
CITY OF THE SUN

is given to the cultivation of languages, as they have a goodly


number of interpreters who are grammarians in the State.
But beyond everything else it is necessary that Hoh should
understand metaphysics and theology; that he should know
thoroughly the derivations, foundations, and demonstrations of
all the arts and sciences; the likeness and difference of things;
necessity, fate, and the harmonies of the universe; power, wis-
dom, and the love of things and of God; the stages of life and
its symbols; everything relating to the heavens, the earth, and
the sea; and the ideas of God, as much as mortal man can know
of him. He must also be well read in the prophets and in as-
trology. And thus they know long beforehand who will be
Hoh. He is not chosen to so great a dignity unless he has at-
tained his thirty-fifth year. And this office is perpetual, be-
cause it is not known who may be too wise for it or who too
skilled in ruling.
G.M. Who indeed can be so wise? If even anyone has a
knowledge of the sciences it seems that he must be unskilled
in ruling.
Capt. This very question I asked them and they replied
thus: " We, indeed, are more certain that such a very learned
man has the knowledge of governing, than you who place ig-
norant persons in authority, and consider them suitable merely
because they have sprung from rulers or have been chosen by a
powerful faction. But our Hoh, a man really the most capable
to rule, is for all that never cruel nor wicked, nor a tyrant, inas-
much as he possesses so much wisdom. This, moreover, is not
unknown to you, that the same argument cannot apply among
you, when you consider that man the most learned who knows
most of grammar, or logic, or of Aristotle or any other author.
For such knowledge as this of yours much servile labor and
memory work are required, so that a man is rendered unskilful,
since he has contemplated nothing but the words of books and
has given his mind with useless result to the consideration of
the dead signs of things. Hence he knows not in what way
God rules the universe, nor the ways and customs of nature and
the nations. Wherefore he is not equal to our Hoh. For that
one cannot know so many arts and sciences thoroughly, who is
not esteemed for skilled ingenuity, very apt at all things, and
therefore at ruling especially. This also is plain to us that he
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who knows only one science, does not really know either that
or the others, and he who is suited for only one science and has
gathered his knowledge from books, is unlearned and unskilled.
But this is not the case with intellects prompt and expert in
every branch of knowledge and suitable for the consideration
of natural objects, as it is necessary that our Hoh should be.
Besides in our State the sciences are taught with a facility (as
you have seen) by which more scholars are turned out by us
in one year than by you in ten, or even fifteen. Make trial, I
pray you, of these boys."
In this matter I was struck with astonishment at their truth-
ful disccurse and at the trial of their boys, who did not under-
stand my language well. Indeed it is necessary that three of
them should be skilled in our tongue, three in Arabic, three in
Polish, and three in each of the other languages, and no recrea-
tion is allowed them unless they become more learned. For
that they go out to the plain for the sake of running about and
hurling arrows and lances, and of firing harquebuses, and for
the sake of hunting the wild animals and getting a knowledge
of plants and stones, and agriculture and pasturage; sometimes
the band of boys does one thing, sometimes another.
They do not consider it necessary that the three rulers assist-
ing Hoh should know other than the arts having reference to
their rule, and so they have only a historical knowledge of the
arts which are common to all. But their own they know well,
to which certainly one is dedicated more than another. Thus
Power is the most learned in the equestrian art, in marshalling
the army, in the marking out of camps, in the manufacture of
every kind of weapon and of warlike machines, in planning
stratagems, and in every affair of a military nature. And for
these reasons, they consider it necessary that these chiefs
should have been philosophers, historians, politicians, and
physicists. Concerning the other two triumvirs, understand
remarks similar to those I have made about Tower.
G I really wish that you would recount all their public
duties, and would distinguish between them, and also that you
would tell clearly how they are all taught in common.
Capt. They have dwellings in common and dormitories, and
couches and other necessaries. But at the end of every six
months they are separated by the masters. Some shall sleep in
CITY OF THE SUN 153

this ring, some in another; some in the first apartment, and


some in the second; and these apartments are marked by means
of the alphabet on the lintel. There are occupations, mechani-
cal and theoretical, common to both men and women, with this
difference, that the occupations which require more hard work,
and walking a long distance, are practised by men, such as
ploughing, sowing, gathering the fruits, working at the thresh-
ing-floor, and perchance at the vintage. But it is customary to
choose women for milking the cows and for making cheese. In
like manner, they go to the gardens near to the outskirts of the
city both for collecting the plants and for cultivating them. In
fact, all sedentary and stationary pursuits are practised by the
women, such as weaving, spinning, sewing, cutting the hair,
shaving, dispensing medicines, and making all kinds of gar-
ments. They are, however, excluded from working in wood
and the manufacture of arms. If a woman is fit to paint, she
is not prevented from doing so; nevertheless, music is given
over to the women alone, because they please the more, and of
a truth to boys also. But the women have not the practise of
the drum and the horn.
And they prepare their feasts and arrange the tables in the
following manner. It is the peculiar work of the boys and
girls under twenty to wait at the tables. In every ring there
are suitable kitchens, barns, and stores of utensils for eating
and drinking, and over every department an old man and an old
woman preside. These two have at once the command of those
who serve, and the power of chastising, or causing to be chas-
tised, those who are negligent or disobedient; and they also
examine and mark each one, both male and female, who excels
in his or her duties.
All the young people wait upon the older ones who have
passed the age of forty, and in the evening when they go to
sleep the master and mistress command that those should be
sent to work in the morning, upon whom in succession the duty
falls, one or two to separate apartments. The young people,
however, wait upon one another, and that alas! with some un-
willingness. They have first and second tables, and on both
sides there are seats. On one side sit the women, on the other
the men; and as in the refectories of the monks, there is no
noise. While they are eating a young man reads a book from
154 CAMPANELLA

a platform, intoning distinctly and sonorously, and often the


magistrates question them upon the more important parts of
the reading. And truly it is pleasant to observe in what man-
ner these young people, so beautiful and clothed in garments
so suitable, attend to them, and to see at the same time so many
friends, brothers, sons, fathers, and mothers all in their turn
living together with so much honesty, propriety, and love. So
each one is given a napkin, a plate, fish, and a dish of food. It
is the duty of the medical officers to tell the cooks what repasts
shall be prepared on each day, and what food for the old, what
for the young, and what for the sick. The magistrates receive
the full-grown and fatter portion, and they from their share
always distribute something to the boys at the table who have
shown themselves more studious in the morning at the lectures
and debates concerning wisdom and arms. And this is held
to be one of the most distinguished honors. For six days they
ordain to sing with music at table. Only a few, however, sing;
or there is one voice accompanying the lute and one for each
other instrument. And when all alike in service join their
hands, nothing is found to be wanting. The old men placed
at the head of the cooking business and of the refectories of the
servants praise the cleanliness of the streets, the houses, the ves-
sels, the garments, the workshops, and the warehouses.
They wear white under-garments to which adheres a cover-
ing, which is at once coat and legging, without wrinkles. The
borders of the fastenings are furnished with globular buttons,
extended round and caught up here and there by chains. The
coverings of the legs descend to the shoes and are continued
even to the heels. Then they cover the feet with large socks,
or, as it were, half-buskins fastened by buckles, over which they
wear a half-boot, and besides, as I have already said, they are
clothed with a toga. And so aptly fitting are the garments,
that when the toga is destroyed, the different parts of the whole
body are straightway discerned, no part being concealed. They
change their clothes for different ones four times in the year,
that is when the sun enters respectively the constellations Aries,
Cancer, Libra, and Capricorn, and according to the circum-
stances and necessity as decided by the officer of health. The
keepers of clothes for the different rings are wont to distribute
them, and it is marvellous that they have at the same time as
CITY OF THE SUN
155

many garments as there is need for, some heavy and some


slight, according to the weather. They all use white clothing,
and this is washed in each month with lye or soap, as are also
the workshops of the lower trades, the kitchens, the pantries,
the barns, the store-houses, the armories, the refectories, and
the baths.
Moreover, the clothes are washed at the pillars of the peri-
styles, and the water is brought down by means of canals which
are continued as sewers. In every street of the different rings
there are suitable fountains, which send forth their water by
means of canals, the water being drawn up from nearly the bot-
tom of the mountain by the sole movement of a cleverly con-
trived handle. There is water in fountains and in cisterns,
whither the rain-water collected from the roofs of the houses
is brought through pipes full of sand. They wash their bodies
often, according as the doctor and master command. All the
mechanical arts are practised under the peristyles, but the spec-
ulative are carried on above in the walking galleries and ram-
parts where are the more splendid paintings, but the more sacred
ones are taught in the temple. In the halls and wings of the
rings there are solar time-pieces and bells, and hands by which
the hours and seasons are marked off.
G.M. Tell me about their children.
Capl. When their women have brought forth children, they
suckle and rear them in temples set apart for all. They give
milk for two years or more as the physician orders. After that
time the weaned child is given into the charge of the mistresses,
if it is a female, and to the masters, if it is a male. And then
with other young children they are pleasantly instructed in the
alphabet, and in the knowledge of the pictures, and in running,
walking, and wrestling; also in the historical drawings, and in
languages; and they are adorned with a suitable garment of
different colors. After their sixth year they are taught natural
science, and then the mechanical sciences. The men who are
weak in intellect are sent to farms, and when they have become
more proficient some of them are received into the State. And
those of the same age and born under the same constellation
are especially like one another in strength and in appearance,
and hence arises much lasting concord in the State, these men
honoring one another with mutual love and help. Names are
CAMPANELLA

given to them by Metaphysicus, and that not by chance, but de-


signedly, and according to each one's peculiarity, as was the
custom among the ancient Romans. Wherefore one is called
Beautiful (Pulcher), another the Big-nosed (Naso), another
the Fat-legged (Cranipes), another Crooked (Torvus), an-
other Lean (Macer), and so on. But when they have become
very skilled in their professions and done any great deed in war
or in time of peace, a cognomen from art is given to them, such
as Beautiful the Great Painter (Pulcher, Pictor Magnus), the
Golden One (Aureus), the Excellent One (Excellens), or the
Strong (Strenuus); or from their deeds, such as Naso the
Brave (Nason Fortis), or the Cunning, or the Great, or Very
Great Conqueror; or from the enemy anyone has overcome,
Africanus, Asiaticus, Etruscus; or if anyone has overcome
Manfred or Tortelius, he is called Macer Manfred or Tortelius,
and so on. All these cognomens are added by the higher mag-
istrates, and very often with a crown suitable to the deed or art,
and with the flourish of music. For gold and silver are reck-
oned of little value among them except as material for their
vessels and ornaments, which are common to all.
G.M. Tell me, I pray you, is there no jealousy among them
or disappointment to that one who has not been elected to a
magistracy, or to any other dignity to which he aspires ?
Capt. Certainly not. For no one wants either necessaries
or luxuries. Moreover, the race is managed for the good of
the commonwealth, and not of private individuals, and the mag-
istrates must be obeyed. They deny what we hold—viz., that it
is natural to man to recognize his offspring and to educate them,
and to use his wife and house and children as his own. For
they say that children are bred for the preservation of the
species and not for individual pleasure, as St. Thomas also as-
serts. Therefore the breeding of children has reference to the
commonwealth, and not to individuals, except in so far as they
are constituents of the commonwealth. And since individuals
for the most part bring forth children wrongly and educate
them wrongly, they consider that they remove destruction from
the State, and therefore for this reason, with most sacred fear,
they commit the education of the children, who, as it were, are
the element of the republic, to the care of magistrates; for the
safety of the community is not that of a few. And thus they
CITY OF THE SUN 157

distribute male and female breeders of the best natures accord-


ing to philosophical rules. Plato thinks that this distribution
ought to be made by lot, lest some men seeing that they are kept
away from the beautiful women, should rise up with anger and
hatred against the magistrates; and he thinks further that those
who do not deserve cohabitation with the more beautiful
women, should be deceived while the lots are being led out of
the city by the magistrates, so that at all times the women who
are suitable should fall to their lot, not those whom they desire.
This shrewdness, however, is not necessary among the inhab-
itants of the City of the Sun. For with them deformity is un-
known. When the women are exercised they get a clear com-
plexion, and become strong of limb, tall and agile, and with
them beauty consists in tallness and strength. Therefore, if
any woman dyes her face, so that it may become beautiful, or
uses high-heeled boots so that she may appear tall, or garments
with trains to cover her wooden shoes, she is condemned to cap-
ital punishment. But if the women should even desire them,
they have no facility for doing these things. For who indeed
would give them this facility ? Further, they assert that among
us abuses of this kind arise from the leisure and sloth of women.
By these means they lose their color and have pale complexions,
and become feeble and small. For this reason they are without
proper complexions, use high sandals, and become beautiful not
from strength, but from slothful tenderness. And thus they
ruin their own tempers and natures, and consequently those of
their offspring. Furthermore, if at any time a man is taken
captive with ardent love for a certain woman, the two are al-
lowed to converse and joke together, and to give one another
garlands of flowers or leaves, and to make verses. But if the
race is endangered, by no means is further union between them
permitted. Moreover, the love born of eager desire is not
known among them ; only that born of friendship.
Domestic affairs and partnerships are of little account, be-
cause, excepting the sign of honor, each one receives what he
is in need of. To the heroes and heroines of the republic, it
is customary to give the pleasing gifts of honor, beautiful
wreaths, sweet food, or splendid clothes, while they are feast-
ing. In the daytime all use white garments within the city, but
at night or outside the city they use red garments either of wool
CAMPANELLA

or silk. They hate black as they do dung, and therefore they


dislike the Japanese, who are fond of black. Pride they con-
sider the most execrable vice, and one who acts proudly is
chastised with the most ruthless correction. Wherefore no
one thinks it lowering to wait at table or to work in the kitchen
or fields. All work they call discipline, and thus they say that
it is honorable to go on foot, to do any act of nature, to see with
the eye, and to speak with the tongue; and when there is need,
they distinguish philosophically between tears and spittle.
Every man who, when he is told off to work, does his duty,
is considered very honorable. It is not the custom to keep
slaves. For they are enough, and more than enough, for them-
selves. But with us, alas! it is not so. In Naples there exist
70,000 souls, and out of these scarcely 10,000 or 15,000 do any
work, and they are always lean from overwork and are getting
weaker every day. The rest become a prey to idleness, avarice,
ill-health, lasciviousness, usury, and other vices, and contam-
inate and corrupt very many families by holding them in servi-
tude for their own use, by keeping them in poverty and slavish-
ness, and by imparting to them their own vices. Therefore
public slavery ruins them; useful works, in the field, in military
service, and in arts, except those which are debasing, are not
cultivated, the few who do practise them doing so with much
aversion.
But in the City of the Sun, while duty and work are dis-
tributed among all, it only falls to each one to work for about
four hours every day. The remaining hours are spent in learn-
ing joyously, in debating, in reading, in reciting, in writing, in
walking, in exercising the mind and bod}', and with play. They
allow no game which is played while sitting, neither the single
die nor dice, nor chess, nor others like these. But they play
with the ball, with the sack, with the hoop, with wrestling, with
hurling at the stake. They say, moreover, that grinding poverty
renders men worthless, cunning, sulky, thievish, insidious, vag-
abonds, liars, false witnesses, etc.; and that wealth makes them
insolent, proud, ignorant, traitors, assumers of what they know
not, deceivers, boasters, wanting in affection, slanderers, etc.
But with them all the rich and poor together make up the com-
munity. They are rich because they want nothing, poor be-
cause they possess nothing; and consequently they are not
CITY OF THE SUN

slaves to circumstances, but circumstances serve them. And on


this point they strongly recommend the religion of the Chris-
tians, and especially the life of the apostles.
G.M. This seems excellent and sacred, but the community
of women is a thing too difficult to attain. The holy Roman
Clement says that wives ought to be common in accordance with
the apostolic institution, and praises Plato and Socrates, who
thus teach, but the Glossary interprets this community with
regard to obedience. And Tertullian agrees with the Glossary,
that the first Christians had everything in common except
wives.
Capt. These things I know little of. But this I saw among
the inhabitants of the City of the Sun, that they did not make
this exception. And they defend themselves by the opinion of
Socrates, of Cato, of Plato, and of St. Clement; but, as you say,
they misunderstand the opinions of these thinkers. And the
inhabitants of the solar city ascribe this to their want of educa-
tion, since they are by no means learned in philosophy. Never-
theless, they send abroad to discover the customs of nations,
and the best of these they always adopt. Practice makes the
women suitable for war and other duties. Thus they agree with
Plato, in whom I have read these same things. The reasoning
of our Cajetan does not convince me, and least of all that of
Aristotle. This thing, however, existing among them is ex-
cellent and worthy of imitation—viz., that no physical defect
renders a man incapable of being serviceable except the decrepi-
tude of old age, since even the deformed are useful for consulta-
tion. The lame serve as guards, watching with the eyes which
they possess. The blind card wool with their hands, separating
the down from the hairs, with which latter they stuff the
couches and sofas; those who are without the use of eyes and
hands give the use of their ears or their voice for the conven-
ience of the State, and if one has only one sense he uses it in the
farms. And these cripples are well treated, and some become
spies, telling the officers of the State what they have heard.
G.M. Tell me now, I pray you, of their military affairs.
Then you may explain their arts, ways of life and sciences,
and lastly their religion.
Capt. The triumvir, Power, has under him all the magis-
trates of arms, of artillery, of cavalry, of foot-soldiers, of archi-
i6o CAMPANELLA

tects, and of strategists; and the masters and many of the


most excellent workmen obey the magistrates, the men of each
art paying allegiance to their respective chiefs. Moreover,
Power is at the head of all the professors of gymnastics, who
teach military exercise, and who are prudent generals, advanced
in age. By these the boys are trained after their twelfth year.
Before this age, however, they have been accustomed to wres-
tling, running, throwing the weight, and other minor exercises,
under inferior masters. But at twelve they are taught how to
strike at the enemy, at horses and elephants, to handle the spear,
the sword, the arrow, and the sling; to manage the horse, to
advance and to retreat, to remain in order of battle, to help a
comrade in arms, to anticipate the enemy by cunning, and to
conquer.
The women also are taught these arts under their own magis-
trates and mistresses, so that they may be able if need be to
render assistance to the males in battles near the city. They
are taught to watch the fortifications lest at some time a hasty
attack should suddenly be made. In this respect they praise the
Spartans and Amazons. The women know well also how to
let fly fiery balls, and how to make them from lead; how to
throw stones from pinnacles and to go in the way of an attack.
They are accustomed also to give up wine unmixed altogether,
and that one is punished most severely who shows any fear.
The inhabitants of the City of the Sun do not fear death,
because they all believe that the soul is immortal, and that when
it has left the body it is associated with other spirits, wicked or
good, according to the merits of this present life. Although
they are partly followers of Brahma and Pythagoras, they do
not believe in the transmigration of souls, except in some cases
by a distinct decree of God. They do not abstain from injuring
an enemy of the republic and of religion, who is unworthy of
pity. During the second month the army is reviewed, and every
day there is practice of arms, either in the cavalry plain or
within the walls. Nor are they ever without lectures on the
science of war. They take care that the accounts of Moses, of
Joshua, of David, of Judas Maccabeus, of Caesar, of Alexander,
of Scipio, of Hannibal, and other great soldiers should be read.
And then each one gives his own opinion as to whether these
generals acted well or ill, usefully or honorably, and then the
teacher answers and says who are right.
CITY OF THE SUN 161
«,

With whom do they wage war, and for what reasons,


since they are so prosperous ?
Capt. Wars might never occur, nevertheless they are exer-
cised in military tactics and in hunting, lest perchance they
should become effeminate and unprepared for any emergency.
Besides, there are four kingdoms in the island, which are very
envious of their prosperity, for this reason that the people de-
sire to live after the manner of the inhabitants of the City of
the Sun, and to be under their rule rather than that of their
own kings. Wherefore the State often makes war upon these
because, being neighbors, they are usurpers and live impiously,
since they have not an object of worship and do not observe the
religion of other nations or of the Brahmins. And other
nations of India, to which formerly they were subject, rise up
as it were in rebellion, as also do the Taprobanese, whom they
wanted to join them at first. The warriors of the City of the
Sun, however, are always the victors. As soon as they suffered
from insult or disgrace or plunder, or when their allies have
been harassed, or a people have been oppressed by a tyrant of
the State (for they are always the advocates of liberty), they
go immediately to the Council for deliberation. After they
have knelt in the presence of God, that he might inspire their
consultation, they proceed to examine the merits of the busi-
ness, and thus war is decided on. Immediately after, a priest,
whom they call Forensic, is sent away. He demands from the
enemy the restitution of the plunder, asks that the allies should
be freed from oppression, or that the tyrant should be deposed.
If they deny these things war is declared by invoking the ven-
geance of God—the God of Sabaoth—for destruction of those
who maintain an unjust cause. But if the enemy refuse to re-
ply, the priest gives him the space of one hour for his answer,
if he is a king, but three if it is a republic, so that they cannot
escape giving a response. And in this manner is war under-
taken against the insolent enemies of natural rights and of re-
ligion. When war has been declared, the deputy of Power
performs everything, but Power, like the Roman dictator, plans
and wills everything, so that hurtful tardiness may be avoided.
And when anything of great moment arises he consults Hoh
and Wisdom and Love.

Before this, however, the occasion of war and the justice of


ii
IÓ2 CAMPANELLA

making an expedition are declared by a herald in the great


Council. All from twenty years and upward are admitted to
this Council, and thus the necessaries are agreed upon. All
kinds of weapons stand in the armories, and these they use often
in sham fights. The exterior walls of each ring are full of
guns prepared by their labors, and they have other engines for
hurling which are called cannons, and which they take into
battle upon mules and asses and carriages. When they have
arrived in an open plain they enclose in the middle the provis-
ions, engines of war, chariots, ladders, and machines, and all
fight courageously. Then each one returns to the standards,
and the enemy thinking that they are giving and preparing to
flee, are deceived and relax their order: then the warriors of
the City of the Sun, wheeling into wings and columns on each
side, regain their breath and strength, and ordering the artillery
to discharge their bullets they resume the fight against a disor-
ganized host. And they observe many ruses of this kind.
They overcome all mortals with their stratagems and engines.
Their camp is fortified after the manner of the Romans. They
pitch their tents and fortify with wall and ditch with wonderful
quickness. The masters of works, of engines and hurling
machines, stand ready, and the soldiers understand the use of
the spade and the axe.
Five, eight, or ten leaders learned in the order of battle and
in strategy consult together concerning the business of war,
and command their bands after consultation. It is their wont
to take out with them a body of boys, armed and on horses, so
that they may learn to fight, just as the whelps of lions and
wolves are accustomed to blood. And these in time of danger
betake themselves to a place of safety, along with many armed
women. After the battle the women and boys soothe and re-
lieve the pain of the warriors, and wait upon them and encour-
age them with embraces and pleasant words. How wonderful
a help is this! For the soldiers, in order that they may acquit
themselves as sturdy men in the eyes of their wives and off-
spring, endure hardships, and so love makes them conquerors.
He who in the fight first scales the enemy's walls receives after
the battle of a crown of grass, as a token of honor, and at the
presentation the women and boys applaud loudly; that one who
affords aid to an ally gets a civic crown of oak-leaves; he who
CITY OF THE SUN 163

kills a tyrant dedicates his arms in the temple and receives from
Hoh the cognomen of his deed, and other warriors obtain other
kinds of crowns.
Every horse-soldier carries a spear and two strongly tem-
pered pistols, narrow at the mouth, hanging from his saddle.
And to get the barrels of their pistols narrow they pierce the
metal which they intend to convert into arms. Further, every
cavalry soldier has a sword and a dagger. But the rest, who
form the light-armed troops, carry a metal cudgel. For if the
foe cannot pierce their metal for pistols and cannot make
swords, they attack him with clubs, shatter and overthrow him.
Tw o chains of six spans length hang from the club, and at the
end of these are iron balls, and when these are aimed at the
enemy they surround his neck and drag him to the ground; and
in order that they may be able to use the club more easily, they
do not hold the reins with their hands, but use them by means
of the feet. If perchance the reins are interchanged above the
trappings of the saddle, the "ends are fastened to the stirrups
with buckles, and not to the feet. And the stirrups have an ar-
rangement for swift movement of the bridle, so that they draw
in or let out the rein with marvellous celerity. With the right
foot they turn the horse to the left, and with the left to the right.
This secret, moreover, is not known to the Tartars. For, al-
though they govern the reins with their feet, they are ignorant
nevertheless of turning them and drawing them in and letting
them out by means of the block of the stirrups. The light-
armed cavalry with them are the first to engage in battle, then
the men forming the phalanx with their spears, then the archers
for whose services a great price is paid, and who are accus-
tomed to fight in lines crossing one another as the threads of
cloth, some rushing forward in their turn and others receding.
They have a band of lancers strengthening the line of battle,
but they make trial of the swords only at the end.
After the battle they celebrate the military triumphs after the
manner of the Romans, and even in a more magnificent way.
Prayers by the way of thank-offerings are made to God, and
then the general presents himself in the temple, and the deeds,
good and bad, are related by the poet or historian, who accord-
ing to custom was with the expedition. And the greatest chief,
Hoh, crowns the general with laurel and distributes little gifts
IÖ4 CAMPANELLA

and honors to all the valorous soldiers, who are for some days
free from public duties. But this exemption from work is by
no means pleasing to them, since they know not what it is to be
at leisure, and so they help their companions. On the other
hand, they who have been conquered through their own fault,
or have lost the victory, are blamed; and they who were the first
to take to flight are in no way worthy to escape death, unless
when the whole army asks their lives, and each one takes upon
himself a part of their punishment. But this indulgence is
rarely granted, except when there are good reasons favoring it.
But he who did not bear help to an ally or friend is beaten with
rods. That one who did not obey orders is given to the beasts,
in an enclosure, to be devoured, and a staff is put in his hand,
and if he should conquer the lions and the bears that are there,
which is almost impossible, he is received into favor again.
The conquered States or those willingly delivered up to them,
forthwith have all things in common, and receive a garrison
and magistrates from the City of the Sun, and by degrees they
are accustomed to the ways of the city, the mistress of all, to
which they even send their sons to be taught without contribut-
ing anything for expense.
It would be too great trouble to tell you about the spies and
their master, and about the guards and laws and ceremonies,
both within and without the State, which you can of yourself
imagine. Since from childhood they are chosen according to
their inclination and the star under which they were born,
therefore each one working according to his natural propensity
does his duty well and pleasantly, because naturally. The same
things I may say concerning strategy and the other functions.
There are guards in the city by day and by night, and they
are placed at the four gates, and outside the walls of the seventh
ring, above the breastworks and towers and inside mounds.
These places are guarded in the day by women, in the night by
men. And lest the guard should become weary of watching,
and in case of a surprise, they change them every three hours,
as is the custom with our soldiers. At sunset, when the drum
and symphonia sound, the armed guards are distributed. Cav-
alry and infantry make use of hunting as the symbol of war,
and practise games and hold festivities in the plains. Then
the music strikes up, and freely they pardon the offences and
CITY OF THE SUN

faults of the enemy, and after the victories they are kind to
them, if it has been decreed that they should destroy the walls
of the enemy's city and take their lives. All these things are
done on the same day as the victory, and afterward they never
cease to load the conquered with favors, for they say that there
ought to be no fighting, except when the conquerors give up the
conquered, not when they kill them. If there is a dispute
among them concerning injury or any other matter (for they
themselves scarcely ever contend except in matters of honor),
the chief and his magistrates chastise the accused one secretly,
if he has done harm in deeds after he has been first angry. If
they wait until the time of the battle for the verbal decision,
they must give vent to their anger against the enemy, and he
who in battle shows the most daring deeds is considered to have
defended the better and truer cause in the struggle, and the
other yields, and they are punished justly. Nevertheless, they
are not allowed to come to single combat, since right is main-
tained by the tribunal, and because the unjust cause is often
apparent when the more just succumbs, and he who professes
to be the better man shows this in public fight.
G.M. This is worth while, so that factions should not be
cherished for the harm of the fatherland, and so that civil wars
might not occur, for by means of these a tyrant often arises, as
the examples of Rome and Athens show. Now, I pray you,
tell me of their works and matter connected therewith.
Capt. I believe that you have already heard about their
military affairs and about their agricultural and pastoral life,
and in what way these are common to them, and how they
honor with the first grade of nobility whoever is considered to
have knowledge of these. They who are skilful in more arts
than these they consider still nobler, and they set that one apart
for teaching the art in which he is most skilful. The occupa-
tions which require the most labor, such as working in metals
and building, are the most praiseworthy among them. No
one declines to go to these occupations, for the reason that from
the beginning their propensities are well known, and among
them, on account of the distribution of labor, no one does work
harmful to him, but only that which is necessary for him. The
occupations entailing less labor belong to the women. All of
them are expected to know how to swim, and for this reason
i66 CAMPANELLA

ponds are dug outside the walls of the city and within them
near to the fountains.
Commerce is of little use to them, but they know the value of
money, and they count for the use of their ambassadors and ex-
plorers, so that with it they may have the means of living.
They receive merchants into their States from the different
countries of the world, and these buy the superfluous goods of
the city. The people of the City of the Sun refuse to take
money, but in importing they accept in exchange those things
of which they are in need, and sometimes they buy with money;
and the young people in the City of the Sun are much amused
when they see that for a small price they receive so many things
in exchange. The old men, however, do not laugh. They are
unwilling that the State should be corrupted by the vicious cus-
toms of slaves and foreigners. Therefore they do business at
the gates, and sell those whom they have taken in war or keep
them for digging ditches and other hard work without the city,
and for this reason they always send four bands of soldiers to
take care of the fields, and with them there are the laborers.
They go out of the four gates from which roads with walls on
both sides of them lead to the sea, so that goods might easily
be carried over them and foreigners might not meet with diffi-
culty on their way.
To strangers they are kind and polite; they keep them for
three days at the public expense; after they have first washed
their feet, they show them their city and its customs, and they
honor them with a seat at the Council and public table, and
there are men whose duty it is to take care of and guard the
guests. But if strangers should wish to become citizens of
their State, they try them first for a month on a farm, and for
another month in the city, then they decide concerning them,
and admit them with certain ceremonies and oaths.
Agriculture is much followed among them; there is not a
span of earth without cultivation, and they observe the winds
and propitious stars. With the exception of a few left in the
city all go out armed, and with flags and drums and trumpets
sounding, to the fields, for the purposes of ploughing, sowing,
digging, hoeing, reaping, gathering fruit and grapes; and they
set in order everything, and do their work in a very few hours
and with much care. They use wagons fitted with sails which
CITY OF THE SUN

are borne along by the wind even when it is contrary, by the


marvellous contrivance of wheels within wheels.
And when there is no wind a beast draws along a huge cart,
which is a grand sight.
The guardians of the land move about in the meantime,
armed and always in their proper turn. They do not use dung
and filth for manuring the fields, thinking that the fruit con-
tracts something of their rottenness, and when eaten gives a
short and poor subsistence, as women who are beautiful with
rouge and from want of exercise bring forth feeble offspring.
Wherefore they do not as it were paint the earth, but dig it up
well and use secret remedies, so that fruit is borne quickly and
multiplies, and is not destroyed. They have a book for this
work, which they call the Georgics. As much of the land as is
necessary is cultivated, and the rest is used for the pasturage of
cattle.
The excellent occupation of breeding and rearing horses,
oxen, sheep, dogs, and all kinds of domestic and tame animals
is in the highest esteem among them as it was in the time of
Abraham. And the animals are led so to pair that they may
be able to breed well.
Fine pictures of oxen, horses, sheep, and other animals are
placed before them. They do not turn out horses with mares
to feed, but at the proper time they bring them together in an
enclosure of the stables in their fields. And this is done when
they observe that the constellation Archer is in favorable con-
junction with Mars and Jupiter. For the oxen they observe
the Bull, for the sheep the Ram, and so on in accordance with
art. Under the Pleiades they keep a drove of hens and ducks
and geese, which are driven out by the women to feed near the
city. The women only do this when it is a pleasure to them.
There are also places enclosed, where they make cheese, butter,
and milk-food. They also keep capons, fruit, and other things,
and for all these matters there is a book which they call the
Bucolics. They have an abundance of all things, since every-
one likes to be industrious, their labors being slight and profita-
ble. They are docile, and that one among them who is head
of the rest in duties of this kind they call king. For they say
that this is the proper name of the leaders, and it does not be-
long to ignorant persons. It is wonderful to see how men and
168 CAMPANELLA

women march together collectively, and always in obedience


to the voice of the king. Nor do they regard him with loath-
ing as we do, for they know that although he is greater than
themselves, he is for all that their father and brother. They
keep groves and woods for wild animals, and they often hunt.
The science of navigation is considered very dignified by
them, and they possess rafts and triremes, which go over the
waters without rowers or the force of the wind, but by a mar-
vellous contrivance. And other vessels they have which are
moved by the winds. They have a correct knowledge of the
stars, and of the ebb and flow of the tide. They navigate for
the sake of becoming acquainted with nations and different
countries and things. They injure nobody, and they do not
put up with injury, and they never go to battle unless when
provoked. They assert that the whole earth will in time come
to live in accordance with their customs, and consequently they
always find out whether there be a nation whose manner of liv-
ing is better and more approved than the rest. They admire
the Christian institutions and look for a realization of the apos-
tolic life in vogue among themselves and in us. There are
treaties between them and the Chinese and many other nations,
both insular and continental, such as Siam and Calicut, which
they are only just able to explore. Furthermore, they have
artificial fires, battles on sea and land, and many strategic se-
crets. Therefore they are nearly always victorious.
Now it would be very pleasant to learn with what
foods and drinks they are nourished, and in what way and for
how long they live.
Capt. Their food consists of flesh, butter, honey, cheese,
garden herbs, and vegetables of various kinds. They were
unwilling at first to slay animals, because it seemed cruel; but
thinking afterward that is was also cruel to destroy herbs which
have a share of sensitive feeling, they saw that they would
perish from hunger unless they did an unjustifiable action for
the sake of justifiable ones, and so now they all eat meat.
Nevertheless, they do not kill willingly useful animals, such as
oxen and horses. They observe the difference between useful
and harmful foods, and for this they employ the science of med-
icine. They always change their food. First they eat flesh,
then fish, then afterward they go back to flesh, and nature is
CITY OF THE SUN 169

never incommoded or weakened. The old people use the more


digestible kind of food, and take three meals a day, eating only
a little. But the general community eat twice, and the boys
four times, that they may satisfy nature. The length of their
lives is generally 100 years, but often they reach 200.
As regards drinking, they are extremely moderate. Wine
is never given to young people until they are ten years old, un-
less the state of their health demands it. After their tenth year
they take it diluted with water, and so do the women, but the
old men of fifty and upward use little or no water. They eat
the most healthy things, according to the time of the year.
They think nothing harmful which is brought forth by God,
except when there has been abuse by taking too much. And
therefore in the summer they feed on fruits, because they are
moist and juicy and cool, and counteract the heat and dryness.
In the winter they feed on dry articles, and in the autumn they
eat grapes, since they are given by God to remove melancholy
and sadness; and they also make use of scents to a great degree.
In the morning, when they have all risen they comb their hair
and wash their faces and hands with cold water. Then they
chew thyme or rock-parsley or fennel, or rub their hands with
these plants. The old men make incense, and with their faces
to the east repeat the short prayer which Jesus Christ taught
us. After this they go to wait upon the old men, some go
to the dance, and others to the duties of the State. Later on
they meet at the early lectures, then in the temple, then for
bodily exercise. Then for a little while they sit down to rest,
and at length they go to dinner.
Among them there is never gout in the hands or feet, nor ca-
tarrh, nor sciatica, nor grievous colics, nor flatulency, nor hard
breathing. For these diseases are caused by indigestion and
flatulency, and by frugality and exercise they remove every
humor and spasm. Wherefore it is unseemly in the extreme
to be seen vomiting or spitting, since they say that this is a sign
either of little exercise, or of ignoble sloth, or of drunkenness,
or gluttony. They suffer rather from swellings or from the
dry spasm, which they relieve with plenty of good and juicy
food. They heal fevers with pleasant baths and with milk-
food, and with a pleasant habitation in the country and by grad-
ual exercise. Unclean diseases cannot be prevalent with them
i7o CAMPANELLA

because they often clean their bodies by bathing in wine, and


soothe them with aromatic oil, and by the sweat of exercise they
diffuse the poisonous vapor which corrupts the blood and the
marrow. They do suffer a little from consumption, because
they cannot perspire at the breast, but they never have asthma,
for the humid nature of which a heavy man is required. They
cure hot fevers with cold potations of water, but slight ones
with sweet smells, with cheese-bread or sleep, with music or
dancing. Tertiary fevers are cured by bleeding, by rhubarb
or by a similar drawing remedy, or by water soaked in the roots
of plants, with purgative and sharp-tasting qualities. But it
is rarely that they take purgative medicines. Fevers occurring
every fourth day are cured easily by suddenly startling the un-
prepared patients, and by means of herbs producing effects op-
posite to the humors of this fever. All these secrets they told
me in opposition to their own wishes. They take more diligent
pains to cure the lasting fevers, which they fear more, and they
strive to counteract these by the observation of stars and of
plants, and by prayers to God. Fevers recurring every fifth,
sixth, eighth or more days, you never find whenever heavy
humors are wanting.
They use baths, and moreover they have warm ones accord-
ing to the Roman custom, and they make use also of olive oil.
They have found out, too, a great many secret cures for the
preservation of cleanliness and health. And in other ways they
labor to cure the epilepsy, with which they are often troubled.
G.M. A sign this disease is of wonderful cleverness, for
from it Hercules, Scotus, Socrates, Callimachus, and Mahomet
have suffered.
Capt. They cure by means of prayers to heaven, by
strengthening the head, by acids, by planned gymnastics, and
with fat cheese-bread sprinkled with the flour of wheaten corn.
They are very skilled in making dishes, and in them they put
spice, honey, butter, and many highly strengthening spices,
and they temper their richness with acids, so that they never
vomit. They do not drink ice-cold drinks nor artificial hot
drinks, as the Chinese do; for they are not without aid against
the humors of the body, on account of the help they get from
the natural heat of the water; but they strengthen it with
crushed garlic, with vinegar, with wild thyme, with mint, and
CITY OF THE SUN 171

with basil, in the summer or in time of special heaviness. They


know also a secret for renovating life after about the seventieth
year, and for ridding it of affliction, and this they do by a pleas-
ing and indeed wonderful art.
G.M. Thus far you have said nothing concerning their sci-
ences and magistrates.
Capt. Undoubtedly I have. But since you are so curious
I will add more. Both when it is new moon and full moon they
call a council after a sacrifice. To this all from twenty years
upward are admitted, and each one is asked separately to say
what is wanting in the State, and which of the magistrates have
discharged their duties rightly and which wrongly. Then
after eight days all the magistrates assemble, to wit, Hoh first,
and with him Power, Wisdom, and Love. Each one of the
three last has three magistrates under him, making in all thir-
teen, and they consider the affairs of the arts pertaining to each
one of them: Power, of wa r; Wisdom, of the sciences; Love,
of food, clothing, education, and breeding. The masters of all
the bands, who are captains of tens, of fifties, of hundreds, also
assemble, the women first and then the men. They argue about
those things which are for the welfare of the State, and they
choose the magistrates from among those who have already
been named in the great Council. In this manner they assemble
daily, Hoh and his three princes, and they correct, confirm, and
execute the matters passing to them, as decisions in the elec-
tions; other necessary questions they provide of themselves.
They do not use lots unless when they are altogether doubtful
how to decide. The eight magistrates under Hoh, Power,
Wisdom, and Love are changed according to the wish of the
people, but the first four are never changed, unless they, tak-
ing counsel with themselves, give up the dignity of one to an-
other, whom among them they know to be wiser, more re-
nowned, and more nearly perfect. And then they are obedient
and honorable, since they yield willingly to the wiser man and
are taught by him. This, however, rarely happens. The prin-
cipals of the sciences, except Metaphysic, who is Hoh himself,
and is, as it were, the architect of all science, having rule over
all, are attached to Wisdom. Hoh is ashamed to be ignorant
of any possible thing. Under Wisdom therefore are Grammar,
Logic, Physics, Medicine, Astrology, Astronomy, Geometry,
172 CAMPANELLA

Cosmography, Music, Perspective, Arithmetic, Poetry, Rhet-


oric, Painting, Sculpture. Under the triumvir Love are Breed-
ing, Agriculture, Education, Medicine, Clothing, Pasturage,
Coining.
G.M. What about their judges?
Capt. This is the point I was just thinking of explaining.
Everyone is judged by the first master of his trade, and thus
all the head artificers are judges. They punish with exile, with
flogging, with blame, with deprivation of the common table,
with exclusion from the church and from the company of
women. When there is a case in which great injury has been
done, it is punished with death, and they repay an eye with an
eye, a nose for a nose, a tooth for a tooth, and so on, according
to the law of retaliation. If the offence is wilful the Council
decides. When there is strife and it takes place undesignedly,
the sentence is mitigated; nevertheless, not by the judge but by
the triumvirate, from whom even it may be referred to Hoh, not
on account of justice but of mercy, for Hoh is able to pardon.
They have no prisons, except one tower for shutting up rebel-
lious enemies, and there is no written statement of a case, which
we commonly call a lawsuit. But the accusation and witnesses
are produced in the presence of the judge and Power; the ac-
cused person makes his defence, and he is immediately acquit-
ted or condemned by the judge ; and if he appeals to the trium-
virate, on the following day he is acquitted or condemned. On
the third clay he is dismissed through the mercy and clemency
of Hoh, or receives the inviolable rigor of his sentence. An
accused person is reconciled to his accuser and to his witnesses,
as it were, with the medicine of his complaint, that is, with em-
bracing and kissing.
No one is killed or stoned unless by the hands of the people,
the accuser and the witnesses beginning first. For they have
no executioners and lictors, lest the State should sink into ruin.
The choice of death is given to the rest of the people, who en-
close the lifeless remains in little bags and burn them by the
application of fire, while exhorters are present for the purpose
of advising concerning a good death. Nevertheless, the whole
nation laments and beseeches God that his anger may be ap-
peased, being in grief that it should, as it were, have to cut off
a rotten member of the State. Certain officers talk to and con-
CITY OF THE SUN 173

vince the accused man hy means of arguments until he him-


self acquiesces in the sentence of death passed upon him, or else
he does not die. But if a crime has been committed against
the liberty of the republic, or against God, or against the su-
preme magistrates, there is immediate censure without pity.
These only are punished with death. He who is about to
die is compelled to state in the presence of the people and with
religious scrupulousness the reasons for which he does not de-
serve death, and also the sins of the others who ought to die
instead of him, and further the mistakes of the magistrates.
If, moreover, it should seem right to the person thus asserting,
he must say why the accused ones are deserving of less punish-
ment than he. And if by his arguments he gains the victory he
is sent into exile, and appeases the State by means of prayers
and sacrifices and good life ensuing. They do not torture those
named by the accused person, but they warn them. Sins of
frailty and ignorance are punished only with blaming, and with
compulsory continuation as learners under the law and disci-
pline of those sciences or arts against which they have sinned.
And all these things they have mutually among themselves,
since they seem to be in very truth members of the same body,
and one of another.
This further I would have you know, that if a transgressor,
without waiting to be accused, goes of his own accord before
a magistrate, accusing himself and seeking to make amends,
that one is liberated from the punishment of a secret crime, and
since he has not been accused of such a crime, his punishment
is changed into another. They take special care that no one
should invent slander, and if this should happen they meet the
offence with the punishment of retaliation. Since they always
walk about and work in crowds, five witnesses are required for
the conviction of a transgressor. If the case is otherwise, after
having threatened him, he is released after he has sworn an oath
as the warrant of good conduct. Or if he is accused a second
or third time, his increased punishment rests on the testimony
of three or two witnesses. They have but few laws, and these
short and plain, and written upon a flat table, and hanging to
the doors of the temple, that is between the columns. And on
single columns can be seen the essences of things described in
the very terse style of Metaphysic—viz., the essences of God, of
CAMPANELLA
ï74

the angels, of the world, of the stars, of man, of fate, of virtue, alt
done with great wisdom. The definitions of all the virtues are
also delineated here, and here is the tribunal, where the judges
of all the virtues have their seat. The definition of a certain
virtue is written under that column where the judges for the
aforesaid virtue sit, and when a judge gives judgment he sits
and speaks thus: O son, thou hast sinned against this sacred
definition of beneficence, or of magnanimity, or of another vir-
tue, as the case may be. And after discussion the judge legally
condemns him to the punishment for the crime of which he is
accused—viz., for injury, for despondency, for pride, for in-
gratitude, for sloth, etc. But the sentences are certain and true
correctives, savoring more of clemency than of actual punish-
ment.
G.M. Now you ought to tell me about their priests, their
sacrifices, their religion, and their belief.
Capt, The chief priest is Hoh, and it is the duty of all the
superior magistrates to pardon sins. Therefore the whole
State by secret confession, which we also use, tell their sins to
the magistrates, who at once purge their souls and teach those
that are inimical to the people. Then the sacred magistrates
themselves confess their own sinfulness to the three supreme
chiefs, and together they confess the faults of one another,
though no special one is named, and they confess especially the
heavier faults and those harmful to the State. At length the
triumvirs confess their sinfulness to Hoh himself, who forth-
with recognizes the kinds of sins that are harmful to the State,
and succors with timely remedies. Then he offers sacrifices
and prayers to God. And before this he confesses the sins of
the whole people, in the presence of God, and publicly in the
temple, above the altar, as often as it had been necessary that
the fault should be corrected. Nevertheless, no transgressor
is spoken of by his name. In this manner he absolves the peo-
ple by advising them that they should beware of sins of the
aforesaid kind. Afterward he offers sacrifice to God, that he
should pardon the State and absolve it of its sins, and to teach
and defend it. Once in every year the chief priests of each
separate subordinate State confess their sins in the presence
of Hoh. Thus he is not ignorant of the wrongdoings of the
provinces, and forthwith he removes them with all human and
heavenly remedies.
CITY OF THE SUN 175

Sacrifice is conducted after the following manner: Hoh


asks the people which one among them wishes to give himself
as a sacrifice to God for the sake of his fellows. He is then
placed upon the fourth table, with ceremonies and the offering
up of prayers: the table is hung up in a wonderful manner by
means of four ropes passing through four cords attached to
firm pulley-blocks in the small dome of the temple. This done
they cry to the God of mercy, that he may accept the offering,
not of a beast as among the heathen, but of a human being.
Then Hoh orders the ropes to be drawn and the sacrifice is
pulled up above to the centre of the small dome, and there it
dedicates itself with the most fervent supplications. Food is
given to it through a window by the priests, who live around
the dome, but it is allowed a very little to eat, until it has atoned
for the sins of the State. There with prayer and fasting he
cries to the God of heaven that he might accept its willing offer-
ing. And after twenty or thirty days, the anger of God being
appeased, the sacrifice becomes a priest, or sometimes, though
rarely, returns below by means of the outer way for the priests.
Ever after, this man is treated with great benevolence and much
honor, for the reason that he offered himself unto death for the
sake of his country. But God does not require death.
The priests above twenty-four years of age offer praises from
their places in the top of the temple. This they do in the mid-
dle of the night, at noon, in the morning and in the evening, to
wit, four times a day they sing their chants in the presence of
God. It is also their work to observe the stars and to note with
the astrolabe their motions and influences upon human things,
and to find out their powers. Thus they know in what part of
the earth any change has been or will be, and at what time it has
;
taken place, and they send to find whether the matter be as they
have it. They make a note of predictions, true and false, so
that they may be able from experience to predict most correctly.
The priests, moreover, determine the hours for breeding and
the days for sowing, reaping, and gathering the vintage, and
are, as it were, the ambassadors and intercessors and connection
between God and man. And it is from among them mostly that
Hoh is elected. They write very learned treatises and search
into the sciences. Below they never descend, unless for their
dinner and supper, so that the essence of their heads do not
176 CAMPANELLA

descend to the stomachs and liver. Only very seldom, and that
as a cure for the ills of solitude, do they have converse with
women. On certain days Hoh goes up to them and deliberates
with them concerning the matters which he has lately investi-
gated for the benefit of the State and all the nations of the
world.
In the temple beneath, one priest always stands near the altar
praying for the people, and at the end of every hour another
succeeds him, just as we are accustomed in solemn prayer to
change every fourth hour. And this method of supplication
they call perpetual prayer. After a meal they return thanks
to God. Then they sing the deeds of the Christian, Jewish,
and Gentile heroes, and of those of all other nations, and this
is very delightful to them. Forsooth, no one is envious of an-
other. They sing a hymn to Love, one to Wisdom, and one
each to all the other virtues, and this they do under the direc-
tion of the ruler of each virtue. Each one takes the woman he
loves most, and they dance for exercise with propriety and
stateliness under the peristyles. The women wear their long
hair all twisted together and collected into one knot on the
crown of the head, but in rolling it they leave one curl. The
men, however, have one curl only and the rest of their hair
around the head is shaven off. Further, they wear a slight
covering, and above this a round hat a little larger than the size
of their head. In the fields they use caps, but at home each one
wears a biretta, white, red, or another color according to his
trade or occupation. Moreover, the magistrates use grander
and more imposing-looking coverings for the head.
They hold great festivities when the sun enters the four car-
dinal points of the heavens, that is, when he enters Cancer, Li-
bra, Capricorn, and Aries. On these occasions they have very
learned, splendid, and, as it were, comic performances. They
celebrate also every full and every new moon with a festival,
as also they do the anniversaries of the founding of the city,
and of the days when they have won victories or done any other
great achievement. The celebrations take place with the music
of female voices, with the noise of trumpets and drums, and the
firing of salutations. The poets sing the praises of the most
renowned leaders and the victories. Nevertheless, if any of
them should deceive even by disparaging a foreign hero, he is
CITY OF THE SUN 177

punished. No one can exercise the function of a poet who in-


vents that which is not true, and a license like this they think
to be a pest of our world, for the reason that it puts a premium
upon virtue and often assigns it to unworthy persons, either
from fear of flattery, or ambition, or avarice.
For the praise of no one is a statue erected until after his
death; but while he is alive, who has found out new arts and very
useful secrets, or who has rendered great service to the State
either at home or on the battle-field, his name is written in the
book of heroes. They do not bury dead bodies, but burn them, so
that a plague may not arise from them, and so that they may be
converted into fire, a very noble and powerful thing, which has
its coming from the sun and returns to it. And for the above
reasons no chance is given for idolatry. The statues and pict-
ures of the heroes, however, are there, and the splendid women
set apart to become mothers often look at them. Prayers are
made from the State to the four horizontal corners of the
world—in the morning to the rising sun, then to the setting
sun, then to the south, and lastly to the north; and in the con-
trary order in the evening, first to the setting sun, to the rising
sun, to the north, and at length to the south. They repeat but
one prayer, which asks for health of body and of mind, and
happiness for themselves and all people, and they conclude it
with the petition " As it seems best to God." The public prayer
for all is long, and it is poured forth to heaven. For this rea-
son the altar is round and is divided crosswise by ways at right
angles to one another. By these ways Hoh enters after he has
repeated the four prayers, and he prays looking up to heaven.
And then a great mystery is seen by them. The priestly vest-
ments are of a beauty and meaning like to those of Aaron.
They resemble nature and they surpass Art.
They divide the seasons according to the revolution of the
sun, and not of the stars, and they observe yearly by how much
time the one precedes the other. They hold that the sun ap-
proaches nearer and nearer, and therefore by ever-lessening cir-
cles reaches the tropics and the equator every year a little
sooner. They measure months by the course of the moon,
years by that of the sun. They praise Ptolemy, admire Coper-
nicus, but place Aristarchus and Philolaus before him. They
take great pains in endeavoring to understand the construction
12
CAMPANELLA

of the world, and whether or not it will perish, and at what time.
They believe that the true oracle of Jesus Christ is by the signs
in the sun, in the moon, and in the stars, which signs do not thus
appear to many of us foolish ones. Therefore they wait for
the renewing of the age, and perchance for its end.
They say that it is very doubtful whether the world was made
from nothing, or from the ruins of other worlds, or from chaos,
but they certainly think that it was made, and did not exist
from eternity. Therefore they disbelieve in Aristotle, whom
they consider a logican and not a philosopher. From analo-
gies, they can draw many arguments against the eternity of the
world. The sun and the stars they, so to speak, regard as the
living representatives and signs of God, as the temples and holy
living altars, and they honor but do not worship them. Be-
yond all other things they venerate the sun, but they consider
no created thing worthy the adoration of worship. This they
give to God alone, and thus they serve Him, that they may not
come into the power of a tyrant and fall into misery by undergo-
ing punishment by creatures of revenge. They contemplate and
know God under the image of the Sun, and they call it the sign
of God, His face and living image, by means of which light,
heat, life, and the making of all things good and bad proceed.
Therefore they have built an altar like to the sun in shape, and
the priests praise God in the sun and in the stars, as it were His
altars, and in the heavens, His temple as it were; and they pray
to good angels, who are, so to speak, the intercessors living in
the stars, their strong abodes. For God long since set signs of
their beauty in heaven, and of His glory in the sun. They say
there is but one heaven, and that the planets move and rise of
themselves when they approach the sun or are in conjunction
with it.
They assert two principles of the physics of things below,
namely, that the sun is the father, and the earth the mother;
the air is an impure part of the heavens; all fire is derived from
the sun. The sea is the sweat of earth, or the fluid of earth
combusted, and fused within its bowels, but is the bond of
union between air and earth, as the blood is of the spirit and
flesh of animals. The world is a great animal, and we live
within it as worms live within us. Therefore we do not belong
to the system of stars, sun, and earth, but to God only; for in
respect to them which seek only to amplify themselves, we are
CITY OF THE SUN 179

born and live by chance; but in respect to God, whose instru-


ments we are, we are formed by prescience and design, and for
a high end. Therefore we are bound to no father but God, and
receive all things from Him. They hold as beyond question the
immortality of souls, and that these associate with good angels
after death, or with bad angels, according as they have likened
themselves in this life to either. For all things seek their like.
They differ little from us as to places of reward and punish-
ment. They are in doubt whether there are other worlds be-
yond ours, and account it madness to say there is nothing.
Nonentity is incompatible with the infinite entity of God. They
lay down two principles of metaphysics, entity which is the
highest God, and nothingness which is the defect of entity.
Evil and sin come of the propensity to nothingness; the sin
having its cause not efficient, but in deficiency. Deficiency is,
they say, of power, wisdom, or will. Sin they place in the last
of these three, because he who knows and has the power to do
good is bound also to have the will, for will arises out of them.
They worship God in trinity, saying God is the Supreme
Power, whence proceeds the highest Wisdom, which is the same
with God, and from these comes Love, which is both power
and wisdom; but they do not distinguish persons by name, as
in our Christian law, which has not been revealed to them.
This religion, when its abuses have been removed, will be the
future mistress of the world, as great theologians teach and
hope. Therefore Spain found the New World (though its
first discoverer, Columbus, greatest of heroes, was a Genoese),
that all nations should be gathered under one law. We know
not what we do, but God knows, whose instruments we are.
They sought new regions for lust of gold and riches, but God
works to a higher end. The sun strives to burn up the earth,
not to produce plants and men, but God guides the battle to
great issues. His the praise, to Him the glory!

Oh, if you knew what our astrologers say of the com-


ing age, and of our age, that has in it more history within 100
years than all the world had in 4,000 years before! of the won-
derful inventions of printing and guns, and the use of the mag-
net, and how it all comes of Mercury, Mars, the Moon, and the
Scorpion!
Capt. Ah, well! God gives all in His good time. They
astrologize too much.
OCEANA

BY

JAMES H A R R I N G T O N
OCEANA
PART I

THE PRELIMINARIES
SHOWING THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT

J A N O T T I , the most excellent describer of the Common-


wealth of Venice, divides the whole series of govern-
ment into two times or periods: the one ending with
the liberty of Rome, which was the course or empire, as
I may call it, of ancient prudence, first discovered to mankind
by God himself in the fabric of the Commonwealth of Israel,
and afterward picked out of his footsteps in nature, and
unanimously followed by the Greeks and Romans; the other
beginning with the arms of Caasar, which, extinguishing lib-
erty, were the transition of ancient into modern prudence, in-
troduced by those inundations of Huns, Goths, Vandals,
Lombards, Saxons, which, breaking the Roman Empire, de-
formed the whole face of the world with those ill-features of
government, which at this time are become far worse in these
western parts, except Venice, which, escaping the hands of
the barbarians by virtue of its impregnable situation, has had
its eye fixed upon ancient prudence, and is attained to a per-
fection even beyond the copy.
Relation being had to these two times, government (to de-
fine it de jure, or according to ancient prudence) is an art
whereby a civil society of men is instituted and preserved upon
the foundation of common right or interest; or, to follow
Aristotle and Livy, it is the empire of laws, and not of men.
And government (to define it de facto, or according to
modern prudence) is an art whereby some man, or some few
men, subject a city or a nation, and rule it according to his
or their private interest; which, because the laws in such
cases are made according to the interest of a man, or of some
few families, may be said to be the empire of men, and not
of laws.
The former kind is that which Machiavel (whose books are
neglected) is the only politician that has gone about to re-
183
HARRINGTON

trieve; and that Leviathan (who would have his book imposed
upon the universities) goes about to destroy. For " it is,"
says he, " another error of Aristotle's politics that in a well-
ordered commonwealth, not men should govern, but the laws.
What man that has his natural senses, though he can neither
write nor read, does not find himself governed by them he
fears, and believes can kill or hurt him when he obeys not?
Or, who believes that the law can hurt hirm which is but
words and paper, without the hands and swords of me n? "
I confess that the magistrate upon his bench is that to the law
which a gunner upon his platform is to his cannon. Neverthe-
less, I should not dare to argue with a man of any ingenuity
after this manner. A whole army, though they can neither
write nor read, are not afraid of a platform, which they know
is but earth or stone; nor of a cannon, which, without a hand
to give fire to it, is but cold iron; therefore a whole army is
afraid of one man. But of this kind is the ratiocination of
Leviathan, as I shall show in divers places that come in my
way, throughout his whole politics, or worse; as where he
says, " Of Aristotle and of Cicero, of the Greeks, and of the
Romans, who lived under popular States, that they derived
those rights, not from the principles of nature, but transcribed
them into their books out of the practice of their own com-
monwealths, as grammarians describe the rules of language
out of poets." Which is as if a man should tell famous Harvey
that he transcribed his circulation of the blood, not out of
the principles of nature, but out of the anatomy of this or
that body.
To go on therefore with his preliminary discourse, I shall
divide it, according to the two definitions of government relat-
ing to Janotti's two times, in two parts: the first, treating
of the principles of government in general, and according to
the ancients; the second, treating of the late governments of
Oceana in particular, and in that of modern prudence.
Government, according to the ancients, and their learned
disciple Machiavel, the only politician of later ages, is of three
kinds: the government of one man, or of the better sort, or
of the whole people; which, by their more learned names, are
called monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. These they
hold, through their proneness to degenerate, to be all evil.
For whereas they that govern should govern according to rea-
son, if they govern according to passion they do that which
they should not do. Wherefore, as reason and passion are
two things, so government by reason is one thing, and the
corruption of government by passion is another thing, but not
always another government: as a body that is alive is one
OCEANA

thing, and a body that is dead is another thing, but not al-
ways another creature, though the corruption of one comes
at length to be the generation of another. The corruption
then of monarchy is called tyranny; that of aristocracy, oli-
garchy; and that of democracy, anarchy. But legislators,
having found these three governments at the best to be naught,
have invented another, consisting of a mixture of them all,
which only is good. This is the doctrine of the ancients.
But Leviathan is positive that they are all deceived, and
that there is no other government in nature than one of the
three; as also that the flesh of them cannot stink, the names
of their corruptions being but the names of men's fancies,
which will be understood when we are shown which of them
was Senatus Populusque Romanus.
To go my own way, and yet to follow the ancients, the prin-
ciples of government are twofold: internal, or the goods of
the mind; and external, or the goods of fortune. The goods
of the mind are natural or acquired virtues, as wisdom, pru-
dence, and courage, etc. The goods of fortune are riches.
There be goods also of the body, as health, beauty, strength;
but these are not to be brought into account upon this score,
because if a man or an army acquires victory or empire, it
is more from their discipline, arms, and courage than from
their natural health, beauty, or strength, in regard that a peo-
ple conquered may have more of natural strength, beauty, and
health, and yet find little remedy. The principles of govern-
ment then are in the goods of the mind, or in the goods of
fortune. To the goods of the mind answers authority; to
the goods of fortune, power or empire. Wherefore Leviathan,
though he be right where he says that " riches are power," is
mistaken where he says that " prudence, or the reputation of
prudence, is p o w e r ; " for the learning or prudence of a man
is no more power than the learning or prudence of a book
or author, which is properly authority. A learned writer may
have authority though he has no power; and a foolish mag-
istrate may have power, though he has otherwise no esteem
or authority. The difference of these two is observed by Livy
in Evander, of whom he says that he governed rather by the
authority of others than by his own power.
To begin with riches, in regard that men are hung upon
these, not of choice as upon the other, but of necessity and
by the teeth; forasmuch as he who wants bread is his servant
that will feed him, if a man thus feeds a whole people, they
are under his empire.
Empire is of two kinds, domestic and national, or foreign
and provincial.
i86 HARRINGTON

Domestic empire is founded upon dominion.


Dominion is property, real or personal; that is to say, in
lands, or in money and goods.
Lands, or the parts and parcels of a territory, are held by
the proprietor or proprietors, lord or lords of it, in some pro-
portion ; and such (except it be in a city that has little or no
land, and whose revenue is in trade) as is the proportion or
balance of dominion or property in land, such is the nature
of the empire.
If one man be sole landlord of a territory, or overbalance
the people, for example, three parts in four, he is grand seig-
nior; for so the Turk is called from his property, and his
empire is absolute monarchy.
If the few or a nobility, or a nobility with the clergy, be
landlords, or overbalance the people to the like proportion,
it makes the Gothic balance (to be shown at large in the second
part of this discourse), and the empire is mixed monarchy,
as that of Spain, Poland, and late of Oceana.
And if the whole people be landlords, or hold the lands
so divided among them that no one man, or number of men,
within the compass of the few or aristocracy, overbalance
them, the empire (without the interposition of force) is a com-
monwealth.
If force be interposed in any of these three cases, it must
either frame the government to the foundation, or the foun-
dation to the government; or holding the government not
according to the balance, it is not natural, but violent; and
therefore if it be at the devotion of a prince, it is tyranny; if
at the devotion of the few, oligarchy; or if in the power of
the people, anarchy. Each of which confusions, the balance
standing otherwise, is but of short continuance, because against
the nature of the balance, which, not destroyed, destroys that
which opposes it.
But there be certain other confusions, which, being rooted
in the balance, are of longer continuance, and of worse conse-
quence ; as, first, where a nobility holds half the property, or
about that proportion, and the people the other half; in which
case, without altering the balance there is no remedy but the
one must eat out the other, as the people did the nobility in
Athens, and the nobility the people in Rome. Secondly, when
a prince holds about half the dominion, and the people the
other half (which was the case of the Roman emperors, planted
partly upon their military colonies and partly upon the Senate
and the people), the government becomes a very shambles,
both of the princes and the people. Somewhat of this nature
are certain governments at this day, which are said to subsist
OCEANA 187

by confusion. In this case, to fix the balance is to entail mis-


ery; but in the three former, not to fix it is to lose the gov-
ernment. Wherefore it being unlawful in Turkey that any
should possess land but the Grand Seignior, the balance is fixed
by the law, and that empire firm. Nor, though the kings often
sell, was the throne of Oceana known to shake, until the
statute of alienations broke the pillars, by giving way to the
nobility to sell their estates. While Lacedsemon held to the
division of land made by Lycurgus, it was immovable; but,
breaking that, could stand no longer. This kind of law fix-
ing the balance in lands is called agrarian, and was first in-
troduced by God himself, who divided the land of Canaan to
his people by lots, and is of such virtue that wherever it has
held, that government has not altered, except by consent; as
in that unparalleled example of the people of Israel, when
being in liberty they would needs choose a king. But with-
out an agrarian law, government, whether monarchical, aris-
tocratical, or popular, has no long lease.
As for dominion, personal or in money, it may now and
then stir up a Melius or a Manlius, which, if the Common-
wealth be not provided with some kind of dictatorian power,
may be dangerous, though it has been seldom or never suc-
cessful; because to property producing empire, it is required
that it should have some certain root or foothold, which, ex-
cept in land, it cannot have, being otherwise as it were upon
the wing.
Nevertheless, in such cities as subsist mostly by trade, and
have little or no land, as Holland and Genoa, the balance of
treasure may be equal to that of land in the cases mentioned.
But Leviathan, though he seems to skew at antiquity, fol-
lowing his furious master Carneades, has caught hold of the
public sword, to which he reduces all manner and matter of
government; as, where he affirms this opinion (that any mon-
arch receives his power by covenant; that is to say, upon
conditions) " to proceed from the not understanding this easy
truth, that covenants being but words and breath, have no
power to oblige, contain, constrain, or protect any man, but
what they have from the public sword." But as he said of
the law, that without this sword it is but paper, so he might
have thought of this sword, that without a hand it is but cold
iron. The hand which holds this sword is the militia of a
nation; and the militia of a nation is either an army in the
field, or ready for the field upon occasion. But an army is a
beast that has a great belly, and must be fed: wherefore this
will come to what pastures you have, and what pastures you
have will come to the balance of property, without which the
i88 HARRINGTON

public sword is but a name or mere spitfrog. Wherefore, to


set that which Leviathan says of arms and of contracts a little
straighter, he that can graze this beast with the great belly,
as the Turk does his Timariots, may well deride him that
imagines he received his power by covenant, or is obliged to
any such toy: it being in this case only that covenants are
but words and breath. But if the property of the nobility,
stocked with their tenants and retainers, be the pasture of that
beast, the ox knows his master's crib; and it is impossible for
a king in such a constitution to reign otherwise than by cove-
nant; or if he break it, it is words that come to blows.
" But," says he, " when an assembly of men is made sover-
eign, then no man imagines any such covenant to have part
in the institution." But what was that by Publicóla of ap-
peal to the people, or that whereby the people had their
tribunes? " Fie," says he, "nobody is so dull as to say that
the people of Rome made a covenant with the Romans, to
hold the sovereignty on such or such conditions, which, not
performed, the Romans might depose the Roman people." In
which there be several remarkable things; for he holds the
Commonwealth of Rome to have consisted of one assembly,
whereas it consisted of the Senate and the people; that they
were not upon covenant, whereas every law enacted by them
was a covenant between them; that the one assembly was
made sovereign, whereas the people, who only were sovereign,
were such from the beginning, as appears by the ancient style
of their covenants or laws-—" The Senate has resolved, the
people have decreed;" that a council being made sovereign,
cannot be made such upon conditions, whereas the Decemvirs
being a council that was made sovereign, was made such upon
conditions; that all conditions or covenants making a sov-
ereign being made, are void; whence it must follow that, the
Decemviri being made, were ever after the lawful govern-
ment of Rome, and that it was unlawful for the Common-
wealth of Rome to depose the Decemvirs; as also that Cicero,
if he wrote otherwise out of his commonwealth, did not write
out of nature. But to come to others that see more of this
balance.
You have Aristotle full of it in divers places, especially
where he says, that " immoderate wealth, as where one man
or the few have greater possessions than the equality or the
frame of the commonwealth will bear, is an occasion of sedi-
tion, which ends for the greater part in monarchy; and that
for this cause the ostracism has been received in divers places,
as in Argos and Athens. But that it were better to prevent
the growth in the beginning, than, when it has got head, to
seek the remedy of such an evil."
OCEANA

Machiavel has missed it very narrowly and more danger-


ously; for, not fully perceiving that if a commonwealth be
galled by the gentry it is by their overbalance, he speaks of
the gentry as hostile to popular governments, and of popular
governments as hostile to the gentry; and makes us believe
that the people in such are so enraged against them, that where
they meet a gentleman they kill him: which can never be
proved by any one example, unless in civil war, seeing that
even in Switzerland the gentry are not only safe, but in honor.
But the balance, as I have laid it down, though unseen by
Machiavel, is that which interprets him, and that which he con-
firms by his judgment in many others as well as in this place,
where he concludes, " That he who will go about to make a
commonwealth where there be many gentlemen, unless he first
destroys them, undertakes an impossibility. And that he who
goes about to introduce monarchy where the condition of the
people is equal, shall never bring it to pass, unless he cull out
such of them as are the most turbulent and ambitious, and
make them gentlemen or noblemen, not in name but in effect;
that is, by enriching them with lands, castles, and treasures,
that may gain them power among the rest, and bring in the
rest to dependence upon themselves, to the end that, they
maintaining their ambition by the prince, the prince may main-
tain his power by them."
Wherefore, as in this place I agree with Machiavel, that
a nobility or gentry, overbalancing a popular government, is
the utter bane and destruction of it; so I shall show in an-
other, that a nobility or gentry, in a popular government, not
overbalancing it, is the very life and soul of it.
By what has been said, it should seem that we may lay
aside further disputes of the public sword, or of the right of
the militia; which, be the government what it will, or let it
change how it can, is inseparable from the overbalance in
dominion: nor, if otherwise stated by the law or custom (as
in the Commonwealth of Rome, where the people having the
sword, the nobility came to have the overbalance), avails it
to any other end than destruction. For as a building swaying
from the foundation must fall, so it fares with the law sway-
ing from reason, and the militia from the balance of dominion.
And thus much for the balance of national or domestic em-
pire, which is in dominion.
The balance of foreign or provincial empire is of a con-
trary nature. A man may as well say that it is unlawful for
him who has made a fair and honest purchase to have tenants,
as for a government that has made a just progress and en-
largement of itself to have provinces. But how a province
190 HARRINGTON

may be justly acquired appertains to another place. In this


I am to show no more than how or upon what kind of balance
it is to be held; in order whereto I shall first show upon
what kind of balance it is not to be held. It has been said,
that national or independent empire, of what kind soever, is
to be exercised by them that have the proper balance of do-
minion in the nation; wherefore provincial or dependent em-
pire is not to be exercised by them that have the balance of
dominion in the province, because that would bring the govern-
ment from provincial and dependent, to national and inde-
pendent. Absolute monarchy, as that of the Turks, neither
plants its people at home nor abroad, otherwise than as tenants
for life or at will; wherefore its national and provincial gov-
ernment is all one. But in governments that admit the citi-
zen or subject to dominion in lands, the richest are they that
share most of the power at home; whereas the richest among
the provincials, though native subjects, or citizens that have
been transplanted, are least admitted to the government
abroad; for men, like flowers or roots being transplanted,
take after the soil wherein they grow. Wherefore the Com-
monwealth of Rome, by planting colonies of its citizens with-
in the bounds of Italy, took the best way of propagating itself,
and naturalizing the country; whereas if it had planted such
colonies without the bounds of Italy, it would have alienated
the citizens, and given a root to liberty abroad, that might
have sprung up foreign or savage, and hostile to her: where-
fore it never made any such dispersion of itself and its
strength, till it was under the yoke of the Emperors, who,
disburdening themselves of the people, as having less appre-
hension of what they could do abroad than at home, took
a contrary course.
The Mamelukes (which, till any man show me the contrary,
I shall presume to have been a commonwealth consisting of
an army, whereof the common soldier was the people, the com-
missioned officer the Senate, and the general the prince) were
foreigners, and by nation Circassians, that governed Egypt;
wherefore these never durst plant themselves upon dominion,
which growing naturally up into the national interest, must
have dissolved the foreign yoke in that province.
The like in some sort may be said of Venice, the govern-
ment whereof is usually mistaken; for Venice, though it does
not take in the people, never excluded them. This common-
wealth, the orders whereof are the most democratical or popu-
lar of all others, in regard of the exquisite rotation of the
Senate, at the first institution took in the whole people; they
that now live under the government without participation of
OCEANA 191

it, are such as have since either voluntarily chosen so to do,


or were subdued by arms. Wherefore the subject of Venice
is governed by provinces, and the balance of dominion not
standing, as has been said, with provincial government; as
the Mamelukes durst not cast their government upon this
balance in their provinces, lest the national interest should
have rooted out the foreign, so neither dare the Venetians take
in their subjects upon this balance, lest the foreign interest
should root out the national (which is that of the 3,000 now
governing), and by diffusing the commonwealth throughout
her territories, lose the advantage of her situation, by which
in great part it subsists. And such also is the government
of the Spaniard in the Indies, to which he deputes natives of
his own country, not admitting the creóles to the government
of those provinces, though descended from Spaniards.
But if a prince or a commonwealth may hold a territory
that is foreign in this, it may be asked why he may not hold
one that is native in the like manner? To which I answer,
because he can hold a foreign by a native territory, but not
a native by a foreign; and as hitherto I have shown what is
not the provincial balance, so by this answer it may appear
what it is, namely, the overbalance of a native territory to a
foreign; for as one country balances itself by the distribu-
tion of property according to the proportion of the same, so
one country overbalances another by advantage of divers kinds.
For example, the Commonwealth of Rome overbalanced her
provinces by the vigor of a more excellent government op-
posed to a crazier; or by a more exquisite militia opposed to
one inferior in courage or discipline. The like was that of
the Mamelukes, being a hardy people, to the Egyptians, that
were a soft one. And the balance of situation is in this kind
of wonderful effect; seeing the King of Denmark, being none
of the most potent princes, is able at the Sound to take toll
of the greatest; and as this King, by the advantage of the
land, can make the sea tributary, so Venice, by the advantage
of the sea, in whose arms she is impregnable, can make the
land to feed her gulf. For the colonies in the Indies, they are
yet babes that cannot live without sucking the breasts of their
mother cities, but such as I mistake if when they come of
age they do not wean themselves; which causes me to won-
der at princes that delight to be exhausted in that way. And
so much for the principles of power, whether national or pro-
vincial, domestic or foreign; being such as are external, and
founded in the goods of fortune.
I come to the principles of authority, which are internal,
and founded upon the goods of the mind. These the legisla-
192 HARRINGTON

tor that can unite in his government with those of fortune,


comes nearest to the work of God, whose government con-
sists of heaven and earth; which was said by Plato, though
in different words, as, when princes should be philosophers,
or philosophers princes, the world would be happy. And says
Solomon: " There is an evil which I have seen under the
sun, which proceeds from the ruler (enhnvero neque nobilem,
neque mgenuum, nec libertinum quidem amis prtrponere,
regia utilitas est). Folly is set in great dignity, and the rich
(either in virtue and wisdom, in the goods of the mind, or
those of fortune upon that balance which gives them a sense
of the national interest) sit in low places. I have seen ser-
vants upon horses, and princes walking as servants upon the
earth." Sad complaints, that the principles of power and of
authority, the goods of the mind and of fortune, do not meet
and twine in the wreath or crown of empire! Wherefore, if
we have anything of piety or of prudence, let us raise our-
selves out of the mire of private interest to the contemplation
of virtue, and put a hand to the removal of " this evil from
under the sun; " this evil against which no government that
is not secured can be good; this evil from which the govern-
ment that is secure must be perfect. Solomon tells us, that
the cause of it is from the ruler, from those principles of
power, which, balanced upon earthly trash, exclude the heav-
enly treasures of virtue, and that influence of it upon govern-
ment which is authority. We have wandered the earth to
find out the balance of power; but to find out that of author-
ity we must ascend, as I said, nearer heaven, or to the image
of God, which is the soul of man.
The soul of man (whose life or motion is perpetual con-
templation or thought) is the mistress of two potent rivals,
the one reason, the other passion, that are in continual suit;
and, according as she gives up her will to these or either of
them, is the felicity or misery which man partakes in this mor-
tal life.
For, as whatever was passion in the contemplation of a
man, being brought forth by his will into action, is vice and
the bondage of sin; so whatever was reason in the contempla-
tion of a man, being brought forth by his will into action, is
virtue and the freedom of soul.
Again, as those actions of a man that were sin acquire to
himself repentance or shame, and affect others with scorn or
pity, so those actions of a man that are virtue acquire to
himself honor, and upon others authority.
Now government is no other than the soul of a nation or
city: wherefore that which was reason in the debate of a
ÓCEANA 193

commonwealth being brought forth by the result, must be


virtue; and forasmuch as the soul of a city or nation is the
sovereign power, her virtue must be law. But the govern-
ment whose law is virtue, and whose virtue is law, is the same
whose empire is authority, and whose authority is empire.
Again, if the liberty of a man consists in the empire of his
reason, the absence whereof would betray him to the bondage
of his passions, then the liberty of a commonwealth consists
in the empire of her laws, the absence whereof would betray
her to the lust of tyrants. And these I conceive to be the
principles upon which Aristotle and Livy (injuriously accused
by Leviathan for not writing out of nature) have grounded
their assertion, " that a commonwealth is an empire of laws
and not of men." But they must not carry it so. " For," says
he, " the liberty, whereof there is so frequent and honorable
mention in the histories and philosophy of the ancient Greeks
and Romans, and the writings and discourses of those that
from them have received all their learning in the politics, is
not the liberty of particular men, but the liberty of the com-
monwealth." He might as well have said that the estates of
particular men in a commonwealth are not the riches of par-
ticular men, but the riches of the commonwealth; for equality
of estates causes equality of power, and equality of power is
the liberty, not only of the commonwealth, but of every man.
But sure a man would never be thus irreverent with the
greatest authors, and positive against all antiquity, without
some certain demonstration of truth—and what is it? Why,
" there is written on the turrets of the city of Lucca in great
characters at this day the word L I B E R T A S ; yet no man can
thence infer that a particular man has more liberty or immunity
from the service of the commonwealth there than in Constan-
tinople. Whether a commonwealth be monarchical or pop-
ular, the freedom is the same." The mountain has brought
forth, and we have a little equivocation! For to say that a
Lucchese has no more liberty or immunity from the laws of
Lucca than a Turk has from those of Constantinople; and
to say that a Lucchese has no more liberty or immunity by
the laws of Lucca, than a Turk has by those of Constantinople,
are pretty different speeches. The first may be said of all
governments alike; the second scarce of any t wo ; much less
of these, seeing it is known that, whereas the greatest Bashaw
is a tenant, as well of his head as of his estate, at the will
of his lord, the meanest Lucchese that has land is a freeholder
of both, and not to be controlled but by the law, and that
framed by every private man to no other end (or they may
thank themselves) than to protect the liberty of every private
13
HARRINGTON
194

man, which by that means comes to be the liberty of the com-


monwealth.
But seeing they that make the laws in commonwealths are
but men, the main question seems to be, how a common-
wealth comes to be an empire of laws, and not of men? Or
how the debate or result of a commonwealth is so sure to be
according to reason; seeing they who debate, and they who
resolve, be but men ? " And as often as reason is against a
man, so often will a man be against reason."
This is thought to be a shrewd saying, but will do no harm;
for be it so that reason is nothing but interest, there be divers
interests, and so divers reasons.
As first, there is private reason, which is the interest of a
private man.
Secondly, there is reason of state, which is the interest (or
error, as was said by Solomon) of the ruler or rulers, that
is to say, of the prince, of the nobility, or of the people.
Thirdly, there is that reason, which is the interest of man-
kind, or of the whole. " Now if we see even in those natural
agents that want sense, that as in themselves they have a
law which directs them in the means whereby they tend to
their own perfection, so likewise that another law there is,
which touches them as they are sociable parts united into one
body, a law which binds them each to serve to others' good,
and all to prefer the good of the whole, before whatsoever
their own particular; as when stones, or heavy things, for-
sake their ordinary wont or centre, and fly upward, as if they
heard themselves commanded to let go the good they pri-
vately wish, and to relieve the present distress of nature in
common." There is a common right, law of nature, or inter-
est of the whole, which is more excellent, and so acknowledged
to be by the agents themselves, than the right or interest of
the parts only. " Wherefore, though it may be truly said
that the creatures are naturally carried forth to their proper
utility or profit, that ought not to be taken in too general a
sense; seeing divers of them abstain from their own profit,
either in regard of those of the same kind, or at least of their
young."
Mankind then must either be less just than the creature, or
acknowledge also his common interest to be common right.
And if reason be nothing else but interest, and the interest
of mankind be the right interest, then the reason of mankind
must be right reason. Now compute well; for if the interest
of popular government come the nearest to the interest of
mankind, then the reason of popular government must come
the nearest to right reason.
OCEANA 195

But it may be said that the difficulty remains ye t; for be


the interest of popular government right reason, a man does
not look upon reason as it is right or wrong in itself, but as
it makes for him or against him. Wherefore, unless you can
show such orders of a government as, like those of God in
nature, shall be able to constrain this or that creature to shake
off that inclination which is more peculiar to it, and take up
that which regards the common good or interest, all this is
to no more end than to persuade every man in a popular gov-
ernment not to carve himself of that which he desires most,
but to be mannerly at the public table, and give the best from
himself to decency and the common interest. But that such
orders may be established as may, nay must, give the upper
hand in all cases to common right or interest, notwithstand-
ing the nearness of that which sticks to every man in private,
and this in a way of equal certainty and facility, is known
even to girls, being no other than those that are of common
practice with them in divers cases. For example, two of them
have a cake yet undivided, which was given between them:
that each of them therefore might have that which is due,
" divide," says one to the other, " and I will choose; or let
me divide, and you shall choose." If this be but once agreed
upon, it is enough; for the divident, dividing unequally, loses,
in regard that the other takes the better half; wherefore she
divides equally, and so both have right. " Oh, the depth of
the wisdom of G o d ! " and yet " by the mouths of babes and
sucklings has He set forth His strength;" that which great
philosophers are disputing upon in vain is brought to light
by two harmless girls, even the whole mystery of a common-
wealth, which lies only in dividing and choosing. Nor has
God (if his works in nature be understood) left so much to
mankind to dispute upon as who shall divide and who choose,
but distributed them forever into two orders, whereof the one
has the natural right of dividing, and the other of choosing.
For example:
A commonwealth is but a civil society of men: let us take
any number of men (as twenty) and immediately make a
commonwealth. Twenty men (if they be not all idiots, per-
haps if they be) can never come so together but there will be
such a difference in them that about a third will be wiser, or
at least less foolish than all the rest; these upon acquaintance,
though it be but small, will be discovered, and, as stags that
have the largest heads, lead the herd; for while the six, dis-
coursing and arguing one with another, show the eminence
of their parts, the fourteen discover things that they never
thought on; or are cleared in divers truths which had for-
Xç6 HARRINGTON

merly perplexed them. Wherefore, in matter of common con-


cernment, difficulty, or danger, they hang upon their lips, as
children upon their fathers; and the influence thus acquired
by the six, the eminence of whose parts are found to be a
stay and comfort to the fourteen, is the authority of the
fathers. Wherefore this can be no other than a natural aris-
tocracy diffused by God throughout the whole body of man-
kind to this end and purpose; and therefore such as the peo-
ple have not only a natural but a positive obligation to make
use of as their guides; as where the people of Israel are com-
manded to " take wise men, and understanding, and known
among their tribes, to be made rulers over them." The six
then approved of, as in the present case, are the senate, not
by hereditary right, or in regard of the greatness of their
estates only, which would tend to such power as might force
or draw the people, but by election for their excellent parts,
which tends to the advancement of the influence of their vir-
tue or authority that leads the people. Wherefore the office
of the senate is not to be commanders, but counsellors, of the
people; and that which is proper to counsellors is first to de-
bate, and afterward to give advice in the business whereupon
they have debated, whence the decrees of the senate are never
laws, nor so called; and these being maturely framed, it is
their duty to propose in the case to the people. Wherefore
the senate is no more than the debate of the commonwealth.
But to debate is to discern or put a difference between things
that, being alike, are not the same; or it is separating and
weighing this reason against that, and that reason against this,
which is dividing.
The senate then having divided, who shall choose? Ask
the girls: for if she that divided must have chosen also, it
had been little worse for the other in case she had not divided
at all, but kept the whole cake to herself, in regard that being
to choose, too, she divided accordingly. Wherefore if the
senate have any further power than to divide, the common-
wealth can never be equal. But in a commonwealth consist-
ing of a single council, there is no other to choose than that
which divided; whence it is, that such a council fails not to
scramble—that is, to be factious, there being no other divid-
ing of the cake in that case but among themselves.
Nor is there any remedy but to have another council to
choose. The wisdom of the few may be the light of mankind;
but the interest of the few is not the profit of mankind nor
of a commonwealth. Wherefore, seeing we have granted in-
terest to be reason, they must not choose lest it put out their
light. But as the council dividing consists of the wisdom of
OCEANA 197

the commonwealth, so the assembly or council choosing should


consist of the interest of the commonwealth: as the wisdom
of the commonwealth is in the aristocracy, so the interest of
the commonwealth is in the whole body of the people. And
whereas this, in case the commonwealth consist of a whole
nation, is too unwieldy a body to be assembled, this council
is to consist of such a representative as may be equal, and so
constituted, as can never contract any other interest than that
of the whole people; the manner whereof, being such as is
best shown by exemplification, I remit to the model. But in
the present case, the six dividing, and the fourteen choosing,
must of necessity take in the whole interest of the twenty.
Dividing and choosing, in the language of a common-
wealth, is debating and resolving; and whatsoever, upon de-
bate of the senate, is proposed to the people, and resolved by
them, is enacted by the authority of the fathers, and by the
power of the people, which concurring, make a law.
But the law being made, says Leviathan, " is but words
and paper without the hands and swords of m e n ; " where-
fore as these two orders of a commonwealth, namely, the
senate and the people, are legislative, so of necessity there
must be a third to be executive of the laws made, and this
is the magistracy; in which order, with the rest being wrought
up by art, the commonwealth consists of " the senate propos-
ing, the people resolving, and the magistracy e xe cuting;"
whereby partaking of the aristocracy as in the senate, of the
democracy as in the people, and of monarchy as in the magis-
tracy, it is complete. Now there being no other common-
wealth but this in art or nature, it is no wonder if Machiavel
has shown us that the ancients held this only to be good;
but it seems strange to me that they should hold that there
could be any other: for if there be such a thing as pure
monarchy, yet that there should be such a one as pure aris-
tocracy or pure democracy is not in my understanding. But
the magistracy, both in number and function, is different in
different commonwealths. Nevertheless there is one condi-
tion of it that must be the same in every one, or it dissolves
the commonwealth where it is wanting. And this is no less
than that, as the hand of the magistrate is the executive power
of the law, so the head of the magistrate is answerable to
the people, that his execution be according to the law; by
which Leviathan may see that the hand or sword that exe-
cutes the law is in it and not above it.
Now whether I have rightly transcribed these principles of
a commonwealth out of nature, I shall appeal to God and
to the world—to God in the fabric of the Commonwealth of
198 HARRINGTON

Israel, and to the world in the universal series of ancient


prudence. But in regard the same commonwealths will be
opened at large in the Council of legislators, I shall touch
them for the present but slightly, beginning with that of
Israel.
The Commonwealth of Israel consisted of the Senate, the
people, and the magistracy.
The people by their first division, which was genealogical,
were contained under their thirteen tribes, houses, or families;
whereof the first-born in each was prince of his tribe, and had
the leading of it: the tribe of Levi only, being set apart to
serve at the altar, had no other prince but the high-priest. In
their second division they were divided locally by their agra-
rian, or the distribution of the land of Canaan to them by
lot, the tithe of all remaining to L evi ; whence, according to
their local division, the tribes are reckoned but twelve.
The assemblies of the people thus divided were methodically
gathered by trumpets to the congregation; which was, it
should seem, of two sorts. For if it were called with one
trumpet only, the princes of the tribes and the elders only
assembled; but if it were called with two, the whole people
gathered themselves to the congregation, for so it is ren-
dered by the English; but in the Greek it is called Ecclcsia,
or the Church of God, and by the Talmudist the great " Syna-
gogue." The word Ecclesia was also anciently and properly
used for the civil congregations, or assemblies of the people
in Athens, Lacedasmon, and Ephcsus, where it is so called in
Scripture, though it be otherwise rendered by the translators,
not much as I conceive to their commendation, seeing by that
means they have lost us a good lesson, the apostles borrow-
ing that name for their spiritual congregations, to the end
that we might see they intended the government of the church
to be democratical or popular, as is also plain in the rest of
their constitutions.
The church or congregation of the people of Israel assem-
bled in a military manner, and had the result of the com-
monwealth, or the power of confirming all their laws, though
proposed even by God himself; as where they make him king,
and where they reject or depose him as civil magistrate, and
elect Saul. It is manifest that he gives no such example to
a legislator in a popular government as to deny or evade the
power of the people, which were a contradiction; but though
he deservedly blames the ingratitude of the people in that
action, he commands Samuel, being next under himself su-
preme magistrate, " to hearken to their voice " (for where the
suffrage of the people goes for nothing, it is no common-
OCEANA 199

wealth), and comforts him, saying, " T h e y have not rejected


thee, but they have rejected me that I should not reign over
them." But to reject him that he should not reign over them,
was as civil magistrate to depose him. The power therefore
which the people had to depose even God himself as he was
civil magistrate, leaves little doubt but that they had power
to have rejected any of those laws confirmed by them through-
out the Scripture, which, to omit the several parcels, are gen-
erally contained under two heads: those that were made by
covenant with the people in the land of Moab, and those which
were made by covenant with the people in Horeb; which
two, I think, amount to the whole body of the Israelitish laws.
But if all and every one of the laws of Israel being pro-
posed by God, were no otherwise enacted than by covenant
with the people, then that only which was resolved by the
people of Israel was their law; and so the result of that
commonwealth was in the people. Nor had the people the
result only in matter of law, but the power in some cases of
judicature; as also the right of levying war, cognizance in
matter of religion, and the election of their magistrates, as
the judge or dictator, the king, the prince: which functions
were exercised by the Synagoga magna, or Congregation of
Israel, not always in one manner, for sometimes they were
performed by the suffrage of the people, viva voce, some-
times by the lot only, and at others by the ballot, or by a mixt-
ure of the lot with the suffrage, as in the case of Eldad and
Medad, which I shall open with the Senate.
The Senate of Israel, called in the Old Testament the Sev-
enty Elders, and in the New the Sanhedrim (which word is
usually translated " t he Co un ci l ") , was appointed by God,
and consisted of seventy elders besides Moses, which were
at first elected by the people, but in what manner is rather
intimated than shown. Nevertheless, because I cannot other-
wise understand the passage concerning Eldad and Medad,
of whom it is said " that they were of them that were writ-
ten, but went not up to the tabernacle," then with the Tal-
mudists I conceive that Eldad and Medad had the suffrage
of the tribes, and so were written as competitors for magis-
tracy ; but coming afterward to the lot, failed of it, and there-
fore went not up to the tabernacle, or place of confirmation
by God, or to the session-house of the Senate, with the Seventy
upon whom the lot fell to be senators; for the session-house
of the Sanhedrim was first in the court of the tabernacle, and
afterward in that of the Temple, where it came to be called
the stone chamber or pavement. If this were the ballot of
Israel, that of Venice is the same transposed; for in Venice
200 HARRINGTON

the competitor is chosen as it were by the lot, in regard that


the electors are so made, and the magistrate is chosen by the
" suffrage of the great Council or assembly of the people."
But the Sanhedrim of Israel being thus constituted, Moses,
for his time, and after him his successor, sat in the midst of
it as prince or archon, and at his left hand the orator or father
of the Senate; the rest, or the bench, coming round with either
horn like a crescent, had a scribe attending upon the tip of it.
This Senate, in regard the legislator of Israel was infal-
lible, and the laws given by God such as were not fit to be
altered by men, is much different in the exercise of their
power from all other senates, except that of the Areopagus
in Athens, which also was little more than a supreme judica-
tory; for it will hardly, as I conceive, be found that the San-
hedrim proposed to the people till the return of the children
of Israel out of captivity under Esdras, at which time there
was a new law made—namely, for a kind of excommunication,
or rather banishment, which had never been before in Israel.
Nevertheless it is not to be thought that the Sanhedrim had
not always that right, which from the time of Esdras is more
frequently exercised, of proposing to the people, but that they
forebore it in regard of the fulness and infallibility of the
law already made, whereby it was needless. Wherefore the
function of this Council, which is very rare in a senate, was
executive, and consisted in the administration of the law
made; and whereas the Council itself is often understood in
Scripture by the priest and the Levite, there is no more in
that save only that the priests and the Levites, who other-
wise had no power at all, being in the younger years of this
commonwealth, those that were best studied in the laws were
the most frequently elected into the Sanhedrim. For the
courts, consisting of three-and-tw enty elders sitting in the
r

gates of every city, and the triumvirates of judges constituted


almost in every village, which were parts of the executive
magistracy subordinate to the Sanhedrim, I shall take them
at better leisure, and in the larger discourse; but these being
that part of this commonwealth which was instituted by
Moses upon the advice of Jethro the priest of Midian (as I
conceive a heathen), are to me a sufficient warrant even from
God himself, who confirmed them, to make further use of
human prudence, wherever I find it bearing a testimony to
itself, whether in heathen commonwealths or others; and the
rather, because so it is, that we who have the holy Scriptures,
and in them the original of a commonwealth, made by the
same hand that made the world, are either altogether blind
or negligent of it; while the heathens have all written theirs,
OCEANA

as if they had had no other copy; as, to be more brief in the


present account of that which you shall have more at large
hereafter:
Athens consisted of the Senate of the Bean proposing, of
the Church or Assembly of the people resolving, and too often
debating, which was the ruin of it; as also of the Senate of
the Areopagus, the nine archons, with divers other magistrates,
executing.
Lacedaemon consisted of the Senate proposing, of the
Church or congregation of the people resolving only, and never
debating, which was the long life of it; and of the two kings,
the court of the ephors, with divers other magistrates, exe-
cuting.
Carthage consisted of the Senate proposing and sometimes
resolving too, of the people resolving and sometimes debat-
ing too, for which fault she was reprehended by Aristotle;
and she had her suffetes, and her hundred men, with other
magistrates, executing.
Rome consisted of the Senate proposing, the concio or peo-
ple resolving, and too often debating, which caused her
storms; as also of the consuls, censors, sediles, tribunes, prae-
tors, quaestors, and other magistrates, executing.
Venice consists of the Senate, or pregati, proposing, and
sometimes resolving too, of the great Council or Assembly
of the people, in whom the result is constitutively; as also of
the doge, the signory, the censors, the dieci, the quazancies,
and other magistrates, executing.
The proceeding of the Commonwealths of Switzerland and
Holland is of a like nature, though after a more obscure man-
ner; for the sovereignties, whether cantons, provinces, or
cities, which are the people, send their deputies, commissioned
and instructed by themselves (wherein they reserve the result
in their own power), to the provincial or general convention,
or Senate, where the deputies debate, but have no other power
of result than what was conferred upon them by the people,
or is further conferred by the same upon further occasion.
And for the executive part they have magistrates or judges
in every canton, province, or city, besides those which are
more public, and relate to the league, as for adjusting con-
troversies between one canton, province, or city and another,
or the like between such persons as are not of the same can-
ton, province, or city.
But that we may observe a little further how the heathen
politicians have written, not only out of nature, but as it were
out of Scripture: as in the Commonwealth of Israel, God is
said to have been king, so the commonwealth where the law
202 HARRINGTON

is king, is said by Aristotle to be " the kingdom of God."


And where by the lusts or passions of men a power is set
above that of the law deriving from reason, which is the dic-
tate of God, God in that sense is rejected or deposed that he
should not reign over them, as he was in Israel. And yet
Leviathan will have it that " by reading of these Greek and
Latin [he might as well in this sense have said Hebrew]
authors, young men, and all others that are unprovided of the
antidote of solid reason, receiving a strong and delightful im-
pression of the great exploits of war achieved by the con-
ductors of their armies, receive withal a pleasing idea of all
they have done besides, and imagine their great prosperity not
to have proceeded from the emulation of particular men, but
from the virtue of their popular form of government, not con-
sidering the frequent seditions and civil wars produced by
the imperfection of their polity." Where, first, the blame he
lays to the heathen authors, is in his sense laid to the Script-
ure ; and whereas he holds them to be young men, or men
of no antidote that are of like opinions, it should seem that
iUachiavel, the sole retriever of this ancient prudence, is to
his solid reason a beardless boy that has newly read Livy.
And how solid his reason is, may appear where he grants the
great prosperity of ancient commonwealths, which is to give
up the controversy. For such an effect must have some ade-
quate cause, which to evade he insinuates that it was noth-
ing else but the emulation of particular men, as if so great
an emulation could have been generated without as great vir-
tue, so great virtue without the best education, and best edu-
cation without the best law, or the best laws any otherwise
than by the excellency of their polity.
But if some of these commonwealths, as being less perfect
in their polity than others, have been more seditious, it is not
more an argument of the infirmity of this or that common-
wealth in particular, than of the excellency of that kind of
polity in general, which if they, that have not altogether
reached, have nevertheless had greater prosperity, what would
befall them that should reach ?
In answer to which question let me invite Leviathan, who
of all other governments gives the advantage to monarchy for
perfection, to a better disquisition of it by these three asser-
tions.
The first, that the perfection of government lies upon such
a libration in the frame of it, that no man or men in or under
it can have the interest, or, having the interest, can have the
power to disturb it with sedition.
The second, that monarchy, reaching the perfection of the
OCEANA 203

kind, reaches not to the perfection of government, but must


have some dangerous flaw in it.
The third, that popular government, reaching the perfec-
tion of the kind, reaches the perfection of government, and
has no flaw in it.
The first assertion requires no proof.
For the proof of the second, monarchy, as has been shown,
is of two kinds: the one by arms, the other by a nobility, and
there is no other kind in art or nature; for if there have been
anciently some governments called kingdoms, as one of the
Goths in Spain, and another of the Vandals in Africa, where
the King ruled without a nobility, and by a council of the peo-
ple only, it is expressly said by the authors that mention them
that the kings were but the captains, and that the people not
only gave them laws, but deposed them as often as they
pleased. Nor is it possible in reason that it should be otherwise
in like cases; wherefore these were either no monarchies, or
had greater flaws in them than any other.
But for a monarchy by arms, as that of the Turk (which,
of all models that ever were, comes up to the perfection of
the kind), it is not in the wit or power of man to cure it of
this dangerous flaw, that the Janizaries have frequent inter-
est and perpetual power to raise sedition, and to tear the
magistrate, even the prince himself, in pieces. Therefore the
monarchy of Turkey is no perfect government.
And for a monarchy by nobility, as of late in Oceana
(which of all other models, before the declination of it, came
up to the perfection in that kind), it was not in the power or
wit of man to cure it of that dangerous flaw; that the nobility
had frequent interest and perpetual power by their retainers
and tenants to raise sedition; and (whereas the Janizaries
occasion this kind of calamity no sooner than they make an
end of it) to levy a lasting war, to the vast effusion of blood,
and that even upon occasions wherein the people, but for
their dependence upon their lords, had no concernment, as in
the feud of the Red and White. The like has been frequent
in Spain, France, Germany, and other monarchies of this kind;
wherefore monarchy by a nobility is no perfect government.
For the proof of the third assertion: Leviathan yields it
to me, that there is no other commonwealth but monarchical
or popular; wherefore if no monarchy be a perfect govern-
ment, then either there is no perfect government, or it must
be popular, for which kind of constitution I have something
more to say than Leviathan has said or ever will be able to
say for monarchy. As,
First, that it is the government that was never conquered
204 HARRINGTON

by any monarch, from the beginning of the world to this day;


for if the commonwealths of Greece came under the yoke of
the Kings of Macedon, they were first broken by themselves.
Secondly, that it is the government that has frequently led
mighty monarchs in triumph.
Thirdly, that it is the government, which, if it has been
seditious, it has not been so from any imperfection in the
kind, but in the particular constitution; which, wherever the
like has happened, must have been unequal.
Fourthly, that it is the government, which, if it has been
anything near equal, was never seditious; or let him show
me what sedition has happened in Lacedaemon or Venice.
Fifthly, that it is the government, which, attaining to per-
fect equality, has such a libration in the frame of it, that no
man living can show which way any man or men, in or un-
der it, can contract any such interest or power as should be
able to disturb the commonwealth with sedition, wherefore an
equal commonwealth is that only which is without flaw, and
contains in it the full perfection of government. But to
return.
By what has been shown in reason and experience, it may
appear, that though commonwealths in general be govern-
ments of the senate proposing, the people resolving, and the
magistracy executing, yet some are not so good at these
orders as others, through some impediment or defect in the
frame, balance, or capacity of them, according to which they
are of divers kinds.
The first division of them is into such as are single, as Israel,
Athens, Lacedaemon, etc.; and such as are by leagues, as those
of the Achaeans, zEtolians, Lycians, Switz, and Hollanders.
The second (being Machiavel's) is into such as are for pres-
ervation, as Lacedaemon and Venice, and such as are for in-
crease, as Athens and Rome; in which I can see no more
than that the former takes in no more citizens than are neces-
sary for defence, and the latter so many as are capable of
increase.
The third division (unseen hitherto) is into equal and un-
equal, and this is the main point, especially as to domestic
peace and tranquillity; for to make a commonwealth unequal,
is to divide it into parties, which sets them at perpetual vari-
ance, the one party endeavoring to preserve their eminence
and inequality, and the other to attain to equality; whence
the people of Rome derived their perpetual strife with the
nobility and Senate. But in an equal commonwealth there
can be no more strife than there can be overbalance in equal
weights; wherefore the Commonwealth of Venice, being that
OCEANA 205

which of all others is the most equal in the constitution, is


that wherein there never happened any strife between the
Senate and the people.
An equal commonwealth is such a one as is equal both in
the balance or foundation, and in the superstructure; that
is to say, in her agrarian law and in her rotation.
An equal agrarian is a perpetual law, establishing and pre-
serving the balance of dominion by such a distribution, that
no one man or number of men, within the compass of the
few or aristocracy, can come to overpower the whole people
by their possessions in lands.
As the agrarian answers to the foundation, so does rota-
tion to the superstructures.
Equal rotation is equal vicissitude in government, or suc-
cession to magistracy conferred for such convenient terms,
enjoying equal vacations, as take in the whole body by parts,
succeeding others, through the free election or suffrage of
the people.
The contrary, whereunto is prolongation of magistracy,
which, trashing the wheel of rotation, destroys the life or
natural motion of a commonwealth.
The election or suffrage of the people is most free, where
it is made or given in such a manner that it can neither oblige
nor disoblige another, nor through fear of an enemy, or bash-
fulness toward a friend, impair a man's liberty.
Wherefore, says Cicero, the tablet or ballot of the people
of Rome (who gave their votes by throwing tablets or little
pieces of wood secretly into urns marked for the negative
or affirmative) was a welcome constitution to the people, as
that which, not impairing the assurance of their brows, in-
creased the freedom of their judgment. I have not stood
upon a more particular description of this ballot, because that
of Venice exemplified in the model is of all others the most
perfect.
An equal commonwealth (by that which has been said) is a
government established upon an equal agrarian, arising into the
superstructures or three orders, the Senate debating and pro-
posing, the people resolving, and the magistracy executing, by
an equal rotation through the suffrage of the people given by
the ballot. For though rotation may be without the ballot, and
the ballot without rotation, yet the ballot not only as to the
ensuing model includes both, but is by far the most equal way ;
for which cause under the name of the ballot I shall hereafter
understand both that and rotation too.
Now having reasoned the principles of an equal common-
wealth, I should come to give an instance of such a one in
2o6 HARRINGTON

experience, if I could find it; but if this work be of any value,


it lies in that it is the first example of a commonwealth that
is perfectly equal. For Venice, though it comes the nearest,
yet is a commonwealth for preservation; and such a one, con-
sidering the paucity of citizens taken in, and the number not
taken in, is externally unequal; and though every common-
wealth that holds provinces must in that regard be such, yet
not to that degree. Nevertheless, Venice internally, and for
her capacity, is by far the most equal, though it has not, in
my judgment, arrived at the full perfection of equality; both
because her laws supplying the defect of an agrarian are not
so clear nor effectual at the foundation, nor her superstruct-
ures, by the virtue of her ballot or rotation, exactly librated;
in regard that through the paucity of her citizens her greater
magistracies are continually wheeled through a few hands,
as is confessed by Janotti, where he says, that if a gentleman
comes once to be Savio di terra ferma, it seldom happens that
he fails from thenceforward to be adorned with some one of
the greater magistracies, as Savi di marc, Savi di terra ferma,
Savi Grandi, counsellors, those of the decemvirate or dicta-
torian council, the aurogatori, or censors, which require no
vacation or interval. Wherefore if this in Venice, or that in
Lacedremon, where the kings were hereditary, and the Senators
(though elected by the people) for life, cause no inequality
(which is hard to be conceived) in a commonwealth for preser-
vation, or such a one as consists of a few citizens; yet is
it manifest that it would cause a very great one in a common-
wealth for increase, or consisting of the many, which, by
engrossing the magistracies in a few hands, would be ob-
structed in their rotation.
But there be who say (and think it a strong objection) that,
let a commonwealth be as equal as you can imagine, two or
three men when all is done will govern it; and there is that
in it which, notwithstanding the pretended sufficiency of a
popular State, amounts to a plain confession of the imbecil-
ity of that policy, and of the prerogative of monarchy; for-
asmuch as popular governments in difficult cases have had
recourse to clictatorian power, as in Rome.
To which I answer, that as truth is a spark to which objec-
tions are like bellows, so in this respect our commonwealth
shines; for the eminence acquired by suffrage of the people
in a commonwealth, especially if it be popular and equal, can
be ascended by no other steps than the universal acknowledg-
ment of virtue: and where men excel in virtue, the common-
wealth is stupid and unjust, if accordingly they do not excel
in authority. Wherefore this is both the advantage of virtue,
OCEANA 207

which has her due encouragement, and of the commonwealth,


which has her due services. These are the philosophers which
Plato would have to be princes, the princes which Solomon
would have to be mounted, and their steeds are those of au-
thority, not empire; or, if they be buckled to the chariot of
empire, as that of the dictatorian power, like the chariot of
the sun, it is glorious for terms and vacations or intervals.
And as a commonwealth is a government of laws and not of
men, so is this the principality of virtue, and not of man;
if that fail or set in one, it rises in another who is created
his immediate successor. And this takes away that vanity
from under the sun, which is an error proceeding more or
less from all other rulers under heaven but an equal common-
wealth.
These things considered, it will be convenient in this place
to speak a word to such as go about to insinuate to the nobil-
ity or gentry a fear of the people, or to the people a fear of
the nobility or gentry, as if their interests were destructive
to each other; when indeed an army may as well consist of
soldiers without officers, or of officers without soldiers, as a
commonwealth, especially such a one as is capable of great-
ness, of a people without a gentry, or of a gentry without a
people. Wherefore this, though not always so intended, as
may appear by Machiavel, who else would be guilty, is a
pernicious error. There is something first in the making of
a commonwealth, then in the governing of it, and last of all
in the leading of its armies, which, though there be great
divines, great lawyers, great men in all professions, seems to
be peculiar only to the genius of a gentleman.
For so it is in the universal series of story, that if any man
has founded a commonwealth, he was first a gentleman.
Moses had his education by the daughter of Pharaoh; Theseus
and Solon, of noble birth, were held by the Athenians worthy
to be kings; Lycurgus was of the royal blood; Romulus and
Numa princes; Brutus and Publicóla patricians; the Grac-
chi, that lost their lives for the people of Rome and the resti-
tution of that commonwealth, were the sons of a father
adorned with two triumphs, and of Cornelia the daughter
of Scipio, who being demanded in marriage by King Ptolemy,
disdained to become the Queen of Egypt. And the most re-
nowned Olphaus Megaletor, sole legislator, as you will see
anon, of the Commonwealth of Oceana, was derived from a
noble family; nor will it be any occasion of scruple in this
case, that Leviathan affirms the politics to be no ancienter than
his book " De Cive." Such also as have got any fame in the
civil government of a commonwealth, or by the leading of its
208 HARRINGTON

armies, have been gentlemen; for so in all other respects were


those plebeian magistrates elected by the people of Rome,
being of known descents and of equal virtues, except only that
they were excluded from the name by the usurpation of the
patricians. Holland, through this defect at home, has bor-
rowed princes for generals, and gentlemen of divers nations
for commanders: and the Switzers, if they have any defect
in this kind, rather lend their people to the colors of other
princes, than make that noble use of them at home which
should assert the liberty of mankind. For where there is not
a nobility to hearten the people, they are slothful, regardless
of the world, and of the public interest of liberty, as even
those of Rome had been without their gentry: wherefore let
the people embrace the gentry in peace, as the light of their
eyes; and in war, as the trophy of their arms; and if Cornelia
disdained to be Queen of Egypt, if a Roman consul looked
down from his tribunal upon the greatest king, let the nobility
love and cherish the people that afford them a throne so much
higher in a commonwealth, in the acknowledgment of their
virtue, than the crowns of monarchs.
But if the equality of a commonwealth consist in the equal-
ity first of the agrarian, and next of the rotation, then the
inequality of a commonwealth must consist in the absence or
inequality of the agrarian, or of the rotation, or of both.
Israel and Lacedaamon, which commonwealths (as the peo-
ple of this, in Josephus, claims kindred of that) have great
resemblance, were each of them equal in their agrarian, and
unequal in their rotation, especially Israel, where the San-
hedrim, or Senate, first elected by the people, as appears by
the words of Moses, took upon them ever after, without any
precept of God, to substitute their successors by ordination;
which having been there of civil use, as excommunication,
community of goods, and other customs of the Essenes, who
were many of them converted, came afterward to be intro-
duced into the Christian Church. And the election of the
judge, suffes, or dictator, was irregular, both for the occasion,
the term, and the vacation of that magistracy; as you find
in the book of Judges, where it is often repeated, that in those
days there was no king in Israel—that is, no judge; and
in the first of Samuel, where Eli judged Israel forty years,
and Samuel, all his life. In Lacedaemon the election of the
Senate being by suffrage of the people, though for life, was
not altogether so unequal, yet the hereditary right of kings,
were it not for the agrarian, had ruined her.
Athens and Rome were unequal as to their agrarian, that
of Athens being infirm, and this of Rome none at all j for
OCEANA 209

if it were more anciently carried' it was never observed.


Whence, by the time of Tiberius Gracchus, the nobility had
almost eaten the people quite out of their lands, which they
held in the occupation of tenants and servants, whereupon the
remedy being too late, and too vehemently applied, that com-
monwealth was ruined.
These also were unequal in their rotation, but in a con-
trary manner. Athens, in regard that the Senate (chosen at
once by lot, not by suffrage, and changed every year, not in
part, but in the whole) consisted not of the natural aris-
tocracy, nor sitting long enough to understand or to be per-
fect in their office, had no sufficient authority to restrain the
people from that perpetual turbulence in the end, which was
their ruin, notwithstanding the efforts of Nicias, who did all
a man could do to help it. But as Athens, by the headiness
of the people, so Rome fell by the ambition of the nobility,
through the want of an equal rotation; which, if the people
had got into the Senate, and timely into the magistracies
(whereof the former was always usurped by the patricians,
and the latter for the most part) they had both carried and
held their agrarian, and that had rendered that commonwealth
immovable.
But let a commonwealth be equal or unequal, it must con-
sist, as has been shown by reason and all experience, of the
three general orders; that is to say, of the Senate debating
and proposing, of the people resolving, and of the magistracy
executing. Wherefore I can never wonder enough at Levia-
than, who, without any reason or example, will have it that
a commonwealth consists of a single person, or of a single
assembly; nor can I sufficiently pity those " thousand gentle-
men, whose minds, which otherwise would have wavered, he
has framed (as is affirmed by himself) in to a conscientious
obedience (for so he is pleased to call it) of such a govern-
ment."
But to finish this part of the discourse, which I intend for
as complete an epitome of ancient prudence, and in that of
the whole art of politics, as I am able to frame in so short
a time:
The two first orders, that is to say, the Senate and the peo-
ple, are legislative, whereunto answers that part of this sci-
ence which by politicians is entitled " of la ws; " and the third
order is executive, to which answers that part of the same
science which is styled " of the frame and course of courts
or judicatories." A word to each of these will be necessary.
And first for laws: they are either ecclesiastical or civil,
such as concern religion or government.
14
2I O HARRINGTON

Laws, ecclesiastical, or such as concern religion, according


to the universal course of ancient prudence, are in the power
of the magistrate; but, according to the common practice of
modern prudence, since the papacy, torn out of his hands.
But, as a government pretending to liberty, and yet sup-
pressing liberty of conscience (which, because religion not ac-
cording to a man's conscience can to him be none at all, is
the main), must be a contradiction, so a man that, pleading
for the liberty of private conscience, refuses liberty to the
national conscience, must be absurd.
A commonwealth is nothing else but the national conscience.
And if the conviction of a man's private conscience produces
his private religion, the conviction of the national conscience
must produce a national religion. Whether this be well rea-
soned, as also whether these two may stand together, will
best be shown by the examples of the ancient commonwealths
taken in their order.
In that of Israel the government of the national religion
appertained not to the priests and Levites, otherwise than as
they happened to be of the Sanhedrim, or Senate, to which
they had no right at all but by election. It is in this capacity
therefore that the people are commanded, under pain of death,
" to hearken to them, and to do according to the sentence of
the law which they should te a c h ;" but in Israel the law
ecclesiastical and civil was the same, therefore the Sanhedrim,
having the power of one, had the power of both. But as
the national religion appertained to the jurisdiction of the
Sanhedrim, so the liberty of conscience appertained, from the
same date, and by the same right, to the prophets and their
disciples ; as where it is said, " I will raise up a prophet, . . .
and whoever will not hearken to my words which he shall
speak in my name, I will require it of him." The words re-
late to prophetic right, which was above all the orders of this
commonwealth; whence Elijah not only refused to obey the
King, but destroyed his messengers with fire. And whereas
it was not lawful by the national religion to sacrifice in any
other place than the Temple, a prophet was his own temple,
and might sacrifice where he would, as Elijah did in Mount
Carmel. By this right John the Baptist and our Saviour, to
whom it more particularly related, had their disciples, and
taught the people, whence is derived our present right of
gathered congregations; wherefore the Christian religion
grew up according to the orders of the Commonwealth of
Israel, and not against them. Nor was liberty of conscience
infringed by this government, till the civil liberty of the same
was lost, as under Herod, Pilate, and Tiberius, a three-piled
tyranny.
OCEANA 211

To proceed, Athens preserved her religion, by the testi-


mony of Paul, with great superstition: if Alcibiades, that
atheistical fellow, had not showed them a pair of heels, they
had shaven off his head for shaving their Mercuries, and mak-
ing their gods look ridiculously upon them without beards.
Nevertheless, if Paul reasoned with them, they loved news,
for which he was the more welcome; and if he converted
Dionysius the Areopagite, that is, one of the senators, there
followed neither any hurt to him, nor loss of honor to Diony-
sius. And for Rome, if Cicero, in his most excellent book
" De Natura Deormn," overthrow the national religion of that
commonwealth, he was never the further from being consul.
But there is a meanness and poorness in modern prudence, not
only to the damage of civil government, but of religion itself;
for to make a man in matter of religion, which admits not of
sensible demonstration (jurare in verba magistri), engage to
believe no otherwise than is believed by my lord bishop, or
Goodman Presbyter, is a pedantism that has made the sword
to be a rod in the hands of schoolmasters; by which means,
whereas the Christian religion is the furthest of any from
countenancing war, there never was a war of religion but
since Christianity, for which we are beholden to the Pope;
for the Pope not giving liberty of conscience to princes and
commonwealths, they cannot give that to their subjects which
they have not themselves, whence both princes and subjects,
either through his instigation or their own disputes, have in-
troduced that execrable custom, never known in the world be-
fore, of fighting for religion, and denying the magistrate to
have any jurisdiction concerning it, whereas the magistrate's
losing the power of religion loses the liberty of conscience,
which in that case has nothing to protect it. But if the peo-
ple be otherwise taught, it concerns them to look about them,
and to distinguish between the shrieking of the lapwing and
the voice of the turtle.
To come to civil laws: if they stand one way and the bal-
ance another, it is the case of a government which of neces-
sity must be new modelled; wherefore your lawyers, advising
you upon the like occasions to fit your government to their
laws, are no more to be regarded than your tailor if he should
desire you to fit your body to his doublet. There is also
danger in the plausible pretence of reforming the law, except
the government be first good, in which case it is a good tree,
and (trouble not yourselves overmuch) brings not forth evil
fruit; otherwise, if the tree be evil, you can never reform
the fruit, or if a root that is naught bring forth fruit of this
kind that seems to be good, take the more heed, for it is the
213 HARRINGTON

ranker poison. It was nowise probable, if Augustus had not


made excellent laws, that the bowels of Rome could have
come to be so miserably eaten out by the tyranny of Tiberius
and his successors. The best rule as to your laws in general
is, that they be few. Rome, by the testimony of Cicero, was
best governed under those of the twelve tables; and by that
of Tacitus, Plurimce leges, corruptissima respublica. You
will be told that where the laws be few they leave much to
arbitrary power; but where they be many, they leave more,
the laws in this case, according to Justinian and the best
lawyers, being as litigious as the suitors. Solon made few,
Lycurgus fewer, laws; and commonwealths have the fewest
at this day of all other governments.
Now to conclude this part with a word de judiáis, or of
the constitution or course of courts; it is a discourse not other-
wise capable of being well managed but by particular ex-
amples, both the constitution and course of courts being divers
in different governments, but best beyond compare in Venice,
where they regard not so much the arbitrary power of their
courts as the constitution of them, whereby that arbitrary
power being altogether unable to retard or do hurt to busi-
ness, produces and must produce the quickest despatch, and
the most righteous dictates of justice that are perhaps in
human nature. The manner I shall not stand in this place to
describe, because it is exemplified at large in the judicature
of the people of Oceana. And thus much of ancient prudence,
and the first branch of this preliminary discourse.

T H E SECOND PART OF THE PRELIMINARIES

In the second part I shall endeavor to show the rise, progress,


and declination of modern prudence.
The date of this kind of policy is to be computed, as was
shown, from those inundations of Goths, Vandals, Huns, and
Lombards that overwhelmed the Roman Empire. But as there
is no appearance in the bulk or constitution of modern prudence,
that it should ever have been able to come up and grapple with
the ancient, so something of necessity must have interposed
whereby this came to be enervated, and that to receive strength
and encouragement. And this was the execrable reign of the
Roman emperors taking rise from (that felix scelus) the arms
of Caesar, in which storm the ship of the Roman Commonwealth
was forced to disburden itself of that precious freight, which
never since could emerge or raise its head but in the Gulf of
Venice.
OCEANA 213

It is said in Scripture, " Thy evil is of thyself, O Israel! "


to which answers that of the moralists, " None is hurt but by
himself," as also the whole matter of the politics; at present
this example of the Romans, who, through a negligence com-
mitted in their agrarian laws, let in the sink of luxury, and for-
feited the inestimable treasure of liberty for themselves and
their posterity.
Their agrarian laws were such whereby their lands ought
to have been divided among the people, either without mention
of a colony, in which case they were not obliged to change their
abode; or with mention and upon condition of a colony, in
which case they were to change their abode, and leaving the
city, to plant themselves upon the lands so assigned. The lands
assigned, or that ought to have been assigned, in either of these
ways, were of three kinds: such as were taken from the enemy
and distributed to the people; or such as were taken from the
enemy, and, under color of being reserved to the public use,
were through stealth possessed by the nobility; or such as were
bought with the public money to be distributed. Of the laws
offered in these cases, those which divided the lands taken from
the enemy, or purchased with the public money, never occa-
sioned any dispute; but such as drove at dispossessing the no-
bility of their usurpations, and dividing the common purchase
of the sword among the people, were never touched but they
caused earthquakes, nor could they ever be obtained by the peo-
ple ; or being obtained, be observed by the nobility, who not
only preserved their prey, but growing vastly rich upon it,
bought the people by degrees quite out of those shares that had
been conferred upon them. This the Gracchi coming too late
to perceive, found the balance of the commonwealth to be lost;
but putting the people (when they had least force) by forcible
means upon the recovery of it, did ill, seeing it neither could
nor did tend to any more than to show them by worse effects
that what the wisdom of their leaders had discovered was true.
For, quite contrary to what has happened in Oceana, where,
the balance falling to the people, they have overthrown the no-
bility, that nobility of Rome, under the conduct of Sylla, over-
threw the people and the commonwealth; seeing Sylla first in-
troduced that new balance, which was the foundation of the
succeeding monarchy, in the plantation of military colonies, in-
stituted by his distribution of the conquered lands, not now of
enemies, but of citizens, to forty-seven legions of his soldiers;
so that how he came to be perpetual dictator, or other magis-
trates to succeed him in like power, is no miracle.
These military colonies (in which manner succeeding em-
perors continued, as Augustus by the distribution of the vete-
214 HARRINGTON

rans, whereby he had overcome Brutus and Cassius to plant


their soldiery) consisted of such as I conceive were they that
are called milites benéficiarii; in regard that the tenure of their
lands was by way of benefices, that is, for life, and upon con-
dition of duty or service in the war upon their own charge.
These benefices Alexander Severus granted to the heirs of the
incumbents, but upon the same conditions. And such was the
dominion by which the Roman emperors gave their balance.
But to the beneficiaries, as was no less than necessary for the
safety of the prince, a matter of 8,000 by the example of Augus-
tus were added, which departed not from his sides, but were his
perpetual guard, called Pretorian bands ; though these, accord-
ing to the incurable flaw already observed in this kind of gov-
ernment, became the most frequent butchers of their lords that
are to be found in story. Thus far the Roman monarchy is
much the same with that at this day in Turkey, consisting of
a camp and a horse-quarter; a camp in regard of the Spahis
and Janizaries, the perpetual guard of the prince, except they
also chance to be liquorish after his blood ; and a horse-quarter
in regard of the distribution of his whole land to tenants for
life, upon condition of continual service, or as often as they
shall be commanded at their own charge by timars, being a
word which they say signifies benefices, that it shall save me a
labor of opening the government.
But the fame of Mahomet and his prudence is especially
founded in this, that whereas the Roman monarchy, except that
of Israel, was the most imperfect, the Turkish is the most per-
fect that ever was. Which happened in that the Roman (as
the Israelitish of the Sanhedrim and the congregation) had a
mixture of the Senate and the people ; and the Turkish is pure.
And that this was pure, and the other mixed, happened not
through the wisdom of the legislators, but the different genius
of the nations; the people of the Eastern parts, except the
Israelites, which is to be attributed to their agrarian, having
been such as scarce ever knew any other condition than that
of slavery ; and these of the Western having ever had such a
relish of liberty, as through what despair soever could never be
brought to stand still while the yoke was putting on their necks,
but by being fed with some hopes of reserving to themselves
some part of their freedom.
Wherefore Julius Caesar (saith Suetonius) contented himself
in naming half the magistrates, to leave the rest to the suffrage
of the people. And Maecenas, though he would not have Au-
gustus to give the people their liberty, would not have him take
it quite away. Whence this empire, being neither hawk nor
buzzard, made a flight accordingly; and the prince being per-
OCEANA

petually tossed (having the avarice of the soldiery on this hand


to satisfy upon the people, and the Senate and the people on the
other to be defended from the soldiery), seldom died any other
death than by one horn of this dilemma, as is noted more at
large by Machiavel.
But the Pretorian bands, those bestial executioners of their
captain's tyranny upon others, and of their own upon him, hav-
ing continued from the time of Augustus, were by Constantine
the Great (incensed against them for taking part with his ad-
versary Maxentius) removed from their strong garrison which
they held in Rome, and distributed into divers provinces. The
benefices of the soldiers that were hitherto held for life and
upon duty, were by this prince made hereditary, so that the
whole foundation whereupon this empire was first built being
now removed, shows plainly that the emperors must long be-
fore this have found out some other way of support; and this
was by stipendiating the Goths, a people that, deriving their
roots from the northern parts of Germany, or out of Sweden,
had, through their victories obtained against Domitian, long
since spread their branches to so near a neighborhood with the
Roman territories that they began to overshadow them. For
the emperors making use of them in their armies, as the French
do at this day of the Switz, gave them that under the notion
of a stipend, which they received as tribute, coming, if there
were any default in the payment, so often to distrain for it,
that in the time of Honorius they sacked Rome, and possessed
themselves of Italy. And such was the transition of ancient
into modern prudence, or that breach, which being followed in
every part of the Roman Empire with inundations of Vandals,
Huns, Lombards, Franks, Saxons, overwhelmed ancient lan-
guages, learning, prudence, manners, cities, changing the names
of rivers, countries, seas, mountains, and men; Camillus, Caesar,
and Pompey, being come to Edmund, Richard, and Geoffrey.
To open the groundwork or balance of these new politicians:
" Feudum," says Calvin the lawyer, " is a Gothic word of divers
significations; for it is taken either for war, or for a posses-
sion of conquered lands, distributed by the victor to such of his
captains and soldiers as had merited in his wars, upon condi-
tion to acknowledge him to be their perpetual lord, and them-
selves to be his subjects."
Of these there were three kinds or orders: the first of nobil-
ity distinguished by the titles of dukes, marquises, earls, and
these being gratified with the cities, castles, and villages of the
conquered Italians, their feuds participated of royal dignity,
and were called regalia, by which they had right to coin money,
create magistrates, take toll, customs, confiscations, and the
like.
2l6 HARRINGTON

Feuds of the second order were such as, with the consent of
the King, were bestowed by these feudatory princes upon men
of inferior quality, called their barons, on condition that next to
the King they should defend the dignities and fortunes of their
lords in arms.
The lowest order of feuds were such, as being conferred by
those of the second order upon private men, whether noble or
not noble, obliged them in the like duty to their superiors; these
were called vavasors. And this is the Gothic balance, by which
all the kingdoms this day in Christendom were at first erected;
for which cause, if I had time, I should open in this place the
Empire of Germany, and the Kingdoms of France, Spain, and
Poland; but so much as has been said being sufficient for the
discovery of the principles of modern prudence in general, I
shall divide the remainder of my discourse, which is more par-
ticular, into three parts:
The first, showing the constitution of the late monarchy of
Oceana;
The second, the dissolution of the same; and
The third, the generation of the present commonwealth.
The constitution of the late monarchy of Oceana is to be con-
sidered in relation to the different nations by whom it has been
successively subdued and governed. The first of these were
the Romans, the second the Teutons, the third the Scandians,
and the fourth the Neustrians.
The government of the Romans, who held it as a province,
I shall omit, because I am to speak of their provincial govern-
ment in another place, only it is to be remembered here, that if
we have given over running up and down naked, and with dap-
pled hides, learned to write and read, and to be instructed with
good arts, for all these we are beholden to the Romans, either
immediately or mediately by the Teutons ; for that the Teutons
had the arts from no other hand is plain enough by their lan-
guage, which has yet no word to signify either writing or read-
ing, but what is derived from the Latin. Furthermore, by the
help of these arts so learned, we have been capable of that relig-
ion which we have long since received; wherefore it seems to
me that we ought not to detract from the memory of the Romans,
by whose means we are, as it were, of beasts become men, and
by whose means we might yet of obscure and ignorant men (if
we thought not too well of ourselves) become a wise and a
great people.
The Romans having governed Oceana provincially, the Teu-
tons were the first that introduced the form of the late mon-
archy. To these succeeded the Scandians, of whom (because
their reign was short, as also because they made little alteration
OCEANA

in the government as to the form) I shall take no notice. But


the Teutons going to work upon the Gothic balance, divided
the whole nation into three sorts of feuds, that of ealdorman,
that of king's thane, and that of middle thane.
When the kingdom was first divided into precincts will be as
hard to show as when it began first to be governed; it being
impossible that there should be any government without some
division. The division that was in use with the Teutons was
by counties, and every county had either its ealdorman or high
reeve. The title of ealdorman came in time to eorl, or erl, and
that of high reeve to high sheriff.
Earl of the shire or county denoted the king's thane, or ten-
ant by grand sergeantry or knight's service, in chief or in
capite; his possessions were sometimes the whole territory from
whence he had his denomination, that is, the whole county;
sometimes more than one county, and sometimes less, the re-
maining part being in the crown. He had also sometimes a
third, or some other customary part of the profits of certain
cities, boroughs, or other places within his earldom. For an
example of the possessions of earls in ancient times, Ethelred
had to him and his heirs the whole Kingdom of Mercia, con-
taining three or four counties; and there were others that had
little less.
King's thane was also an honorary title, to which he was qual-
ified that had five hides of land held immediately of the King
by service of personal attendance; insomuch that if a churl or
countryman had thriven to this proportion, having a church,
a kitchen, a bell-house (that is, a hall with a bell in it to call his
family to dinner), a borough-gate with a seat (that is, a porch)
of his own, and any distinct office in the King's court, then was
he the King's thane. But the proportion of a hide-land, other-
wise called caruca, or a plough-land, is difficult to be under-
stood, because it was not certain; nevertheless it is generally
conceived to be so much as may be managed with one plough,
and would yield the maintenance of the same, with the appur-
tenances in all kinds.
The middle thane was feudal, but not honorary; he was also
called a vavasor, and his lands a vavasory, which held of some
mesne lord, and not immediately of the King.
Possessions and their tenures, being of this nature, show the
balance of the Teuton monarchy; wherein the riches of earls
were so vast that to arise from the balance of their dominion
to their power, they were not only called reguli, or little kings,
but were such indeed; their jurisdiction being of two sorts,
either that which was exercised by them in the court of their
countries, or in the high court of the kingdom.
2lS HARRINGTON

In the territory denominating an earl, if it were all his own,


the courts held, and the profits of that jurisdiction were to his
own use and benefit. But if he had but some part of his county,
then his jurisdiction and courts, saving perhaps in those pos-
sessions that were his own, were held by him to the King's use
and benefit; that is, he commonly supplied the office which the
sheriffs regularly executed in counties that had no earls, and
whence they came to be called viscounts. The court of the
county that had an earl was held by the earl and the bishop of
the diocese, after the manner of the sheriffs' turns to this day;
by which means both the ecclesiastical and temporal laws were
given in charge together to the country. The causes of vava-
sors or vavasorics appertained to the cognizance of this court,
where wills were proved, judgment and execution given, cases
criminal and civil determined.
The King's thanes had the like jurisdiction in their thane
lands as lords in their manors, where they also kept courts.
Besides these in particular, both the earls and King's thanes,
together with the bishops, abbots, and vavasors, or middle
thanes, had in the high court or parliament in the kingdom a
more public jurisdiction, consisting first of deliberative power
for advising upon and assenting to new laws; secondly, of giv-
ing counsel in matters of state; and thirdly, of judicature upon
suits and complaints. I shall not omit to enlighten the ob-
scurity of these times, in which there is little to be found of a
methodical constitution of this high court, by the addition of
an argument, which I conceive to bear a strong testimony to
itself, though taken out of a late writing that conceals the au-
thor. " It is well known," says he, " that in every quarter of
the realm a great many boroughs do yet send burgesses to the
parliament which nevertheless be so anciently and so long since
decayed and gone to naught, that they cannot be showed to
have been of any reputation since the Conquest, much less to
have obtained any such privilege by the grant of any succeed-
ing king: wherefore these must have had this right by more
ancient usage, and before the Conquest, they being unable now
to show whence they derived it."
This argument, though there be more, I shall pitch upon as
sufficient to prove: First, that the lower sort of the people had
right to session in Parliament during the time of the Teutons.
Secondly, that they were qualified to the same by election in
their boroughs, and if knights of the shire, as no doubt they
are, be as ancient in the counties. Thirdly, if it be a good ar-
gument to say, that the commons during the reign of the Teu-
tons were elected into Parliament because they are so now, and
no man can show when this custom began, I see not which way
OCEANA 219

it should be an ill one to say that the commons during the reign
of the Teutons constituted also a distinct house because they
do so now, unless any man can show that they did ever sit in
the same house with the lords. Wherefore to conclude this
part, I conceive for these, and other reasons to be mentioned
hereafter, that the Parliament of the Teutons consisted of the
King, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons of the
nation, notwithstanding the style of divers acts of Parliament,
which runs, as that of Magna Charta, in the King's name only,
seeing the same was nevertheless enacted by the King, peers,
and commons of the land, as is testified in those words by a
subsequent act.
The monarchy of the Teutons had stood in this posture about
220 years; when Turbo, Duke of Neustria, making his claim
to the crown of one of their kings that died childless, followed it
with successful arms, and, being possessed of the kingdom, used
it as conquered, distributing the earldoms, thane-lands, bishop-
rics, and prelacies of the whole realm among his Neustrians.
From this time the earl came to be called comes, consul, and
dux, though consul and dux grew afterward out of use; the
King's thanes came to be called barons, and their lands baro-
nies ; the middle thane holding still of a mesne lord, retained the
name of vavasor.
The earl or comes continued to have the third part of the
pleas of the county paid to him by the sheriff or vice-comes,
now a distinct officer in every county depending upon the Ki n g;
saving that such earls as had their counties to their own use
were now counts-palatine, and had under the Ki ng regal juris-
diction ; insomuch that they constituted their own sheriffs,
granted pardons, and issued writs in their own names; nor did
the King's writ of ordinary justice run in their dominions till
a late statute, whereby much of this privilege was taken away.
For barons they came from henceforth to be in different
times of three kinds: barons by their estates and tenures, barons
by writ, and barons created by letters-patent. From Turbo the
first to Adoxus the seventh king from the Conquest, barons had
their denomination from their possessions and tenures. And
these were either spiritual or temporal; for not only the thane-
lands, but the possessions of bishops, as also of some twenty-
six abbots, and two priors, were now erected into baronies,
whence the lords spiritual that had suffrage in the Teuton Par-
liament as spiritual lords came to have it in the Neustrian Par-
liament as barons, and were made subject, which they had not
formerly been, to knights' service in chief. Barony coming
henceforth to signify all honorary possessions as well of earls
as barons, and baronage to denote all kinds of lords as well
220 HARRINGTON

spiritual as temporal having right to sit in Parliament, the


baronies in this sense were sometimes more, and sometimes
fewer, but commonly about 200 or 250, containing in them a
matter of 60,000 feuda militum, or knights' fees, whereof some
28,000 were in the clergy.
It is ill-luck that no man can tell what the land of a knight's
fee, reckoned in some writs at ¿40 a year, and in others at ¿ 1 0 ,
was certainly worth, for by such a help we might have exactly
demonstrated the balance of this government. But, says Coke,
it contained twelve plough-lands, and that was thought to be
the most certain account. But this again is extremely uncer-
tain ; for one plough out of some land that was fruitful might
work more than ten out of some other that was barren. Never-
theless, seeing it appears by Bracton, that of earldoms and
baronies it was wont to be said that the whole kingdom was
composed, as also that these, consisting of 60,000 knights' fees,
furnished 60,000 men for the King's service, being the whole
militia of this monarchy, it cannot be imagined that the vava-
sories or freeholds in the people amounted to any considerable
proportion. Wherefore the balance and foundation of this
government were in the 60,000 knights' fees, and these being
possessed by the 250 lords, it was a government of the few, or
of the nobility, wherein the people might also assemble, but
could have no more than a mere name. And the clergy, hold-
ing a third of the whole nation, as is plain by the Parliament-
roll, it is an absurdity (seeing the clergy of France came first
through their riches to be a state of that kingdom) to acknowl-
edge the people to have been a state of this realm, and not to
allow it to the clergy, who were so much more weighty in the
balance, which is that of all other whence a state or order in a
government is denominated. Wherefore this monarchy con-
sisted of the King, and of the three ordines rcgni, or estates, the
lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons; it consisted of
these, I say, as to the balance, though, during the reign of some
of these kings, not as to the administration.
For the ambition of Turbo, and some of those that more im-
mediately succeeded him, to be absolute princes, strove against
the nature of their foundation, and, inasmuch as he had divided
almost the whole realm among his Neustrians, with some en-
couragement for a while. But the Neustrians, while they were
but foreign plants, having no security against the natives, but
in growing up by their princes' sides, were no sooner well rooted
in their vast dominions than they came up according to the in-
fallible consequence of the balance domestic, and, contracting
the national interest of the baronage, grew as fierce in the vin-
dication of the ancient rights and liberties of the same, as if they
OCEANA 321

had been always natives: whence, the kings being as obstinate


on the one side for their absolute power, as these on the other
for their immunities, grew certain wars, which took their de-
nomination from the barons.
This fire about the middle of the reign of Adoxus began to
break out. And whereas the predecessors of this King had
divers times been forced to summon councils resembling those
of the Teutons, to which the lords only that were barons by do-
minion and tenure had hitherto repaired, Adoxus, seeing the
effects of such dominion, began first not to call such as were
barons by writ (for that was according to the practice of ancient
times), but to call such by writs as were otherwise no barons;
by which means, striving to avoid the consequence of the bal-
ance, in coming unwillingly to set the government straight,
he was the first that set it awry. For the barons in his reign,
and his successors, having vindicated their ancient authority,
restored the Parliament with all the rights and privileges of the
same, saving that from thenceforth the kings had found out a
way whereby to help themselves against the mighty by creat-
ures of their own, and such as had no other support but by
their favor. By which means this government, being indeed
the masterpiece of modern prudence, has been cried up to the
skies, as the only invention whereby at once to maintain the
sovereignty of a prince and the liberty of the people. Whereas,
indeed, it has been no other than a wrestling-match, wherein the
nobility, as they have been stronger, have thrown the King, or
the King, if he has been stronger, has thrown the nobility;
or the King, where he has had a nobility, and could bring them
to his party, has thrown the people, as in France and Spain;
or the people, where they have had no nobility, or could get
them to be of their party, have thrown the King, as in Holland,
and of later times in Oceana.
But they came not to this strength, but by such approaches
and degrees as remain to be further opened. For whereas the
barons by writ, as the sixty-four abbots and thirty-six priors
that were so called, were but pro tempore, Dicotome, being the
twelfth king from the Conquest, began to make barons by let-
ters-patent, with the addition of honorary pensions for the
maintenance of their dignities to them and their heirs; so that
they were hands in the King's purse and had no shoulders for
his throne. Of these, when the house of peers came once to
be full, as will be seen hereafter, there was nothing more empty.
But for the present, the throne having other supports, they did
not hurt that so much as they did the K i ng; for the old barons,
taking Dicotome's prodigality to such creatures so ill that they
deposed him, got the trick of it, and never gave over setting
223 HARRINGTON

up and pulling down their kings according to their various in-


terests, and that faction of the White and Red, into which they
have been thenceforth divided, till Panurgus, the eighteenth
king from the Conquest, was more by their favor than his right
advanced to the crown. This King, through his natural sub-
tlety, reflecting at once upon the greatness of their power, and
the inconstancy of their favor, began to find another flaw in
this kind of government, which is also noted by Machiavel—
namely, that a throne supported by a nobility is not so hard to
be ascended as kept warm. Wherefore his secret jealousy, lest
the dissension of the nobility, as it brought him in might throw
him out, made him travel in ways undiscovered by them, to ends
as little foreseen by himself, while to establish his own safety,
he, by mixing water with their wine, first began to open those
sluices that have since overwhelmed not the King only, but the
throne. For whereas a nobility strikes not at the throne, with-
out which they cannot subsist, but at some king that they do
not like, popular power strikes through the King at the throne,
as that which is incompatible with it. Now that Panurgus, in
abating the power of the nobility, was the cause whence it came
to fall into the hands of the people, appears by those several
statutes that were made in his reign, as that for population,
those against retainers, and that for alienations.
By the statute of population, all houses of husbandry that
were used with twenty acres of ground and upward, were to be
maintained and kept up forever with a competent proportion
of land laid to them, and in no wise, as appears by a subsequent
statute, to be severed. By which means the houses being kept
up, did of necessity enforce dwellers; and the proportion of
land to be tilled being kept up, did of necessity enforce the
dweller not to be a beggar or cottager, but a man of some sub-
stance, that might keep hinds and servants and set the plough
a-going. This did mightily concern, says the historian of that
prince, the might and manhood of the kingdom, and in effect
amortize a great part of the lands to the hoid and possession of
the yeomanry or middle people, who living not in a servile or
indigent fashion, were much unlinked from dependence upon
their lords, and living in a free and plentiful manner, became a
more excellent infantry, but such a one upon which the lords
had so little power, that from henceforth they may be computed
to have been disarmed.
And as they had lost their infantry after this manner, so their
cavalry and commanders were cut off by the statute of re-
tainers ; for whereas it was the custom of the nobility to have
younger brothers of good houses, mettled fellows, and such as
were knowing in the feats of arms about them, they who were
OCEANA 223

longer followed with so dangerous a train, escaped not such


punishments as made them take up.
Henceforth the country lives and great tables of the nobility,
which no longer nourished veins that would bleed for them,
were fruitless and loathsome till they changed the air, and of
princes became courtiers; where their revenues, never to have
been exhausted by beef and mutton, were found narrow,
whence followed racking of rents, and at length sale of lands,
the riddance through the statute of alienations being rendered
far more quick and facile than formerly it had been through
the new invention of entails.
To this it happened that Coraunus, the successor of that
King, dissolving the abbeys, brought, with the declining state
of the nobility, so vast a prey to the industry of the people,
that the balance of the commonwealth was too apparently in
the popular party to be unseen by the wise Council of Queen
Parthenia, who, converting her reign through the perpetual
love tricks that passed between her and her people into a kind
of romance, wholly neglected the nobility. And by these de-
grees came the House of Commons to raise that head, which
since has been so high and formidable to their princes that they
have looked pale upon those assemblies. Nor was there any-
thing now wanting to the destruction of the throne, but that the
people, not apt to see their own strength, should be put to feel
it; when a prince, as stiff in disputes as the nerve of monarchy
was grown slack, received that unhappy encouragement from
his clergy which became his utter ruin, while trusting more to
their logic than the rough philosophy of his Parliament, it came
to an irreparable breach; for the house of peers, which alone
had stood in this gap, now sinking down between the Ki ng and
the commons, showed that Crassus was dead and the isthmus
broken. But a monarchy, divested of its nobility, has no refuge
under heaven but an army. Wherefore the dissolution of this
government caused the war, not the war the dissolution of this
government.
Of the King's success with his arms it is not necessary to
give any further account, than that they proved as ineffectual
as his nobility; but without a nobility or an army (as has been
shown) there can be no monarchy. Wherefore what is there
in nature that can arise out of these ashes but a popular gov-
ernment, or a new monarchy to be erected by the victorious
army?
To erect a monarchy, be it never so new, unless like Levia-
than you can hang it, as the country-fellow speaks, by geome-
try (for what else is it to say, that every other man must give
up his will to the will of this one man without any other foun-
224 HARRINGTON

dation?), it must stand upon old principles—that is, upon a


nobility or an army planted on a due balance of dominion.
Aut viam inveniam aut faciam, was an adage of Caesar; and
there is no standing for a monarchy unless it finds this balance,
or makes it. If it finds it, the work is done to its hand ; for,
where there is inequality of estates, there must be inequality of
power; and where there is inequality of power, there can be
no commonwealth. To make it, the sword must extirpate out
of dominion all other roots of power, and plant an army upon
that ground. An army may be planted nationally or provin-
cially. To plant it nationally, it must be in one of the four ways
mentioned, that is, either monarchically in part, as the Roman
benéficiarii; or monarchically, in the whole, as the Turkish
Timariots ; aristocratically, that is, by earls and barons, as the
Neustrians were planted by Turbo ; or democratically, that is,
by equal lots, as the Israelitish army in the land of Canaan by
Joshua. In every one of these ways there must not only be
confiscations, but confiscations to such a proportion as may an-
swer to the work intended.
Confiscation of a people that never fought against you, but
whose arms you have borne, and in which you have been victo-
rious, and this upon premeditation and in cold blood, I should
have thought to be against any example in human nature, but
for those alleged by Machiavel of Agathocles, and Oliveretto
di Fermo ; the former whereof being captain-general of the
Syracusans, upon a day assembled the Senate and the people,
as if he had something to communicate with them, when at a
sign given he cut the senators in pieces to a man, and all the
richest of the people, by which means he came to be king. The
proceedings of Oliveretto, in making himself Prince of Fermo,
were somewhat different in circumstances, but of the same nat-
ure. Nevertheless Catiline, who had a spirit equal to any of
these in his intended mischief, could never bring the like to
pass in Rome. The head of a small commonwealth, such a one
as was that of Syracuse or Fermo, is easily brought to the
block; but that a populous nation, such as Rome, had not such
a one, was the grief of Nero. If Sylvia or Caesar attained to be
princes, it was by civil war, and such civil war as yielded rich
spoils, there being a vast nobility to be confiscated ; which also
was the case in Oceana, when it yielded earth by earldoms,
and baronies to the Neustrian for the plantation of his new
potentates. Where a conqueror finds the riches of a land in the
hands of the few, the forfeitures are easy, and amount to vast
advantage ; but where the people have equal shares, the confis-
cation of many comes to little, and is not only dangerous but
fruitless.
OCEANA 225

The Romans, in one of their defeats of the Volsci, found


among the captives certain Tusculans, who, upon examination,
confessed that the arms they bore were by command of their
State; whereupon information being given to the Senate by the
general Camillus, he was forthwith commanded to march
against Tusculum; which doing accordingly, he found the Tus-
culan fields full of husbandmen, that stirred not otherwise from
the plough than to furnish his army with all kinds of accommo-
dations and victuals. Drawing near to the city, he saw the
gates wide open, the magistrates coming out in their gowns
to salute and bid him welcome; entering, the shops were all at
work, and open, the streets sounded with the noise of school-
boys at their books; there was no face of war. Whereupon
Camillus, causing the Senate to assemble, told them, that
though the art was understood, yet had they at length found
out the true arms whereby the Romans were most undoubtedly
to be conquered, for which cause he would not anticipate the
Senate, to which he desired them forthwith to send, which they
did accordingly; and their dictator with the rest of their ambas-
sadors being found by the Roman senators as they went into
the house standing sadly at the door, were sent for in as friends,
and not as enemies; where the dictator having said, " If we
have offended, the fault was not so great as is our penitence
and your virtue," the Senate gave them peace forthwith, and
soon after made the Tusculans citizens of Rome.
But putting the case, of which the world is not able to show
an example, that the forfeiture of a populous nation, not con-
quered, but friends, and in cool blood, might be taken, your
army must be planted in one of the ways mentioned. To plant
it in the way of absolute monarchy, that is, upon feuds for life,
such as the Timars, a country as large and fruitful as that of
Greece, would afford you but 16,000 Timariots, for that is the
most the Turk (being the best husband that ever was of this
kind) makes of it at this day: and if Oceana, which is less in
fruitfulness by one-half, and in extent by three parts, should
have no greater a force, whoever breaks her in one battle, may
be sure she shall never rise; for such (as was noted by Machia¬
vel) is the nature of the Turkish monarchy, if you break it in
two battles, you have destroyed its whole militia, and the rest
being all slaves, you hold it without any further resistance.
Wherefore the erection of an absolute monarchy in Oceana, or
in any other country that is no larger, without making it a cer-
tain prey to the first invader, is altogether impossible.
To plant by halves, as the Roman emperors did their bene-
ficiaries, or military colonies, it must be either for life; and this
an army of Oceaners in their own country, especially having
15
226 HARRINGTON

estates of inheritance, will never bear; because such an army


so planted is as well confiscated as the people; nor had the
Mamelukes been contented with such usage in Egypt, but that
they were foreigners, and daring not to mix with the natives,
it was of absolute necessity to their being.
Or planting them upon inheritance, whether aristocratically
as the Neustrians, or democratically as the Israelites, they grow
up by certain consequences into the national interest, and this,
if they be planted popularly, comes to a commonwealth; if by
way of nobility, to a mixed monarchy, which of all other will
be found to be the only kind of monarchy whereof this nation,
or any other that is of no greater extent, has been or can be
capable; for if the Israelites, though their democratical balance,
being fixed by their agrarian, stood firm, be yet found to have
elected kings, it was because, their territory lying open, they
were perpetually invaded, and being perpetually invaded,
turned themselves to anything which, through the want of ex-
perience, they thought might be a remedy; whence their mis-
take in election of their kings, under whom they gained noth-
ing, but, on the contrary, lost all they had acquired by their
commonwealth, both estates and liberties, is not only apparent,
but without parallel. And if there have been, as was shown,
a kingdom of the Goths in Spain, and of the Vandals in Asia,
consisting of a single person and a Parliament (taking a parlia-
ment to be a council of the people only, without a nobility),
it is expressly said of those councils that they deposed their
kings as often as they pleased; nor can there be any other con-
sequence of such a government, seeing where there is a council
of the people they do never receive laws, but give them; and a
council giving laws to a single person, he has no means in the
world whereby to be any more than a subordinate magistrate
but force: in which case he is not a single person and a parlia-
ment, but a single person and an army, which army again must
be planted as has been shown, or can be of no long continuance.
It is true, that the provincial balance being in nature quite
contrary to the national, you are no way to plant a provincial
army upon dominion. But then you must have a native terri-
tory in strength, situation, or government, able to overbalance
the foreign, or you can never hold it. That an army should in
any other case be long supported by a mere tax, is a mere fancy
as void of all reason and experience as if a man should think to
maintain such a one by robbing of orchards; for a mere tax is
but pulling of plum-trees, the roots whereof are in other men's
grounds, who, suffering perpetual violence, come to hate the
author of it; and it is a maxim, that no prince that is hated by
his people can be safe. Arms planted upon dominion extirpate
OCEANA 227

enemies and make friends; but maintained by a mere tax, have


enemies that have roots, and friends that have none.
To conclude, Oceana, or any other nation of no greater ex-
tent, must have a competent nobility, or is altogether incapable
of monarchy; for where there is equality of estates, there must
be equality of power, and where there is equality of power, there
can be no monarchy.
To come then to the generation of the commonwealth. It
has been shown how, through the ways and means used by
Panurgus to abase the nobility, and so to mend that flaw which
we have asserted to be incurable in this kind of constitution,
he suffered the balance to fall into the power of the people, and
so broke the government; but the balance being in the people,
the commonwealth (though they do not see it) is already in the
nature of them. There wants nothing else but time, which is
slow and dangerous, or art, which would be more quick and
secure, for the bringing those native arms, wherewithal they
are found already, to resist, they know not how, everything that
opposes them, to such maturity as may fix them upon their own
strength and bottom.
But whereas this art is prudence, and that part of prudence
which regards the present work is nothing else but the skill of
raising such superstructures of government as are natural to
the known foundations, they never mind the foundation, but
through certain animosities, wherewith by striving one against
another they are infected, or through freaks, by which, not re-
garding the course of things, nor how they conduce to their
purpose, they are given to building in the air, come to be divid-
ed and subdivided into endless parties and factions, both civil
and ecclesiastical, which, briefly to open, I shall first speak of
the people in general, and then of their divisions.
A people, says Machiavel, that is corrupt, is not capable of a
commonwealth. But in showing what a corrupt people is, he
has either involved himself, or me; nor can I otherwise come
out of the labyrinth, than by saying, the balance altering a peo-
ple, as to the foregoing government, must of necessity be cor-
rupt ; but corruption in this sense signifies no more than that
the corruption of one government, as in natural bodies, is the
generation of another. Wherefore if the balance alters from
monarchy, the corruption of the people in this case is that which
makes them capable of a commonwealth. But whereas I am
not ignorant that the corruption which he means is in manners,
this also is from the balance. For the balance leading from
monarchical into popular, abates the luxury of the nobility, and,
enriching the people, brings the government from a more pri-
vate to a more public interest; which coming nearer, as has
228 HARRINGTON

been shown, to justice and right reason, the people upon a like
alteration is so far from such a corruption of manners as should
render them incapable of a commonwealth, that of necessity
they must thereby contract such a reformation of manners as
will bear no other kind of government. On the other side,
where the balance changes from popular to oligarchical or mon-
archical, the public interest, with the reason and justice includ-
ed in the same, becomes more private; luxury is introduced in
the room of temperance, and servitude in that of freedom,
which causes such a corruption of manners both in the nobility
and people, as, by the example of Rome in the time of the Tri-
umvirs, is more at large discovered by the author to have been
altogether incapable of a commonwealth.
But the balance of Oceana changing quite contrary to that
of Rome, the manners of the people were not thereby corrupted,
but, on the contrary, adapted to a commonwealth. For differ-
ences of opinion in a people not rightly informed of their bal-
ance, or a division into parties (while there is not any common
ligament of power sufficient to reconcile or hold them) is no
sufficient proof of corruption. Nevertheless, seeing this must
needs be matter of scandal and danger, it will not be amiss, in
showing what were the parties, to show what were their errors.
The parties into which this nation was divided, were tem-
poral or spiritual; and the temporal parties were especially
two, the one royalists, the other republicans, each of which as-
serted their different causes, either out of prudence or ignor-
ance, out of interest or conscience.
For prudence, either that of the ancients is inferior to the
modern, which we have hitherto been setting face to face, that
anyone may judge, or that of the royalist must be inferior to that
of the commonwealthsman. And for interest, taking the com-
monwealthsman to have really intended the public, for other-
wise he is a hypocrite and the worst of men, that of the royalist
must of necessity have been more private. Wherefore, the
whole dispute will come upon matter of conscience, and this,
whether it be urged by the right of kings, the obligation of
former laws, or of the oath of allegiance, is absolved by the
balance.
For if the right of kings were as immediately derived from
the breath of God as the life of man, yet this excludes not death
and dissolution. But, that the dissolution of the late monarchy
was as natural as the death of man, has been already shown.
Wherefore it remains with the royalists to discover by what
reason or experience it is possible for a monarchy to stand upon
a popular balance: or, the balance being popular, as well the
oath of allegiance, as all other monarchical laws, imply an im-
possibility, and are therefore void.
OCEANA 229

To the commonwealthsman I have no more to say, but that


if he excludes any party, he is not truly such, nor shall ever
found a commonwealth upon the natural principle of the same,
which is justice. And the royalist for having not opposed a
commonwealth in Oceana, where the laws were so ambiguous
that they might be eternally disputed and never reconciled, can
neither be justly for that cause excluded from his full and equal
share in the government; nor prudently for this reason, that a
commonwealth consisting of a party will be in perpetual labor
for her own destruction: whence it was that the Romans, having
conquered the Albans, incorporated them with equal right into
the commonwealth. And if the royalists be " flesh of your
flesh," and nearer of blood than were the Albans to the Romans,
you being also both Christians, the argument is the stronger.
Nevertheless there is no reason that a commonwealth should
any more favor a party remaining in fixed opposition against
it, than Brutus did his own sons. But if it fixes them upon
that opposition, it is its own fault, not theirs; and this is done
by excluding them. Men that have equal possessions and the
same security for their estates and their liberties that you have,
have the same cause with you to defend both; but if you will
be trampling, they fight for liberty, though for monarchy; and
you for tyranny, though under the name of a commonwealth:
the nature of orders in a government rightly instituted being
void of all jealousy, because, let the parties which it embraces
be what they will, its orders are such as they neither would re-
sist if they could, nor could if they would, as has been partly
already shown, and will appear more at large by the following
model.
The parties that are spiritual are of more kinds than I need
mention; some for a national religion, and others for liberty of
conscience, with such animosity on both sides, as if these two
could not consist together, and of which I have already suffi-
ciently spoken, to show that indeed the one cannot well subsist
without the other. But they of all the rest are the most dan-
gerous, who, holding that the saints must govern, go about
to reduce the commonwealth to a party, as well for the reasons
already shown, as that their pretences are against Scripture,
where the saints are commanded to submit to the higher powers,
and to be subject to the ordinance of man. And that men, pre-
tending under the notion of saints or religion to civil power,
have hitherto never failed to dishonor that profession, the world
is full of examples, whereof I shall confine myself at present
only to a couple, the one of old, the other of new Rome.
In old Rome, the patricians or nobility pretending to be the
godly party, were questioned by the people for engrossing all
HARRINGTON
23°

the magistracies of that commonwealth, and had nothing to say


why they did so, but that magistracy required a kind of holiness
which was not in the people; at which the people were filled
with such indignation as had come to cutting of throats, if the
nobility had not immediately laid by the insolency of that plea;
which nevertheless when they had done, the people for a long
time after continued to elect no other but patrician magistrates.
The example of new Rome in the rise and practice of the
hierarchy (too well known to require any further illustration)
is far more immodest.
This has been the course of nature; and when it has pleased
or shall please God to introduce anything that is above the
course of nature, he will, as he has always done, confirm it by
miracle; for so in his prophecy of the reign of Christ upon earth
he expressly promises, seeing that "the souls of them that were
beheaded for Jesus, shall be seen to live and reign with h i m ; "
which will be an object of sense, the rather, because the rest of
the dead are not to live again till the thousand years be finished.
And it is not lawful for men to persuade us that a thing already
is, though there be no such object of our sense, which God has
told us shall not be till it be an object of our sense.
The saintship of a people as to government, consists in the
election of magistrates fearing God, and hating covetousness,
and not in their confining themselves, or being confined, to men
of this or that party or profession. It consists in making the
most prudent and religious choice they can; yet not in trusting
to men, but, next God, to their own orders. " Give us good
men, and they will make us good laws," is the maxim of a dem-
agogue, and is (through the alteration which is commonly per-
ceivable in men, when they have power to work their own wills)
exceeding fallible. But " give us good orders, and they will
make us good men," is the maxim of a legislator, and the most
infallible in the politics.
But these divisions (however there be some good men that
look sadly on them) are trivial things; first as to the civil con-
cern, because the government, whereof this nation is capable,
being once seen, takes in all interests. And, secondly, as to the
spiritual; because as the pretence of religion has always been
turbulent in broken governments, so where the government has
been sound and steady, religion has never shown itself with
any other face than that of its natural sweetness and tranquil-
lity ; nor is there any reason why it should, wherefore the errors
of the people are occasioned by their governors. If they be
doubtful of the way, or wander from it, it is because their
guides misled them; and the guides of the people are never so
well qualified for leading by any virtue of their own, as by that
of the government.
OCEANA 231

The government of Oceana (as it stood at the time whereof


we discourse, consisting of one single Council of the people, ex-
clusively of the Kin g and the Lords) was called a Parliament:
nevertheless the parliaments of the Teutons and of the Neus-
trians consisted, as has been shown, of the King, lords, and
commons; wherefore this, under an old name, was a new thing—
a parliament consisting of a single assembly elected by the peo-
ple, and invested with the whole power of the government,
without any covenants, conditions, or orders whatsoever. So
new a thing, that neither ancient nor modern prudence can show
any avowed example of the like. And there is scarce anything
that seems to me so strange as that (whereas there was nothing
more familiar with these councillors than to bring the Scripture
to the house) there should not be a man of them that so much
as offered to bring the house to the Scripture, wherein, as has
been shown, is contained that original, whereof all the rest of
the commonwealths seem to be copies. Certainly if Leviathan
(who is surer of nothing than that a popular commonwealth
consists but of one council) transcribed his doctrine out of this
assembly, for him to except against Aristotle and Cicero for
writing out of their own commonwealths was not so fair play;
or if the Parliament transcribed out of him, it had been an honor
better due to Moses. But where one of them should have an
example but from the other, I cannot imagine, there being noth-
ing of this kind that I can find in story, but the oligarchy of
Athens, the Thirty Tyrants of the same, and the Roman De-
cemvirs.
For the oligarchy, Thucydides tells us, that it was a Senate
or council of 400, pretending to a balancing council of the peo-
ple consisting of 5,000, but not producing them; wherein you
have the definition of an oligarchy, which is a single council
both debating and resolving, dividing and choosing, and what
that must come to was shown by the example of the girls, and
is apparent by the experience of all times; wherefore the thirty
set up by the Lacedaemonians (when they had conquered
Athens) are called tyrants by all authors, Leviathan only ex-
cepted, who will have them against all the world to have been
an aristocracy, but for what reason I cannot imagine; these
also, as void of any balance, having been void of that which is
essential to every commonwealth, whether aristocratical or pop-
ular; except he be pleased with them, because that, according
to the testimony of Xenophon, they killed more men in eight
months than the Lacedaemonians had done in ten years; " op-
pressing the people (to use Sir Walter Raleigh's words) with
all base and intolerable slavery."
The usurped government of the Decemvirs in Rome was of
232 HARRINGTON

the same kind. Wherefore in the fear of God let Christian


legislators (setting the pattern given in the Mount on the one
side, and these execrable examples on the other) know the right
hand from the left; and so much the rather, because those things
which do not conduce to the good of the governed are falla-
cious, if they appear to be good for the governors. God, in
chastising a people, is accustomed to burn his rod. The empire
of these oligarchies was not so violent as short, nor did they
fall upon the people, but in their own immediate ruin. A coun-
cil without a balance is not a commonwealth, but an oligarchy;
and every oligarchy, except it be put to the defence of its wick-
edness or power against some outward danger, is factious.
Wherefore the errors of the people being from their governors
(which maxim in the politics bearing a sufficient testimony to
itself, is also proved by Machiavel), if the people of Oceana
have been factious, the cause is apparent, but what remedy?
In answer to this question, I come now to the army, of which
the most victorious captain and incomparable patriot, Olphaus
Megaletor, was now general, who being a much greater master
of that art whereof I have made a rough draught in these pre-
liminaries, had such sad reflections upon the ways and proceed-
ings of the Parliament as cast him upon books and all other
means of diversion, among which he happened on this place of
Machiavel: " Thrice happy is that people which chances to
have a man able to give them such a government at once, as
without alteration may secure them of their liberties; seeing it
was certain that Lacedasmon, in observing the laws of Lycur-
gus, continued about 800 years without any dangerous tumult
or corruption." My lord general (as it is said of Themisto-
cles, that he could not sleep for the glory obtained by Miltiades
at the battle of Marathon) took so new and deep an impression
at these words of the much greater glory of Lycurgus, that,
being on this side assaulted with the emulation of his illus-
trious object, and on the other with the misery of the nation,
which seemed (as it were ruined by his victory) to cast itself
at his feet, he was almost wholly deprived of his natural rest,
till the debate he had within himself came to a firm resolution,
that the greatest advantages of a commonwealth are, first, that
the legislator should be one man; and, secondly, that the gov-
ernment should be made all together, or at once. For the first,
it is certain, says Machiavel, that a commonwealth is seldom or
never well turned or constituted, except it has been the work of
one man ; for which cause a wise legislator, and one whose mind
is firmly set, not upon private but the public interest, not upon
his posterity but upon his country, may justly endeavor to get
the sovereign power into his own hands, nor shall any man that
OCEANA a
33

is master of reason blame such extraordinary means as in that


case will be necessary, the end proving no other than the consti-
tution of a well-ordered commonwealth.
The reason of this is demonstrable; for the ordinary means
not failing, the commonwealth has no need of a legislator, but
the ordinary means failing, there is no recourse to be had but
to such as are extraordinary. And, whereas a book or a build-
ing has not been known to attain to its perfection if it has not
had a sole author or architect, a commonwealth, as to the fabric
of it, is of the like nature. And thus it may be made at once;
in which there be great advantages; for a commonwealth made
at once, takes security at the same time it lends money; and
trusts not itself to the faith of men, but launches immediately
forth into the empire of laws, and, being set straight, brings the
manners of its citizens to its rule, whence followed that up-
rightness which was in Lacedaemon. But manners that are
rooted in men, bow the tenderness of a commonwealth coming
up by twigs to their bent; whence followed the obliquity that
was in Rome, and those perpetual repairs by the consuls' axes,
and tribunes' hammers, which could never finish that common-
wealth but in destruction.
My lord general being clear in these points, and of the ne-
cessity of some other course than would be thought upon by
the Parliament, appointed a meeting of the army, where he
spoke his sense agreeable to these preliminaries with such suc-
cess to the soldiery, that the Parliament was soon after deposed;
nad he himself, in the great hall of the Pantheon or palace of
justice, situated in Emporium, the capital city, was created by
the universal suffrage of the army, Lord Archon, or sole legis-
lator of Oceana, upon which theatre you have, to conclude this
piece, a person introduced, whose fame shall never draw its
curtain.
The Lord Archon being created, fifty select persons to assist
him, by laboring in the mines of ancient prudence, and bring-
ing its hidden treasures to new light, were added, with the style
also of legislators, and sat as a council, whereof he was the
sole director and president.
PART II

T HE COUNCIL OF LEGISLATORS
F this piece, being the greater half of the whole work, I
shall be able at this time to give no further account, than
very briefly to show at what it aims.
My Lord Archon, in opening the Council of legislators, made
it appear how unsafe a thing it is to follow fancy in the fabric
of a commonwealth; and how necessary that the archives of
ancient prudence should be ransacked before any councillor
should presume to offer any other matter in order to the work
in hand, or toward the consideration to be had by the Council
upon a model of government. Wherefore he caused an urn to
be brought, and every one of the councillors to draw a lot. By
the lots as they were drawn,

The Commonwealth of Fell to


Israel Phosphorus de Auge
Athens . . . . . Navarchus d e Paraio
Lacedasmon Laco de Scytale
Carthage Mago de Syrtibus
The Acha:ans, yEtolians, and
Lycians . . . . . Aratus d e Isthmo
The Switz . . . . . Alpester d e Fulmine
Holland and the United Provinces Glaucus de Ulna
Rome . . . . . . Dolabella d e Enyo
Venice . . . . . Lynceus d e Stella

These contained in them all those excellencies whereof a


commonwealth is capable; so that to have added more had been
to no purpose. Upon time given to the councillors, by their
own studies and those of their friends, to prepare themselves,
they were opened in the order, and by the persons mentioned
at the Council of legislators, and afterward by order of the same
were repeated at the council of the prytans to the people; for
in drawing of the lots, there were about a dozen of them in-
scribed with the letter P, whereby the councillors that drew
them became prytans.
The prytans were a committee or council sitting in the great
hall of Pantheon, to whom it was lawful for any man to offer
anything in order to the fabric of the commonwealth ; for which
cause, that they might not be oppressed by the throng, there
was a rail about the table where they sat, and on each side of
OCEANA 235

the same a pulpit; that on the right hand for any man that
would propose anything, and that on the left for any other that
would oppose him. And all parties (being indemnified by proc-
lamation of the Archon) were invited to dispute their own in-
terests, or propose whatever they thought fit (in order to the
future government) to the council of the prytans, who, having
a guard of about two or three hundred men, lest the heat of dis-
pute might break the peace, had the right of moderators, and
were to report from time to time such propositions or occur-
rences as they thought fit, to the Council of legislators sitting
more privately in the palace called Alma.
This was that which made the people (who were neither
safely to be admitted, nor conveniently to be excluded in the
framing of the commonwealth) verily believe, when it came
forth, that it was no other than that whereof they themselves
had been the makers.
Moreover, this Council sat divers months after the publish-
ing and during the promulgation of the model to the people;
by which means there is scarce anything was said or written for
or against the said model but you shall have it with the next
impression of this work, by way of oration addressed to and
moderated by the prytans.
By this means the Council of legislators had their necessary
solitude and due aim in their greater work, as being acquainted
from time to time with the pulse of the people, and yet without
any manner of interruption or disturbance.
Wherefore every commonwealth in its place having been
opened by due method—that is, first, by the people; secondly,
by the Senate; and, thirdly, by the magistracy—the Council
upon mature debate took such results or orders out of each, and
out of every part of each of them, as upon opening the same
they thought fit; which being put from time to time in writing
by the clerk or secretary, there remained no more in the con-
clusion, than putting the orders so taken together, to view and
examine them with a diligent eye, that it might be clearly dis-
covered whether they did interfere, or could anywise come to
interfere or jostle one with the other. For as such orders jos-
tling or coming to jostle one another are the certain dissolution
of the commonwealth, so, taken upon the proof of like experi-
ence, and neither jostling nor showing which way they can pos-
sibly come to jostle one another, they make a perfect and (for
aught that in human prudence can be foreseen) an immortal
commonwealth.
And such was the art whereby my Lord Archon (taking
council of the Commonwealth of Israel, as of Moses; and of the
rest of the commonwealths, as of Jethro) framed the model of
the Commonwealth of Oceana.
PART III

THE MODEL OF TH E COMMONWEALTH


OF OCEANA

W H E R E A S my Lord Archon, being from Moses and


Lycurgus the first legislator that hitherto is found in
history to have introduced or erected an entire com-
monwealth at once, happened, like them also, to be more intent
upon putting the same into execution or action, than into writ-
ing ; by which means the model came to be promulgated or pub-
lished with more brevity and less illustration than are necessary
for their understanding who have not been acquainted with the
whole proceedings of the Council of legislators, and of the pry-
tans, where it was asserted and cleared from all objections and
doubts: to the end that I may supply what was wanting in the
promulgated epitome to a more full and perfect narrative of
the whole, I shall rather take the commonwealth practically;
and as it has now given an account of itself in some years' revo-
lutions (as Dicearchus is said to have clone that of Lacedsemon,
first transcribed by his hand some three or four hundred years
after the institution), yet not omitting to add for proof to every
order such debates and speeches of the legislators in their Coun-
cil, or at least such parts of them as may best discover the rea-
son of the government; nor such ways and means as were used
in the institution or rise of the building, not to be so well con-
ceived, without some knowledge given of the engines where-
withal the mighty weight was moved. But through the entire
omission of the Council of legislators or workmen that squared
every stone to this structure in the quarries of ancient prudence,
the proof of the first part of this discourse will be lame, except
I insert, as well for illustration as to avoid frequent repetition,
three remarkable testimonies in this place.
The first is taken out of the Commonwealth of Israel: " So
Moses hearkened to the voice of Jethro, his father-in-law, and
did all that he had said. And Moses chose able men out of all
Israel, and made them heads over the people; " tribunes, as it
is in the vulgar Latin ; or phylarchs, that is, princes of the tribes,
sitting upon twelve thrones, and judging the twelve tribes of
Israel; and next to these he chose rulers of thousands, rulers
of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens, which were the
steps and rise of this commonwealth from its foundation or root
23 6
OCEANA 237

to its proper elevation or accomplishment in the Sanhedrim,


and the congregation, already opened in the preliminaries.
The second is taken out of Lacedsemon, as Lycurgus (for the
greater impression of his institutions upon the minds of his
citizens) pretended to have received the model of that common-
wealth from the oracle of Apollo at Delphos, the words whereof
are thus recorded by Plutarch in the life of that famous legis-
lator : " When thou shalt have divided the people into tribes
(which were six) and obce (which were five in every tribe),
thou shalt constitute the Senate, consisting, with the two Kings,
of thirty councillors, who, according as occasion requires, shall
cause the congregation to be assembled between the bridge and
the river Gnacion, where the Senate shall propose to the people,
and dismiss them without suffering them to debate." The obce
were lineages into which every tribe was divided, and in each
tribe there was another division containing all those of the same
that were of military age; which being called the mora, was
subdivided into troops and companies that were kept in per-
petual discipline under the command of a magistrate called the
polemarch.
The third is taken out of the Commonwealth of Rome, or
those parts of it which are comprised in the first and second
books of Livy, where the people, according to the institution
by Romulus, are first divided into thirty curias or parishes,
whereof he elected, by three out of each curia, the Senate,
which, from his reign to that or Servius Tullius, proposed to
the parishes or parochial congregations; and these being called
the Comitia curiata, had the election of the kings, the confirma-
tion of their laws, and the last appeal in matters of judicature,
as appears in the case of Horatius that killed his sister; till, in
the reign of Servius (for the other kings kept not to the insti-
tution of Romulus), the people being grown somewhat, the
power of the Curiata was for the greater part translated to the
Centuriata comitia instituted by this King, which distributed
the people, according to the sense of valuation of their estates,
into six classes, every one containing about forty centuries,
divided into youth and elders; the youth for field-service, the
elders for the defence of their territory, all armed and under
continual discipline, in which they assembled both upon mili-
tary and civil occasions. But when the Senate proposed to the
people, the horse only, whereof there were twelve centuries,
consisting of the richest sort over and above those of the foot
enumerated, were called with the first classes of the foot to the
suffrage; or if these accorded not, then the second classes were
called to them, but seldom or never any of the rest. Wherefore
the people, after the expulsion of the kings, growing impatient
2 8
3
HARRINGTON

of this inequality, rested not till they had reduced the suffrage
as it had been in the Comitia curiata to the whole people again;
but in another way, that is to say, by the Comitia tributa, which
thereupon were instituted, being a council where the people in
exigencies made laws without the Senate, which laws were
called plebiscita. This Council is that in regard whereof Ci-
cero and other great wits so frequently inveigh against the peo-
ple, and sometimes even Livy, as at the first institution of it.
To say the truth, it was a kind of anarchy, whereof the people
could not be excusable, if there had not, through the courses
taken by the Senate, been otherwise a necessity that they must
have seen the commonwealth run into oligarchy.
The manner how the Comitia curiata, ccnturiata or tributa
were called, during the time of the commonwealth, to the suf-
frage, was by lot: the curia, century, or tribe, whereon the first
lot fell, being styled principium, or the prerogative; and the
other curia, centuries or tribes, whereon the second, third, and
fourth lots, etc., fell, the jure vocata. From henceforth not the
first classes, as in the times of Servius, but the prerogative,
whether curia, century, or tribe, came first to the suffrage,
whose vote was called omen prarogativum, and seldom failed
to be leading to the rest of the tribes. The jure vocatcc, in the
order of their lots, came next: the manner of giving suffrage
was, by casting wooden tablets, marked for the affirmative or
the negative, into certain urns standing upon a scaffold, as they
marched over it in files, which for the resemblance it bore was
called the bridge. The candidate, or competitor, who had most
suffrages in a curia, century, or tribe, was said to have that
curia, century, or tribe ; and he who had most of the curia, cen-
turies, or tribes, carried the magistracy.
These three places being premised, as such upon which there
will be frequent reflection, I come to the narrative, divided into
two parts, the first containing the institution, the second the
constitution of the commonwealth, in each whereof I shall dis-
tinguish the orders, as those which contain the whole model,
from the rest of the discourse, which tends only to the explana-
tion or proof of them.
In the institution or building of a commonwealth, the first
work, as that of builders, can be no other than fitting and dis-
tributing the materials.
The materials of a commonwealth are the people, and the
people of Oceana were distributed by casting them into certain
divisions, regarding their quality, their age, their wealth, and
the places of their residence or habitation, which was done by
the ensuing orders.
The first order " distributes the people into freemen or citi-
OCEANA 239

zens and servants, while such; for if they attain to liberty, that
is, to live of themselves, they are freemen or citizens."
This order needs no proof, in regard of the nature of servi-
tude, which is inconsistent with freedom, or participation of
government in a commonwealth.
The second order " distributes citizens into youth and elders
(such as are from eighteen years of age to thirty, being account-
ed youth; and such as are of thirty and upward, elders), and
establishes that the youth shall be the marching armies, and the
elders the standing garrisons of this nation."
A commonwealth, whose arms are in the hands of her ser-
vants, had need be situated, as is elegantly said of Venice by
Contarini, out of the reach of their clutches ; witness the danger
run by that of Carthage in the rebellion of Spendius and Matho.
But though a city, if one swallow makes a summer, may thus
chance to be safe, yet shall it never be great; for if Carthage or
Venice acquired any fame in their arms, it is known to have
happened through the mere virtue of their captains, and not
of their orders; wherefore Israel, Lacedsemon, and Rome en-
tailed their arms upon the prime of their citizens, divided, at
least in Lacedsemon and Rome, into youth and elders : the youth
for the field, and the elders for defence of the territory.
The third order " distributes the citizens into horse and foot,
by the sense or valuation of their estates; they who have above
¿1 00 a year in lands, goods, or moneys, being obliged to be of
the horse, and they who have under that sum to be of the foot.
But if a man has prodigally wasted and spent his patrimony,
he is neither capable of magistracy, office, or suffrage in the
commonwealth."
Citizens are not only to defend the commonwealth, but ac-
cording to their abilities, as the Romans under Servius Tullius
(regard had to their estates), were some enrolled in the horse
centuries, and others of the foot, with arms enjoined accord-
ingly ; nor could it be otherwise in the rest of the common-
wealths, though out of historical remains, that are so much
darker, it be not so clearly probable. And the necessary pre-
rogative to be given by a commonwealth to estates, is in some
measure in the nature of industry, and the use of it to the pub-
lic. " The Roman people," says Julius Exuperantius, " were
divided into classes, and taxed according to the value of
their estates. All that were worth the sums appointed were
employed in the wars; for they most eagerly contend for the
victory, who fight for liberty in defence of their country and
possessions. But the poorer sort were polled only for their
heads (which was all they had), and kept in garrison at home
in time of wa r; for these might betray the armies for bread, by
240 HARRINGTON

reason of their poverty, which is the reason that Marius, to


whom the care of the government ought not to have been com-
mitted, was the first that led them into the field; " and his suc-
cess was accordingly. There is a mean in things; as exorbitant
riches overthrow the balance of a commonwealth, so extreme
poverty cannot hold it, nor is by any means to be trusted with
it. The clause in the order concerning the prodigal is Athenian,
and a very laudable one; for he that could not live upon his
patrimony, if he comes to touch the public money, makes a
commonwealth bankrupt.
The fourth order " distributes the people according to the
places of their habitation, into parishes, hundreds, and tribes."
For except the people be methodically distributed, they can-
not be methodically collected; but the being of a commonwealth
consists in the methodical collection of the people: wherefore
you have the Israelitish divisions into rulers of thousands, of
hundreds, of fifties, and of tens; and of the whole common-
wealth into tribes : the Laconic into obcc, moras, and tribes ; the
Roman into tribes, centuries, and classes; and something there
must of necessity be in every government of the like nature, as
that in the late monarchy—by counties. But this being the only
institution in Oceana, except that of the agrarian, which re-
quired any charge or included any difficulty, engages me to a
more particular description of the manner how it was per-
formed, as follows:
A thousand surveyors, commissioned and instructed by the
Lord Archon and the Council, being divided into two equal
numbers, each under the inspection of two surveyors-general,
were distributed into the northern and southern parts of the
territory, divided by the river Hemisua, the whole whereof con-
tains about 10,000 parishes, some ten of those being assigned
to each surveyor; for as to this matter there needed no great
exactness, it tending only, by showing whither everyone was to
repair and whereabout to begin, to the more orderly carrying
on of the work; the nature of their instructions otherwise re-
garding rather the number of the inhabitants than of the par-
ishes. The surveyors, therefore, being every one furnished
with a convenient proportion of urns, balls, and balloting-boxes
— in the use whereof they had been formerly exercised—and
now arriving each at his respective parish, being with the peo-
ple by teaching them their first lesson, which was the ballot;
and though they found them in the beginning somewhat fro-
ward, as at toys, with which, while they were in expectation of
greater matters from a Council of legislators, they conceived
themselves to be abused, they came within a little while to think
them pretty sport, and at length such as might very soberly be
OCEANA 241

used in good earnest; whereupon the surveyors began the insti-


tution included i n —
The first order, requiring " That upon the first Monday next
ensuing the last of December the bigger bell in every parish
throughout the nation be rung at eight of the clock in the morn-
ing, and continue ringing for the space of one hour; and that
all the elders of the parish respectively repair to the church be-
fore the bell has done ringing, where, dividing themselves into
two equal numbers, or as near equal as may be, they shall take
their places according to their dignities, if they be of divers
qualities, and according to their seniority, if they be of the same,
the one half on the one side, and the other half on the other, in
the body of the church, which done, they shall make oath to the
overseers of the parish for the time being (instead of these the
surveyors were to officiate at the institution, or first assembly)
by holding up their hands, to make a fair election according to
the laws of the ballot, as they are hereafter explained, of such
persons, amounting to a fifth part of their whole number, to be
their deputies, and to exercise their power in manner hereafter
explained, as they shall think in their consciences to be fittest
for that trust, and will acquit themselves of it to the best advan-
tage of the commonwealth. And oath being thus made, they
shall proceed to election, if the elders of the parish amount to
1,000 by the ballot of the tribe, as it is in due place ex-
plained, and if the elders of the parish amount to fifty or up-
ward, but within the number of 1,000, by the ballot of the
hundred, as it is in due place explained. But, if the elders
amount not to fifty, then they shall proceed to the ballot of the
parish, as it is in this place and after this manner explained.
" The two overseers for the time being shall seat themselves
at the upper end of the middle alley, with a table before them,
their faces being toward the congregation, and the constable for
the time being shall set an urn before the table, into which he
shall put so many balls as there be elders present, whereof there
shall be one that is gilded, the rest being white; and when the
constable has shaken the urn, sufficiently to mix the balls, the
overseers shall call the elders to the urn, who from each side of
the church shall come up the middle alley in two files, every man
passing by the urn, and drawing out one ball; which, if it be sil-
ver, he shall cast into a bowl standing at the foot of the urn,
and return by the outward alley on his side to his place. But
he who draws the golden ball is the proposer, and shall be seated
between the overseers, where he shall begin in what order he
pleases, and name such as, upon his oath already taken, he con-
ceives fittest to be chosen, one by one, to the elders; and the
party named shall withdraw while the congregation is balloting
16
242 H AR R IN G T ON

his na me by the double b o x or b oxes appointed and mar ked on


the o utw a r d part, to s how wh ic h side is affirmative and w hi ch
negativ e, being carried by a boy or boys appointed by the over-
seers, to every one of the elders, w h o shall hold up a pellet ma de
of linen r a gs between his finger and his thumb, and put it after
such a manner into the bo x , as though no man can see into w hich
side he puts it, yet a ny man ma y see that he puts in but one pellet
or suffra ge. A n d the suffrage of the c ongr ega tion b ei n g thus
gi v en, shall be returned wi th the bo x or boxes to the overseers,
w h o op en ing the same, shall pour the affirmative balls into a
white bow l sta nd in g upon the table on the r ight ha nd, to be
number ed by the first o v er s e er ; and the nega tive into a gr een
bow l stan di ng on the left hand, to be numbered by the second
o v er s ee r ; and the suffrages bei ng number ed, he w ho has the
ma jor part in the affirmative is one of the deputies of the parish,
and w hen so ma n y deputies are chosen as a mount to a full fifth
part of the whole number of the elders, the ballot for that time
shall cease. T h e deputies bein g chosen are to be listed by the
overseers in order as they w e r e chosen, excep t only that such as
are horse must be listed in the first place with the rest, propor-
tionable to the number of the co ngrega tio n, a fter this m a n n e r:

Anno Domini

T H E LIST OF THE FIRST MOVER

A. A., Equestrian Order, Of the parish of in the hun-


First Deputy, dred of and the tribe of
B. B., Second Deputy, , which parish at the present
C. C, Third Deputy, election contains twenty elders,
D. D., Fourth Deputy, whereof one is of the horse or
E. E., Fifth Deputy, equestrian order.

" T h e first and second in the list are overseers by conse-


quence ; the third is the constable, and the fourth and fifth are
c hur c hw a r den s ; the persons so chosen arc deputies of the parish
for the space of one year from their election, and no longer, nor
may they be elected tw o yea rs together. T h i s list, bei ng the
primum mobile, or first mo ver of the c ommon weal th, is to be
regi stered in a book di ligently kept and preserved by the over -
seers, w h o are responsible in their places, for these and other
duties to be hereafter mentioned , to the censors of the t r i be ; and
the c on grega ti on is to observe the present order, as they will
a ns w er the contr ary to the phyla rch, or prer oga ti ve troop of the
tribe, w hi ch, in case of failure in the whol e or any part of it,
hav e p o w e r to fine them or any of them at discetion, but under
an appeal to the Pa r l i a men t. "
OCEANA 24 3

For proof of this order, first, in reason, it is with all politi-


cians past dispute that paternal power is in the right of nature;
and this is no other than the derivation of power from fathers
of families as the natural root of a commonwealth. And for
experience, if it be otherwise in that of Holland, I know no other
example of the like kind. In Israel, the sovereign power came
clearly from the natural root, the elders of the whole people;
and Rome was born, Comitiis cnriatis, in her parochial congre-
gations, out of which Romulus first raised her Senate, then all
the rest of the orders of that commonwealth, which rose so
high: for the depth of a commonwealth is the just height of i t —

" She raises up her head unto the skies,


Near as her root unto the centre lies."

And if the Commonwealth of Rome was born of thirty par-


ishes, this of Oceana was born of 10,000. But whereas men-
tion in the birth of this is made of an equestrian order, it may
startle such as know that the division of the people of Rome,
at the institution of that commonwealth into orders, was the oc-
casion of its ruin. The distinction of the patrician as a heredi-
tary order from the very institution, engrossing all the magis-
tracies, was indeed the destruction of Rome; but to a knight or
one of the equestrian order, says Horace,

" Si quadringentis sex septem millia desitnt,


Plebs eris."

By which it should seem that this order was not otherwise he-
reditary than a man's estate, nor did it give any claim to magis-
tracy ; wherefore you shall never find that it disquieted the com-
monwealth, nor does the name denote any more in Oceana than
the duty of such a man's estate to the public.
But the surveyors, both in this place and in others, forasmuch
as they could not observe all the circumstances of this order,
especially that of the time of election, did for the first as well
as they could; and, the elections being made and registered, took
each of them copies of those lists which were within their allot-
ments, which done they produced—
The sixth order, directing " In case a parson or vicar of a
parish comes to be removed by death or by the censors, that the
congregation of the parish assemble and depute one or two
elders by the ballot, who upon the charge of the parish shall re-
pair to one of the universities of this nation with a certificate
signed by the overseers, and addressed to the vice-chancellor,
which certificate, giving notice of the death or removal of the
parson or vicar, of the value of the parsonage or vicarage, and
24 4 •HARRINGTON

of the desire of the congregation to receive a probationer from


that university, the vice-chancellor, upon the receipt thereof,
shall call a convocation, and having made choice of a fit person,
shall return him in due time to the parish, where the person so
returned shall return the full fruits of the benefice or vicarage,
and do the duty of the parson or vicar, for the space of one year,
as probationer; and that being expired, the congregation of the
elders shall put their probationer to the ballot, and if he attains
not to two parts in three of the suffrage affirmative, he shall
take his leave of the parish, and they shall send in like manner
as before for another probationer; but if their probationer ob-
tains two parts in three of the suffrage affirmative, he is then
pastor of that parish. And the pastor of the parish shall pray
with the congregation, preach the Word, and administer the
sacraments to the same, according to the directory to be here-
after appointed by the Parliament. Nevertheless such as are
of gathered congregations, or from time to time shall join with
any of them, are in no wise obliged to this way of electing their
teachers, or to give their votes in this case, but wholly left to
the liberty of their own consciences, and to that way of worship
which they shall choose, being not popish, Jewish, or idolatrous.
And to the end they may be the better protected by the State
in the exercise of the same, they are desired to make choice, and
such manner as they best like, of certain magistrates in every
one of their congregations, which we could wish might be four
in each of them, to be auditors in cases of differences or distaste,
if any through variety of opinions, that may be grievous or in-
jurious to them, shall fall out. And such auditors or magis-
trates shall have power to examine the matter, and inform them-
selves, to the end that if they think it of sufficient weight, they
may acquaint the phylarch with it, or introduce it into the Coun-
cil of Religion ; where all such causes as those magistrates intro-
duce shall from time to time be heard and determined according
to such laws as are or shall hereafter be provided by the Parlia-
ment for the just defence of the liberty of conscience."
This order consists of three parts, the first restoring the power
of ordination to the people, which, that it originally belongs to
them, is clear, though not in English yet in Scripture, where the
apostles ordained elders by the holding up of hands in every
congregation, that is, by the suffrage of the people, which was
also given in some of those cities by the ballot. And though it
may be shown that the apostles ordained some by the laying
on of hands, it will not be shown that they did so in every con-
gregation.
Excommunication, as not clearly provable out of the Script-
ure, being omitted, the second part of the order implies and
OCEANA 243

establishes a national religion; for there be degrees of knowl-


edge in divine things; true religion is not to be learned without
searching the Scripture; the Scriptures cannot be searched by
us unless we have them to search; and if we have nothing else,
or (which is all one) understand nothing else but a translation,
we may be (as in the place alleged we have been) beguiled or
misled by the translation, while we should be searching the true
sense of the Scripture, which cannot be attained in a natural
way (and a commonwealth is not to presume upon that which
is supernatural) but by the knowledge of the original and of
antiquity, acquired by our own studies, or those of some others,
for even faith comes by hearing. Wherefore a commonwealth
not making provision of men from time to time, knowing in the
original languages wherein the Scriptures were written, and
versed in those antiquities to which they so frequently relate,
that the true sense of them depends in great part upon that
knowledge, can never be secure that she shall not lose the Script-
ure, and by consequence her religion; which to preserve she
must institute some method of this knowledge, and some use
of such as have acquired it, which amounts to a national re-
ligion.
The commonwealth having thus performed her duty toward
God, as a rational creature, by the best application of her reason
to Scripture, and for the preservation of religion in the purity
of the same, yet pretends not to infallibility, but comes in the
third part of the order, establishing liberty of conscience ac-
cording to the instructions given to her Council of Religion, to
raise up her hands to heaven for further light; in which proceed-
ing she follows that (as was shown in the preliminaries) of
Israel, who, though her national religion was always a part of
her civil law, gave to her prophets the upper hand of all her
orders.
But the surveyors having now done with the parishes, took
their leave; so a parish is the first division of land occasioned
by the first collection of the people of Oceana, whose function
proper to that place is comprised in the six preceding orders.
The next step in the progress of the surveyors was to a meet-
ing of the nearest of them, as their work lay, by twenties; where
conferring their lists, and computing the deputies contained
therein, as the number of them in parishes, being nearest
neighbors, amounted to 100, or as even as might conven-
iently be brought with that account, they cast them and those
parishes into the precinct which (be the deputies ever since more
or fewer) is still called the hundred; and to every one of these
precincts they appointed a certain place, being the most conven-
ient town within the same, for the annual rendezvous; which
24 6 HARRINGTON

done, each surveyor, returning to his hundred, and summoning


the deputies contained in his lists to the rendezvous, they ap-
peared and received—
The seventh order, requiring, " That upon the first Monday
next ensuing the last of January, the deputies of every parish
annually assemble in arms at the rendezvous of the hundred, and
there elect out of their number one justice of the peace, one
juryman, one captain, one ensign of their troop or century, each
of these out of the horse; and one juryman, one coroner, one
high constable, out of the foot; the election to be made by the
ballot in this manner. The jurymen for the time being are to
be overseers of the ballot (instead of these, the surveyors are
to officiate at the first assembly), and to look to the performance
of the same according to what was directed in the ballot of the
parishes, saving that the high constable setting forth the urn
shall have five several suits of gold balls, and one dozen of every
suit; whereof the first shall be marked with the letter A, the
second with the letter B, the third with C, the fourth with D,
and the fifth with E: and of each of these suits he shall cast one
ball into his hat, or into a little urn, and shaking the balls to-
gether, present them to the first overseer, who shall draw one,
and the suit which is so drawn by the overseer shall be of use
for that day, and no other; for example, if the overseer drew
an A, the high constable shall put seven gold balls marked with
the letter A into the urn, with so many silver ones as shall bring
them even with the number of the deputies, who being sworn,
as before, at the ballot of the parish to make a fair election, shall
be called to the urn; and every man coming in manner as was
there shown, shall draw one ball, which, if it be silver, he shall
cast it into a bowl standing at the foot of the urn, and return
to his place: but the first that draws a gold ball (showing it to
the overseers, who if it has not the letter of the present ballot,
have power to apprehend and punish him) is the first elector,
the second the second elector, and so to the seventh ; which order
they are to observe in their function.
" The electors as they are drawn shall be placed upon the
bench by the overseers, till the whole number be complete, and
then be conducted, with the list of the officers to be chosen, into
a place apart, where, being private, the first elector shall name
a person to the first office in the list; and if the person so named,
being balloted by the rest of the electors, attains not to the bet-
ter half of the suffrages in the affirmative, the first elector shall
continue nominating others, till one of them so nominated by
him attains to the plurality of the suffrages in the affirmative,
and be written first competitor to the first office. This done,
the second elector shall observe in his turn the like order; and
OCEANA 247

so the rest of the electors, naming competitors each to his re-


spective office in the list, till one competitor be chosen to every
office: and when one competitor is chosen to every office, the
first elector shall begin again to name a second competitor to
the first office, and the rest successively shall name to the rest of
the offices till two competitors be chosen to every office; the like
shall be repeated till three competitors be chosen to every office.
And when three competitors are chosen to every office, the list
shall be returned to the overseers, or such as the overseers, in
case they or either of them happened to be electors, have substi-
tuted in his or their place or places ; and the overseers or substi-
tutes having caused the list to be read to the congregation, shall
put the competitors, in order as they are written, to the ballot
of the congregation; and the rest of the proceedings being car-
ried on in the manner directed in the fifth order, that competitor,
of the three written to each office, who has most of the suffrages
above half in the affirmative, is the officer. The list being after
this manner completed, shall be entered into a register, to be
kept at the rendezvous of the hundred, under inspection of the
magistrates of the same, after the manner following:

Anno Domini
THE LIST OF THE NEBULOSA

A. A., Equestrian Order, Justice of the


Peace,
B. B.' Equestrian Order, First Juryman, Of the hundred of
C. C, Equestrian Order, Captain of the in the tribe of ,
Hundred, which hundred consists
D. D., Equestrian Order, Ensign, at this election of 105
E. E., Second Juryman, deputies.
F. F., High Constable,
G. G., Coroner,

" The list being entered, the high constable shall take three
copies of the same, whereof he shall presently return one to the
lord high sheriff of the tribe, a second to the lord custos rotulo-
rum, and a third to the censors; or these, through the want of
such magistrates at the first muster, may be returned to the ora-
tor, to be appointed for that tribe. To the observation of all
and every part of this order, the officers and deputies of the
hundred are all and every of them obliged, as they will answer
it to the phylarch, who has power, in case of failure in the whole
or any part, to fine all or any of them so failing at discretion,
or according to such laws as shall hereafter be provided in that
case, but under an appeal to the Parliament."
There is little in this order worthy of any further account, but
that it answers to the rulers of hundreds in Israel, to the mora
248 HARRINGTON

or military part of the tribe in Lac ed semon , and to the century


in Ro me. T h e j ur y men , being tw o in a hund red , and so forty
in a tribe, gi ve the latitude al lowed by the l aw for exceptions.
A n d w hereas the gol den balls at this ballot begin to be marked
with letters, whereof one is to be dr a w n immediately before it
begins, this is to the end that the letter bei ng un kn ow n, men
ma y be frus trated of tric ks or foul play, w her ea s other wise a
man ma y b r i n g a golden ball wi th him, and ma ke as i f he had
d r a w n it out of the ur n. T h e surv eyor s, w hen they had taken
copies of these lists, ha d accomplished their w o r k in the hun-
dred s.
So a hund red is the second division of land occasioned by the
second collection of the people, w hos e civil and military func-
tions proper to this place are comprised in the f or ego i n g order.
H a v i n g stated the hundr eds , they met once aga in by tw en -
ties, wher e there w a s n othi n g more easy than to cast every
tw e nty hund reds, as they lay mos t conveniently together, into
one t r i b e; so the w hol e territor y of Ocean a, consisting of about
10,000 parishes, came to be cast into 1,000 hund red s, and into
fifty tribes. In every tribe at the place appointed for the an-
nual rendezvous of the same, w e r e then, or soon after, begun
thos e bui ld in gs w hi c h are n o w called p a vi l i on s ; each of them
s tan di ng w ith one open side upon fair columns , like the porch
of some ancient temple, and l ooki n g into a field capable of the
muster of some 4,000 men ; before each pavilion stand three pil-
lars s usta ini ng urns for the ballot, tha t on the r ight hand equal
in hei ght to the br ow of a horseman, bei ng called the horse urn,
that on the left hand, wit h br id ges on either side to br i n g it
equal in heigh t with the brow of a footman , bei n g called the
foot urn, and the mi ddle urn, with a bri dge on the side tow a r d
the foot ur n, the other side, as left for the horse, b ein g wi thout
o n e ; and here ended the whole w o r k of the s urv eyor s , w h o r e-
turned to the L o r d Ar c h o n with t h i s —

ACCOUNT OF THE CHARGE


Imprimis : Urns, balls, and balloting-boxes for
Imprimis:
10,000 parishes, the same being wooden-ware, £20,000
Item : Provisions of the like kind for a thousand
hundreds, 3,000
Item : Urns and balls of metal, with balloting-
boxes for fifty tribes, 2,000
Item : For erecting of fifty pavilions, 60,000
Item : Wages for four surveyors-general at ,£1,000
a man 4,000
Item : Wages for the rest of the surveyors, being
1,000, at £2 50 a man 250,000

Sum total £339'°°°


OCEANA 249

This is no great matter of charge for the building of a com-


monwealth, in regard that it has cost (which was pleaded by the
surveyors) as much to rig a few ships. Nevertheless that
proves not them to be honest, nor their account to be just; but
they had their money for once, though their reckoning be plainly
guilty of a crime, to cost him his neck that commits it another
time, it being impossible for a commonwealth (without an ex-
act provision that it be not abused in this kind) to subsist; for
if no regard should be had of the charge (though that may go
deep), yet the debauchery and corruption whereto, by negli-
gence in accounts, it infallibly exposes its citizens, and there-
by lessens the public faith, which is the nerve and ligament of
government, ought to be prevented. But the surveyors being
despatched, the Lord Archon was very curious in giving names
to his tribes, which having caused to be written in scrolls cast
into an urn, and presented to the councillors, each of them drew
one, and was accordingly sent to the tribe in his lot, as orators
of the same, a magistracy no otherwise instituted, than for once
and pro tempore, to the end that the council upon so great an
occasion might both congratulate with the tribes, and assist
at the first muster in some things of necessity to be differently
carried from the established administration and future course
of the commonwealth.
The orators being arrived, every one as soon as might be, at
the rendezvous of his tribe, gave notice to the hundreds, and
summoned the muster, which appeared for the most part upon
good horses, and already indifferently well armed; as to instance
in one for all, the tribe of Nubia, where Hermes de Caduceo,
lord orator of the same, after a short salutation and a hearty
welcome, applied himself to his business, which began w it h—
The eighth order, requiring " That the lord high sheriff as
commander-in-chief, and the lord custos rotulorum as muster-
master of the tribe (or the orator for the first muster), upon re-
ception of the lists of their hundreds, returned to them by the
high constables of the same, presently cause them to be cast up,
dividing the horse from the foot, and listing the horse by their
names in troops, each troop containing about 100 in number,
to be inscribed First, Second, or Third troop, etc., according
to the order agreed upon by the said magistrates; which done,
they shall list the foot in like manner, and inscribe the companies
in like order. These lists upon the eve of the muster shall be
delivered to certain trumpeters and drummers, whereof there
shall be fifteen of each sort (as well for the present as otherwise
to be hereafter mentioned) stipendiated by the tribe. And the
trumpeters and drummers shall be in the field before the pavil-
ion, upon the day of the muster, so soon as it is light, where they
250 HARRINGTON

shall stand every one with his list in his hand, at a due distance,
placed according to the order of the list, the trumpeters with
the lists of the horse on the right hand, and the drummers with
the lists of the foot on the left hand; where having sounded
awhile, each of them shall begin to call and continue calling the
names of the deputies, as they come into the field, till both the
horse and foot be gathered by that means into their due order.
The horse and foot being in order, the lord lieutenant of the
tribe shall cast so many gold balls marked with the figures 1, 2,
3, 4, etc., as there be troops of horse in the field, together with
so many silver balls as there be companies, marked in the same
manner, into a little urn, to which he shall call the captains; and
the captains drawing the gold balls shall command the horse,
and those that draw the silver the foot, each in the order of his
lot. The like shall be done by the conductor at the same time
for the ensigns at another urn ; and they that draw the gold balls
shall be cornets, the left ensigns."
This order may puzzle the reader, but tends to a wonderful
speed of the muster, to which it would be a great matter to lose
a day in ranging and marshalling, whereas by virtue of this the
tribe is no sooner in the field than in battalia, nor sooner in bat-
talia than called to the urns or the ballot by virtue of—
The ninth order, " Whereby the censors (or the orator for the
first muster) upon reception of the lists of the hundreds from
the high constables, according as is directed by the seventh
order, are to make their notes for the urns beforehand, with
regard had to the lists of the magistrates, to be elected by the
ensuing orders, that is to say, by the first list called the prime
magnitude, six; and by the second called the galaxy, nine.
Wherefore the censors are to put into the middle urn for the
election of the first list twenty-four gold balls, with twenty-six
blanks or silver balls, in all sixty; and into the side urns sixty
gold balls, divided into each according to the different number
of the horse and foot; that is to say, if the horse and the foot
be equal, equally; and if the horse and the foot be unequal, un-
equally, by an arithmetical proportion. The like shall be done
the second day of the muster for the second list, except that the
censors shall put into the middle urn thirty-six gold balls with
twenty-four blanks, in all sixty; and sixty gold balls into the
side urns, divided respectively into the number of the horse and
the foot; and the gold balls in the side urns at either ballot are
by the addition of blanks to be brought even with the number of
the ballotants at either urn respectively. The censors having
prepared their notes, as has been shown, and being come at the
day appointed into the field, shall present a little urn to the lord
high sheriff, who is to draw twice for the letters to be used that
OCEANA

day, the one at the side urns, and the other at the middle. And
the censors having fitted the urns accordingly, shall place them-
selves in certain movable seats or pulpits (to be kept for that
use in the pavilion), the first censor before the horse urn, the
second before the foot urn, the lord lieutenant doing the office
of censor pro tempore at the middle urn; where all and every
one of them shall cause the laws of the ballot to be diligently
observed, taking a special care that no man be suffered to come
above once to the urn (whereof it more particularly concerns the
sub-censors, that is to say, the overseers of every parish, to be
careful, they being each in this regard responsible for their re-
spective parishes) or to draw above one ball, which if it be gold,
he is to present to the censor, who shall look upon the letter;
and if it be not that of the day, and of the respective urn, appre-
hend the party, who for this or any other like disorder is ob-
noxious to the phylarch."
This order being observed by the censors, it is not possible
for the people, if they can but draw the balls, though they under-
stand nothing at all of the ballot, to be out. To philosophize
further upon this art, though there be nothing more rational,
were not worth the while, because in writing it will be perplexed,
and the first practice of it gives the demonstration; whence it
came to pass that the orator, after some needless pains in the
explanation of the two foregoing orders, betaking himself to
exemplify the same, found the work done to his hand, for the
tribe, as eager upon a business of this nature, had retained one
of the surveyors, out of whom (before the orator arrived) they
had got the whole mystery by a stolen muster, at which in order
to the ballot they had made certain magistrates pro tempore.
Wherefore he found not only the pavilion (for this time a tent)
erected with three posts, supplying the place of pillars to the
urns, but the urns being prepared with a just number of balls for
the first ballot, to become the field, and the occasion very gal-
lantly with their covers made in the manner of helmets, open at
either ear to give passage to the hands of the ballotants, and
slanting with noble plumes to direct the march of the people.
Wherefore he proceeded t o —
The tenth order, " Requiring of the deputies of the parishes,
that upon every Monday next ensuing the last of February, they
make their personal appearance, horse and foot in arms accord-
ingly, at the rendezvous of the tribe, where, being in discipline,
the horse upon the right, and the foot upon the left, before the
pavilion, and having made oath by holding up their hands, upon
the tender of it by the lord high sheriff, to make election without
favor, and of such only as they shall judge fittest for the com-
monwealth, the conductor shall take three balls, the one in-
252 HARRINGTON

scribed with these words (outward files), another with these


words (inward files), and the third with these (middle files),
which balls he shall cast into a little urn, and present it to the
lord high sheriff, who, drawing one, shall give the words of
command, as they are thereupon inscribed, and the ballot shall
begin accordingly. For example, if the ball be inscribed ' Mid-
dle files,' the ballot shall begin by the middle; that is, the two
files that are middle to the horse shall draw out first to the horse
urn, and the two files that are middle to the foot shall draw out
first to the foot urn, and be followed by all the rest of the files as
they are next to them in order. The like shall be done by the in-
ward, or by the outward files in case they be first called. And the
files, as every man has drawn his ball, if it be silver, shall begin
at the urn to countermarch to their places, but he that has drawn
a gold ball at a side urn shall proceed to the middle urn, where
if the balls he draws be silver he shall also countermarch, but
if it be gold he shall take his place upon a form set across the
pavilion, with his face toward the lord high sheriff, who shall be
seated in the middle of the pavilion, with certain clerks by him,
one of which shall write down the names of every elector, that
is, of every one that drew a gold ball at the middle urn, and in
the order his ball was drawn, till the electors amount to six in
number. And the first six electors, horse and foot promiscu-
ously, are the first order of electors; the second six (still ac-
counting them as they are drawn) the second order, the third
six the third order, and the fourth six the fourth order of elec-
tors ; every elector having place in his order, according to the
order wherein he was drawn. But so soon as the first order
of electors is complete, the lord high sheriff shall send them
with a copy of the following list, and a clerk that understands
the ballot, immediately to a little tent standing before the pavil-
ion in his eye, to which no other person but themselves, during
the election, shall approach. The list shall be written in this
manner:
Anno Domini

THE LIST OF THE PRIME MAGNITUDE, OR FIRST DAY'S ELECTION


OF MAGISTRATES

1. The Lord High Sheriff, Com-


mander-in-Chief,
2. Lord Lieutenant, Of the tribe of Nubia, con-
3. Lord Custos Rotulo?-um, Muster- taining at this present
Master-General, muster 700 horse and
4. The Conductor, being Quarter- 1,500 foot, in all 22,000
master General, deputies.
5. The First Censor,
6. The Second Censor,
OCEANA 2
53

" And the electors of the first band or order, being six, shall
each of them name to his respective magistracy in the left such
as are not already elected in the hundreds, till one competitor
be chosen to every magistracy in the list by the ballot of the
electors of the first order, which done, the list with the competi-
tors thereunto annexed shall be returned to the lord high sheriff
by the clerk attending that order, but the electors shall keep their
places; for they have already given their suffrage, and may not
enter into the ballot of the tribe. If there arises any dispute
in an order of electors, one of the censors or sub-censors ap-
pointed by them in case they be electors, shall enter into the tent
of that order, and that order shall stand to his judgment in the
decision of the controversy. The like shall be done exactly by
each other order of electors, being sent as they are drawn, each
with another copy of the same list, into a distinct tent, till there
be returned to the lord high sheriff four competitors to every
magistracy in the list; that is to say, one competitor elected to
every office in every one of the four orders, which competitors
the lord high sheriff shall cause to be pronounced or read by a
crier to the congregation, and the congregation having heard
the whole lists repeated, the names shall be put by the lord high
sheriff to the tribe, one by one, beginning with the first compet-
itor in the first order, thence proceeding to the first competitor
in the second order, and so to the first in the third and fourth
orders. And the suffrages being taken in boxes by boys (as
has been already shown) shall be poured into the bowls standing
before the censors, who shall be seated at each end of the table
in the pavilion, the one numbering the affirmatives and the other
the negatives, and he of the four competitors to the first magis-
tracy that has most above half the suffrages of the tribe in the
affirmative, is the first magistrate. The like is to be done suc-
cessively by the rest of the competitors in their order. But be-
cause soon after the boxes are sent out for the first name, there
be others sent out for the second, and so for the third, etc., by
which means divers names are successively at one and the same
time in balloting; the boy that carries a box shall sing or repeat
continually the name of the competitor for whom that box is
carrying, with that also of the magistracy to which he is pro-
posed. A magistrate of the tribe happening to be an elector,
may substitute any one of his own order to execute his other
function. The magistrates of the prime magnitude being thus
elected, shall receive the present charge of the tribe."
If it be objected against this order that the magistrates to be
elected by it will be men of more inferior rank than those of the
hundreds, in regard that those are chosen first, it may be re-
membered that so were the burgesses in the former government,
HARRINGTON
254

nevertheless the knights of the shire were men of greater qual-


ity ; and the election at the hundred is made by a council of elec-
tors, of whom less cannot be expected than the discretion of
naming persons fittest for those capacities, with an eye upon
these to be elected at the tribe. As for what may be objected
in point of difficulty, it is demonstrable by the foregoing orders,
that a man might bring 10,000 men, if there were occasion, with
as much ease, and as suddenly to perform the ballot, as he can
make 5,000 men, drawing them out by double files, to march
a quarter of a mile. But because at this ballot, to go up and
down the field, distributing the linen pellets to every man, with
which he is to ballot or give suffrage, would lose a great deal of
time, therefore a man's wife, his daughters, or others, make him
his provision of pellets before the ballot, and he comes into the
field with a matter of a score of them in his pocket. And now
I have as good as done with the sport. The next i s —
The eleventh order, " Explaining the duties and functions of
the magistrates contained in the list of the prime magnitude,
and those of the hundreds, beginning with the lord high sheriff,
who, over and above his more ancient offices, and those added
by the former order, is the first magistrate of the phylarch, or
prerogative troop. The lord lieutenant, over and above his duty
mentioned, is commander-in-chief of the musters of the youth,
and second magistrate of the phylarch. The custos rotulorum
is to return the yearly muster-rolls of the tribe, as well that of
the youth as of the eiders, to the rolls in emporium, and is the
third magistrate of the phylarch. The censors by themselves
and their sub-censors, that is, the overseers of the parishes, are
to see that the respective laws of the ballot be observed in all
the popular assemblies of the tribe. They have power also to
put such national ministers, as in preaching shall intermeddle
with matters of government, out of their livings, except the
party appeals to the phylarch, or to the Council of Religion,
where in that case the censors shall prosecute. All and every one
of these magistrates, together with the justices of peace, and the
jurymen of the hundreds, amounting in the whole number to
threescore and six, are the prerogative troop or phylarch of the
tribe.
" The function of the phylarch or prerogative troop is five-
fold:
" First, they are the council of the tribe, and as such to govern
the musters of the same according to the foregoing orders, hav-
ing cognizance of what has passed in the congregation or elec-
tions made in the parishes or the hundreds, with power to pun-
ish any undue practices, or variation from their respective rules
and orders, under an appeal to the Parliament. A marriage
OCEANA 255

legitimately is to be pronounced by the parochial congregation,


the muster of the hundred, or the phylarch. And if a tribe have
a desire (which they are to express at the muster by their cap-
tains, every troop by his own) to petition the Parliament the
phylarch, as the council, shall frame the petition in the pavilion,
and propose it by clauses to the ballot of the whole tribe; and the
clauses that shall be affirmed by the ballot of the tribe, and
signed by the hands of the six magistrates of the prime magni-
tude, shall be received and esteemed by the Parliament as the
petition of the tribe, and no other.
" Secondly, the phylarch has power to call to their assistance
what other troops of the tribe they please (be they elders or
youth, whose discipline will be hereafter directed), and with
these to receive the judges itinerant in their circuits, whom the
magistrates of the phylarch shall assist upon the bench, and the
juries elsewhere in their proper functions according to the more
ancient laws and customs of this nation.
" Thirdly, the phylarch shall hold the court called the quarter-
sessions according to the ancient custom, and therein shall also
hear causes in order to the protection of liberty of conscience,
by such rules as are or shall hereafter be appointed by the Par-
liament.
" Fourthly, all commissions issued into the tribes by the Par-
liament, or by the chancery, are to be directed to the phylarch,
or some of that troop, and executed by the same respectively.
" Fifthly, in the case of levies of money the Parliament shall
tax the phylarchs, the phylarchs shall tax the hundreds, the hun-
dreds the parishes, and the parishes shall levy it upon them-
selves. The parishes having levied the tax-money accordingly,
shall return it to the officers of the hundreds, the hundred to
the phylarchs, and the phylarchs to the Exchequer. But if a
man has ten children living, he shall pay no taxes; if he has five
living, he shall pay but half taxes; if he has been married three
years, or be above twenty-five years of age, and has no child or
children lawfully begotten, he shall pay double taxes. And if
there happen to grow any dispute upon these or such other
orders as shall or may hereto be added hereafter, the phylarchs
shall judge the tribes, and the Parliament shall judge the phy-
larchs. For the rest, if any man shall go about to introduce the
right or power of debate into any popular council or congrega-
tion of this nation, the phylarch or any magistrate of the hun-
dred, or of the tribe, shall cause him presently to be sent in
custody to the Council of War.
The part of the order relating to the rolls in Emporium being
of singular use, is not unworthy to be somewhat better opened.
In what manner the lists of the parishes, hundreds, and tribes
256 HARRINGTON

are made, has been shown in their respective orders, where, after
the parties are elected, they give an account of the whole num-
ber of the elders or deputies in their respective assemblies or
musters; the like for this part exactly is done by the youth in
their discipline (to be hereafter shown) wherefore the lists of
the parishes, youth and elders, being summed up, give the whole
number of the people able to bear arms, and the lists of the tribes,
youth and elders, being summed up, give the whole number
of the people bearing arms. This account, being annually re-
corded by the master of the rolls, is called the " Pillar of Nilus,"
because the people, being the riches of the commonwealth, as
they are found to rise or fall by the degrees of this pillar, like
that river, give an account of the public harvest.
Thus much for the description of the first day's work at the
muster, which happened (as has been shown) to be done as soon
as said; for as in practice it is of small difficulty, so requires it
not much time, seeing the great Council of Venice, consisting
of a like number, begins at twelve of the clock, and elects nine
magistrates in one afternoon. But the tribe being dismissed
for this night, repaired to their quarters, under the conduct of
their new magistrates. The next morning returning to the field
very early, the orator proceeded t o —
The twelfth order, " Directing the muster of the tribe in the
second day's election, being that of the list called the galaxy;
in which the censors shall prepare the urns according to the
directions given in the ninth order for the second ballot; that is
to say, with thirty-six gold balls in the middle urn, making four
orders, and nine electors in every order, according to the num-
ber of the magistrates in the list of the galaxy, which is as fol-
lows :
1. Knight) T q b e f,
c h o s e n t o f t h e or s e

2. Knight (
3. Deputy )
4. Deputy >• To be chosen out of the horse.
5. Deputy )
6. Deputy i

8 * Deputy f T o b e c h o s e n o u t o f t h e f o o t
-
9. Deputy J

" The rest of the ballot shall proceed exactly according to


that of the first day. But, forasmuch as the commonwealth
demands as well the fruits of a man's body as of his mind,
he that has not been married shall not be capable of these
magistracies till he be married. If a deputy, already chosen
to be an officer in the parish, in the hundred, or in the tribe,
be afterward chosen of the galaxy, it shall be lawful for
OCEANA 257

him to delegate his office in the parish, in the hundred, or in


the tribe, to any one of his own order being not already chosen
into office. The knights and deputies being chosen, shall be
brought to the head of the tribe by the lord high sheriff, who
shall administer to them this oath: ' Ye shall well and truly
observe and keep the orders and customs of this common-
wealth which the people have chosen.' And if any of them
shall refuse the oath, he shall be rejected, and that competi-
tor which had the most voices next shall be called in his place,
who, if he takes the oath, shall be entered in the list; but
if he also refuses the oath, he who had most voices next shall
be called, and so till the number of nine out of those competi-
tors which had most voices be sworn knights and deputies of
the galaxy. (This clause, in regard to the late divisions, and
to the end that no violence be offered to any man's conscience,
to be of force but for the first three years only.) The knights
of the galaxy being elected and sworn, are to repair, by the
Monday next ensuing to the last of March, to the Pantheon
or palace of justice, situated in the metropolis of this com-
monwealth (except the Parliament, by reason of a contagious
sickness, or some other occasion, has adjourned to another
part of the nation), where they are to take their places in
the Senate, and continue in full power and commission as
senators for the full term of three years next ensuing the
date of their election. The deputies of the galaxy are to re-
pair by the same day (except as before excepted) to the halo
situated in Emporium, where they are to be listed of the pre-
rogative tribe, or equal representative of the people; and to
continue in full power and commission as their deputies for
the full term of three years next ensuing their election. But,
forasmuch as the term of every magistracy or office in this
commonwealth requires an equal vacation, a knight or deputy
of the galaxy, having fulfilled his term of three years, shall
not be re-elected into the same galaxy, or any other, till he
has also fulfilled his three years' vacation."
Whoever shall rightly consider the foregoing orders, will
be as little able to find how it is possible that a worshipful
knight should declare himself in ale and beef worthy to serve
his country, as how my lord high sheriff's honor, in case he
were protected from the law, could play the knave. But
though the foregoing orders, so far as they regard the consti-
tution of the Senate and the people, requiring no more as to
an ordinary election than is therein explained, that is but one-
third part of their knights and deputies, are perfect; yet must
we in this place, and as to the institution, of necessity erect a
scaffold. For the commonwealth to the first creation of her
17
HARRINGTON

councils in full number, required thrice as many as are eligible


by the foregoing orders. Wherefore the orator, whose aid
in this place was most necessary, rightly informing the peo-
ple of the reason, stayed them two days longer at the muster,
and took this course. One list, containing two knights and
seven deputies, he caused to be chosen upon the second day;
which list being called the first galaxy, qualified the parties
elected of it with power for the term of one year, and no
longer: another list, containing two knights and seven depu-
ties more, he caused to be chosen the third day, which list
being called the second galaxy, qualified the parties elected
of it with power for the term of two years, and no longer.
And upon the fourth day he chose the third galaxy, accord-
ing as it is directed by the order, empowered for three years;
which lists successively falling (like the signs or constella-
tions of one hemisphere, which setting, cause those of the other
to rise) cast the great orbs of this commonwealth into an an-
nual, triennial, and perpetual revolution.
The business of the muster being thus happily finished,
Hermes de Caduceo, lord orator of the tribe of Nubia, being
now put into her first rapture, caused one of the censor's pul-
pits to be planted in front of the squadron, and ascending into
the same, spake after this manner:

" MY LORDS, THE MAGISTRATES AND THE PEOPLE OF THE


TRIBE OF NUBIA:
" We have this day solemnized the happy nuptials of the
two greatest princes that are upon the earth or in nature,
arms and councils, in the mutual embraces whereof consists
your whole commonwealth; whose councils upon their per-
petual wheelings, marches, and countermarches, create her
armies, and whose armies with the golden volleys of the bal-
lot at once create and salute her councils. There be those
(such is the world at present) that think it ridiculous to see
a nation exercising its civil functions in military discipline;
while they, committing their buff to their servants, come them-
selves to hold trenchards. For what avails it such as are un-
armed, or (which is all one) whose education acquaints them
not with the proper use of their swords, to be called citizens?
What were 2,000 or 3,000 of you, though never so well af-
fected to your country, but naked, to one troop of mercenary
soldiers? If they should come upon the field and say, 'G en -
tlemen, it is thought fit that such and such men should be
chosen by you,' where were your liberty? or, ' Gentlemen,
parliaments are exceeding good, but you are to have a little
patience; these times are not so fit for them,' where were
OCEANA 259

your commonwealth ? What causes the monarchy of the Turks


but servants in arms? What was it that begot the glorious
Commonwealth of Rome but the sword in the hands of her
citizens? Wherefore my glad eyes salute the serenity and
brightness of this day with a shower that shall not cloud it.
" Behold the army of Israel become a commonwealth, and
the Commonwealth of Israel remaining an army, with her
rulers of tens and of fifties, her rulers of hundreds and thou-
sands, drawing near (as this day throughout our happy fields)
to the lot by her tribes, increased above threefold, and led
up by her phylarchs or princes, to sit upon fifty thrones, judg-
ing the fifty tribes of Oceana! Or, is it Athens, breaking
from her iron sepulchre, where she has been so long trampled
by hosts of Janizaries? For certainly that is the voice of
Theseus, having gathered his scattered Athenians into one
city. This freeborn nation lives not upon the dole or bounty
of one man, but distributing her annual magistracies and hon-
ors with her own hand, is herself Ki ng People— (At which
the orator was awhile interrupted with shouts, but at length
proceeded.) Is it grave Lacedaemon in her armed tribe,
divided by her obce and her mora, which appears to chide me
that I teach the people to talk, or conceive such language as
is dressed like a woman, to be a fit usher of the joys of lib-
erty into the hearts of men? Is it Rome in her victorious
arms (for so she held her concio or congregation) that con-
gratulates with us, for finding out that which she could not
hit on, and binding up her Comitia curiata, centuriata, and
tributa, in one inviolable league of union? Or is it the great
council of incomparable Venice, bowling forth by the self-
same ballot her immortal commonwealth? For, neither by
reason nor by experience is it impossible that a commonwealth
should be immortal; seeing the people being the materials,
never die; and the form, which is motion, must, without oppo-
sition, be endless. The bowl which is thrown from your hand,
if there be no rub, no impediment, shall never cease: for
which cause the glorious luminaries that are the bowls of
God, were once thrown forever; and next these, those of
Venice. But certainly, my lords, whatever these great exam-
ples may have shown us, we are the first that have shown to
the world a commonwealth established in her rise upon fifty
such towers, and so garrisoned as are the tribes of Oceana,
containing 100,000 elders upon the annual list, and yet but an
outguard; besides her marching armies to be equal in the
discipline, and in the number of her youth.
" And forasmuch as sovereign power is a necessary but a
formidable creature, not unlike the powder which (as you are
2Ó O HARRINGTON

soldiers) is at once your safety and your danger, being sub-


ject to take fire against you as well as for you, how well and
securely is she by your galaxies so collected as to be in full
force and vigor, and yet so distributed that it is impossible
you should be blown up by your own magazine? Let them
who will have it, that power if it be confined cannot be sov-
ereign, tell us, whether our rivers do not enjoy a more secure
and fruitful reign within their proper banks, than if it were
lawful for them, in ravaging our harvests, to spill themselves?
whether souls, not confined to their peculiar bodies, do govern
them any more than those of witches in their trances? whether
power, not confined to the bounds of reason and virtue, has
any other bounds than those of vice and passion? or if vice
and passion be boundless, and reason and virtue have certain
limits, on which of these thrones holy men should anoint their
sovereign? But to blow away this dust, the sovereign power
of a commonwealth is no more bounded, that is to say strait-
ened, than that of a monarch; but is balanced. The eagle
mounts not to her proper pitch, if she be bounded, nor is free
if she be not balanced. And lest a monarch should think he
can reach further with his sceptre, the Roman eagle upon
such a balance spread her wings from the ocean to Euphrates.
Receive the sovereign power; you have received it, hold it
fast, embrace it forever in your shining arms. The virtue of
the loadstone is not impaired or limited, but receives strength
and nourishment, by being bound in iron. And so giving
your lordships much joy, I take my leave of this tribe."

The orator descending, had the period of his speech made


with a vast applause and exultation of the whole tribe, attend-
ing him for that night to his quarter, as the phylarch with
some commanded troops did the next day to the frontiers of
the tribe, where leave was taken on both sides with more tears
than grief.
So a tribe is the third division of land occasioned by the
third collection of the people, whose functions proper to that
place are contained in the five foregoing orders.
The institution of the commonwealth was such as needed
those props and scaffolds which may have troubled the reader;
but I shall here take them away, and come to the constitu-
tion which stands by itself, and yields a clearer prospect.
The motions, by what has been already shown, are spherical;
and spherical motions have their proper centre, for which cause
(ere I proceed further) it will be necessary, for the better
understanding of the whole, that I discover the centre where-
upon the motions of this commonwealth are formed.
OCEANA 26 1

The centre, or basis of every government, is no other than


the fundamental laws of the same.
Fundamental laws are such as state what it is that a man
may call his own, that is to say, property; and what the means
be whereby a man may enjoy his own, that is to say, pro-
tection. The first is also called dominion, and the second
empire or sovereign power, whereof this (as has been shown)
is the natural product of the former: for such as is the balance
of dominion in a nation, such is the nature of its empire.
Wherefore the fundamental laws of Oceana, or the centre
of this commonwealth, are the agrarian and the ballot: the
agrarian by the balance of dominion preserving equality in
the root; and the ballot by an equal rotation conveying it into
the branch, or exercise of sovereign power, as, to begin with
the former, appears b y —
The thirteenth order, " Constituting the agrarian laws of
Oceana, Marpesia, and Panopea, whereby it is ordained, first,
for all such lands as are lying and being within the proper
territories of Oceana, that every man who is at present pos-
sessed, or shall hereafter be possessed, of an estate in land
exceeding the revenue of ¿2,000 a year, and having more than
one son, shall leave his lands either equally divided among
them, in case the lands amount to above £2,000 a year to each,
or so near equally, in case they come under, that the greater
part or portion of the same remaining to the eldest exceed
not the value of £2,000 revenue. And no man, not in present
possession of lands above the value of ¿2,000 by the year,
shall receive, enjoy (except by lawful inheritance), acquire, or
purchase to himself lands within the said territories, amount-
ing, with those already in his possession, above the said
revenue. And if a man has a daughter or daughters, except
she be an heiress or they be heiresses, he shall not leave or
give to any-one of them in marriage, or otherwise, for her
portion, above the value of ¿1,500 in lands, goods, and moneys.
Nor shall any friend, kinsman, or kinswoman add to her or
their portion or portions that are so provided for, to make
any one of them greater. Nor shall any man demand or have
more in marriage with any woman. Nevertheless an heiress
shall enjoy her lawful inheritance, and a widow, whatsoever the
bounty or affection of her husband shall bequeath to her, to
be divided in the first generation, wherein it is divisible ac-
cording as has been shown.
" Secondly, for lands lying and being within the territories
of Marpesia, the agrarian shall hold in all parts as it is estab-
lished in Oceana, except only in the standard or proportion
of estates in land, which shall be set for Marpesia, at ¿500.
And,
2 Ó2 HARRINGTON

" Thirdly, for Panopea, the agrarian shall hold in all parts,
as in Oceana. And whosoever possessing above the propor-
tion allowed by these laws, shall be lawfully convicted of the
same, shall forfeit the overplus to the use of the State."
Agrarian laws of all others have ever been the greatest bug-
bears, and so in the institution were these, at which time it
was ridiculous to see how strange a fear appeared in every-
body of that which, being good for all, could hurt nobody.
But instead of the proof of this order, I shall out of those
many debates that happened ere it could be passed, insert two
speeches that were made at the Council of legislators, the first
by the Right Honorable Philautus de Garbo, a young man, be-
ing heir-apparent to a very noble family, and one of the coun-
cillors, who expressed himself as follows:

" May it please your Highness, my Lord Archon of Oceana.


" If I did not, to my capacity, know from how profound a
councillor I dissent, it would certainly be no hard task to
make it as light as the day: First, that an agrarian is altogether
unnecessary; secondly, that it is dangerous to a common-
wealth ; thirdly, that it is insufficient to keep out monarchy;
fourthly, that it ruins families; fifthly, that it destroys
industry; and last of all, that though it were indeed of any
good use, it will be a matter of such difficulty to introduce in
this nation, and so to settle that it may be lasting, as is alto-
gether invincible.
" First, that an agrarian is unnecessary to a commonwealth,
what clearer testimony can there be than that the common-
wealths which are our contemporaries (Venice, to which your
Highness gives the upper hand of all antiquity, being one)
have no such thing? And there can be no reason why they
have it not, seeing it is in the sovereign power at any time to
establish such an order, but that they need it not; wherefore
no wonder if Aristotle, who pretends to be a good common-
wealthsman, has long since derided Phaleas, to whom it was
attributed by the Greeks, for his invention.
" Secondly, that an agrarian is dangerous to a common-
wealth is affirmed upon no slight authority, seeing Machiavel
is positive that it was the dissension which happened about
the agrarian that caused the destruction of Rome; nor do I
think that it did much better in Lacedsemon, as I shall show
anon.
" Thirdly, that it is insufficient to keep out monarchy can-
not without impiety be denied, the holy Scriptures bearing
witness that the Commonwealth of Israel, notwithstanding her
agrarian, submitted her neck to the arbitrary yoke of her
princes.
OCEANA 263

" Fourthly, therefore, to come to my next assertion, that it


is destructive to families: this also is so apparent, that it
needs pity rather than proof. Why, alas, do you bind a no-
bility (which no generation shall deny to have been the first
that freely sacrificed their blood to the ancient liberties of
this people) on an unholy altar? Why are the people taught
that their liberty, which, except our noble ancestors had been
born, must have long since been buried, cannot now be born
except we be buried ? A commonwealth should have the inno-
cence of the dove. Let us leave this purchase of her birth to
the serpent, which eats itself out of the womb of its mother.
" Fifthly, but it may be said, perhaps, that we are fallen
from our first love, become proud and idle. It is certain, my
lords, that the hand of God is not upon us for nothing. But
take heed how you admit of such assaults and sallies upon
men's estates, as may slacken the nerve of labor, and give
others also reason to believe that their sweat is vain; or else,
whatsoever be pretended, your agrarian (which is my fifth
assertion) must indeed destroy industry. For, that so it did
in Lacedsemon is most apparent, as also that it could do no
otherwise, where every man having his forty quarters of bar-
ley, with wine proportionable, supplied him out of his own lot
by his laborer or helot; and being confined in that to the
scantling above which he might not live, there was not any
such thing as a trade, or other art, except that of war, in
exercise. Wherefore a Spartan, if he were not in arms, must
sit and play with his fingers, whence ensued perpetual war,
and, the estate of the city being as little capable of increase as
that of the citizens, her inevitable ruin. Now what better
ends you can propose to yourselves in the like ways, I do not
so well see as I perceive that there may be worse; for Lace-
dsemon yet was free from civil war: but if you employ your
citizens no better than she did, I cannot promise you that you
shall fare so well, because they are still desirous of war that
hope that it may be profitable to them; and the strongest se-
curity you can give of peace, is to make it gainful. Otherwise
men will rather choose that whereby they may break your laws,
than that whereby your laws may break them. Which I spcr.k
not so much in relation to the nobility or such as would be
holding, as to the people or them that would be getting; the
passion in these being so much the stronger, as a man's felicity
is weaker in the fruition of things, than in their prosecution
and increase.
" Truly, my lords, it is my fear, that by taking of more
hands, and the best from industry, you will farther endamage
it, than can be repaired by laying on a few, and the worst;
264 HARRINGTON

while the nobility must be forced to send their sons to the


plough, and, as if this were not enough, to marry their daugh-
ters also to farmers.
" Sixthly, but I do not see (to come to the last point) how
it is possible that this thing should be brought about, to your
good I mean, though it may to the destruction of many. For
that the agrarian of Israel, or that of Lacedamion, might stand,
is no such miracle; the lands, without any consideration of
the former proprietor, being surveyed and cast into equal lots,
which could neither be bought, nor sold, nor multiplied: so
that they knew whereabout to have a man. But in this nation
no such division can be introduced, the lands being already
in the hands of proprietors, and such whose estates lie very
rarely together, but mixed one with another; being also of
tenures in nature so different, that as there is no experience
that an agrarian was ever introduced in such a case, so there
is no appearance how or reason why it should: but that which
is against reason and experience is impossible."

The case of my Lord Philautus was the most concerned in


the whole nation; for he had four younger brothers, his father
being yet living, to whom he was heir of £10,000 a year.
Wherefore being a man both of good parts and esteem, his
words wrought both upon men's reason and passions, and had
borne a stroke at the head of the business, if my Lord Archon
had not interposed the buckler in this oration:

" M Y LORDS, THE LEGISLATORS OF OCEANA:


" My Lord Philautus has made a thing which is easy to
seem hard; if the thanks were due to his eloquence, it would
be worthy of less praise than that he owes it to his merit,
and the love he has most deservedly purchased of all men:
nor is it rationally to be feared that he who is so much before-
hand in his private, should be in arrear in his public, capacity.
Wherefore, my lord's tenderness throughout his speech aris-
ing from no other principle than his solicitude lest the agra-
rian should be hurtful to his country, it is no less than my
duty to give the best satisfaction I am able to so good a
patriot, taking every one of his doubts in the order proposed.
And,
" First, whereas my lord, upon observation of the modern
commonwealths, is of opinion that an agrarian is not neces-
sary: it must be confessed that at the first sight of them there
is some appearance favoring his assertion, but upon accidents
of no precedent to us. For the commonwealths of Switzer-
land and Holland, I mean of those leagues, being situated in
OCEANA 265

countries not alluring the inhabitants to wantonness, but oblig-


ing them to universal industry, have an implicit agrarian in
the nature of them: and being not obnoxious to a growing
nobility (which, as long as their former monarchies had spread
the wing over them, could either not at all be hatched, or
was soon broken) are of no example to us, whose experience
in this point has been to the contrary. But what if even in
these governments there be indeed an explicit agrarian? For
when the law commands an equal or near equal distribution
of a man's estate in land among his children, as it is done in
those countries, a nobility cannot grow; and so there needs
no agrarian, or rather there is one. And for the growth of
the nobility in Venice (if so it be, for Machiavel observes in
that republic, as a cause of it, a great mediocrity of estates)
it is not a point that she is to fear, but might study, seeing
she consists of nothing else but nobility; by which, whatever
their estates suck from the people, especially if it comes equally,
is digested into the better blood of that commonwealth, which
is all, or the greatest, benefit they can have by accumulation.
For how unequal soever you will have them to be in their
incomes, they have officers of the pomp, to bring them equal
in expenses, or at least in the ostentation or show of them.
And so unless the advantage of an estate consists more in
the measure than in the use of it, the authority of Venice does
but enforce our agrarian; nor shall a man evade or elude the
prudence of it, by the authority of any other commonwealth.
" For if a commonwealth has been introduced at once, as
those of Israel and Lacedaemon, you are certain to find her
underlaid with this as the main foundation; nor, if she is
obliged more to fortune than prudence, has she raised her head
without musing upon this matter, as appears by that of Athens,
which through her defect in this point, says Aristotle, intro-
duced her ostracism, as most of the democracies of Greece.
But, not to restrain a fundamental of such latitude to any one
kind of government, do we not yet see that if there be a sole
landlord of a vast territory, he is the Turk? that if a few
landlords overbalance a populous country, they have store of
servants? that if a people be in an equal balance, they can
have no lords? that no government can otherwise be erected,
than upon some one of these foundations? that no one of
these foundations (each being else apt to change into some
other) can give any security to the government, unless it be
fixed ? that through the want of this fixation, potent monarchy
and commonwealths have fallen upon the heads of the people,
and accompanied their own sad ruins with vast effusions of
innocent blood ? Let the fame, as was the merit of the ancient
26 6 HARRINGTON

nobility of this nation, be equal to or above what has been


already said, or can be spoken, yet have we seen not only
their glory, but that of a throne, the most indulgent to and least
invasive for so many ages upon the liberty of a people that
the world has known, through the mere want of fixing her
foot by a proportionable agrarian upon her proper foundation,
to have fallen with such horror as has been a spectacle of
astonishment to the whole earth. And were it well argued
from one calamity, that we ought not to prevent another?
Nor is Aristotle so good a commonwealthsman for deriding the
invention of Phaleas as in recollecting himself, where he says
that democracies, when a less part of their citizens overtop
the rest in wealth, degenerate into oligarchies and principali-
ties; and, which comes nearer to the present purpose, that
the greater part of the nobility of Tarentum coming acci-
dentally to be ruined, the government of the few came by con-
sequence to be changed into that of the many.
" These things considered, I cannot see how an agrarian,
as to the fixation or security of a government, can be less
than necessary. And if a cure be necessary, it excuses not
the patient, his disease being otherwise desperate, that it is
dangerous; which was the case of Rome, not so stated by
Machiavel, where he says, that the strife about the agrarian
caused the destruction of that commonwealth. As if when a
senator was not rich (as Crassus held) except he could pay
an army, that commonwealth could expect nothing but ruin
whether in strife about the agrarian, or without it. ' Of late,'
says Livy, ' riches have introduced avarice, and voluptuous
pleasures abounding have through lust and luxury begot a de-
sire of lasting and destroying all good orders.' If the great-
est security of a commonwealth consists in being provided with
the proper antidote against this poison, her greatest danger
must be from the absence of an agrarian, which is the whole
truth of the Roman example. For the Laconic, I shall reserve
the further explication of it, as my lord also did, to another
place; and first see whether an agrarian proportioned to a
popular government be sufficient to keep out monarchy. My
lord is for the negative, and fortified by the people of Israel
electing a king. To which I say that the action of the people
therein expressed is a full answer to the objection of that ex-
ample ; for the monarchy neither grew upon them, nor could,
by reason of the agrarian, possibly have invaded them, if they
had not pulled it upon themselves by the election of a king.
Which being an accident, the like whereof is not to be found
in any other people so planted, nor in this till, as it is man-
ifest, they were given up by God to infatuation (for says he
OCEANA 367

to Samuel, ' They have not rejected thee, but they have re-
jected me, that I should not reign over t h e m') , has something
in it which is apparent, by what went before, to have been
besides the course of nature, and by what followed.
" For the King having no other foundation than the calami-
ties of the people, so often beaten by their enemies, that de-
spairing of themselves they were contented with any change,
if he had peace as in the days of Solomon, left but a slippery
throne to his successor, as appeared by Rehoboam. And the
agrarian, notwithstanding the monarchy thus introduced, so
faithfully preserved the root of that commonwealth, that it
shot forth oftener and by intervals continued longer than any
other government, as may be computed from the institutoin
of the same by Joshua, 1,465 years before Christ, to the total
dissolution of it, which happened in the reign of the emperor
Adrian, 135 years after the Incarnation. A people planted
upon an equal agrarian, and holding to it, if they part with
their liberty, must do it upon good-will, and make but a bad
title of their bounty. As to instance yet further in that which
is proposed by the present order to this nation, the standard
whereof is at £2,000 a year; the whole territory of Oceana
being divided by this proportion, amounts to 5,000 lots. So
the lands of Oceana being thus distributed, and bound to this
distribution, can never fall to fewer than 5,000 proprietors.
But 5,000 proprietors so seized will not agree to break the
agrarian, for that were to agree to rob one another; nor to
bring in a king, because they must maintain him, and can have
no benefit by him; nor to exclude the people, because they can
have as little by that, and must spoil their militia. So the
commonwealth continuing upon the balance proposed, though
it should come into 5,000 hands, can never alter, and that it
should ever come into 5,000 hands is as improbable as any-
thing in the world that is not altogether impossible.
" My lord's other considerations are more private; as that
this order destroys families; which is as if one should lay
the ruin of some ancient castle to the herbs which usually
grow out of them, the destruction of those families being that
indeed which naturally produced this order. For we do not
now argue for that which we would have, but for that which
we are already possessed of, as would appear if a note were but
taken of all such as have at this day above £2,000 a year in
Oceana. If my lord should grant (and I will put it with the
most) that they who are proprietors in land, exceeding this
proportion, exceed not 300, with what brow can the interest
of so few be balanced with that of the whole nation ? or rather,
what interest have they to put in such a balance? they would
268 HARRINGTON

live as they had been accustomed to do ; who hinders them?


they would enjoy their estates; who touches them? they would
dispose of what they have according to the interest of their
families; it is that which we desire. A man has one son, let
him be called; would he enjoy his father's estate? it is his,
his son's, and his son's son's after him. A man has five sons,
let them be called; would they enjoy their father's estate? It
is divided among them; for we have four votes for one in
the same family, and therefore this must be the interest of the
family, or the family knows not its own interest. If a man
shall dispute otherwise, he must draw his arguments from cus-
tom and from greatness, which was the interest of the mon-
archy, not of the family; and we are now a commonwealth.
If the monarchy could not bear with such divisions because
they tendered to a commonwealth, neither can a common-
wealth connive at such accumulations because they tend to
a monarchy. If the monarchy might make bold with so many
for the good of one, we may make bold with one for the good
of so many, nay, for the good of all.
" My lords, it comes into my mind, that which upon occa-
sion of the variety of parties enumerated in our late civil
wars, was said by a friend of mine coming home from his
travels, about the latter end of these troubles; that he ad-
mired how it came to pass, that younger brothers, especially
being so many more in number than their elder, did not unite
as one man against a tyranny, the like whereof has not been
exercised in any other nation. And truly, when I consider
that our countrymen are none of the worst-natured, I must
confess I marvel much how it comes to pass that we should
use our children as we do our puppies—take one, lay it in
the lap, feed it with every good bit, and drown five; nay,
yet worse, forasmuch as the puppies are once drowned, where-
as the children are left perpetually drowning. Really, my
lords, it is a flinty custom! and all this for his cruel ambition,
that would raise himself a pillar, a golden pillar for his monu-
ment, though he has children, his own reviving flesh, and a
kind of immortality. And this is that interest of a family,
for which we are to think ill of a government that will not
endure it. But quiet ourselves; the land through which the
river Nilus wanders in one stream, is barren; but where it
parts into seven, it multiplies its fertile shores by distribut-
ing, yet keeping and improving, such a propriety and nutrition,
as is a prudent agrarian to a well-ordered commonwealth.
" Nor (to come to the fifth assertion) is a political body
rendered any fitter for industry by having one gouty and an-
other withered leg, than a natural. It tends not to the improve-
OCEANA 2 69

ment of merchandise that there be some who have no need of


their trading, and others that are not able to follow it. If
confinement discourages industry, an estate in money is not
confined, and lest industry should want whereupon to work,
land is not engrossed or entailed upon any man, but remains
at its devotion. I wonder whence the computation can arise,
that this should discourage industry. T wo thousand pounds
a year a man may enjoy in Oceana, as much in Panopea, ¿500
in Marpesia; there be other plantations, and the common-
wealth will have more. Who knows how far the arms of our
agrarian may extend themselves? and whether he that might
have left a pillar, may not leave a temple of many pillars to
his more pious memory? Where there is some measure in
riches, a man may be rich, but if you will have them to be
infinite, there will be no end of starving himself, and wanting
what he has: and what pains does such a one take to be
poor! Furthermore, if a man shall think that there may be
an industry less greasy or more noble, and so cast his thoughts
upon the commonwealth, he will have leisure for her, and she
riches and honors for him; his sweat shall smell like Alex-
ander's. My Lord Philautus is a young man who, enjoying
his ¿10,000 a year, may keep a noble house in the old way,
and have homely guests; and having but two, by the means
proposed, may take the upper hand of his great ancestors;
with reverence to whom, I may say, there has not been one of
them would have disputed his place with a Roman consul.
" My lord, do not break my heart; the nobility shall go to no
other ploughs than those which we call our consuls. But, says
he, it having been so with Lacedaemon, that neither the city nor
the citizens were capable of increase, a blow was given by that
agrarian, which ruined both. And what are we concerned with
that agrarian, or that blow, while our citizens and our city (and
that by our agrarian) are both capable of increase ? The Spar-
tan, if he made a conquest, had no citizens to hold it; the
Oceaner will have enow. The Spartan could have no trade;
the Oceaner may have all. The agrarian in Laconia, that it
might bind on knapsacks, forbidding all other arts but that of
war, could not make an army of above 30,000 citizens. The
agrarian in Oceana, without interruption of traffic, provides us
in the fifth part of the youth an annual source or fresh
spring of 100,000, besides our provincial auxiliaries, out of
which to draw marching armies; and as many elders, not
feeble, but men most of them in the flower of their age, and in
arms for the defence of our territories. The agrarian in La-
conia banished money, this multiplies it; that allowed a mat-
ter of twenty or thirty acres to a man, this 2,000 or 3,000;
270 HARRINGTON

there is no comparison between them. And yet I differ so much


from my lord, or his opinion that the agrarian was the ruin of
Lacedaemon, that I hold it no less than demonstrable to have
been her main support. For if, banishing all other diversions,
it could not make an army of above 30,000, then, letting in all
other diversions, it must have broken that army. Wherefore
Lysander, bringing in the golden spoils of Athens, irrevocably
ruined that commonwealth; and is a warning to us, that in giv-
ing encouragement to industry, we also remember that covet-
ousness is the root of all evil. And our agrarian can never be
the cause of those seditions threatened by my lord, but is the
proper cure of them, as Lucan notes well in the state of Rome
before the civil wars, which happened through the want of such
an antidote.
" Why then are we mistaken, as if we intended not equal ad-
vantages in our commonwealth to either sex, because we would
not have women's fortunes consist in that metal which exposes
them to cutpurses? If a man cuts my purse I may have him
by the heels or by the neck for i t; whereas a man may cut a
woman's purse, and have her for his pains in fetters. How
brutish, and much more than brutish, is that commonwealth
which prefers the earth before the fruits of the womb? If the
people be her treasure, the staff by which she is sustained and
comforted, with what justice can she suffer them, by whom she
is most enriched, to be for that cause the most impoverished ?
And yet we see the gifts of God, and the bounties of heaven in
fruitful families, through this wretched custom of marrying for
money, become their insupportable grief and poverty. Nor
falls this so heavy upon the lower sort, being better able to shift
for themselves, as upon the nobility or gentry. For what avails
it in this case, from whence their veins have derived their blood ;
while they shall see the tallow of a chandler sooner converted
into that beauty which is required in a bride? I appeal, whether
my Lord Philautus or myself be the advocate of nobility;
against which, in the case proposed by me, there would be noth-
ing to hold the balance. And why is a woman, if she may have
but ¿1,500, undone? If she be unmarried, what nobleman al-
lows his daughter in that case a greater revenue than so much
money may command? And if she marry, no nobleman can
give his daughter a greater portion than she has. Who is hurt
in this case ?—nay, who is not benefited ? If the agrarian gives
us the sweat of our brows without diminution; if it prepares
our table; if it makes our cup to overflow; and above all this,
in providing for our children, anoints our heads with that oil
which takes away the greatest of worldly cares; what man, that
is not besotted with a covetousness as vain as endless, can im-
OCEANA 271

agine such a constitution to be his poverty ? Seeing where no


woman can be considerable for her portion, no portion will be
considerable with a woman; and so his children will not only
find better preferments without his brokage, but more freedom
of their own affections.
" We are wonderful severe in laws, that they shall not marry
without our consent, as if it were care and tenderness over them;
but is it not lest we should not have the other £1,000 with this
son, or the other £100 a year more in jointure for that daughter ?
These, when we are crossed in them, are the sins for which we
water our couch with tears, but not of penitence. Seeing
whereas it is a mischief beyond any that we can do to our ene-
mies, we persist to make nothing of breaking the affection of
our children. But there is in this agrarian a homage to pure
and spotless love, the consequence whereof I will not give for
all your romances. An alderman makes not his daughter a
countess till he has given her £20,000, nor a romance a consid-
erable mistress till she be a princess; these are characters of bas-
tard love. But if our agrarian excludes ambition and covet-
ousness, we shall at length have the care of our own breed, in
which we have been curious as to our dogs and horses. The
marriage-bed will be truly legitimate, and the race of the com-
monwealth not spurious.
" But (impar magnanimis ausis, imparque dolori) I am
hurled from all my hopes by my lord's last assertion of impossi-
bility, that the root from whence we imagine these fruits should
be planted or thrive in this soil. And why? Because of the
mixture of estates and variety of tenures. Nevertheless, there
is yet extant in the Exchequer an old survey of the whole nation;
wherefore such a thing is not impossible. Now if a new survey
were taken at the present rates, and the law made that no man
should hold hereafter above so much land as is valued therein
at £2,000 a year, it would amount to a good and sufficient agra-
rian. It is true that there would remain some difficulty in the
different kind of rents, and that it is a matter requiring not only
more leisure than we have, but an authority which may be bet-
ter able to bow men to a more general consent than is to be
wrought out of them by such as are in our capacity. Where-
fore as to the manner, it is necessary that we refer it to the Par-
liament; but as to the matter, they cannot otherwise fix their
government upon the right balance.
" I shall conclude with a few words to some parts of the order,
which my lord has omitted. As first to the consequences of the
agrarian to be settled in Marpesia, which irreparably breaks the
aristocracy of that nation; being of such a nature, as standing,
it is not possible that you should govern. For while the people
272 HARRINGTON

of that country are little better than the cattle of the nobility,
you must not wonder if, according as these can make their mar-
kets with foreign princes, you find those to be driven upon your
grounds. And if you be so tender, now you have it in your
power, as not to hold a hand upon them that may prevent the
slaughter which must otherwise ensue in like cases, the blood
will lie at your door. But in holding such a hand upon them,
you may settle the agrarian; and in settling the agrarian, you
give that people not only liberty, but lands; which makes your
protection necessary to their security; and their contribution
due to your protection, as to their own safety.
" For the agrarian of Panopea, it allowing such proportions
of so good land, men that conceive themselves straitened by
this in Oceana, will begin there to let themselves forth, where
every citizen will in time have his villa. And there is no ques-
tion, but the improvement of that country by this means must
be far greater than it has been in the best of former times.
" I have no more to say, but that in those ancient and heroic
ages (when men thought that to be necessary which was virtu-
ous) the nobility of Athens, having the people so much engaged
in their debt that there remained no other question among these
than which of those should be king, no sooner heard Solon speak
than they quitted their debts, and restored the commonwealth;
which ever after held a solemn and annual feast called the Sis-
acthia, or Recision, in memory of that action. Nor is this ex-
ample the phcenix; for at the institution by Lycurgus, the no-
bility having estates (as ours here) in the lands of Laconia,
upon no other valuable consideration than the commonwealth
proposed by him, threw them up to be parcelled by his agrarian.
But now when no man is desired to throw up a farthing of his
money, or a shovelful of his earth, and that all we can do is but
to make a virtue of necessity, we are disputing whether we
should have peace or wa r: for peace you cannot have without
some government, nor any government without the proper bal-
ance. Wherefore if you will not fix this which you have, the
rest is blood, for without blood you can bring in no other."

By these speeches made at the institution of the agrarian you


may perceive what were the grounds of it. The next i s —
The fourteenth order, " Constituting the ballot of Venice, as it
is fitted by several alterations, and appointed to every assembly,
to be the constant and only way of giving suffrage in this com-
monwealth, according to the following scheme."
I shall endeavor by the following figure to demonstrate the
manner of the Venetian ballot (a thing as difficult in discourse
or writing, as facile in practice) according to the use of it in
OCEANA 273

Oceana. The whole figure represents the Senate, containing, as


to the house or form of sitting, a square and a half; the tribunal
at the upper end being ascended by four steps. On the upper-

THE MANNER AND USE OF THE BALLOT

most of these sit the magistrates that constitute the signory of


the commonwealth, that is to say, A the strategus; B the orator;
C the three commissioners of the great seal; D the three com-
18
274 HARRINGTON

missioners of the Treasury, whereof one, E, exercises for the


present the office of a censor at the middle urn, F.
To the two upper steps of the tribunal answer G, G-—G, G, the
two long benches next the wall on each side of the house; the
outwardmost of which are equal in height to the uppermost step,
and the innermost equal in height to the next. Of these four
benches consists the first seal; as the second seat consists in like
manner of those four benches H, H — H , H, which being next
the floor, are equal in height to the two nethermost steps of the
throne. So the whole house is distributed into two seats, each
consisting of four benches.
This distribution causes not only the greater conveniency, as
will be shown, to the senators in the exercise of their function
at the ballot, but a greater grace to the aspect of the Senate. In
the middle of the outward benches stand I, I, the chairs of the
censors, those being their ordinary places, though upon occa-
sion of the ballot they descend, and sit where they are shown
by K, K at each of the outward urns L, L. Those M, M that sit
with their tables, and the bowls N, N before them, upon the half-
space or second step of the tribunal from the floor, are the clerks
or secretaries of the house. Upon the short seats O, O on the
floor (which should have been represented by woolsacks) sit: P,
the two tribunes of the horse; Q, the two tribunes of the foot;
and R, R — R, R the judges, all which magistrates are assistants,
but have no suffrage. This posture of the Senate considered,
the ballot is performed as follows :
First, whereas the gold balls are of several suits, and accord-
ingly marked with several letters of the alphabet, a secretary
presents a little urn (wherein there is one ball of every suit or
mark) to the strategus and the orator; and look what letter the
strategus draws, the same and no other is to be used for that
time in the middle urn F; the like for the letter drawn by the
orator is to be observed for the side urns L, L, that is to say, if
the strategus drew a ball with an A, all the gold balls in the
middle urn for that day are marked with the letter A; and if the
orator drew a B, all the gold balls in the side urn for that day
are marked with the letter B, which done immediately before
the ballot, and so the letter unknown to the ballotants, they can
use no fraud or juggling; otherwise a man might carry a gold
ball in his hand, and seem to have drawn it out of an urn. He
that draws a gold ball at any urn, delivers it to the censor or
assessor of that urn, who views the character, and allows accord-
ingly of his lot.
The strategus and the orator having drawn for the letters, the
urns are prepared accordingly by one of the commissioners and
the two censors. The preparation of the urns is after this man-
OCEANA 275

ner. If the Senate be to elect, for example, the list called the
tropic of magistrates, which is this:

1. The Lord Strategus;


2. The Lord Orator;
/ 3. The Third Commissioner of the Great Seal;
4. The Third Commissioner of the Treasury;
5. The First Censor;
6. The Second Censor;

this list or schedule consists of six magistracies, and to every


magistracy there are to be four competitors; that is, in all four-
and-twenty competitors proposed to the house. They that are
to propose the competitors are called electors, and no elector can
propose above one competitor: wherefore for the proposing of
four-and-twenty competitors you must have four-and-twenty
electors; and whereas the ballot consists of a lot and of a suf-
frage, the lot is for no other use than for the designation of
electors; and he that draws a gold ball at the middle urn is an
elector. Now, as to have four-and-twenty competitors proposed,
you must have four-and-twenty electors made, so to have four-
and-twenty electors made by lot, you must have four-and-twenty
gold balls in the middle urn; and these (because otherwise it
would be no lot) mixed with a competent number of blanks,
or silver balls. Wherefore to the four-and-twenty gold balls
cast six-and-twenty silver ones, and those (reckoning the blanks
with the prizes) make fifty balls in the middle urn. This done
(because no man can come to the middle urn that has not first
drawn a gold ball at one of the side urns) and to be sure that
the prizes or gold balls in this urn be all drawn, there must come
to it fifty persons; therefore there must be in each of the side
urns five-and-twenty gold balls, which in both come to fifty;
and to the end that every senator may have his lot, the gold
balls in the side urns are to be made up with blanks equal to the
number of the ballotants at either urn; for example, the house
consisting of 300 senators, there must be in each of the side
urns 125 blanks and twenty-five prizes, which come in both the
side urns to 300 balls. This is the whole mystery of preparing
the urns, which the censors having skill to do accordingly, the
rest of the ballot, whether the parties balloting understand it or
not must of necessary consequence come right; and they can
neither be out, nor fall into any confusion in the exercise of this
art.
But the ballot, as I said, is of two parts, lot and suffrage, or
the proposition and result. The lot determines who shall pro-
pose the competitors; and the result of the Senate, which of the
276 HARRINGTON

competitors shall be the magistrates. The whole, to begin with


the lot, proceeds in this manner:
The first secretary with an audible voice reads first the list
of the magistrates to be chosen for the day, then the oath for fair
election, at which the senators hold up their hands; which done,
another secretary presents a little urn to the strategus, in which
are four balls, each of them having one of these four inscrip-
tions: " First seat at the upper end," " First seat at the lower
end," " Second seat at the upper end," " Second seat at the lower
end." And look which of them the strategus draws, the secretary
pronouncing the inscription with a loud voice, the seat so called
comes accordingly to the urns: this in the figure is the second
seat at the upper end. The manner of their coming to the side
urns is in double files, that being two holes in the cover of each
side urn, by which means two may draw at once. The senators
therefore S, S — S , S are coming from the upper end of their
seats H, H — H , H to the side urns L, L. The senators T, T — T
are drawing. The senator V has drawn a gold ball at his side
urn, and is going to the middle urn F, where the senator W,
having done the like at the other side urn, is already drawing.
But the senators X, X — X , X having drawn blanks at their side
urns, and thrown them into the bowls Y, Y standing at the feet
of the urns, are marching by the lower end into their seats again;
the senator a having done the like at the middle urn, is also
throwing his blank into the bowl b, and marching to his seat
again: for a man by a prize at a side urn gains no more than
right to come to the middle urn, where, if he draws a blank, his
fortune at the side urn comes to nothing at all; wherefore he
also returns to his place. But the senator c has had a prize at
the middle urn, where the commissioner, having viewed his ball,
and found the mark to be right, he marches up the steps to the
seat of the electors, which is the form d set across the tribunal,
where he places himself, according as he was drawn, with the
other electors e, e, e drawn before him. These are not to look
back, but sit with their faces toward the signory or state, till
their number amount to that of the magistrates to be that day
chosen, which for the present, as was shown, are six: wherefore
six electors being made, they are reckoned according as they
were drawn: first, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, in their
order; and the first six that are chosen are the first order of
electors.
The first order of electors being made, are conducted by a
secretary, with a copy of the list to be chosen, out of the Senate,
and into a committee or council-chamber, being neither suffered
by the way, nor in their room (till the ballot be ended), to have
conference with any but themselves; wherefore the secretary,
OCEANA 277

having given them their oath that they shall make election ac-
cording to the law and their conscience, delivers them the list,
and seats himself at the lower end of the table with his pen and
paper, while another secretary keeps the door.
By such time as the first order of electors are thus seated, the
second order of electors is drawn, who, with a second copy of
the same list, are conducted into another committee-chamber,
by other secretaries performing the same office with the former.
The like exactly is done by the third and by the fourth orders
(or hands, as the Venetians call them) of electors, by which
means you have the four-and-twenty electors divided according
to the four copies of the same list, by six, into four hands or
orders; and every one of these orders names one competitor to
every magistracy in the list; that is to say, the first elector names
to the first magistracy, the second elector to the second magis-
tracy, and so forth. But though the electors, as has been shown,
are chosen by mere lot, yet the competitors by them named are
not chosen by any lot, but by the suffrage of the whole order—
for example, the first elector in the first order proposes a name
to be strategus, which name is balloted by himself and the other
five electors; and if the name so balloted attain not to above
half the suffrages, it is laid aside, and the first elector names an-
other to the same magistracy; and so in case this also fails,
another, till one he has named, whether it be himself, or some
other, has attained to above half the suffrages in the affirmative;
and the name so attaining to above half the suffrages in the
affirmative is written to the first magistracy in the list by the
secretary; which being done, the second elector of the first order,
names to the second magistracy till one of his nomination be
chosen to the same. The like is done by the rest of the electors
of the first order, till one competitor be chosen, and written to
every magistracy in their list. Now the second, third, and
fourth orders of electors doing exactly after the same manner, it
comes to pass that one competitor to every magistracy being
chosen in each order, there be in all four competitors chosen to
every magistracy.
If any controversy arises in an order of electors, one of the
censors (these being at this game the groom-porters) is adver-
tised by the secretary, who brings him in, and the electors dis-
puting are bound to acquiesce in his sentence. For which cause
it is that the censors do not ballot at the urns; the signory also
abstains, lest it should deform the house: wherefore the blanks
in the side urns are by so many the fewer. And so much for the
lot, which is of the greater art but less consequence, because it
concerns proposition only: but all (except the tribunes and the
judges, which being but assistants have no suffrage) are to bal-
lot at the result, to which I now come.
278 HARRINGTON

The four orders of electors having perfected their lists, the


face of the house is changed: for the urns are taken away, and
every senator and magistrate is seated in his proper place, sav-
ing the electors, who, having given their suffrages already, may
not stir out of their chambers till the house have given theirs,
and the rest of the ballot be performed; which follows in this
manner:
The four lists being presented by the secretaries of each coun-
cil of electors to the signory, are first read, according to their
order, to the house, with an audible voice; and then the competi-
tors are put to the ballot or suffrage of the whole Senate in this
manner: A, A named to be strategus in the first order; where-
upon eight ballotins, or pages, such as are expressed by the fig-
ures /, /, take eight of the boxes represented, though rudely, by
the figures g, g, and go four on the one and four on the other
side of the house, that is, one to every bench, signifying " A, A
named to be the strategus in the first order: " and every magis-
trate or senator (beginning by the strategus and the orator first)
holds up a little pellet of linen, as the box passes, between his
finger and his thumb, that men may see he has but orre, and then
puts it into the same. The box consisting in the inner part of
two boxes, being painted on the outside white and green, to dis-
tinguish the affirmative from the negative side, is so made that
when your hand is in it, no man can see to which of the sides
you put the suffrage, nor hear to which it falls, because the pel-
let being linen, makes no noise. The strategus and the orator
having begun, all the rest do the like.
The ballotins having thus gathered the suffrages, bring them
before the signory, in whose presence the outward boxes being
opened, they take out the inner boxes, whereof the affirmative
is white, and the negative green, and pour the white in the bowl
N on the right hand, which is white also, and the green into the
bowl N on the left, which is also green. These bowls or basins
(better represented at the lower end of the figure by h, i) being
upon this occasion set before the tables of the secretaries at the
upper end N, N, the white on the right hand, and the green on
the left, the secretaries on each side number the balls, by which,
if they find that the affirmatives amount not to above one-half,
they write not the name that was balloted, but if they amount
to above one-half, they write it, adding the number of above half
the suffrages to which it attained. The first name being writ-
ten, or laid aside, the next that is put is BB named to be strate-
gus in the second order; the third CC, named to be strategus in
the third order; the fourth D D , named to be strategus in the
fourth order, and he of these four competitors that has most
above half in the affirmative, is the magistrate; or if none of
OCEANA 279

them attain to above half, the nomination for that magistracy


is to be repeated by such new electors as shall be chosen at the
next ballot. And so, as is exemplified in the first magistracy,
proceeds the ballot of the rest; first in the first, then in the
second, and so in the third and fourth orders.
Now whereas it may happen that A A , for example, being
named strategus in the first order, may also be named to the
same or some one or more other magistracies in one or more of
the other orders; his name is first balloted where it is first writ-
ten, that is to the more worthy magistracy, whereof if he misses,
he is balloted as it comes in course for the next, and so for the
rest, if he misses of that, as often as he is named.
And because to be named twice, or oftener, whether to the
same or some other magistracy, is the stronger recommendation,
the note must not fail to be given upon the name, at the propo-
sition in this manner: AA named to be strategus in the first,
and in the second order, or AA named to be strategus in the
first and the third, in the first and the fourth, etc. But if he be
named to the same magistracy in the first, second, third, and
fourth orders, he can have no competitor; wherefore attaining
to above half the suffrages, he is the magistrate. Or thus: AA
named to be strategus in the first, to be censor in the second, to
be orator in the third, and to be commissioner of the seal in the
fourth order, or the like in more or fewer orders, in which cases
if he misses of the first magistracy, he is balloted to the second;
if he misses of the second, to the third; and if he misses of the
third, to the fourth.
The ballot not finished before sunset, though the election of
the magistrates already chosen be good, voids the election of
such competitors as being chosen are not yet furnished with
magistracies, as if they had never been named (for this is no
juggling-box, but an art that must see the sun), and the ballot
for the remaining magistracies is to be repeated the next day
by new orders of electors, and such competitors as by them shall
be elected. And so in the like manner, if of all the names pro-
posed to the same magistracy, no one of them attains to above
half the suffrages in the affirmative.
The senatorian ballot of Oceana being thus described, those
of the parish, of the hundred, and of the tribe, being so little
different, that in this they are all contained, and by this may be
easily understood, are yet fully described, and made plain
enough before in the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, and
tenth orders.
This, therefore, is the general order, whence those branches of
the ballot, some whereof you have already seen, are derived;
which, with those that follow, were all read and debated in this
2 8o HARRINGTON

place at the institution. When my Lord Epimonus de Garrula,


being one of the councillors, and having no further patience
(though the rulers were composed by the agent of this common-
wealth, residing for that purpose at Venice) than to hear the
direction for the parishes, stood up and made way for himself
in this manner:

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HIGHNESS, MY LORD ARCHON :


" Under correction of Mr. Peregrin, Spy, our very learned
agent and intelligencer, I have seen the world a little, Venice,
and (as gentlemen are permitted to do) the great Council ballot-
ing. And truly I must needs say, that it is for a dumb show the
goodliest that I ever beheld with my eyes. You should have
some would take it ill, as if the noble Venetians thought them-
selves too good to speak to strangers, but they observed them
not so narrowly. The truth is, they have nothing to say to their
acquaintance; or men that are in council sure would have
tongues: for a council, and not a word spoken in it, is a contra-
diction. But there is such a pudder with their marching and
countermarching, as, though never a one of them draw a sword,
you would think they were training; which till I found that they
did it only to entertain strangers, I came from among them as
wise as I went thither. But in the Parliament of Oceana you
had no balls nor dancing, but sober conversation; a man might
know and be known, show his parts, and improve them. And
now if you take the advice of this same fellow, you will spoil all
with his whimsies. Mr. Speaker—cry you mercy, my Lord
Archon, I mean—set the wisest man of your house in the great
Council of Venice, and you will not know him from a fool.
Whereas nothing is more certain than that flat and dull fellows
in the judgment of all such as used to keep company with them
before, upon election into our house, have immediately chitted
like barley in the vat, where it acquires a new spirit, and flowed
forth into language, that I am as confident as I am here, if there
were not such as delight to abuse us, is far better than Tully's;
or, let anybody but translate one of his orations, and speak it in
the house, and see if everybody do not laugh at him.
" This is a great matter, Mr. Speaker; they do not cant it with
your book-learning, your orbs, your centres, your prime magni-
tudes, and your nebuloncs, things I profess that would make
a sober man run stark mad to hear them ; while we, who should
be considering the honor of our country, and that it goes now
or never upon our hand, whether it shall be ridiculous to all the
world, are going to nine-holes or trow madam for our business,
like your dumb Venetian, whom this same Sir Politic your res-
ident, that never saw him do anything but make faces, would in-
OCEANA 281

sinuate to you, at this distance, to have the only knack of state.


Whereas if you should take the pains, as I have done, to look
a little nearer, you would find these same wonderful things to
be nothing else but mere natural fopperies, or capriccios as they
call them in Italian, even of the meanest, of that nation. For,
put the case you be travelling in Italy, ask your contadino, that
is, the next country-fellow you meet, some question, and pres-
ently he ballots you an answer with a nod, which is affirmative;
or a shake with his head, which is the negative box; or a shrug
with his shoulder, which is the bossolo di non sinceri. Good!
Yo u will admire Sandys for telling you, that grotta di cane is
a miracle: and I shall be laughed at, for assuring you, that it
is nothing else but such a damp (continued by the neighborhood
of certain sulphur mines) as through accidental heat does some-
times happen in our coalpits. But ingratitude must not dis-
courage an honest man from doing good. There is not, I say,
such a tongue-tied generation under heaven as your Italian, that
you should not wonder if he makes signs. But our people must
have something in their diurnals; we must ever and anon be tell-
ing them our minds; or if we be at it when we raise taxes, like
those gentlemen with the finger and the thumb, they will swear
that we are cutpurses. Come, I know what I have heard them
say, when some men had money that wrought hard enough for
it; and do you conceive they will be better pleased when they
shall be told that upon like occasions you are at mumchance or
stool-ball ?
" I do not speak for myself; for though I shall always ac-
knowledge that I got more by one year's sitting in the house
than by my three years' travels, it was not of that kind. But
I hate that this same Spy, for pretending to have played at bill-
iards with the most serene Commonwealth of Venice, should
make such fools of us here, when I know that he must have had
his intelligence from some corn-cutter upon the Rialto; for a
noble Venetian would be hanged if he should keep such a fellow
company. And yet if I do not think he has made you all dote,
never trust me, my Lord Archon is sometimes in such strange
raptures. Well, good my lord, let me be heard as well as your
apple squire. Venice has fresh blood in her cheeks, I must con-
fess, yet she is but an old lady. Nor has he picked her cabinet;
these he sends you are none of her receipts, I can assure yo u;
he bought them for a Julio at St. Mark's of a mountebank. She
has no other wash, upon my knowledge, for that same envied
complexion of hers but her marshes, being a little better scented,
saving your presence, than a chamber-pot. My lords, I know
what I say, but you will never have done with it, that neither the
great Turk, nor any of those little Turks her neighbors, have
282 HARRINGTON

been able to spoil her! Why you may as well wonder that
weasels do not suck eggs in swans' nests. Do you think that it
has lain in the devotion of her beads; which you that have puked
so much at popery, are now at length resolved shall consecrate
M. Parson, and be dropped by every one of his congregation,
while those same whimsical intelligences your surveyors (you
will break my heart) give the turn to your primum mobile!
And so I think they wi ll ; for you will find that money is the
primum mobile, and they will turn you thus out of some
¿300,000 or ¿400,000: a pretty sum for urns and balls,
for boxes and pills, which these same quacksalvers are to
administer to the parishes; and for what disease I marvel! Or
how does it work? Out comes a constable, an overseer, and
a churchwarden! Mr. Speaker, I am amazed! "

Never was there goose so stuck with lard as my Lord Epi-


monus's speech with laughter, the Archon having much ado to
recover himself in such a manner as might enable him to return
these thanks:

" In your whole lives, my lords, were you never entertained


with so much ingenuity, my Lord Epimonus having at once
mended all the faults of travellers. For, first, whereas they are
abominable liars, he has not told you (except some malicious
body has misinformed him concerning poor Spy) one syllable
of falsehood. And, secondly, whereas they never fail to give
the upper hand in all their discourses to foreign nations, still
jostling their own into the kennel, he bears an honor to his coun-
try that will not dissolve in Cephalonia, nor be corrupted with
figs and melons, which I can assure you is an ordinary obliga-
tion ; and therefore hold it a matter of public concern that we
be to no occasion of quenching my lord's affections, nor is there
any such great matter between us, but, in my opinion, might be
easily reconciled, for though that which my lord gained by sit-
ting in the house, I steadfastly believe, as he can affirm, was got
fairly, yet dare I not, nor do I think, that upon consideration
he will promise for other gamesters, especially when they were
at it so high, as he intimates not only to have been in use, but to
be like enough to come about again. Wherefore say I, let them
throw with boxes, for unless we will be below the politics of an
ordinary, there is no such bar to cogging. It is known to his
lordship that our game is most at a throw, and that every cast
of our dice is in our suffrages, nor will he deny that partiality
in a suffrage is downright cogging.
" Now if the Venetian boxes be the most sovereign of all rem-
edies against this same cogging, is it not a strange thing that
OCEANA

they should be thrown first into the fire by a fair gamester? Men
are naturally subject to all kinds of passions; some you have
that are not able to withstand the brow of an enemy, and others
that make nothing of this, are less proof against that of a friend.
So that if your suffrage be barefaced, I dare say you shall not
have one fair cast in twenty. But whatever a man's fortune
be at the box, he neither knows whom to thank, nor whom to
challenge. Wherefore (that my lord may have a charitable
opinion of the choice affection which I confess to have, above
all other beauties, for that of incomparable Venice) there is in
this way of suffrage no less than a demonstration that it is the
most pure, and the purity of the suffrage in a popular govern-
ment is the health, if not the life of it, seeing the soul is not
otherwise breathed into the sovereign power than by the suffrage
of the people. Wherefore no wonder if Postellus be of opinion
that this use of the ball is the very same with that of the bean
in Athens, or that others, by the text concerning Eldad and Me-
dad, derive it from the Commonwealth of Israel. There is an-
other thing, though not so material to us, that my lord will ex-
cuse me if I be not willing to yield, which is, that Venice subsists
only by her situation. It is true that a man in time of war may
be more secure from his enemies by being in a citadel, but not
from his diseases; wherefore the first cause, if he lives long, is
his good constitution, without which his citadel were to little
purpose, and it is not otherwise with Venice."

With this speech of the Archon I conclude the proof of the


agrarian and the ballot, being the fundamental laws of this com-
monwealth, and come now from the centre to the circumfer-
ences or orbs, whereof some have been already shown; as how
the parishes annually pour themselves into the hundreds, the
hundreds into the tribes, and the tribes into the galaxies; the
annual galaxy of every tribe consisting of two knights and seven
deputies, whereof the knights constitute the Senate; the depu-
ties, the prerogative tribe, commonly called the people; and the
Senate and people constitute the sovereign power or Parliament
of Oceana. Whereof to show what the Parliament is, I must
first open the Senate, and then the prerogative tribe.
To begin with the Senate, of which (as a man is differently
represented by a picture drawer and by an anatomist) I shall
first discover the face or aspect, and then the parts, with the use
of them. Every Monday morning in the summer at seven, and
in the winter at eight, the great bell in the clock-house at the
Pantheon begins, and continues ringing for the space of one
hour; in which time the magistrates of the Senate, being attend-
ed according to their quality, with a respective number of the
284 HARRINGTON

ballotins, doorkeepers, and messengers, and having the ensigns


of their magistracies borne before them, as the sword before
the strategus, the mace before the orator, a mace with the seal
before the commissioners of the chancery, the like with the purse
before the commissioners of the treasury, and a silver wand,
like those in use with the universities, before each of the censors,
being chancellors of the same. These, with the knights, in all
300, assemble in the house or hall of the Senate.
The house or hall of the Senate being situated in the Pantheon
or palace of justice, is a room consisting of a square and a half.
In the middle of the lower end is the door, at the upper end
hangs a rich state overshadowing the greater part of a large
throne, or half-pace of two stages; the first ascended by two
steps from the floor, and the second about the middle rising two
steps higher. Upon this stand two chairs, in that on the right
hand sits the strategus, in the other the orator, adorned with
scarlet robes, after the fashion that was used by the dukes in the
aristocracy. At the right end of the upper stage stand three
chairs, in which the three commissioners of the seal are placed;
and at the other end sit the three commissioners of the treasury,
every one in a robe or habit like that of the earls. Of these
magistrates of this upper stage consists the signory. At either
end of the lower stage stands a little table, to which the secre-
taries of the Senate are set with their tufted sleeves in the habit
of civil lawyers. To the four steps, whereby the two stages of
the throne are ascended, answer four long benches, which suc-
cessively deriving from every one of the steps, continue their
respective height, and extend themselves by the side walls tow-
ard the lower end of the house, every bench being divided by
numeral characters into the thirty-seven parts or places. Upon
the upper benches sit the censors in the robes of barons; the first
in the middle of the right hand bench, and the second directly
opposite to him on the other side. Upon the rest of the benches
sit the knights, who, if they be called to the urns, distributing
themselves by the figures, come in equal files, either by the first
seat, which consists of the two upper benches on either side; or
by the second seat, consisting of the two lower benches on either
side, beginning also at the upper or at the lower ends of the
same, according to the lot whereby they are called; for which
end the benches are open, and ascended at either end with easy
stairs and large passages.
The rest of the ballot is conformable to that of the tribe; the
censors of the house sitting at the side urn, and the youngest
magistrate of the signory at the middle, the urns being placed
before the throne, and prepared according to the number of the
magistrates to be at that time chosen by the rules already given
OCEANA 285

to the censors of the tribes. But before the benches of the


knights on either side stands one being shorter, and at the upper
end of this sit the two tribunes of the horse. At the upper end
of the other, the two tribunes of the foot in their arms, the rest
of the benches being covered by the judges of the land in their
robes. But these magistrates have no suffrage, nor the trib-
unes, though they derive their presence in the Senate from the
Romans, nor the judges, though they derive theirs from the an-
cient Senate of Oceana. Every Monday this assembly sits of
course; at other times, if there be occasion, any magistrate of
the house, by giving order for the bell, or by his lictor or ensign-
bearer, calls a senate. And every magistrate or knight during
his session has the title, place, and honor of a duke, earl, baron,
or knight respectively. And every one that has borne the same
magistracy by his third session, has his respective place and title
during the term of his life, which is all the honor conferred by
this commonwealth, except upon the master of the ceremonies,
the master of the horse, and the king of the heralds, who are
knights by their places. And thus you have the face of the
Senate, in which there is scarce any feature that is not Roman
or Venetian; nor do the horns of the crescent extend themselves
much unlike those of the Sanhedrim, on either hand of the
prince, and of the father of that Senate. But upon beauty, in
which every man has his fancy, we will not otherwise philoso-
phize than to remember that there is something more than de-
cency in the robe of a judge, that would not be well spared from
the bench; and that the gravest magistrate to whom you can
commit the sword of justice, will find a quickness in the spurs
of honor, which, if they be not laid to virtue, will lay themselves
to that which may rout a commonwealth.
To come from the face of the Senate to the constitution and
use of the parts: it is contained in the peculiar orders. And the
orders which are peculiar to the Senate, are either of election
or instruction.
Elections in the Senate are of three sorts: annual, biennial,
and extraordinary.
Annual elections are performed by the schedule called the
tropic; and the tropic consists of two parts: the one containing
the magistrates, and the other the councils to be yearly elected.
The schedule or tropic of the magistrates is as follows i n —
The fifteenth order, requiring, " That upon every Monday
next ensuing the last of March, the knights of the annual gal-
axies taking their places in the Senate, be called the third region
of the same; and that the house having dismissed the first region,
and received the third, proceed to election of the magistrates
contained in the first part of the tropic, by the ensuing schedule:
286 HARRINGTON

The lord strategus,


The lord orator,
The first censor, • Annual magistrates.
The second censor,
The third commissioner of the
seal
The third commissioner of the [ Tri
e n n a l magistrates.
Treasury, J
" The annual magistrates (provided that no one man bears
above one of those honors during the term of one session) may
be elected out of any region. But the triennial magistrates may
not be elected out of any other than the third region only, lest
the term of their session expire before that of their honor; and
(it being unlawful for a man to bear magistracy any longer than
he is thereto qualified by the election of the people) cause a frac-
tion in the rotation of this commonwealth.
" The strategus is first president of the Senate, and general
of the army, if it be commanded to march; in which case there
shall be a second strategus elected to be first president of the
Senate, and general of the second army; and if this also be com-
manded to march, a third strategus shall be chosen, and so on,
as long as the commonwealth sends forth armies.
" The lord orator is the second and more peculiar president
of the Senate to whom it appertains to keep the house to orders.
" The censors, whereof the first, by consequence of his elec-
tion, is chancellor of the University of Clio, and the second of
that of Calliope, are presidents of the Council for Religion and
magistrates, to whom it belongs to keep the house to the order
of the ballot. They are also inquisitors into the ways and means
of acquiring magistracy, and have power to punish indirect pro-
ceedings in the same, by removing a knight or magistrate out
of the house, under appeal to the Senate.
" The commissioners of the seal being three, whereof the third
is annually chosen out of the third region, are judges in chan-
cery.
" The commissioners of the Treasury being three, whereof the
third is annually chosen out of the third region, are judges in
the Exchequer; and every magistrate of this schedule has right
to propose to the Senate.
" But the strategus with the six commissioners is the signory
of this commonwealth, having right of session and suffrage in
every council of the Senate, and power either jointly or severally
to propose in all or any of them."
I have little in this order to observe and prove but that the
strategus is the same honor both in name and thing that was
borne, among others, by Philopemen and Aratus in the Com-
OCEANA 287

monwealth of the Achseans; the like having been in use also


with the ^Etolians. The orator, called otherwise the speaker,
is, with small alteration, the same that had been of former use
in this nation. These two, if you will, may be compared to the
consuls in Rome, or the suffetes in Carthage, for their magis-
tracy is scarce different.
The censors derive their power of removing a senator from
those of Rome, the government of the ballot from those of Ven-
ice, and that of animadversion upon the ambitus, or canvass
for magistracy, from both.
The signory, with the whole right and use of that magistracy
to be hereafter more fully explained, is almost purely Venetian.
The second part of the tropic is directed b y —
The sixteenth order, " Whereby the constitution of the coun-
cils being four; that is to say, the Council of State, the Council
of War, the Council of Religion, and the Council of Trade, is
rendered conformable in their revolutions to that of the Senate.
A s : First, by the annual election of five knights out of the first
region of the Senate into the Council of State, consisting of fif-
teen knights, five in every region. Secondly, by the annual elec-
tion of three knights out of the third region of the Council of
State, to be proposed by the provosts, and elected by that coun-
cil, into the Council of War, consisting of nine knights, three in
every region, not excluded by this election from remaining mem-
bers also of the Council of State; the four tribunes of the people
have right of session and suffrage in the Council of War.
Thirdly, by the annual election of four knights out of the third
region of the Senate into the Council of Religion, consisting of
twelve knights, four in every region; of this council the censors
are presidents. Fourthly, by the annual election of four knights
out of the third region of the Senate into the Council of Trade,
consisting of twelve knights, four in every region. And each
region, in every one of these councils thus constituted, shall
weekly and interchangeably elect one provost whose magistracy
shall continue for one week; nor shall he be re-elected into the
same till every knight of that region in the same council has once
borne the same magistracy. And the provosts being one in every
region, three in every council, and twelve in all, beside their
other capacities, shall assemble and be a council, or rather an
Academy apart, to certain ends and purposes to be hereafter
further explained with those of the rest of the councils."
This order is of no other use than the frame and turn of the
councils, and yet of no small one; for in motion consists life,
and the motion of a commonwealth will never be current unless
it be circular. Men that, like my Lord Epimonus, not enduring
the resemblance of this kind of government to orbs and spheres,
288 HARRINGTON

fall on physicking and purging it. do no more than is necessary;


for if it be not in rotation both as to persons and things, it will
be very sick. The people of Rome, as to persons, if they had
not been taken up by the wheel of magistracy, had overturned
the chariot of the Senate. And those of Lacedsemon, as to
things, had not been so quiet when the Senate trashed their
business, by encroaching upon the result, if by the institution of
the ephors they had not brought it about again. So that if you
allow not a commonwealth her rotation, in which consists her
equality, you reduce her to a party, and then it is necessary
that you be physicians indeed, or rather farriers; for you will
have strong patients, and such as must be haltered and cast, or
yourselves may need bone-setters. Wherefore the councils of
this commonwealth, both in regard of their elections, and, as
will be shown, of their affairs, are uniform with the Senate in
their revolutions; not as whirlpits to swallow, but to bite, and
with the screws of their rotation to hold and turn a business
(like the vice of a smith) to the hand of the workman. With-
out engines of which nature it is not possible for the Senate,
much less for the people, to be perfect artificers in a political
capacity. But I shall not hold you longer from—
The seventeenth order, " Directing biennial elections, or the
constitution of the orb of ambassador-in-ordinary, consisting of
four residences, the revolution whereof is performed in eight
years, and preserved through the election of one ambassador in
two years by the ballot of the Senate to repair to the Court of
France, and reside there for the term of two years ; and the term
of two years being expired, to remove from thence to the Court
of Spain, there to continue for the space of two years, and
thence to remove to the State of Venice, and after two years'
residence in that city to conclude with his residence at Constan-
tinople for a like term of time, and so to return. A knight of
the Senate, or a deputy of the prerogative, may not be elected
ambassador-in-ordinary, because a knight or deputy so chosen
must either lose his session, which would cause an unevenness
in the motion of this commonwealth, or accumulate magistracy,
which agrees not with equality of the same. Nor may any man
be elected into this capacity that is above five-and-thirty years
of age, lest the commonwealth lose the charge of his education,
by being deprived at his return of the fruit of it, or else enjoy
it not long through the defects of nature."
This order is the perspective of the commonwealth, whereby
she foresees danger; or the traffic, whereby she receives every
two years the return of a statesman enriched with eight years'
experience from the prime marts of negotiation in Europe. And
so much for the elections in the Senate that are ordinary; such
as are extraordinary follow i n —
OCEANA 289

The eighteenth order, " Appointing all elections upon emer-


gent occasions, except that of the dictator, to be made by the
scrutiny, or that kind of election whereby a council comes to
be a fifth order of electors. For example, if there be occasion
of an ambassador-extraordinary, the provosts of the Council of
State, or any two of them, shall propose to the same, till one
competitor be chosen by tbat council; and the council having
chosen a competitor, shall bring his name into the Senate, which
in the usual way shall choose four more competitors to the same
magistracy; and put them, with the competitor of the council,
to the ballot of the house, by which he of the five that is chosen
is said to be elected by the scrutiny of the Council of State. A
vice-admiral, a polemarch, or field officer, shall be elected after
the same manner, by the scrutiny of the Council of War. A
judge or sergeant-at-law, by the scrutiny of the commissioners
of the seal. A baron, or considerable officer of the Exchequer,
by the scrutiny of the commissioners of the Treasury. Men in
magistracy, or out of it, are equally capable of election by the
scrutiny; but a magistrate or officer elected by the scrutiny to a
military employment, if he be neither a knight of the Senate nor
a deputy of the prerogative, ought to have his office confirmed
by the prerogative, because the militia in a commonwealth,
where the people are sovereign, is not lawful to be touched in-
jussu populi.
The Romans were so curious that, though their consuls
were elected in the centuriate assemblies, they might not touch
the militia, except they were confirmed in the parochial assem-
blies ; for a magistrate not receiving his power from the people,
takes it from them, and to take away their power is to take away
their liberty. As to the election by the scrutiny, it is easily per-
ceived to be Venetian, there being no such way to take in the
knowledge, which in all reason must be best in every council of
such men as are most fit for their turns, and yet to keep them
from the bias of particular affection or interest under that pre-
tence ; for the cause why the great Council in Venice scarce ever
elects any other than the name that is brought in by the scrutiny,
is very probable to be, that they may. . . . This election is
the last of those appertaining to the Senate. The councils being
chosen by the orders already shown, it remains that we come to
those whereby they are instructed; and the orders of instruction
to the councils are t wo: the first for the matter whereupon they
are to proceed, and the second for the manner of their proceed-
ing. The matter of the councils is distributed to them b y —
The nineteenth order, " Distributing to every council such
businesses as are properly to belong to their cognizance, whereof
some they shall receive and determine, and others they shall re-
ceive, prepare, and introduce into the house: as, first,
19
29 0 HARRINGTON

" The Council of State is to receive all addresses, intelli-


gences, and letters of negotiation; to give audience to ambassa-
dors sent to, and to draw up instructions for such as shall be
sent by, this commonwealth; to receive propositions from, and
hold intelligence with, the provincial councils; to consider upon
all laws to be enacted, amended, or repealed, and upon all levies
of men or money, war or peace, leagues or associations to be
made by this commonwealth, so far forth as is conducible to the
orderly preparation of the same to be introduced by them into
the Senate; provided, that all such affairs, as otherwise apper-
taining to the Council of State, are, for the good of the common-
wealth, to be carried with greater secrecy, be managed by the
Council of War, with power to receive and send forth agents,
spies, emissaries, intelligencers, frigots, and to manage affairs
of that nature, if it be necessary, without communication to the
Senate, till such time as it may be had without detriment to the
business. But they shall have no power to engage the common-
wealth in a war without the consent of the Senate and the peo-
ple. It appertains also to this council to take charge of the fleet
as admiral, and of all storehouses, armories, arsenals, and maga-
zines appertaining to this commonwealth. They shall keep a
diligent record of the military expeditions from time to time
reported by him that was strategus or general, or one of the
polemarchs in that action; or at least so far as the experience
of such commanders may tend to the improvement of the mili-
tary discipline, which they shall digest and introduce into the
Senate; and if the Senate shall thereupon frame any article, they
shall see that it be observed, in the musters or education of the
youth. And whereas the Council of Wa r is the sentinel or scout
of this commonwealth, if any person or persons shall go about
to introduce debate into any popular assembly of the same, or
otherwise to alter the present government, or strike at the root
of it, they shall apprehend, or cause to be apprehended, seized,
imprisoned, and examine, arraign, acquit, or condemn, and
cause to be executed any such person or persons, by their proper
power and authority, and without appeal.
" The Council of Religion, as the arbiter of this common-
wealth in cases of conscience more peculiarly appertaining to re-
ligion, Christian charity, and a pious life, shall have the care of
the national religion, and the protection of the liberty of con-
science with the cognizance of all causes relating to either of
them. And first as to the national religion: they shall cause all
places or preferments of the best revenue in either of the univer-
sities to be conferred upon no other than such of the most learned
and pious men as have dedicated themselves to the study of the-
ology. They shall also take a special care that, by such augmen-
OCEANA 291

tations as be or shall hereafter be appointed by the Senate, every


benefice in this nation be improved at least to the value of ¿1 00 a
year. And to the end that there be no interest at all, whereby
the divines or teachers of the national religion may be corrupt-
ed, or corrupt religion, they shall be capable of no other kind
of employment or preferment in this commonwealth. And
whereas a directory for the administration of the national relig-
ion is to be prepared by this council, they shall in this and other
debates of this nature proceed in manner following: a question
arising in matter of religion shall be put and stated by the coun-
cil in writing, which writing the censors shall send by their
beadles (being proctors chosen to attend them) each to the uni-
versity whereof he is chancellor, and the vice-chancellor of the
same receiving the writing, shall call a convocation of all the
divines of that university being above forty years of age. And
the universities, upon a point so proposed, shall have no manner
of intelligence or correspondence one with another, till their de-
bates be ended, and they have made return of their answers to
the Council of Religion by two or three of their own members,
that they may clear their sense, if any doubt should arise, to
the council, which done, they shall return, and the council, hav-
ing received such information, shall proceed according to their
own judgments, in the preparation of the whole matter for the
Senate: that so the interest of the learned being removed, there
may be a right application of reason to Scripture, which is the
foundation of the national religion.
" Secondly, this council, as to the protection of the liberty
of conscience, shall suffer no coercive power in the matter of
religion to be exercised in this nation; the teachers of the natural
religion being no other than such as voluntarily undertake that
calling, and their auditors or hearers no other than are also vol-
untary. Nor shall any gathered congregation be molested or
interrupted in their way of worship (being neither Jewish nor
idolatrous), but vigilantly and vigorously protected and defend-
ed in the enjoyment, practice, and profession of the same. And
if there be officers or auditors appointed by any such congrega-
tion for the introduction of causes into the Council of Religion,
all such causes so introduced shall be received, heard, and de-
termined by the same, with recourse had, if need be, to the
Senate.
" Thirdly, every petition addressed to the Senate, except that
of a tribe, shall be received, examined, and debated by this coun-
cil ; and such only as they, upon such examination and debate
had, shall think fit, may be introduced into the Senate.
" The Council of Trade being the vena porta of this nation,
shall hereafter receive instructions more at large. For the pres-
2Ç2 HARRINGTON

ent, their experience, attaining to a right understanding of those


trades and mysteries that feed the veins of this commonwealth,
and a true distinction of them from those that suck or exhaust
the same, they shall acquaint the Senate with the conveniences
and inconveniences, to the end that encouragement may be ap-
plied to the one, and remedy to the other.
" The Academy of the provosts, being the affability of the
commonwealth, shall assemble every day toward the evening
in a fair room, having certain withdrawing-rooms thereto
belonging; and all sorts of company that will repair thither for
conversation or discourse, so it be upon matters of government,
news, or intelligence, or to propose anything to the councils,
shall be freely and affably received in the outer chamber, and
heard in the way of civil conversation, which is to be managed
without any other awe or ceremony than is thereto usually ap-
pertaining, to the end that every man may be free, and that what
is proposed by one, may be argued or discoursed by the rest,
except the matter be of secrecy; in which case the provosts, or
some of them, shall take such as desire audience into one of the
withdrawing-rocrns. And the provosts are to give their minds
that this academy be so governed, adorned, and preserved, as
may be most attractive to men of parts and good affections to
the commonwealth, for the excellency of the conversation.
" Furthermore, if any man, not being able or willing to come
in person, has any advice to give which he judges may be for the
good of the commonwealth, he may write his mind to the Acad-
emy of the provosts, in a letter signed or not signed, which letter
shall be left with the doorkeeper of the Academy. Nor shall
any person delivering such a letter be seized, molested, or
detained, though it should prove to be a libel. But the letters so
delivered shall be presented to the provosts; and in case they be
so many that they cannot well be perused by the provosts them-
selves, they shall distribute them as they please to be read by the
gentlemen of the Academy, who, finding anything in them
material, will find matter of discourse; or if they happen upon
a business that requires privacy, return it with a note upon it
to a provost. And the provosts by the secretaries attending
shall cause such notes out of discourses or letters to be taken as
they please, to the end that they may propose, as occasion serves,
what any two of them shall think fit out of their notes so taken
to their respective councils; to the end that not only the ear of
the commonwealth be open to all, but that men of such educa-
tion being in her eye, she may upon emergent elections or occa-
sions be always provided of her choice of fit persons.
" Every council being adorned with a state for the signory,
shall be attended by two secretaries, two doorkeepers, and two
OCEANA 293

messengers-in-ordinary, and have power to command more


upon emergencies, as occasion requires. And the Academy
shall be attended with two secretaries, two messengers, and two
doorkeepers; this with the other councils being provided with
their further conveniences at the charge of the State.
" But whereas it is incident to commonwealths, upon emer-
gencies requiring extraordinary speed or secrecy, either through
their natural delays or unnatural haste, to incur equal danger,
while holding to the slow pace of their orders, they come not in
time to defend themselves from some sudden blow; or breaking
them for the greater speed, they but haste to their own destruc-
tion; if the Senate shall at any time make election of nine
knights-extraordinary, to be added to the Council of War, as a
juncta for the term of three months, the Council of War, with the
juncta so added, is for the term of the same Dictator of Oceana,
having power to levy men and money, to make war and peace,
as also to enact laws, which shall be good for the space of one
year (if they be not sooner repealed by the Senate and the peo-
ple) and for no longer time, except they be confirmed by the
Senate and the people. And the whole administration of the
commonwealth for the term of the said three months shall be
in the Dictator, provided that the Dictator shall have no power
to do anything that tends not to his proper end and institution,
but all to the preservation of the commonwealth as it is estab-
lished, and for the sudden restitution of the same to the natural
channel and common course of government. And all acts,
orders, decrees, or laws of the Council of W ar with the junota
being thus created, shall be signed,
" DICTATOR OCEANJE."

This order of instructions to the councils being (as in a matter


of that nature is requisite) very large, I have used my best skill
to abbreviate it in such manner as might show no more of it
than is necessary to the understanding of the whole, though as
to the parts, or further duties of the councils, I have omitted
many things of singular use in a commonwealth. But it was
discoursed at the council by the Archon in this manner:

" MY LORDS, THE LEGISLATORS :


" Your councils, except the Dictator only, are proper and
native springs and sources, you see, which (hanging a few sticks
and straws, that, as less considerable, would otherwise be more
troublesome, upon the banks of their peculiar channels) derive
the full stream of business into the Senate, so pure, and so far
from the possibility of being troubled or stained (as will un-
deniably appear by the course contained in the ensuing order)
2 94 HARRINGTON

with any kind of private interest or partiality, that it shall never


be possible for any assembly hearkening to the advice or infor-
mation of this or that worthy member (either instructed upon
his pillow, or while he was making himself ready, or by the pe-
tition or ticket which he received at the door) to have half the
security in his faith, or advantage by his wisdom; such a Senate
or council being, through the uncertainty of the winds, like a
wave of the sea. Nor shall it otherwise mend the matter by
flowing up into dry ditches, or referring businesses to be better
examined by committees, than to go further about with it to less
purpose; if it does not ebb back again with the more mud in it.
For in a case referred to an occasional committee, of which any
member that is desirous may get himself named, and to which
nobody will come but either for the sake of his friend or his own
interest; it fares little better as to the information of the Senate,
than if it had been referred to the parties. Wherefore the Athe-
nians being distributed into four tribes, out of which by equal
numbers they annually chose 400 men, called the Senate of the
Bean, because the ballot at their election was performed by the
use of beans, divided them by fifties into eight parts. And every
fifty in their turn, for one-eighth part of the year, was a council
apart called the Prytans.
" The Prytans in their distinct council receiving all comers,
and giving ear to every man that had anything to propose
concerning the commonwealth, had power to debate and pre-
pare all the businesses that were to be introduced into the
Senate. The Achaeans had ten selected magistrates called
the deminrgs, constituting a council apart called the syna-rchy,
which, with the strategus, prepared all the business that was
introduced into their Senate. But both the Senate of the
Athenians, and that of the Achaeans, would have wondered if
a man had told them that they were to receive all comers and
discourses, to the end that they might refer them afterward
to the Prytans or the synarchy, much less to an occasional
committee, exposed to the catch that catch may of the parties
interested. And yet Venice in this, as in most of her orders,
excels them all by the constitution of her councils, that of the
College, and the other of the Dicci, or Council of Ten. The
course of the College is exactly described in the ensuing
order: and for that of the Died, it so little differs from what
it has bestowed upon our Dictator, that I need not make any
particular description of it. But to dictatorian power in gen-
eral, and the use of it (because it must needs be of difficult
digestion to such as, puking still at ancient prudence, show
themselves to be in the nursery of mother-wit), it is no less
than necessary to say something. And, first, in a common-
OCEANA 295

wealth that is not wrought up, or perfected, this power will


be of very frequent, if not continual, use; wherefore it is said
more than once, upon defects of the government, in the book
of Judges, ' that in those days there was no king in Israel.'
Nor has the translator, though for ' no k i n g ' he should have
said ' no judge,' abused you so much; seeing that the Dictator
(and such was the Judge of Israel) or the dictatorian power
being in a single person, so little differs from monarchy, which
followed in that, that from the same cause there has been no
other effect in any commonwealth: as in Rome was manifest
by Sylla and Caesar, who to make themselves absolute or sov-
ereign, had no more to do than to prolong their magistracy;
for the dictatorian power was reputed divine, and therefore
irresistible.
" Nevertheless, so it is, that without this power, which is
so dangerous, and subject to introduce monarchy, a common-
wealth cannot be safe from falling into the like dissolution;
unless you have an expedient in this case of your own, and
bound up by your providence from recoiling. Expedients in
some cases you must not only have, but be beholden for them
to such whom you must trust at a pinch, when you have not
leisure to stand with them for security; which will be a
thousand times more dangerous. And there can never be a
commonwealth otherwise than by the order in debate wrought
up to that perfection; but this necessity must sometimes hap-
pen in regard of her natural slowness and openness, and the
suddenness of assaults that may be made upon her, as also
the secrecy which in some cases may be of absolute necessity
to her affairs. Whence Machiavel concludes it positively, that
a commonwealth unprovided of such a refuge, must fall to
ruin; for her course is either broken by the blow in one of
those cases, or by herself, while it startles her out of her
orders. And indeed a commonwealth is like a greyhound,
which, having once coasted, will never after run fair, but grow
slothful; and when it comes to make a common practice of tak-
ing nearer ways than its orders, it is dissolved: for the being
of a commonwealth consists in its orders. Wherefore at this
list you will be exposed to danger, if you have not provided
beforehand for the safety of your resort in the like cases: nor
is it sufficient that your resort be safe, unless it be as secret
and quick; for if it be slow or open, your former inconven-
iences are not remedied.
" Now for our imitation in this part, there is nothing in
experience like that of the Council of Ten in Venice; the
benefit whereof would be too long to be shown in the whole
piece, and therefore I shall take but a pattern out of Janotti.
29 6 HARRINGTON

In the war, says he, which the Venetians had with Florence
in Casentin, the Florentines, finding a necessity in their affairs
far from any other inclination in themselves to ask their peace,
sent ambassadors about it to Venice, where they were no
sooner heard, than the bargain was struck up by the Council
of T e n: and everybody admiring (seeing this commonwealth
stood upon the higher ground) what should be the reason of
such haste, the council upon the return of the ambassadors
imparted letters to the Senate, whereby it appeared that the
Turks had newly launched a formidable fleet against their
State, which, had it been understood by the Florentines, it
was well enough known they would have made no peace.
Wherefore the service of the Ten was highly applauded by
the Senate, and celebrated by the Venetians. Whereby may
appear not only in part what use there is of dictatorial! power
in that government, but that it is assumed at the discretion of
that Council; whereas in this of Oceana it is not otherwise
intrusted than when the Senate, in the election of nine knights-
extraordinary, gives at once the commission, and takes security
in a balance, added to the Council of War, though securer
before by the tribunes of the people than that of Venice, which
yet never incurred jealousy; for if the younger nobility have
been often girding at it, that happened not so much through
the apprehension of danger in it to the commonwealth, as
through the awe of it upon themselves. Wherefore the graver
have doubtlessly shown their prudence in the law; whereby
the magistracy of these councillors being to last till their suc-
cessors be created, the council is established."

The instructions of the councils for their matter being


shown, it remains that I show the instructions for the manner
of their proceeding, as they follow i n —
The twentieth order, " Containing the method of debates to
be observed by the magistrates and the councils successively
in order to a decree of the Senate.
" The magistrates of the signory, as councillors of this com-
monwealth, shall take into their consideration all matters of
state or of government; and, having right to propose in any
council, may, any one or more of them, propose what business
he or they please in that council to which it most properly
belongs. And, that the councils may be held to their duty,
the said magistrates are superintendents and inspectors of the
same, with right to propose to the Senate.
" The censors have equal power with these magistrates, but
in relation to the Council of Religion only.
" Any two of the three provosts in every council may pro-
OCEANA 297

pose to, and are the more peculiar proposers of, the same coun-
cil ; to the end that there be not only an inspection and super-
intendency of business in general, but that every work be
also committed to a peculiar hand.
" Any one or more of the magistrates, or any two of the
provosts respectively having proposed, the council shall de-
bate the business so proposed, to which they of the third
region that are willing shall speak first in their order; they
of the second, next; and they of the first, last; and the opin-
ions of those that proposed or spoke, as they shall be thought
the most considerable by the council, shall be taken by the sec-
retary of the same in writing, and each of them signed with
the name of the author.
" The opinions being thus prepared, any magistrate of the
signory, the censors, or any two of the provosts of that coun-
cil, upon this occasion may assemble the Senate.
" T h e Senate being assembled, the opinions (for example, if
they be four) shall be read in their order, that is, according
to the order or dignity of the magistrates or councillors by
which they were signed. And being read, if any of the coun-
cil introducing them will speak, they, as best acquainted with
the business, shall have precedence; and after them the sena-
tors shall speak according to their regions, beginning by the
third first, and so continuing till every man that will has
spoken; and when the opinions have been sufficiently debated,
they shall be put all together to the ballot after this manner:
" Four secretaries, carrying each of them one of the opin-
ions in one hand, with a white box in the other, and each
following the other, according to the order of the opinions,
shall present his box, naming the author of his opinion to
every senator; and one secretary or ballotin with a green
box shall follow the four white ones; and one secretary or
ballotin with a red box shall follow the green one; and every
senator shall put one ball into some one of these six boxes.
The suffrage being gathered and opened before the signory,
if the red box or non-sincere had above half the suffrages,
the opinions shall be all cast out, for the major part of the
house is not clear in the business. If no one of the four opin-
ions had above half the suffrages in the affirmative, that which
had fewest shall be cast out, and the other three shall be bal-
loted again. If no one of the three had above half, that which
had fewest shall be cast out, and the other two shall ballot
again. If neither of the two had above half, that which had
fewest shall be cast out, and the remaining opinion shall be
balloted again. And if the remaining opinion has not above
half, it shall also be cast out. But the first of the opinions
29 8 HARRINGTON

that arrives at most above half in the affirmative, is the decree


of the Senate. The opinions being all of them cast out by
the non-sincere, may be reviewed, if occasion permits, by the
council, and brought in again. If they be cast out by the nega-
tive, the case being of advice only, the house approves not,
and there is an end of it: the case being necessary, and admit-
ting delay, the council is to think again upon the business,
and to bring in new opinions; but the case being necessary,
and not admitting delay, the Senate immediately electing the
juncta shall create the Dictator. ' And let the Dictator/ as
the Roman saying is, ' take care that the commonwealth re-
ceives no harm.'
" This in case the debate concludes not in a decree. But
if a decree be passed, it is either in matter of state or govern-
ment according to law enacted already, and then it is good
without going any further: or it is in matter of law to be en-
acted, repealed, or amended; and then the decree of the
Senate, especially if it be for a war, or for a levy of men or
money, is invalid, without the result of the commonwealth,
which is in the prerogative tribe, or representative of the
people.
" The Senate having prepared a decree to be proposed to
the people, shall appoint their proposers; and no other may
propose for the Senate to the people but the magistrates of
the house; that is to say, the three commissioners of the seal,
or any two of them; the three of the Treasury, or any two of
them; or the two censors.
" The Senate having appointed their proposers, shall require
of the tribunes a muster of the people at a set time and place:
and the tribunes or any two of them having mustered the
people accordingly, the proposers shall propose the sense or
decree of the Senate by clauses to the people. And that which
is proposed by the authority of the Senate, and resolved by
the command of the people, is the law of Oceana."
To this order, implicitly containing the sum very near of
the whole civil part of the commonwealth, my Lord Archon
spoke thus in council:

" MY DEAR LORDS :


" There is a saying, that a man must cut his coat accord-
ing to his cloth. When I consider what God has allowed or
furnished to our present work, I am amazed. You would
have a popular government; he has weighed it to you in the
present balance, as I may say, to a drachm; you have no
more to do but to fix it. For the superstructures of such a
government they require a good aristocracy: and you have,
OCEANA 299

or have had a nobility or gentry the best studied, and the


best writers, at least next that of Italy, in the whole world;
nor have they been inferior, when so exercised, in the leading
of armies. But the people are the main body of a common^
wealth; show me from the treasuries of the snow (as it is in
Job) to the burning zone a people whose shoulder so universally
and so exactly fits the corselet. Nevertheless, it were conven-
ient to be well provided with auxiliaries. There is Marpesia,
through her fruitfulness, inexhaustible of men, and men
through her barrenness not only enured to hardship, but in
your arms. It may be said that Venice, excepting only that
she takes not in the people, is the most incomparable situa-
tion of a commonwealth. Yo u are Venice, taking in your
people and your auxiliaries too. My lords, the children of
Israel were makers of brick before they were builders of a
commonwealth; but our brick is made, our mortar tempered,
the cedars of Lebanon are hewed and squared to our hands.
Has this been the work of man? Or is it in man to with-
stand this work? ' Shall he that contends with the Almighty,
instruct him ? He that reproves God, let him answer it.' For
our parts, everything is so laid that when we come to have
use of it, it is the next at hand; and unless we can conceive
that God and nature do anything in vain, there is no more
for us to do but to despatch. The piece which we have reached
to us in the foregoing orders, is the aristocracy. Athens, as
has been shown, was plainly lost through the want of a good
aristocracy.
" But the sufficiency of an aristocracy goes demonstrably
upon the hand of the nobility or gentry; for that the politics
can be mastered without study, or that the people can have
leisure to study, is a vain imagination; and what kind of aris-
tocracy divines and lawyers would make, let their incurable
running upon their own narrow bias and their perpetual in-
vectives against Machiavel (though in some places justly re-
provable, yet the only politician, and incomparable patron of
the people) serve for instruction. I will stand no more to
the judgment of lawyers and divines in this work, than to
that of so many other tradesmen; but if this model chances
to wander abroad, I recommend it to the Roman speculative
(the most complete gentlemen of this age) for their censure;
or with my Lord Epimonus his leave, send 300 or 400 copies
to your agent at Venice to be presented to the magistrates
there; and when they have considered them, to be proposed
to the debate of the Senate, the most competent judges under
heaven, who, though they have great affairs, will not refuse
to return you the oracle of their ballot. The councillors of
JOO HARRINGTON

princes I will not trust; they are but journeymen. The wis-
dom of these later times in princes' affairs (says Verulamius)
is rather fine deliveries and shiftings of dangers when they be
near, than solid and grounded courses to keep them off. Their
councillors do not derive their proceedings from any sound
root of government that may contain the demonstration, and
assure the success of them, but are expedient-mongers, givers
of themselves to help a lame dog over a stile; else how comes
it to pass that the fame of Cardinal Richelieu has been like
thunder, whereof we hear the noise, but can make no demon-
stration of the reason? But to return: if neither the people,
nor divines and lawyers, can be the aristocracy of a nation,
there remains only the nobility; in which style, to avoid
further repetition, I shall understand the gentry also, as the
French do by the word noblesse.
" Now to treat of the nobility in such sort as may be less
obnoxious to mistake, it will be convenient, and answerable to
the present occasion, that I divide my discourse into four
parts:
" The first treating of nobility, and the kinds of it;
" The second, of their capacity of the Senate;
" The third, of the divers kinds of senates;
" The fourth, of the Senate, according to the foregoing
orders.
" Nobility may be defined divers ways ; for it is either an-
cient riches, or ancient virtue, or a title conferred by a prince
or a commonwealth.
• " Nobility of the first kind may be subdivided into two
others, such as hold an overbalance in dominion or property to
the whole people, or such as hold not an overbalance. In
the former case, a nobility (such was the Gothic, of which
sufficient has been spoken) is incompatible with popular gov-
ernment ; for to popular government it is essential that power
should be in the people, but the overbalance of a nobility in
dominion draws the power to themselves. Wherefore in this
sense it is that Machiavel is to be understood, where he says,
that these are pernicious in a commonwealth; and of France,
Spain, and Italy, that they are nations which for this cause
are the corruption of the world: for otherwise nobility may,
according to his definition (which is, ' that they are such as
live upon their own revenues in plenty, without engagement
either to the tilling of their lands, or other work for their liveli-
hood '), hold an undcrbalance to the people; in which case
they are not only safe, but necessary to the natural mixture
of a well-ordered commonwealth.
" For how else can you have a commonwealth that is not
OCEANA 301

altogether mechanic? or what comparison is there of such


commonwealths as are, or come nearest to mechanic—for ex-
ample, Athens, Switzerland, Holland, to Lacedaemon, Rome,
and Venice, plumed with their aristocracies? Your mechan-
ics, till they have first feathered their nests, like the fowls of
the air, whose whole employment is to seek their food, are
so busied in their private concernments that they have neither
leisure to study the public, nor are safely to be trusted with
it, because a man is not faithfully embarked in this kind of
ship, if he has no share in the freight. But if his share be
such as gives him leisure by his private advantage to reflect
upon that of the public, what other name is there for this sort
of men, being a leur aise, but (as Machiavel you see calls them)
nobility? Especially when their families come to be such as
are noted for their services done to the commonwealth, and
so take into their ancient riches ancient virtue, which is the
second definition of nobility, but such a one as is scarce pos-
sible in nature without the former. ' For as the baggage,'
says Verulamius, ' is to an army, so are riches to virtue; they
cannot be spared nor left behind, though they be impediments,
such as not only hinder the march, but sometimes through the
care of them lose or disturb the victory.' Of this latter sort
is the nobility of Oceana; the best of all others because they,
having no stamp whence to derive their price, can have it no
otherwise than by their intrinsic value. The third definition
of nobility, is a title, honor, or distinction from the people,
conferred or allowed by the prince or the commonwealth. And
this may be two ways, either without any stamp or privilege,
as in Oceana; or with such privileges as are inconsiderable,
as in Athens after the battle of Platasa, whence the nobility
had no right, as such, but to religious offices, or inspection
of the public games, to which they were also to be elected by
the people; or with privileges, and those considerable ones,
as the nobility in Athens before the battle of Plataaa, and the
patricians in Rome each of which had right, or claimed it, to
the Senate and all the magistracies; wherein for some time
they only by their stamp were current.
" But to begin higher, and to speak more at large of nobil-
ity in their several capacities of the Senate. The phylarchs,
or princes of the tribes of Israel, were the most renowned,
or, as the Latin, the most noble of the congregation, whereof
by hereditary right they had the leading and judging. The
patriarchs, or princes of families, according as they declared
their pedigrees, had the like right as to their families; but
neither in these nor the former was there any hereditary right
to the Sanhedrim: though there be little question but the wise
302 HARRINGTON

men and understanding, and known among their tribes, which


the people took or elected into those or other magistracies,
and whom Moses made rulers over them, must have been of
these, seeing they could not choose but be the most known
among the tribes, and were likeliest by the advantages of edu-
cation to be the most wise and understanding.
" Solon having found the Athenians neither locally nor
genealogically, but by their different ways of life, divided into
four tribes—that is, into the soldiery, the tradesmen, the
husbandmen, and the goatherds—instituted a new distribution
of them, according to the sense or valuation of their estates,
into four classes: the first, second, and third consisting of such
as were proprietors in land, distinguished by the rate of their
freeholds, with that stamp upon them, which making them
capable of adding honor to their riches, that is to say, of the
Senate, and all the magistracies, excluded the fourth, being
the body of the people, and far greater in number tban the
former three, from all other right, as to those capacities, ex-
cept the election of these, who by this means became an heredi-
tary aristocracy or senatorian order of nobility. This was that
course which came afterward to be the destruction of Rome,
and had now ruined Athens. The nobility, according to the
inevitable nature of such a one, having laid the plot how to
divest the people of the result, and so to draw the whole power
of the commonwealth to themselves; which in all likelihood
they had done, if the people, coming by mere chance to be
victorious in the battle of Platsea, and famous for defending
Greece against the Persians, had not returned with such cour-
age as irresistibly broke the classes, to which of old they had
borne a white tooth, brought the nobility to equal terms, and
the Senate with the magistracies to be common to both; the
magistracies by suffrage, and the Senate (which was the mis-
chief of it, as I shall show anon in that constitution) by lot
only.
" The Lacedaemonians were in the manner, and for the same
cause with the Venetians at this day, no other than a nobil-
ity, even according to the definition given of nobility by
Machiavel; for they neither exercised any trade, nor labored
their lands or lots, which was done by their helots: where-
fore some nobility may be far from pernicious in a common-
wealth by Machiavel's own testimony, who is an admirer of
this, though the servants thereof were more in number than
the citizens. To these servants I hold the answer of Lycurgus
—whe n he bade him who asked why he did not admit the
people to the government of his commonwealth, to go home
and admit his servants to the government of his family—to
OCEANA 3°3

relate: for neither were the Lacedaemonians servants, nor,


further, capable of the government, unless, whereas the con-
gregation had the result, he should have given them the debate
also; every one of these that attained to sixty years of age,
and the major vote of the congregation, being equally capable
of the Senate.
" The nobility of Rome, and their capacity of the Senate, I
have already described by that of Athens before the battle of
Platasa, saving only that the Athenian was never eligible into
the Senate without the suffrage of the people till the intro-
duction of the lot, but the Roman nobility ever: for the patri-
cians were elected into the Senate by the kings, by the consuls,
or the censors, or if a plebeian happened to be conscribed, he
and his posterity became patricians. Nor, though the people
had many disputes with the nobility, did this ever come in
controversy, which, if there had been nothing else, might in
my judgment have been enough to overturn that common-
wealth.
" The Venetian nobility, but that they are richer, and not
military, resemble at all other points the Lacedaemonian, as I
have already shown. These Machiavel excepts from his rule,
by saying that their estates are rather personal than real, or
of any great revenue in land, which comes to our account, and
shows that a nobility or party of the nobility, not overbalanc-
ing in dominion, is not dangerous, but of necessary use in
every commonwealth, provided it be rightly ordered; for if
it be so ordered as was that of Rome, though they do not over-
balance at the beginning, as they did not there, it will not be
long ere they do, as is clear both in reason and experience
toward the latter end. That the nobility only be capable of
the Senate is there only not dangerous, where there be no
other citizens, as in this government and that of Lacedsemon.
" The nobility of Holland and Switzerland, though but few,
have privileges not only distinct from the people, but so great
that in some sovereignties they have a negative voice; an
example which I am far from commending, being such as (if
those governments were not cantonized, divided, and subdi-
vided into many petty sovereignties that balance one another,
and in which the nobility, except they had a prince at the head
of them, can never join to make work) would be the most
dangerous that ever was, but the Gothic, of which it favors.
For in ancient commonwealths you shall never find a nobility
to have had a negative but by the poll, which, the people being
far more in number, came to nothing; whereas these have it,
be they never so few, by their stamp or order.
" Ours of Oceana have nothing else but their education and
3°4 HARRINGTON

their leisure for the public, furnished by their ease and com-
petent riches: and their intrinsic value, which, according as
it comes to hold weight in the judgment or suffrage of the
people, is their only way to honor and preferment. Wherefore
I would have your lordships to look upon your children as
such, who, if they come to shake off some part of their bag-
gage, shall make the more quick and glorious march; for it
was nothing else but the baggage, sordidly plundered by the
nobility of Rome, that lost the victory of the whole world in
the midst of her triumph.
" Having followed the nobility thus dose, they bring us,
according to their natural course and divers kinds, to the divers
constitutions of the Senate.
" That of Israel (as was shown by my right noble Lord
Phosphorus de Auge , in the opening of the commonwealth)
consisted of seventy elders, elected at first by the people. But
whereas they were for life, they ever after (though without
any divine precept for it) substituted their successors by ordi-
nation, which ceremony was most usually performed by im-
position of hands; and by this means a commonwealth of as
popular institution as can be found became, as it is accounted
by Josephus, aristocratical. From this ordination derives that
which was introduced by the Apostles into the Christian
Church; for which cause I think it is that the Presbyterians
would have the government of the Church to be aristocratical,
though the Apostles, to the end, as I conceive, that they might
give no occasion to such a mistake, but show that they in-
tended the government of the Church to be popular, ordained
elders, as has been shown, by the holding up of hands (or
free suffrage of the people) in every congregation or ccclesia:
for that is the word in the original, being borrowed from the
civil congregations of the people in Athens and Lacedasmon,
which were so called; and the word for holding up of hands
in the text is also the very same, which signified the suffrage
of the people in Athens, ^eipoTovrjaavre^; for the suffrage of
the Athenians was given per chirotonian, says Emmius.
" The Council of the Bean (as was shown by my Lord
Navarchus de Paralo in his full discourse), being the pro-
posing Senate of Athens (for that of the Areopagites was
a judicatory), consisted of 400, some say 500 senators,
elected annually, all at once, and by a mere lot without suf-
frage. Wherefore though the Senate, to correct the temerity
of the lot, had power to cast out such as they should judge
unworthy of that honor, this related to manners only, and was
not sufficient to repair the commonwealth, which by such
means became impotent; and forasmuch as her Senate con-
OCEANA 3«5
sisted not of the natural aristocracy, which in a common-
wealth is the only spur and rein of the people, it was cast
headlong by the rashness of her demagogues or grandees into
ruin; while her Senate, like the Roman tribunes (who almost
always, instead of governing, were rather governed by the mul-
titude), proposed not to the result only, but to the debate also
of the people, who were therefore called to the pulpits, where
some vomited, and others drank, poison.
" The Senate of Lacedaemon, most truly discovered by my
Lord Laco de Scytale, consisted but of thirty for life, whereof
the two kings, having but single votes, were hereditary, the
rest elected by the free suffrage of the people, but out of such
as were sixty years of age. These had the whole debate of
the commonwealth in themselves, and proposed to the result
only of the people. And now the riddle which I have hereto-
fore found troublesome to unfold, is out; that is to say, why
Athens and Lacedaemon, consisting each of the Senate and the
people, the one should be held a democracy, and the other an
aristocracy, or laudable oligarchy, as it is termed by Isocrates;
for that word is not, wherever you meet it, to be branded, see-
ing it is used also by Aristotle, Plutarch, and others, some-
times in a good sense. The main difference was that the peo-
ple in this had the result only, and in that the debate and result,
too. But for my part, where the people have the election of
the Senate, not bound to a distinct order, and the result, which
is the sovereign power, I hold them to have that share in the
government (the Senate being not for life) whereof, with
the safety of the commonwealth, they are capable in nature,
and such a government, for that cause, to be democracy;
though I do not deny but in Lacedsemon, the paucity of the
senators considered, it might be called oligarchy, in compari-
son of Athens; or, if we look on their continuance for life,
though they had been more, aristocracy.
" The Senate of Rome (whose fame has been heard to
thunder in the eloquence of my Lord Dolabella d'Enyo) con-
sisting of 300, was, in regard of the number, less oligarchical
than that of Lacedasmon; but more in regard of the patricians,
who, having an hereditary capacity of the same, were not
elected to that honor by the people; but, being conscribed by
the censors, enjoyed it for life. Wherefore these, if they had
their wills, would have resolved as well as debated; which
set the people at such variance with them as dissolved the
commonwealth; whereas if the people had enjoyed the result,
that about the agrarian, as well as all other strife, must of
necessity have ceased.
" The Senates of Switzerland and Holland (as I have learnt
20
3o6 HARRINGTON

of my Lords Alpester and Glaucus), being bound up (like


the sheaf of arrows which the latter gives) by leagues, lie
like those in their quivers; but arrows, when they come to
be drawn, fly from this way and from that; and I am con-
tented that these concerned us not.
" That of Venice (by the faithful testimony of my most
excellent Lord Linceus de Stella) has obliged a world, suffi-
ciently punished by its own blindness and ingratitude, to re-
pent and be wiser: for whereas a commonwealth in which
there is no senate, or where the senate is corrupt, cannot stand,
the great Council of Venice, like the statue of Nilus, leans
upon an urn or waterpot, which pours forth the Senate in
so pure and perpetual a stream, as being unable to stagnate,
is forever incapable of corruption. The fuller description of
this Senate is contained in that of Oceana; and that of Oceana
in the foregoing orders. To every one of which, because some-
thing has been already said, I shall not speak in particular.
But in general, your Senate, and the other assembly, or the
prerogative, as I shall show in due place, are perpetual, not
as lakes or puddles, but as the rivers of Eden; and are beds
made, as you have seen, to receive the whole people, by a due
and faithful vicissitude, into their current. They are not, as
in the late way, alternate. Alternate life in government is
the alternate death of it.
" This was the Gothic work, whereby the former govern-
ment (which was not only a ship, but a gust, too) could never
open her sails, but in danger to overset herself, neither could
make any voyage nor lie safe in her own harbor. The wars
of later ages, says Verulamius, seem to be made in the dark,
in respect of the glory and honor which reflected on men from
the wars in ancient times. Their shipping of this sort was
for voyages; ours dare not launch, nor lies it safe at home.
Your Gothic politicians seem to me rather to have invented
some new ammunition or gunpowder, in their King and Par-
liament, than government. For what is become of the princes
(a kind of people) in Germany?—blown up. Where are the
estates, or the power of the people in France ?—blown up.
Where is that of the people in Arragon, and the rest of the
Spanish kingdoms?—blown up. On the other side, where is
the King of Spain's power in Holland?—blown up. Where is
that of the Austrian princes in Switzerland ?—blown up. This
perpetual peevishness and jealousy, under the alternate empire
of the prince and of the people, are obnoxious to every spark.
Nor shall any man show a reason that will be holding in pru-
dence, why the people of Oceana have blown up their King,
but that their kings did not first blow up them. The rest is
OCEANA 3°7

discourse for ladies. Wherefore your parliaments are not


henceforth to come out of the bag of JEolus, but by your
galaxies, to be the perpetual food of the fire of Vesta.
" Your galaxies, which divide the house into so many re-
gions, are three; one of which constituting the third region
is annually chosen, but for the term of three years; which
causes the house (having at once blossoms, fruit half ripe, and
others dropping off in full maturity) to resemble an orange-
tree, such as is at the same time an education or spring, and
a harvest, too; for the people have made a very ill-choice in
the man, who is not easily capable of the perfect knowledge
in one year of the senatorian orders; which knowledge, allow-
ing him for the first to have been a novice, brings him the
second year to practise, and time enough. For at this rate
you must always have 200 knowing men in the government.
And thus the vicissitude of your senators is not perceivable
in the steadiness and perpetuity of your Senate; which, like
that of Venice, being always changing, is forever the same.
And though other politicians have not so well imitated their
pattern, there is nothing more obvious in nature, seeing a man
who wears the same flesh but a short time, is nevertheless the
same man, and of the same genius; and whence is this but
from the constancy of nature, in holding a man to her orders ?
Wherefore keep also to your orders. But this is a mean
request; your orders will be worth little if they do not hold
you to them, wherefore embark. They are like a ship, if you
be once aboard, you do not carry them, but they you; and
see how Venice stands to her tackling: you will no more
forsake them than you will leap into the sea.
" But they are very many and difficult. O my Lords, what
seaman casts away his card because it has four-and-twenty
points of the compass? and yet those are very near as many
and as difficult as the orders in the whole circumference of your
commonwealth. Consider, how have we been tossed with
every wind of doctrine, lost by the glib tongues of your dema-
gogues and grandees in our own havens? A company of
fiddlers that have disturbed your rest for your groat; ¿2,000
to one, ¿3,000 a year to another, has been nothing. And for
what? Is there one of them that yet knows what a common-
wealth is? And are you yet afraid of such a government in
which these shall not dare to scrape for fear of the statute?
Themistocles could not fiddle, but could make of a small city a
great commonwealth: these have fiddled, and for your money,
till they have brought a great commonwealth to a small city.
" It grieves me, while I consider how, and from what causes,
imaginary difficulties will be aggravated, that the foregoing
3 o8 HARRINGTON

orders are not capable of any greater clearness in discourse or


writing; but if a man should make a book, describing every
trick and passage, it would fare no otherwise with a game
at cards; and this is no more, if a man plays upon the square.
' There is a great difference,' says Verulamius, ' between a
cunning man and a wise man (between a demagogue and a
legislator), not only in point of honesty, but in point of abil-
ity, as there be that can pack the cards, and yet cannot play
well; so there be some that are good in canvasses and frac-
tions, that are otherwise weak men.' Allow me but these
orders, and let them come with their cards in their sleeves, or
pack if they can. ' Again,' says he, ' it is one thing to under-
stand persons, and another to understand matters; for many
are perfect in men's humors that are not greatly capable of
the real part of business, which is the constitution of one that
has studied men more than books. But there is nothing more
hurtful in a State than that cunning men should pass for wise.'
His words are an oracle. As Dionysius, when he could no
longer exercise his tyranny among men, turned schoolmaster,
that he might exercise it among boys. Allow me but these
orders, and your grandees, so well skilled in the baits and
palates of men, shall turn rat-catchers.
" And whereas ' councils (as is discreetly observed by the
same author in his time) are at this day, in most places, but
familiar meetings (somewhat like the Academy of our pro-
vosts), where matters are rather talked on than debated, and
run too swift to order an act of council,' give me my orders,
and see if I have not puzzled your demagogues.
" It is not so much my desire to return upon haunts, as
theirs that will not be satisfied; wherefore if, notwithstanding
what was said of dividing and choosing in our preliminary
discourses, men will yet be returning to the question, Why
the Senate must be a council apart (though even in Athens,
where it was of no other constitution than the popular assem-
bly, the distinction of it from the other was never held less
than necessary) this may be added to the former reasons, that
if the aristocracy be not for the debate, it is for nothing; but
if it be for debate, it must have convenience for it; and what
convenience is there for debate in a crowd, where there is
nothing but jostling, treading upon one another, and stirring
of blood, than which in this case there is nothing more dan-
gerous ? Truly, it was not ill said of my Lord Epimonus, that
Venice plays her game, as it were, at billiards or nine-holes;
and so may your lordships, unless your ribs be so strong that
you think better of football: for such sport is debate in a
popular assembly, as, notwithstanding the distinction of the
Senate, was the destruction of Athens."
OCEANA 309

This speech concluded the debate which happened at the


institution of the Senate. The next assembly is that of the
people or prerogative tribe.
The face, or mien, of the prerogative tribe for the arms,
the horses, and the discipline, but more especially for the se-
lect men, is that of a very noble regiment, or rather of t wo;
the one of horse, divided into three troops (besides that of
the provinces, which will be shown hereafter), with their cap-
tains, cornets, and two tribunes of the horse at the head of
them; the other of foot in three companies (beside that of
the provinces), with their captains, ensigns, and two tribunes
of the foot at the head of them. The first troop is called the
Phcenix, the second the Pelican, and the third the Swallow.
The first company the Cypress, the second the Myrtle, and
the third the Spray. Of these again (not without a near
resemblance of the Roman division of a tribe) the Phoenix and
the Cypress constitute the first class, the Pelican and the Myr-
tle the second, and the Swallow with the Spray the third, re-
newed every spring b y —
The one-and-twentieth order, " Directing, that upon every
Monday next ensuing the last of March, the deputies of the
annual galaxy arriving at the pavilion in the halo, and elect-
ing one captain and one cornet of the Swallow (triennial offi-
cers) by and out of the cavalry at the horse urn, according to
the rules contained in the ballot of the hundred; and one cap-
tain with one ensign of the Spray (triennial officers) by and
out of the infantry at the foot urn, after the same way of
balloting, constitute and become the third classes of the pre-
rogative tribe."
Seven deputies are annually returned by every tribe, where-
of three are horse and four are foot; and there be fifty
tribes: so the Swallow must consist of 150 horse, the Spray
of 200 foot. And the rest of the classes being two, each of
them in number equal, the whole prerogative (beside the
provinces, that is, the knights and deputies of Marpesia and
Panopea) must consist of 1,050 deputies. And these troops
and companies may as well be called centuries as those of the
Romans; for the Romans related not, in so naming theirs,
to the number. And whereas they were distributed according
to the valuation of their estates, so are these; which, by virtue
of the last order, are now accommodated with their triennial
officers. But there be others appertaining to this tribe whose
election, being of far greater importance, is annual, as follows
in
The twenty-second order, " Whereby the first class having
elected their triennial officers, and made oath to the old tribunes,
HARRINGTON

that they will neither introduce, cause, nor to their power suf-
fer debate to be introduced into any popular assembly of this
government, but to their utmost be aiding and assisting to
seize and deliver any person or persons in that way offending,
and striking at the root of this commonwealth, to the Coun-
cil of War, are to proceed with the other two classes of the
prerogative tribe to election of the new tribunes, being four
annual magistrates, whereof two are to be elected out of the
cavalry at the horse urn, and two out of the infantry at the
foot urn, according to the common ballot of the tribes. And
they may be promiscuously chosen out of any classes, provided
that the same person shall not be capable of bearing the
tribunitian honor twice in the term of one galaxy. The trib-
unes thus chosen shall receive the tribe (in reference to the
power of mustering and disciplining the same) as com-
manders-in-chief, and for the rest as magistrates, whose proper
function is prescribed by the next order. The tribunes may
give leave to any number of the prerogative, not exceeding
100 at a time, to be absent, so they be not magistrates nor
officers, and return within three months. If a magistrate or
officer has a necessary occasion, he may also be absent for
the space of one month, provided that there be not above three
cornets or ensigns, two captains, or one tribune so absent at
one time."

To this the Archon spoke at the institution after this manner:

" MY LORDS :
" It is affirmed by Cicero, in his oration for Flaccus, that
the commonwealths of Greece were all shaken or ruined by
the intemperance of their Comitia, or assemblies of the peo-
ple. The truth is, if good heed in this point be not taken, a
commonwealth will have bad legs. But all the world knows
he should have excepted Lacedaamon, where the people, as has
been shown by the oracle, had no power at all of debate, nor
(till after Lysander, whose avarice opened a gulf that was
not long ere it swallowed up his country) came it ever to be
exercised by them. Whence that commonwealth stood longest
and firmest of any other but this, in our days, of Venice;
which, having underlaid herself with the like institution, owes
a great, if not the greatest, part of her steadiness to the same
principle; the great Council, which is with her the people,
by the authority of my Lord Epimonus, never speaking a
word. Nor shall any commonwealth, where the people in
their political capacity is talkative, ever see half the days of
one of these, but, being carried away by vainglorious men
OCEANA 3"

(that, as Overbury says, void more than they drink), swim


down the stream, as did Athens, the most prating of these
dames, when that same ranting fellow Alcibiades fell a-dema-
goguing for the Silician War.
" But whereas debate, by the authority and experience of
Lacedsemon and Venice, is not to be committed to the people
in a well-ordered government, it may be said that the order
specified is but a slight bar in a matter of like danger; for
so much as an oath, if there be no recourse upon the breach
of it, is a weak tie for such hands as have the sword in them,
wherefore what should hinder the people of Oceana, if they
happen not to regard an oath from assuming debate, and mak-
ing themselves as much an anarchy as those of Athens? To
which I answer, Take the common sort in a private capacity,
and, except they be injured, you shall find them to have a bash-
fulness in the presence of the better sort, or wiser men,
acknowledging their abilities by attention, and accounting it
no mean honor to receive respect from them; but if they be
injured by them, they hate them, and the more for being wise
or great, because that makes it the greater injury. Nor re-
frain they in this case from any kind of intemperance of speech,
if of action. It is no otherwise with a people in their political
capacity; you shall never find that they have assumed debate
for itself, but for something else. Wherefore in Lacedsemon
where there was, and in Venice where there is, nothing else
for which they should assume it, they have never shown so
much as an inclination to it.
" Nor was there any appearance of such a desire in the peo-
ple of Rome (who from the time of Romulus had been very
well contented with the power of result either in the parochial
assemblies, as it was settled upon them by him, or in the meet-
ings of the hundreds, as it was altered in their regard for the
worse by Servius Tullius) till news was brought, some fifteen
years after the exile of Tarquin, their late Ki ng (during which
time the Senate had governed pretty well), that he was dead
at the Court of Aristodemus the tyrant of Cumae. Whereupon
the patricians, or nobility, began to let out the hitherto dis-
sembled venom which is inherent in the root of oligarchy, and
fell immediately upon injuring the people beyond all modera-
tion. For whereas the people had served both gallantly and
contentedly in arms upon their own charges, and, though joint
purchasers by their swords of the conquered lands, had not
participated in the same to above two acres a man (the rest
being secretly usurped by the patricians), they, through the
meanness of their support and the greatness of their expense,
being generally indebted, no sooner returned home with vic-
312 HARRINGTON

tory to lay down their arms, than they were snatched up by


their creditors, the nobility, to cram jails. Whereupon, but
with the greatest modesty that was ever known in the like
case, they first fell upon debate, affirming ' That they were
oppressed and captivated at home, while abroad they fought
for liberty and empire, and that the freedom of the common
people was safer in time of war than peace, among their ene-
mies than their fellow-citizens.' It is true that when they
could not get the Senate, through fear, as was pretended by
the patricians, to assemble and take their grievances into con-
sideration, they grew so much the warmer, that it was glad
to meet; where Appius Claudius, a fierce spirit, was of opin-
ion that recourse should be had to consular power, whereby
some of the brands of sedition being taken off, the flame might
be extinguished. Servilius, being of another temper, thought
it better and safer to try if the people might be bowed than
broken.
" But this debate was interrupted by tumultuous news of
the near approach of the Volsci, a case in which the Senate
had no recourse but to the people, who, contrary to their
former custom upon the like occasions, would not stir a foot,
but fell a-laughing, and saying, ' Let them fight that have
something to fight for.' The Senate that had purses, and
could not sing so well before the thief, being in a great per-
plexity, found no possible way out of it but to beseech Ser-
vilius, one of a genius well known to be popular, that he would
accept of the consulship, and make some such use of it as
might be helpful to the patrician interest. Servilius, accept-
ing of the offer, and making use of his interest with the people,
persuaded them to hope well of the good intention of the
fathers, whom it would little beseem to be forced to those
things which would lose their grace, and that in view of the
enemy, if they came not freely; and withal published an edict,
that no man should withhold a citizen of Rome by imprison-
ment from giving his name (for that was the way, as I shall
have opportunity hereafter to show more at large, whereby
they drew out their armies), nor to seize or sell any man's
goods or children that were in the camp. Whereupon the peo-
ple with a mighty concourse immediately took arms, marched
forth, and (which to them was as easy as to be put into the
humor, and that, as appears in this place, was not hard) totally
defeated the Volsci first, then the Sabines (for the neighbor-
ing nations, hoping to have had a good bargain of the discord
in Rome, were up in arms on all sides), and after the Sabines
the Aurunci. Whence returning, victorious in three battles
they expected no less than that the Senate would have made
OCEANA 3! 3

good their words, when Appius Claudius, the other Consul, of


his innate pride, and that he might frustrate the faith of his
colleague, caused the soldiers (who being set at liberty, had
behaved themselves with such valor) to be restored at their
return to their creditors and their jails.
" Great resort upon this was made by the people to Servilius,
showing him their wounds, calling him to witness how they
had behaved themselves, and minding him of his promise.
Poor Servilius was sorry, but so overawed with the headi-
ness of his colleague, and the obstinacy of the whole faction
of the nobility, that, not daring to do anything either way, he
lost both parties, the fathers conceiving that he was ambitious,
and the people that he was false; while the Consul Claudius,
continuing to countenance such as daily seized and imprisoned
some of the indebted people, had still new and dangerous con-
troversies with them, insomuch that the commonwealth was
torn with horrid division, and the people (because they found
it not so safe or so effectual in public) minded nothing but
laying their heads together in private conventicles. For this
Aulus Virginius and Titus Vetusius, the new Consuls, were
reproved by the Senate as slothful, and upbraided with the vir-
tue of Appius Claudius. Whereupon the Consuls having de-
sired the Senate that they might know their pleasure, showed
afterward their readiness to obey it, by summoning the peo-
ple according to command, and requiring names whereby to
draw forth an army for diversion, but no man would answer.
Report hereof being made to the Senate, the younger sort of
the fathers grew so hot with the Consuls that they desired them
to abdicate the magistracy, which they had not the courage to
defend.
" The Consuls, though they conceived themselves to be
roughly handled, made this soft answer: 'Fathers conscript,
that you may please to take notice it was foretold some horrid
sedition is at hand, we shall only desire that they whose valor
in this place is so great, may stand by us to see how we be-
have ourselves, and then be as resolute in your commands as
you will; your fatherhoods may know if we be wanting in
the performance.'
" At this some of the hot young noblemen returned with
the Consuls to the tribunal, before which the people were yet
standing; and the Consuls having generally required names
in vain, to put it to something, required the name of one that
was in their eye particularly; on whom, when he moved not,
they commanded a lictor to lay hands; but the people, throng-
ing about the party summoned, forbade the lictor, who durst
not touch him; at which the hotspurs that came with the con-
31 4 HARRINGTON

suls, enraged by the affront, descended from the throne to


the aid of the lictor; from whom in so doing they turned the
indignation of the people upon themselves with such heat that
the Consuls interposing, thought fit, by remitting the assembly,
to appease the tumult; in which, nevertheless, there had been
nothing but noise. Nor was there less in the Senate, being
suddenly rallied upon this occasion, where they that received
the repulse, with others whose heads were as addled as their
own, fell upon the business as if it had been to be determined
by clamor, till the Consuls, upbraiding the Senate that it dif-
fered not from the market-place, reduced the house to orders.
" And the fathers, having been consulted accordingly, there
were three opinions: Publius Virginius conceived that the con-
sideration to be had upon the matter in question, or aid of the
indebted and imprisoned people, was not to be further ex-
tended than to such as had engaged upon the promise made
by Servilius; Titus Largius, that it was no time to think it
enough, if men's merits were acknowledged, while the whole
people, sunk under the weight of their debts, could not emerge
without some common aid, which to restrain, by putting some
into a better condition than others, would rather more inflame
the discord than extinguish i t; Appius Claudius (still upon
the old haunt) would have it that the people were rather
wanton than fierce; it was not oppression that necessitated,
but their power that invited them to these freaks; the empire
of the Consuls since the appeal to the people (whereby a ple-
beian might ask his fellows if he were a thief) being but a
mere scarecrow. ' Go to,' says he, ' let us create the dicta-
tor, from whom there is no appeal, and then let me see more
of this work, or him that shall forbid my lictor.'
" The advice of Appius was abhorred by many; and to in-
troduce a general recision of debts with Largius, was to vio-
late all faith; that of Virginius, as the most moderate, would
have passed best, but that there were private interests, that
constant bane of the public, which withstood it. So they con-
cluded with Appius, who also had been dictator, if the Consuls
and some of the graver sort had not thought it altogether un-
seasonable, at a time when the Volsci and the Sabines were up
again, to venture so far upon alienation of the people: for
which cause Valerius, being descended from the Publicólas,
the most popular family, as also in his own person of a mild
nature, was rather trusted with so rigid a magistracy. Whence
it happened that the people, though they knew well enough
against whom the Dictator was created, feared nothing from
Valerius; but upon a new promise made to the same effect
with that of Servilius, hoped better another time, and throw-
OCEANA 3*5

ing away all disputes, gave their names roundly, went out, and,
to be brief, came home again as victorious as in the former
action, the Dictator entering the city in triumph. Nevertheless,
when he came to press the Senate to make good his promise,
and do something for the ease of the people, they regarded
him no more as to that point than they had done Servilius.
Whereupon the Dictator, in disdain to be made a stale, ab-
dicated his magistracy, and went home. Here, then, was a
victorious army without a captain, and a Senate pulling it by
the beard in their gowns. What is it (if you have read the
story, for there is not such another) that must follow? Can
any man imagine that such only should be the opportunity
upon which this people could run away?
" Alas, poor men, the iEqui and the Volsci and the Sabines
were nothing, but the fathers invincible! There they sat, some
300 of them armed all in robes, and thundering with their
tongues, without any hopes in the earth to reduce them to any
tolerable conditions. Wherefore, not thinking it convenient to
abide long so near them, away marches the army, and encamps
in the fields. This retreat of the people is called the secession
of Mount Aventin, where they lodged, very sad at their con-
dition, but not letting fall so much as a word of murmur
against the fathers. The Senate by this time were great lords,
had the whole city to themselves; but certain neighbors were
upon the way that might come to speak with them, not asking
leave of the porter. Wherefore their minds became troubled,
and an orator was posted to the people to make as good con-
ditions with them as he could; but, whatever the terms were,
to bring them home, and with all speed. And here it was
covenanted between the Senate and the people, that these
should have magistrates of their own election, called the trib-
unes, upon which they returned.
" To hold you no longer, the Senate having done this upon
necessity, made frequent attempts to retract it again, while
the tribunes, on the other side, to defend what they had got,
instituted their Tributa Comitia, or council of the people;
where they came in time, and, as disputes increased, to make
laws without the authority of the Senate, called plebiscita.
Now to conclude in the point at which I drive: such were the
steps whereby the people of Rome came to assume debate, nor
is it in art or nature to debar a people of the like effect, where
there is the like cause. For Romulus, having in the election
of his Senate squared out a nobility for the support of a
throne, by making that of the patricians a distinct and heredi-
tary order, planted the commonwealth upon two contrary in-
terests or roots, which, shooting forth, in time produced two
3i6 HARRINGTON

commonwealths, the one oligarchical in the nobility, the other


a mere anarchy of the people, and ever after caused a per-
petual feud and enmity between the Senate and the people,
even to death.
" There is not a more noble or useful question in the politics
than that which is started by Machiavel, whether means were
to be found whereby the enmity that was between the Senate
and the people of Rome could have been removed? Nor is
there any other in which we, on the present occasion, are so
much concerned, particularly in relation to this author; for-
asmuch as his judgment in the determination of the question
standing, our commonwealth falls. And he that will erect a
commonwealth against the judgment of Machiavel, is obliged
to give such reasons for his enterprise as must not go a-beg-
ging. Wherefore to repeat the politician very honestly, but
somewhat more briefly, he disputes thus:
" ' There be two sorts of commonwealths, the one for pres-
ervation, as Lacedasmon and Venice; the other for increase, as
Rome.
"' Lacedsemon, being governed by a King and a small
Senate, could maintain itself a long time in that condition,
because the inhabitants, being few, having put a bar upon
the reception of strangers, and living in a strict observation
of the laws of Lycurgus, which now had got reputation, and
taken away all occasion of tumults, might well continue long
in tranquillity. For the laws of Lycurgus introduced a greater
equality in estates, and a less equality in honors, whence there
was equal poverty; and the plebeians were less ambitious, be-
cause the honors or magistracies of the city could extend but
to a few and were not communicable to the people, nor did
the nobility by using them ill ever give them a desire to par-
ticipate of the same. This proceeded from the kings, whose
principality, being placed in the midst of the nobility, had
no greater means whereby to support itself than to shield the
people from all injury; whence the people, not fearing empire,
desired it not; and so all occasion of enmity between the Senate
and the people was taken away. But this union happened
especially from two causes: the one that the inhabitants of
Laced;emon being few, could be governed by the few; the
other, that, not receiving strangers into their commonwealth,
they did not corrupt it, nor increase it to such a proportion
as was not governable by the few.
" ' Venice has not divided with her plebeians, but all are
called gentlemen that be in administration of the government;
for which government she is more beholden to chance than
the wisdom of her law-makers; for many retiring to those
OCEANA 3*7

islands, where that city is now built, from the inundations of


barbarians that overwhelmed the Roman Empire, when they
were increased to such a number that to live together it was
necessary to have laws, they ordained a form of government,
whereby assembling often in council upon affairs, and finding
their number sufficient for government, they put a bar upon all
such as repairing afterward to their city should become inhab-
itants, excluding them from participation of power. Whence
they that were included in the administration had right, and
they that were excluded, coming afterward, and being re-
ceived upon no other conditions to be inhabitants, had no
wrong, and therefore had no occasion, nor (being never
trusted with arms) any means to be tumultuous. Wherefore
this commonwealth might very well maintain itself in tran-
quillity.
" ' These things considered, it is plain that the Roman legis-
lators, to have introduced a quiet state, must have done one
of these two things: either shut out strangers, as the Lacede-
monians ; or, as the Venetians, not allowed the people to bear
arms. But they did neither. By which means the people, hav-
ing power and increase, were in perpetual tumult. Nor is this
to be helped in a commonwealth for increase, seeing if Rome
had cut off the occasion of her tumults, she must have cut off
the means of her increase, and by consequence of her greatness.
"' Wherefore let a legislator consider with himself whether
he would make his commonwealth for preservation, in which
case she may be free from tumults; or for increase, in which
case she must be infested with them.
" ' If he makes her for preservation, she may be quiet at
home, but will be in danger abroad. First, because her founda-
tion must be narrow, and therefore weak, as that of Lacedae-
mon, which lay but upon 30,000 citizens; or that of Venice,
which lies but upon 3,000. Secondly, such a commonwealth
must either be in peace, or war ; if she be in peace, the few
are soonest effeminated and corrupted and so obnoxious also
to faction. If in war, succeeding ill, she is an easy prey; or
succeeding well, ruined by increase: a weight which her foun-
dation is not able to bear. For Lacedaemon, when she had made
herself mistress upon the matter of all Greece, through a slight
accident, the rebellion of Thebes, occasioned by the conspiracy
of Pelopidas discovering this infirmity of her nature, the rest
of her conquered cities immediately fell off, and in the turn
as it were of a hand reduced her from the fullest tide to the
lowest ebb of her fortune. And Venice having possessed her-
self of a great part of Italy by her purse, was no sooner in
defence of it put to the trial of arms than she lost all in one
battle.
3 i8 HARRINGTON

"' Whence I conclude that in the ordination of a common-


wealth a legislator is to think upon that which is most honor-
able, and, laying aside models for preservation, to follow the
example of Rome conniving at, and temporizing with, the
enmity between the Senate and the people, as a necessary step
to the Roman greatness. For that any man should find out
a balance that may take in the conveniences and shut out the
inconveniences of both, I do not think it possible.' These are
the words of the author, though the method be somewhat
altered, to the end that I may the better turn them to my pur-
pose.
" My lords, I do not know how you hearken to this sound;
but to hear the greatest artist in the modern world giving
sentence against our commonwealth is that with which I
am nearly concerned. Wherefore, with all honor due to
the prince of politicians, let us examine his reasoning with
the same liberty which he has asserted to be the right of a
free people. But we shall never come up to him, except by
taking the business a little lower, we descend from effects to
their causes. The causes of commotion in a commonwealth
are either external or internal. External are from enemies,
from subjects, or from servants. To dispute then what was
the cause why Rome was infested by the Italian, or by the
servile wars; why the slaves took the capitol; why the Lace-
daemonians were near as frequently troubled with their helots
as Rome with all those; or why Venice, whose situation is
not trusted to the faith of men, has as good or better quarter
with them whom she governs, than Rome had with the Latins;
were to dispute upon external causes. The question put by
Machiavel is of internal causes; whether the enmity that was
between the Senate and the people of Rome might have been
removed. And to determine otherwise of this question than
he does, I must lay down other principles than he has done.
To which end I affirm that a commonwealth, internally con-
sidered, is either equal or unequal. A commonwealth that is
internally equal, has no internal cause of commotion, and
therefore can have no such effect but from without. A com-
monwealth internally unequal has no internal cause of quiet,
and therefore can have no such effect but by diversion.
" To prove my assertions, I shall at this time make use of
no other than his examples. Lacedsemon was externally un-
quiet, because she was externally unequal, that is as to her
helots; and she was internally at rest, because she was equal
in herself, both in root and branch; in the root by her agrarian,
and in branch by the Senate, inasmuch as no man was thereto
qualified but by election of the people. Which institution of
OCEANA

Lycurgus is mentioned by Aristotle, where he says that ren-


dering his citizens emulous (not careless) of that honor, he
assigned to the people the election of the Senate. Wherefore
Machiavel in this, as in other places, having his eye upon the
division of patrician and plebeian families as they were in
Rome, has quite mistaken the orders of this commonwealth,
where there was no such thing. Nor did the quiet of it derive
from the power of the kings, who were so far from shielding
the people from the injury of the nobility, of which there was
none in his sense but the Senate, that one declared end of the
Senate at the institution was to shield the people from the
kings, who from that time had but single votes. Neither did
it proceed from the straitness of the Senate, or their keeping
the people excluded from the government, that they were quiet,
but from the equality of their administration, seeing the Senate
(as is plain by the oracle, their fundamental law) had no more
than the debate, and the result of the commonwealth belonged
to the people.
" Wherefore when Theopompus and Polydorus, Kings of
Lacedsemon, would have kept the people excluded from the
government by adding to the ancient law this clause, ' If the
determination of the people be faulty, it shall be lawful for
the Senate to resume the debate,' the people immediately became
unquiet, and resumed that debate, which ended not till they had
set up their ephors, and caused that magistracy to be confirmed
by their kings. ' For when Theopompus first ordained that
the ephori or overseers should be created at Lacedsemon, to be
such a restraint upon the kings there as the tribunes were
upon the consuls at Rome, the Queen complained to him, that
by this means he transmitted the royal authority greatly dimin-
ished to his children: " I leave indeed less," answered he,
" but more lasting." And this was excellently said; for that
power only is safe which is limited from doing hurt. Theo-
pompus therefore, by confining the kingly power within the
bounds of the laws, did recommend it by so much to the peo-
ple's affection as he removed it from being arbitrary.' By
which it may appear that a commonwealth for preservation, if
she comes to be unequal, is as obnoxious to enmity between
the Senate and the people as a commonwealth for increase;
and that the tranquillity of Lacedaemon was derived from no
other cause than her equality.
" For Venice, to say that she is quiet because she disarms
her subjects, is to forget that Lacedsemon disarmed her helots,
and yet could not in their regard be quiet; wherefore if Venice
be defended from external causes of commotion, it is first
through her situation, in which respect her subjects have no
320 HARRINGTON

hope (and this indeed may be attributed to her fortune) ; and,


secondly, through her exquisite justice, whence they have no
will to invade her. But this can be attributed to no other
cause than her prudence, which will appear to be greater, as we
look nearer; for the effects that proceed from fortune, if there
be any such thing, are like their cause, inconstant. But there
never happened to any other commonwealth so undisturbed
and constant a tranquillity and peace in herself as are in that
of Venice; wherefore this must proceed from some other
cause than chance. And we see that as she is of all others the
most quiet, so the most equal commonwealth. Her body con-
sists of one order, and her Senate is like a rolling stone, as
was said, which never did, nor, while it continues upon that
rotation, never shall gather the moss of a divided or ambitious
interest, much less such a one as that which grasped the peo-
ple of Rome in the talons of their own eagles. And if Mach¬
iavel, averse from doing this commonwealth right, had con-
sidered her orders, as his reader shall easily perceive he never
did, he must have been so far from attributing the prudence of
them to chance, that he would have touched up his admirable
work to that perfection which, as to the civil part, has no pat-
tern in the universal world but this of Venice.
" Rome, secure by her potent and victorious arms from all
external causes of commotion, was either beholden for her peace
at home to her enemies abroad, or could never rest her head.
My lords, you that are parents of a commonwealth, and so freer
agents than such as are merely natural, have a care. For, as
no man shall show me a commonwealth born straight that ever
became crooked, so no man shall show me a commonwealth born
crooked that ever became straight. Rome was crooked in her
birth, or rather prodigious. Her twins, the patrician and
plebeian orders, came, as was shown by the foregoing story,
into the world, one body but two heads, or rather two bellies;
for, notwithstanding the fable out of yEsop, whereby Menenius
Agrippa, the orator that was sent from the Senate to the people
at Mount Aventin, showed the fathers to be the belly, and the
people to be the arms and the legs (which except that, how sloth-
ful soever it might seem, they were nourished, not these only,
but the whole body must languish and be dissolved), it is plain
that the fathers were a distinct belly; such a one as took the meat
indeed out of the people's mouths, but abhorring the agrarian,
returned it not in the due and necessary nutrition of a common-
wealth. Nevertheless, as the people that live about the cata-
racts of Nilus are said not to hear the noise, so neither the
Roman writers, nor Machiavel the most conversant with them,
seem among so many of the tribunitian storms to hear their
OCEANA 321

natural voice; for though they could not miss of it so far as to


attribute them to the strife of the people for participation in
magistracy, or, in which Machiavel more particularly joins, to
that about the agrarian, this was to take the business short, and
the remedy for the disease.
" A people, when they are reduced to misery and despair, be-
come their own politicians, as certain beasts, when they are sick,
become their own physicians, and are carried by a natural in-
stinct to the desire of such herbs as are their proper cure; but
the people, for the greater part, are beneath the beasts in the use
of them. Thus the people of Rome, though in their misery they
had recourse by instinct, as it were, to the two main fundamen-
tals of a commonwealth, participation of magistracy and the
agrarian, did but taste and spit at them, not (which is necessary
in physic) drink down the potion, and in that their healths. For
when they had obtained participation of magistracy it was but
lamely, not to a full and equal rotation in all elections; nor did
they greatly regard it in what they had got. And when they
had attained to the agrarian, they neglected it so far as to suffer
the law to grow obsolete; but if you do not take the due dose
of your medicines (as there be slight tastes which a man may
have of philosophy that incline to atheism) it may chance to be
poison, there being a like taste of the politics that inclines to con-
fusion ; as appears in the institution of the Roman tribunes, by
which magistracy and no more the people were so far from at-
taining to peace, that they in getting but so much, got but heads
for an eternal feud; whereas if they had attained in perfection
either to the agrarian, they had introduced the equality and calm
of Lacedaemon, or to rotation, and they had introduced that of
Venice: and so there could have been no more enmity between
the Senate and the people of Rome than there was between those
orders in Lacedaemon, or is now in Venice. Wherefore Machia-
vel seems to me, in attributing the peace of Venice more to her
luck than her prudence, of the whole stable to have saddled the
wrong horse; for though Rome in her military part could beat it
better, beyond all comparison, upon the sounding hoof, Venice
for the civil part has plainly had the wings of Pegasus.
" The whole question then will come upon this point, whether
the people of Rome could have obtained these orders? And
first, to say that they could not have obtained them without alter-
ing the commonwealth, is no argument; seeing neither could
they, without altering the commonwealth, have obtained their
tribunes, which nevertheless were obtained. And if a man con-
siders the posture that the people were in when they obtained
their tribunes, they might as well, and with as great ease (for-
asmuch as the reason why the nobility yielded to the tribunes
21
322 HARRINGTON

was no other than that there was no remedy) have obtained any-
thing else. And for experience, it was in the like case that the
Lacedaemonians did set up their ephors,and the Athenians,after
the battle of Plataea, bowed the Senate (so hard a thing it is for
a commonwealth that was born crooked to become straight) as
much the other way. Nor, if it be objected that this must have
ruined the nobility (and in that deprived the commonwealth of
the greatness which she acquired by them), is this opinion hold-
ing, but confuted by the sequel of the story, showing plainly
that the nobility, through the defect of such orders (that is to
say, of rotation and the agrarian), came to eat up the people;
and battening themselves in luxury, to be, as Sallust speaks of
them, ' a most sluggish and lazy nobility, in whom, besides the
name, there was no more than in a statue;' and to bring so
mighty a commonwealth, and of so huge a glory, to so deplora-
ble an end. Wherefore means might have been found to remove
the enmity that was between the Senate and the people of Rome.
" My lords, if I have argued well, I have given you the com-
fort and assurance that, notwithstanding the judgment of
Machiavel, your commonwealth is both safe and sound; but if I
have not argued well, then take the comfort and assurance which
he gives you while he is firm, that a legislator is to lay aside all
other examples, and follow that of Rome only, conniving and
temporizing with the enmity between the Senate and the people
as a necessary step to the Roman greatness. Whence it follows
that your commonwealth, at the worst, is that which he has
given you his word is the best.
" I have held your lordships long, but upon an account of no
small importance, which I can now sum up in these few words:
where there is a liquorishness in a popular assembly to debate,
it proceeds not from the constitution of the people, but of the
commonwealth. Now that your commonwealth is of such a
constitution as is naturally free from this kind of intemperance,
is that which, to make good, I must divide the remainder of my
discourse into two parts :
" The first, showing the several constitutions of the assem-
blies of the people in other commonwealths;
" The second, comparing our assembly of the people with
theirs ; and showing how it excludes the inconveniences and em-
braces the conveniences of them all.
" In the beginning of the first part I must take notice, that
among the popular errors of our days it is no small one that men
imagine the ancient governments of this kind to have consisted
for the most part of one city, that is, of one town; whereas by
what we have learned of my lords that opened them, it appears
that there was not any considerable one of such a constitution
but Carthage, till this in our days of Venice.
OCEANA 3 23

" For to begin with Israel, it consisted of the twelve tribes,


locally spread or quartered throughout the whole territory; and
these being called together by trumpets, constituted the Church
or assembly of the people. The vastness of this weight, as also
the slowness thence unavoidable, became a great cause (as has
been shown at large by my Lord Phosphorus) of the breaking
that commonwealth; notwithstanding that the Temple, and
those religious ceremonies for which the people were at least
annually obliged to repair thither, were no small ligament of
the tribes, otherwise but slightly tacked together.
" Athens consisted of four tribes, taking in the whole people,
both of the city and of the territory; not so gathered by Theseus
into one town, as to exclude the country, but to the end that
there might be some capital of the commonwealth: though true
it be, that the congregation, consisting of the inhabitants within
the walls, was sufficient to all intents and purposes, without
those of the country. These also being exceeding numerous,
became burdensome to themselves and dangerous to the com-
monwealth ; the more for their ill-education, as is observed by
Xenophon and Polybius, who compare them to mariners that in
a calm are perpetually disputing and swaggering one with an-
other, and never lay their hands to the common tackling or
safety till they be all endangered by some storm. Which caused
Thucydides, when he saw this people through the purchase of
their misery become so much wiser as to reduce their Comitia
or assemblies to 5,000, to say in his eighth book: ' And now, at
least in my time, the Athenians seem to have ordered their State
aright, consisting of a moderate tempor both of the few (by
which he means the Senate of the Bean) and of the many,' or
the 5)° ° °- And he does not only give you his judgment, but
the best proof of it; for ' this,' says he, ' was the first thing that,
after so many misfortunes past, made the city again to raise her
head.' The place I would desire your lordships to note, as the
first example that I find, or think is to be found, of a popular
assembly by way of representative.
" Lacedsemon consisted of 30,000 citizens dispersed through-
out Laconia, one of the greatest provinces in all Greece, and
divided, as by some authors is probable, into six tribes. Of the
whole body of these, being gathered, consisted the great Church
or assembly, which had the legislative power; the little church,
gathered sometimes for matters of concern within the city, con-
sisted of the Spartans only. These happened, like that of Ven-
ice, to be good constitutions of a congregation, but from an ill-
cause the infirmity of a commonwealth, which through her
paucity was oligarchical.
Wherefore, go which way you will, it should seem that
HARRINGTON
3 4
2

without a representative of the people, your commonwealth,


consisting of a whole nation, can never avoid falling either into
oligarchy or confusion.
" This was seen by the Romans, whose rustic tribes, extending
themselves from the river Arno to the Vulturnus, that is, from
Fesulae or Florence to Capua, invented a way of representative
by lots: the tribe upon which the first fell being the prerogative,
and some two or three more that had the rest, the jure vocatce.
These gave the suffrage of the commonwealth in two meetings;
the prerogative at the first assembly, and the jure vocatce at a
second.
" Now to make the parallel: all the inconveniences that you
have observed in these assemblies are shut out, and all the con-
veniences taken into your prerogative. For first, it is that for
which Athens, shaking off the blame of Xenophon and Polybius,
came to deserve the praise of Thucydides, a representative.
And, secondly, not, as I suspect in that of Athens, and is past
suspicion in this of Rome, by lot, but by suffrage, as was also
the late House of Commons, by which means in your preroga-
tives all the tribes of Oceana are jure vocatce; and if a man shall
except against the paucity of the standing number, it is a wheel,
which in the revolution of a few years turns every hand that is
fit, or fits every hand that it turns to the public work. Moreover,
I am deceived if, upon due consideration, it does not fetch your
tribes, with greater equality and ease to themselves and to the
government, from the frontiers of Marpesia, than Rome ever
brought any one of hers out of her pomccria, or the nearest parts
of her adjoining territories. To this you may add, that whereas
a commonwealth, which in regard of the people is not of facility
in execution, were sure enough in this nation to be cast off
through impatience ; your musters and galaxies arc given to the
people, as milk to babes, whereby when they are brought up
through four days' election in a whole year (one at the parish,
one at the hundred, and two at the tribe) to their strongest meat,
it is of no harder digestion than to give their negative or affirma-
tive as they see cause. There be gallant men among us that
laugh at such an appeal or umpire; but I refer it whether you be
more inclining to pardon them or me, who I confess have been
this day laughing at a sober man, but without meaning him any
harm, and that is Petrus Cunseus, where speaking of the nature
of the people, he says, ' that taking them apart, they are very
simple, but yet in their assemblies they see and know some-
thing :' and so runs away without troubling himself with what
that something is. Whereas the people, taken apart, are but so
many private interests; but if you take them together, they are
the public interest.
OCEANA 3*5

" The public interest of a commonwealth, as has been shown,


is nearest that of mankind, and that of mankind is right reason;
but with aristocracy (whose reason or interest, when they are
all together, as appeared by the patricians, is but that of a party)
it is quite contrary: for as, taken apart, they are far wiser than
the people considered in that manner, so, being put together,
they are such fools, who by deposing the people, as did those of
Rome, will saw off the branch whereupon they sit, or rather de-
stroy the root of their own greatness. Wherefore Machiavel,
following Aristotle, and yet going before him, may well assert,
' that the people are wiser and more constant in their resolutions
than a prince:' which is the prerogative of popular government
for wisdom. And hence it is that the prerogative of your com-
monwealth, as for wisdom so for power, is in the people, which
(though I am not ignorant that the Roman prerogative was so
called a prcerogando, because their suffrage was first asked)
gives the denomination to your prerogative tribe."

The elections, whether annual or triennial, being shown by


the twenty-second, that which comes in the next place to be con-
sidered i s —
The twenty-third order, " Showing the power, function, and
manner of proceeding of the prerogative tribe.
" The power or function of the prerogative is of two parts:
the one of result, in which it is the legislative power; the other
of judicature, in which regard it is the highest court, and the
last appeal in this commonwealth.
" For the former part (the people by this constitution being
not obliged by any law that is not of their own making or con-
firmation, by the result of the prerogative, their equal repre-
sentative) it shall not be lawful for the Senate to require obedi-
ence from the people, nor for the people to give obedience to the
Senate in or by any law that has not been promulgated, or print-
ed and published for the space of six weeks, and afterward
proposed by the authority of the Senate to the prerogative tribe,
and resolved by the major vote of the same in the affirmative.
Nor shall the Senate have any power to levy war, men, or money,
otherwise than by the consent of the people so given, or by a
law so enacted, except in cases of exigence, in which it is agreed
that the power, both of the Senate and the people, shall be in the
dictator, so qualified, and for such a term of time, as is accord-
ing to that constitution already prescribed. While a law is in
promulgation, the censors shall animadvert upon the Senate,
and the tribunes upon the people, that there be no laying of
heads together, no conventicles or canvassing to carry on or op-
pose anything; but that all may be done in a free and open way.
326 HARRINGTON

" For the latter part of the power of the prerogative, or that
whereby they are the supreme judicatory of this nation, and of
the provinces of the same, the cognizances of crimes against the
majesty of the people, such as high treason, as also of pecula-
tion, that is, robbery of the treasury, or defraudation of the com-
monwealth, appertains to this tribe. And if any person or per-
sons, provincials or citizens, shall appeal to the people, it belongs
to the prerogative to judge and determine the case; provided
that if the appeal be from any court of justice in this nation or
the provinces, the appellant shall first deposit ¿ 100 in the court
from which he appeals, to be forfeited to the same if he be cast
in his suit by the people. But the power of the Council of War
being the expedition of this commonwealth, and the martial law
of the strategus in the field, are those only from which there shall
lie no appeal to the people.
" The proceeding of the prerogative in case of a proposition
is to be thus ordered: The magistrates, proposing by authority
of the Senate, shall rehearse the whole matter, and expound it
to the people; which done, they shall put the whole together to
the suffrage, with three boxes, the negative, the affirmative, and
the non-sincere; and the suffrage being returned to the tribunes,
and numbered in the presence of the proposers. If the major
vote be in the non-sincere, the proposer shall desist, and the Sen-
ate shall resume the debate. If the major vote be in the nega-
tive, the proposers shall desist, and the Senate, too. But if the
major vote be in the affirmative, then the tribe is clear, and the
proposers shall begin and put the whole matter, with the nega-
tive and the affirmative (leaving out the non-sincere) by clauses ;
and the suffrages being taken and numbered by the tribunes in
the presence of the proposers, shall be written and reported by
the tribunes of the Senate. And that which is proposed by the
authority of the Senate, and confirmed by the command of the
people, is the law of Oceana.
" The proceeding of the prerogative in a case of judicature is
to be thus ordered: The tribunes being auditors of all causes
appertaining to the cognizance of the people, shall have notice
of the suit or trial, whether of appeal or otherwise, that is to be
commenced; and if any one of them shall accept of the same,
it appertains to him to introduce it. A cause being introduced,
and the people mustered or assembled for the decision of the
same, the tribunes are presidents of the court, having power to
keep it to orders, and shall be seated upon a scaffold erected in
the middle of the tribe. Upon the right hand shall stand a seat
or large pulpit assigned to the plaintiff or the accuser ; and, upon
the left, another for the defendant, each if they please with his
counsel. And the tribunes (being attended upon such occasions
OCEANA 327

with so many ballotins, secretaries, doorkeepers, and messen-


gers of the Senate as shall be requisite) one of them shall turn
up a glass of the nature of an hour-glass, but such a one as is
to be of an hour and a half's running; which being turned up,
the party or counsel on the right hand may begin to speak to the
people. If there be papers to be read, or witnesses to be exam-
ined, the officer shall lay the glass sideways till the papers be
read and the witnesses examined, and then turn it up again; and
so long as the glass is running, the party on the right hand has
liberty to speak, and no longer. The party on the right hand
having had his time, the like shall be done in every respect for
the party on the left. And the cause being thus heard, the
tribunes shall put the question to the tribe with a white, a black,
and a red box (or non-sincere), whether guilty or not guilty.
And if the suffrage being taken, the major vote be in the non-
sincere, the cause shall be reheard upon the next juridicial day
following, and put to the question in the same manner. If the
major vote comes the second time in the non-sincere, the cause
shall be heard again upon the third day; but at the third hearing
the question shall be put without the non-sincere. Upon the
first of the three days in which the major vote comes in the white
box, the party accused is absolved; and upon the first of them
in which it comes in the black box, the party accused is con-
demned. The party accused being condemned, the tribunes (if
the case be criminal) shall put with the white and the black box
these questions, or such of them as, regard had to the case, they
shall conceive most proper:

1. Whether he shall have a writ of ease;


2. Whether he shall be fined so much or so much;
3. Whether he shall be confiscated;
4. Whether he shall be rendered incapable of magistracy;
5. Whether he shall be banished;
6. Whether he shall be put to death.

" These, or any three of these questions, whether simple or


such as shall be thought fitly mixed, being put by the tribunes,
that which has most above half the votes in the black box is the
sentence of the people, which the troop of the third class is to
see executed accordingly.
" But whereas by the constitution of this commonwealth it
may appear that neither the propositions of the Senate nor the
judicature of the people will be so frequent as to hold the pre-
rogative in continual employment, the Senate, a main part of
whose office it is to teach and instruct the people, shall duly (if
they have no greater affairs to divert them) cause an oration
3 28 HARRINGTON

to be made to the prerogative by some knight or magistrate of


the Senate, to be chosen out of the ablest men, and from time
to time appointed by the orator of the house, in the great hall of
the Pantheon, while the Parliament resides in the town, or in
some grove or sweet place in the field, while the Parliament for
the heat of the year shall reside in the country, upon every Tues-
day, morning or afternoon.
" And the orator appointed for the time to this office shall first
repeat the orders of the commonwealth with all possible brev-
ity ; and then, making choice of one or some part of it, discourse
thereof to the people. An oration or discourse of this nature,
being afterward perused by the Council of State, may as they
see cause be printed and published."

The Archon's comment upon the order I find to have been of


this sense:

" MY LORDS :
" To crave pardon for a word or two in further explanation
of what was read, I shall briefly show how the constitution of
this tribe or assembly answers to their function; and how their
function, which is of two parts, the former in the result or legis-
lative power, the latter in the supreme judicature of the com-
monwealth, answers to their constitution. Machiavel has a dis-
course, where he puts the question, ' Whether the guard of lib-
erty may with more security be committed to the nobility or to
the people ? ' Which doubt of his arises through the want of
explaining his terms; for the guard of liberty can signify noth-
ing else but the result of the commonwealth : so that to say that
the guard of liberty may be committed to the nobility, is to say
that the result may be committed to the Senate, in which case
the people signify nothing.
" Now to show it was a mistake to affirm it to have been thus
in Lacedaemon, sufficient has been spoken; and whereas he will
have it to be so in Venice also: 'The y,' says Contarini, ' i n
whom resides the supreme power of the whole commonwealth,
and of the laws, and upon whose orders depends the authority
as well of the Senate as of all the other magistrates, is the Great
Council.' It is institutively in the Great Council, by the judg-
ment of all that know that commonwealth; though, for the rea-
sons shown, it be sometimes exercised by the Senate. Nor need
I run over the commonwealths in this place for the proof of a
thing so doubtless, and such as has been already made so ap-
parent, as that the result of each was in the popular part of it.
The popular part of yours, or the prerogative tribe, consists of
seven deputies (whereof three are of the horse) annually elected
OCEANA 39
2

out of every tribe of Oceana; which being fifty, amounts to 150


horse and 200 foot. And the prerogative consisting of three of
these lists, consists of 450 horse and 600 foot, besides those of
the provinces to be hereafter mentioned; by which means the
overbalance in the suffrage remaining to the foot by 150 votes,
you have to the support of a true and natural aristocracy the
deepest root of a democracy that has been ever planted.
" Wherefore there is nothing in art or nature better qualified
for the result than this assembly. It is noted out of Cicero by
Machiavel, ' That the people, though they are not so prone to
find out truth of themselves as to follow custom or run into
error, yet if they be shown truth, they not only acknowledge and
embrace it very suddenly, but are the most constant and faith-
ful guardians and conservators of it.' It is your duty and office,
whereto you are also qualified by the orders of this common-
wealth, to have the people as you have your hawks and grey-
hounds, in leashes and slips, to range the fields and beat the
bushes for them; for they are of a nature that is never good at
this sport, but when you spring or start their proper quarry.
Think not that they will stand to ask you what it is, or less know
it than your hawks and greyhounds do theirs; but presently
make such a flight or course, that a huntsman may as well
undertake to run with his dogs, or a falconer to fly with his
hawk, as an aristocracy at this game to compare with the people.
The people of Rome were possesssed of no less a prey than the
empire of the world, when the nobility turned tails, and perched
among daws upon the tower of monarchy. For though they
did not all of them intend the thing, they would none of them
endure the remedy, which was the agrarian.
" But the prerogative tribe has not only the result, but is the
supreme judicature, and the ultimate appeal in this common-
wealth. For the popular government that makes account to be
of any standing, must make sure in the first place of the appeal
to the people. As an estate in trust becomes a man's own if he
be not answerable for it, so the power of a magistracy not ac-
countable to the people, from whom it was received, becoming
of private use, the commonwealth loses her liberty. Wherefore
the right of supreme judicature in the people (without which
there can be no such thing as popular government) is confirmed
by the constant practice of all commonwealths; as that of Israel
in the cases of Achan, and of the tribe of Benjamin, adjudged
by the congregation.
" The dicasterian, or court called the heliaia in Athens, which
(the comitia of that commonwealth consisting of the whole peo-
ple, and so being too numerous to be a judicatory) was consti-
tuted sometimes of 5°°> at others of 1,000, or, according to the
HARRINGTON
33°

greatness of the cause, of 1,500, elected by the lot out of the


whole body of the people, had, with the nine Archons that were
presidents, the cognizance of such causes as were of highest im-
portance in that State. The five ephors in Lacedaemon, which
were popular magistrates, might question their kings, as ap-
pears by the cases of Pausanias, and of Agis, who being upon
his trial in this court, was cried to by his mother to appeal to the
people, as Plutarch has it in his life. The tribunes of the peo-
ple of Rome (like, in the nature of their magistracy, and for
some time in number, to the ephors, as being, according to Hali-
carnassus and Plutarch, instituted in imitation of them) had
power to summon any man, his magistracy at least being ex-
pired (for from the Dictator there lay no appeal) to answer for
himself to the people. As in the case of Coriolanus, who was
going about to force the people, by withholding corn from them
in a famine, to relinquish the magistracy of the tribunes, in that
of Spurius Cassius for affecting tyranny, of Marcus Sergius
for running away at Veii, of Caius Lucretius for spoiling his
province, of Junius Silanus for making war without a command
from the people against the Cimbri, with divers others. And
the crimes of this nature were called Iccscc majestatis, or high
treason. Examples of such as were arraigned or tried for pecu-
lation, or defraudation of the commonwealth, were Marcus
Curius for intercepting the money of the Samnites, Salinator
for the unequal division of spoils to his soldiers, Marcus Post-
humius for cheating the commonwealth by a feigned shipwreck.
Causes of these two kinds were of a more public nature; but
the like power upon appeals was also exercised by the people in
private matters, even during the time of the kings, as in the case
of Horatius. Nor is it otherwise with Venice, where the Doge
Loredano was sentenced by the great Council, and Antonio
Grimani, afterward doge, questioned, for that he, being admiral,
had suffered the Turk to take Lepanto in view of his fleet.
" Nevertheless, there lay no appeal from the Roman dictator
to the people; which, if there had, might have cost the common-
wealth dear, when Spurius Melius, affecting empire, circum-
vented and debauched the tribunes: whereupon Titus Quintus
Cincinnatus was created Dictator, who having chosen Servilius
Ahala to be his lieutenant, or magistcr cquitum, sent him to ap-
prehend Melius, whom, while he disputed the commands of the
Dictator and implored the aid of the people, Ahala cut off upon
the place. By which example you may see in what cases the
dictator may prevent the blow which is ready sometimes to fall
ere the people be aware of the danger. Wherefore there lies no
appeal from the Dieci, or the Council of Ten, in Venice, to the
Great Council, nor from our Council of War to the people. For
OCEANA 331

the way of proceeding of this tribe, or the ballot, it is, as was


once said for all, Venetian.
" This discourse of judicatories whereupon we are fallen,
brings us rather naturally than of design from the two general
orders of every commonwealth, that is to say, from the debating
part, or the Senate, and the resolving part, or the people, to the
third, which is the executive part or the magistracy, whereupon
I shall have no need to dwell, for the executive magistrates of
this commonwealth are the strategus in arms; the signory in
their several courts, as the chancery, the exchequer; as also the
councils in divers cases within their instructions; the censors
as well in their proper magistracy, as in the Council of Religion;
the tribunes in the government of the prerogative, and that judi-
catory ; and the judges with their courts; of all which so much is
already said or known as may suffice.
" The Tuesday lectures or orations to the people will be of
great benefit to the Senate, the prerogative, and the whole nation.
To the Senate, because they will not only teach your Senators
elocution, but keep the system of the government in their mem-
ories. Elocution is of great use to your Senators, for if they
do not understand rhetoric (giving it at this time for granted
that the art were not otherwise good) and come to treat with,
or vindicate the cause of the commonwealth against some other
nation that is good at it, the advantage will be subject to remain
upon the merit of the art, and not upon the merit of the cause.
Furthermore, the genius or soul of this government being in the
whole and in every part, they will never be of ability in determi-
nation upon any particular, unless at the same time they have an
idea of the whole. That this therefore must be, in that regard,
of equal benefit to the prerogative, is plain; though these have
a greater concernment in it. For this commonwealth is the es-
tate of the people; and a man, you know, though he be virtuous,
yet if he does not understand his estate, may run out or be
cheated of it. Last of all, the treasures of the politics will by
this means be so opened, rifled, and dispersed, that this nation
will as soon dote, like the Indians, upon glass beads, as disturb
your government with whimsies and freaks of mother-wit, or
suffer themselves to be stuttered out of their liberties. There
is not any reason why your grandees, your wise men of this age,
that laugh out and openly at a commonwealth as the most ridic-
ulous thing, do not appear to be, as in this regard they are, mere
idiots, but that the people have not eyes."

There remains no more relating to the Senate and the people


than—
The twenty-fourth order, " Whereby it is lawful for the prov-
ince of Marpesia to have thirty knights of their own election
HARRINGTON
332

continually present in the Senate of Oceana, together with sixty


deputies of horse, and 120 of foot in the prerogative tribe, en-
dued with equal power (respect had to their quality and num-
ber) in the debate and result of this commonwealth, provided
that they observe the course or rotation of the same by the an-
nual return of ten knights, twenty deputies of the horse, and
forty of the foot. The like in all respects is lawful for Panopea;
and the horse of both the provinces amounting to one troop, and
the foot to one company, one captain and one cornet of the horse
shall be annually chosen by Marpesia, and one captain and one
ensign of the foot shall be annually chosen by Panopea."
The orb of the prerogative being thus complete, is not un-
naturally compared to that of the moon, either in consideration
of the light borrowed from the Senate, as from the sun; or of
the ebbs and floods of the people, which are marked by the nega-
tive or affirmative of this tribe. And the constitution of the
Senate and the people being shown, you have that of the Parlia-
ment of Oceana, consisting of the Senate proposing, and of the
people resolving, which amounts to an act of Parliament. So
the Parliament is the heart, which, consisting of two ventricles,
the one greater and replenished with a grosser matter, the other
less and full of a purer, sucks in and spouts forth the vital blood
of Oceana by a perpetual circulation. Wherefore the life of
this government is no more unnatural or obnoxious upon this
score to dissolution than that of a man; nor to giddiness than the
world; seeing the earth, whether it be itself or the heavens that
are in rotation, is so far from being giddy, that it could not sub-
sist without motion. But why should not this government be
much rather capable of duration and steadiness by motion?
Than which God has ordained no other to the universal com-
monwealth of mankind: seeing one generation comes and an-
other goes, but the earth remains firm forever; that is, in her
proper situation or place, whether she be moved or not moved
upon her proper centre. The Senate, the people, and the mag-
istracy, or the Parliament so constituted, as you have seen, is
the guardian of this commonwealth, and the husband of such a
wife as is elegantly described by Solomon: " She is like the
merchant's ships; she brings her food from far. She considers
a field, and buys it: with the fruit of her hands she plants a
vineyard. She perceives that her merchandise is good. She
stretches forth her hands to the poor. She is not afraid of the
snow for her household; for all her household are clothed with
scarlet. She makes herself coverings of tapestry; her clothing
is silk and purple. Her husband is known (by his robes) in the
gates, when he sits among the senators of the land." The gates,
or inferior courts, were branches, as it were, of the Sanhedrim,
O C E ANA 333

or Sena te, of Israel. N o r is our common wealth a w orse hous e-


w i fe, nor ha s she less r ega rd to her ma gi s tr a t es ; a s ma y
pear b y —
T h e twenty-fifth order, " T h a t, w hereas the public revenue is
th r ou gh the late civil w a r s dilapidated , the exc ise, bei n g im-
pr oved or improvable to the revenue of £1,000,000, be applied,
for the space of eleven years to come, to the reparation of the
same, and for the present maintenance of the magistrates,
kni ghts , deputies, and other officers, w h o, a cc or d in g to their
several dignities and functions, shall annually receive tow a r d
the support of the same, as follows :
" T h e lord strategus ma rc hi ng, is, upon another account, to

P ER A N N U M
The lord strategus sitting £2,000
The lord orator 2,000
The three commissioners of the seal 4,500
The three commissioners of the treasury 4,50°
The two censors 3>ooo
The 290 knights, at ¿500 a man 145,000
The four ambassadors-in-ordinary 12,000
The Council of War for intelligence 3,000
The master of the ceremonies S 0 0

The master of the horse 5°°


His substitute 150
The twelve ballotins for their winter liveries 240
For their summer liveries 120
For their board-wages 480
For the keeping of three coaches of state, twenty-four coach-
horses, with coachmen and postillions i,5°o
For the grooms, and keeping of sixteen great horses for the
master of the horse, and for the ballotins whom he is to
govern and instruct in the art of riding 480
The twenty secretaries of the Parlia ment... .. 2,000
The twenty doorkeepers, who are to attend with pole-axes,
For their coats 200
For their board-wages 1,000
The twenty messengers, which are trumpeters,
For their coats 200
For their board-wages 1,000
For ornament of the musters of the youth 5, 0 0 0

Sum £189,370

" O u t of the personal estates of every ma n, w h o at his death


bequeaths not above forty shillings to the muster of that hun-
dred wherein it lies, shall be levied one per cent, till the solid rev-
enue of the muster of the hundred amounts to £50 per annum
for the prizes of the youth.
" T h e tw e lv e ballotins are to be divided into three regions,
a cc or d in g to the course of the Senate ; the four of the first region
to be elected at the tropic out of such children as the kni ghts
334 H A R R I N G T ON

of the same shall offer, not being under eleven years of age, nor
above thirteen. And their election shall be made by the lot at
an urn set by the sergeant of the house for that purpose in the
hall of the Pantheon. The livery of the commonwealth for the
fashion or the color may be changed at the election of the strate-
gus according to his fancy. But every knight during his ses-
sion shall be bound to give to his footman, or some one of his
footmen, the livery of the commonwealth.
" The prerogative tribe shall receive as follows:
BY T HE WEEK
The two tribunes of the horse £4 o
The two tribunes of the foot 12 o
The three captains of the horse 15 o
The three cornets 9 o
The three captains of the foot 12 0
The three ensigns 7 o
The 442 horse, at ¿2 a man 884 o
The 592 foot, at £1 10s. a man 888 o
The six trumpeters 7 10
The three drummers 2 5
Sum by the week £1,850 15

Sum by the year £96,239 o

The total of the Senate, the people, and the magistracy. .£287,459 15

" The dignity of the commonwealth, and aids of the several


magistracies and offices thereto belonging, being provided for
as aforesaid, the overplus of the excise, with the product of the
sum rising, shall be carefully managed by the Senate and the
people through the diligence of the officers of the Exchequer,
till it amount to £8,000,000, or to the purchase of about ¿400,000
solid revenue. At which time, the term of eleven years being
expired, the excise, except it be otherwise ordered by the Senate
and the people, shall be totally remitted and abolished forever."

At this institution the taxes, as will better appear in the Corol-


lary, were abated about one-half, which made the order, when
it came to be tasted, to be of good relish with the people in the
very beginning; though the advantages then were no ways com-
parable to the consequences to be hereafter shown. Neverthe-
less, my Lord Epimoims, who with much ado had been held till
now, found it midsummer moon, and broke out of bedlam in
this manner:

" MY LORD ARCIION :


" I have a singing in my head like that of a cart-wheel, my
brains are upon a rotation; and some are so merry, that a man
cannot speak his griefs, but if your high-shod prerogative, and
O C E AN A 335

those same s louc hin g fell ows y our tribunes, do not take my lord
str ategus 's and my lord orator's hea ds , and j olt them together
under the canopy, then let me be ridiculous to all posterity. For
here is a commonw e al th, to w hi c h if a ma n should take that of
the 'prentices in their ancient administration of justice at
Shroveti de, it w e re an aris tocracy. Y o u ha ve set the v ery rab-
ble w i th truncheons in thei r hands, and the gentr y of this nation,
like cocks w i th scarlet gills, and the gold en combs of their sal-
aries to boot, lest they should not be t hr o w n at.
" N o t a ni ght can I sleep for some horrid apparition or ot h er ;
one while these myr mi d ons are mea s ur i n g silks by their quar ter-
sta ves, another stufHing their gr ea sy pouches w i th my lord hi gh
tr easurer's ja cobuses. F o r they are a bove 1,000 in a rms to 300,
w hi ch, their g o w n s bei n g pulled over their ears, are but in their
doublets and hose. B ut w ha t do I speak of 1,000? T her e be
2,000 in ever y tribe, that is, 100,000 in the whole nation, not only
in the posture of an a r my , but in a civil capa city sufficient to
gi v e us w hat l a ws they please. N o w everybod y k n o w s that the
lo wer sort of people r ega rd n othing but m o n e y ; a nd y ou say it
is the duty of a legislator to presume all men to be w i c k e d :
w her efor e they must fall upon the richer, as they are an a r m y ;
or, lest their mi nds should mi sg iv e them in such a villa ny, yo u
hav e gi v en them encour agement that they ha ve a nearer w a y ,
seeing it m ay be done every whi t as well as by the over ba la nc i ng
p o w e r w hi c h they h a ve in elections. T h e r e is a fair whi ch is
annually kept in the centre of these territories at Ki ber ton , a
to wn fa mous for ale, and frequented by g o o d fe l l o w s ; where
there is a solemnity of the pipers and fiddlers of this nation (I
kn o w not whether Lacedaemon, w her e the Senate kept a ccount
of the stops of the flutes and of the fiddle-strings of that com-
monwealth, had a ny such c us to m) called the bu ll - r un n i n g; and
he that catches and hold s the bull, is the annual and supreme
ma gistra te of that comitia or c ongr ega tion, called k i n g piper,
w ithout w hos e license it is not l a wf ul for any of those citizens to
enj oy the liberty of his c a l l i n g; nor is he otherw ise legitimately
qualified (o r civitate donatus) to lead apes or bears in any per -
ambulation of the s ame. Mi ne host of the B ear , in Ki ber to n ,
the fa ther of ale, and patron of go od football and cudgel p layers ,
ha s any time since I can remember been gra nd-c ha ncellor of this
order .
N o w , say I, seeing great thin gs arise fr om small begi n -
ni n gs, w hat should hinder the people, prone to their ow n ad-
v a nta ge and lo vi n g money, from ha v i ng intelligence conveyed
to them by this same k i n g piper and his chancellor, w ith their
loyal subjects the minstrels and bear -wa rd s, masters of cere-
monies , to w hi c h there is great recourse in their respective per-

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336 HARRINGTON

ambulations, and which they will commission and instruct, with


directions to all the tribes, willing and commanding them, that
as they wish their own good, they choose no other into the next
primum mobile but of the ablest cudgel and football players?
Which done as soon as said, your primum mobile, consist-
ing of no other stuff, must of necessity be drawn forth into your
nebulones and your galimofrics; and so the silken purses of
your Senate and prerogative being made of sows' ears, most of
them blacksmiths, they will strike while the iron is hot, and beat
your estates into hob-nails, mine host of the Bear being strate-
gus, and king piper lord orator. Well, my lords, it might have
been otherwise expressed, but this is well enough a-conscience.
In your way, the wit of man shall not prevent this or the like
inconvenience; but if this (for I have conferred with artists)
be a mathematical demonstration, I could kneel to you, that
ere it be too late we might return to some kind of sobriety.
" If we empty our purses with these pomps, salaries, coaches,
lackeys, and pages, what can the people say less than that we
have dressed a Senate and a prerogative for nothing but to go
to the park with the ladies ?"

My Lord Archon, whose meekness resembled that of Moses,


vouchsafed this answer:

" MY LORDS :
" For all this, I can see my Lord Epimonus every night in the
park, and with ladies; nor do I blame this in a young man, or
the respect which is and ought to be given to a sex that is one-
half of the commonwealth of mankind, and without which the
other would be none: but our magistrates, I doubt, may be some-
what of the oldest to perform this part with much acceptation;
and, as the Italian proverb says,' Serviré c non gradire c cosa da
far moriré.' Wherefore we will lay no certain obligation upon
them in this point, but leave them, if it please you, to their own
fate or discretion. But this (for I know my Lord Epimonus
loves me, though I can never get his esteem) I will say, if he had
a mistress should use him so, he would find it a sad life; or I ap-
peal to your lordships, how I can resent it from such a friend,
that he puts king piper's politics in the balance with mine. King
piper, I deny not, may teach his bears to dance, but they have the
worst ear of all creatures. Now how he should make them keep
time in fifty several tribes, and that two years together, for else
it will be to no purpose, may be a small matter with my lord to
promise; but it seems to me of impossible performance. First,
through the nature of the bean; and, secondly, through that of
the ballot; or how what he has hitherto thought so hard, is now
ÒCEANA 337

come to be easy; but he may think that for expedition they will
eat up these balls like apples.
" However, there is so much more in their way by the consti-
tution of this, than is to be found in that of any other common-
wealth, that I am reconciled, it now appearing plainly that the
points of my lord's arrows are directed at no other white than
to show the excellency of our government above others; which,
as he proceeds further, is yet plainer; while he makes it appear
that there can be no other elected by the people but smiths:

"'Brontesque Steropesque et nudtts membra Pyracmon:'

Othoniel, Aod, Gideon, Jephtha, Samson, as in Israel; Milti-


ades, Aristides, Themistocles, Cimon, Pericles, as in Athens;
Papyrius, Cincinnatus, Camillus, Fabius Scipio, as in Rome :
smiths of the fortune of the commonwealth ; not such as forged
hob-nails, but thunderbolts. Popular elections are of that kind,
that all of the rest of the world is not able, either in number or
glory, to equal those of these three commonwealths. These in-
deed were the ablest cudgel and football players; bright arms
were their cudgels, and the world was the ball that lay at their
feet. Wherefore we are not so to understand the maxim of legis-
lators, which holds all men to be wicked, as if it related to man-
kind or a commonwealth, the interests whereof are the only
straight lines they have whereby to reform the crooked ; but as it
relates to every man or party, under what color soever he or they
pretend to be trusted apart, with or by the whole. Hence then it
is derived, which is made good in all experience, that the aristoc-
racy is ravenous, and not the people. Yo ur highwaymen are
not such as have trades, or have been brought up to industry;
but such commonly whose education has pretended to that of
gentlemen. My lord is so honest, he does not know the maxims
that are of absolute necessity to the arts of wickedness; for it is
most certain, if there be not more purses than thieves, that the
thieves themselves must be forced to turn honest, because they
cannot thrive by their trade; but now if the people should turn
thieves, who sees not that there would be more thieves than
purses? wherefore that a whole people should turn robbers or
levellers, is as impossible in the end as in the means.
" But that I do not think your artist which you mentioned,
whether astronomer or arithmetician, can tell me how many bar-
leycorns would reach to the sun, I could be content he were called
to the account, with which I shall conclude this point: when by
the way I have chid my lords the legislators, who, as if they
doubted my tackling could not hold, would leave me to flag in a
perpetual calm, but for my Lord Epimonus, who breathes now
22
33« HARRINGTON

and then into my sails and stirs the waters. A ship makes not
her way so briskly as when she is handsomely brushed by the
waves, and tumbles over those that seem to tumble against her;
in which case I have perceived in the dark that light has been
struck even out of the sea, as in this place, where my Lord Epi-
monus feigning to give us a demonstration of one thing, has
given it of another, and of a better. For the people of this na-
tion, if they amount in each tribe to 2,000 elders and 2,000 youths
upon the annual roll, holding a fifth to the whole tribe, then the
whole of a tribe, not accounting women and children, must
amount to 20,000; and so the whole of all the tribes, being fifty,
to 1,000,000.
" Now you have 10,000 parishes, and reckoning these one
with another, each at £1,000 a year dry-rent, the rent or revenue
of the nation, as it is or might be let to farm, amounts to
£10,000,000; and £10,000,000 in revenue divided equally to
1,000,000 of men, comes but to £10 a year to each wherewith to
maintain himself, his wife and children. But he that lias a cow
upon the common, and earns his shilling by the day at his labor,
has twice as much already as this would come to for his share;
because if the land were thus divided, there would be nobody to
set him on work. So my Lord Epimonus's footman, who costs
him thrice as much as one of these could thus get, would cer-
tainly lose by his bargain. What should we speak of those in-
numerable trades whereupon men live, not only better than
others upon good shares of lands, but become also purchasers
of greater estates ? Is not this the demonstration which my
lord meant, that the revenue of industry in a nation, at least in
this, is three or four-fold greater than that of the mere rent?
If the people then obstruct industry, they obstruct their own
livelihood; but if they make a war, they obstruct industry. Take
the bread out of the people's mouths, as did the Roman patri-
cians, and you are sure enough of a war, in which case they may
be levellers; but our agrarian causes their industry to flow with
milk and honey. It will be owned that this is true, if the people
were given to understand their own happiness; but where is it
they do that? Let me reply with the like question, where do
they not ? They do not know their happiness it should seem in
France, Spain, and Italy; but teach them what it is, and try
whose sense is the truer.
" As to the late wars in Germany, it has been affirmed to me
there, that the princes could never make the people to take arms
while they had bread, and have therefore suffered countries now
and then to be wasted that they might get soldiers. This you
will find to be the certain pulse and temper of the people; and
if they have been already proved to be the most wise and con-
OCEANA 339

stant order of a government, why should we think (when no


man can produce one example of the common soldiery in an
army mutinying because they had not captains' pay) that the
prerogative should jolt the heads of the Senate together because
these have the better salaries, when it must be as evident to the
people in a nation, as to the soldiery in an army, that it is no
more possible their emoluments of this kind should be afforded
by any commonwealth in the world to be made equal with those
of the Senate, than that the common soldiers should be equal
with the captains? It is enough for the common soldier that
his virtue may bring him to be a captain, and more to the pre-
rogative, that each of them is nearer to be a senator.
" If my lord thinks our salaries too great, and that the com-
monwealth is not housewife enough, whether is it better house-
wifery that she should keep her family from the snow, or suffer
them to burn her house that they may warm themselves ? for one
of these must be. Do you think that she came off at a cheaper
rate when men had their rewards by £1,000 or £2,000 a year in
land if inheritance? If you say that they will be more godly than
they have been, it may be ill taken; and if you cannot promise
that, it is time we find out some way of stinting at least, if not
curing them of that same sacra fames. On the other side, if a
poor man (as such a one may save a city) gives his sweat to the
public, with what conscience can you suffer his family in the
meantime to starve? but he that lays his hand to this plough
shall not lose by taking it off from his own, and a commonwealth
that will mend this shall be penny-wise. The Sanhedrim of
Israel, being the supreme, and a constant court of judicature,
could not choose but be exceeding gainful. The Senate of the
Bean in Athens, because it was but annual, was moderately sal-
aried ; but that of the Areopagites, being for life, bountifully;
and what advantages the senators of Lacedaemon had, where
there was little money or use of it, were in honors for life. The
patricians having no profit, took all. Venice being a situation
where a man goes but to the door for his employment, the honor
is great and the reward very little; but in Holland a councillor
of state has £1,500 Flemish a year, besides other accommoda-
tions. The States-General have more. And that common-
wealth looks nearer her penny than ours needs to do.
" F o r the revenue of this nation, besides that of her industry, it
amounts, as has been shown, to £10,000,000; and the salaries in
the whole come not to £300,000 a year. The beauty they will add
to the commonwealth will be exceeding great, and the people will
delight in this beauty of their commonwealth; the encourage-
ment they will give to the study of the public being very profita-
ble, the accommodation they will afford to your magistrates very
3 40 HARRINGTON

honorable and easy. And the sum, when it or twice as much was
spent in hunting and housekeeping, was never any grievance to
the people. I am ashamed to stand huckling upon this point;
it is sordid. Your magistrates are rather to be provided with
further accommodations. For what if there should be sick-
ness ? whither will you have them to remove ? And this city in
the soundest times, for the heat of the year, is no wholesome
abode: have a care of their healths to whom you commit your
own. I would have the Senate and the people, except they see
cause to the contrary, every first of June to remove into the coun-
try air for the space of three months. Yo u are better fitted with
summer-houses for them than if you had built them to that pur-
pose.
" There is some twelve miles distant the convallium upon
the river Halcionia, for the tribunes and the prerogative, a pal-
ace capable of 1,000 men; and twenty miles distant you have
Mount Celia, reverend as well for the antiquity as state of a cas-
tle completely capable of the Senate, the proposers having lodg-
ings in the convallium, and the tribunes in Celia, it holds the cor-
respondency between the Senate and the people exactly. And it
is a small matter for the proposers, being attended with the
coaches and officers of state, besides other conveniences of their
own, to go a matter of five or ten miles (those seats are not much
farther distant) to meet the people upon any heath or field that
shall be appointed: where, having despatched their business,
they may hunt their own venison (for I would have the great
walled park upon the Halcionia to belong to the signory, and
those about the convallium to the tribunes) and so go to supper.
Pray, my lords, see that they do not pull down these houses to
sell the lead of them ; for when you have considered on it, they
cannot be spared. The founders of the school in Hiera provid-
ed that the boys should have a summer seat. You should have
as much care of these magistrates. But there is such a selling,
such a Jewish humor in our republicans, that I cannot tell what
to say to it; only this, any man that knows what belongs to a
commonwealth, or how diligent every nation in that case has
been to preserve her ornaments, and shall see the waste lately
made (the woods adjoining to this city, which served for the
delight and health of it, being cut down to be sold for three-
pence), will you tell that they who did such things would never
have made a commonwealth. The like may be said of the ruin
or damage done upon our cathedrals, ornaments in which this
nation excels all others. Nor shall this ever be excused upon
the score of religion ; for though it be true that God dwells not
in houses made with hands, yet you cannot hold your assem-
blies but in such houses, and these are of the best that have been
OCEANA 341

made with hands. Nor is it well argued that they are pompous,
and therefore profane, or less proper for divine service, seeing
the Christians in the primitive Church chose to meet with one
accord in the Temple, so far were they from any inclination to
pull it down."

The orders of this commonwealth, so far, or near so far as


they concern the elders, together with the several speeches at
the institution, which may serve for the better understanding
of them as so many commentaries, being shown, I should now
come from the elders to the youth, or from the civil constitution
of this government to the military, but that I judge this the fit-
test place whereinto, by the way, to insert the government of the
city, though for the present but perfunctorily:
" The metropolis or capital city of Oceana is commonly called
Emporium, though it consists of two cities distinct, as well in
name as in government, whereof the other is called Hiera, for
which cause I shall treat of each apart, beginning with Em-
porium.
" Emporium, with the liberties, is under a twofold division,
the one regarding the national, and the other the urban or city
government. It is divided, in regard of the national govern-
ment, into three tribes, and in respect of the urban into twenty-
six, which for distinction's sake are called wards, being con-
tained under three tribes but unequally; wherefore the first tribe
containing ten wards is called season, the second containing
eight metoche, and the third containing as many telicouta, the
bearing of which names in mind concerns the better understand-
ing of the government.
" Every ward has her wardmote, court, or inquest, consisting
of all that are of the clothing or liveries of companies residing
within the same.
" Such are of the livery or clothing as have attained to the
dignity to wear gowns and parti-colored hoods or tippets, ac-
cording to the rules and ancient customs of their respective com-
panies.
" A company is a brotherhood of tradesmen professing the
same art, governed according to their charter by a master and
wardens. Of these there be about sixty, whereof twelve are
of greater dignity than the rest, that is to say, the mercers,
grocers, drapers, fishmongers, goldsmiths, skinners, merchant-
tailors, haberdashers, salters, ironmongers, vintners, cloth-
workers, which, with most of the rest, have common halls, divers
of them being of ancient and magnificent structure, wherein
they have frequent meetings, at the summons of their master or
wardens, for the managing and regulation of their respective
3 42 HARRINGTON

trades and mysteries. These companies, as I shall show, are


the roots of the whole government of the city. For the liveries
that reside in the same ward, meeting at the wardmote inquest
(to which it belongs to take cognizance of all sorts of nuisances
and violations of the customs and orders of the city, and to pre-
sent them to the court of aldermen), have also power to make
election of two sorts of magistrates or officers; the first of elders
or aldermen of the ward, the second of deputies of the same,
otherwise called common councilmen.
" The wards in these elections, because they do not elect all at
once, but some one year and some another, observe the distinc-
tion of the three tribes; for example, the season, consisting of
ten wards, makes election the first year of ten aldermen, one in
each ward, and of 150 deputies, fifteen in each ward, all which
are triennial magistrates or officers, that is to say, are to bear
their dignity for the space of three years.
" The second year the metoche, consisting of eight wards,
elects eight aldermen, one in each ward, and 120 deputies, fif-
teen in each ward, being also triennial magistrates.
" The third year telicouta, consisting of a like number of
wards, elects an equal number of like magistrates for a like term.
So that the whole number of the aldermen, according to that
of the wards, amounts to twenty-six; and the whole number
of the deputies, to 390.
" The aldermen thus elected have divers capacities; for, first,
they are justices of the peace for the term, and in consequence
of their election. Secondly, they are presidents of the ward-
mote and governors each of that ward whereby he was elected.
And last of all, these magistrates being assembled together, con-
stitute the Senate of the city, otherwise called the court of alder-
men ; but no man is capable of this election that is not worth
£10,000. This court upon every new election makes choice of
nine censors out of their own number.
" The deputies in like manner being assembled together, con-
stitute the prerogative tribe of the city, otherwise called the
common council, by which means the Senate and the people of
the city were comprehended, as it were, by the motion of the
national government, into the same wheel of annual, triennial,
and perpetual revolution.
" But the liveries, over and above the right of these elections
by their divisions mentioned, being assembled all together at the
guild of the city, constitute another assembly called the com-
mon hall.
" The common hall has the right of two other elections; the
one of the lord mayor, and the other of the two sheriffs, being
annual magistrates. The lord mayor can be elected out of no
OCEANA 343

other than one of the twelve companies of the first ranks; and
the common hall agrees by the plurality of suffrages upon two
names, which, being presented to the lord mayor for the time
being, and the court of the aldermen, they elect one by their
scrutiny; for so they call it, though it differs from that of the
commonwealth. The orator or assistant to the lord mayor in
holding of his courts, is some able lawyer elected by the court
of aldermen, and called the recorder of Emporium.
" The lord mayor being thus elected, has two capacities: one
regarding the nation, and the other the city. In that which
regards the city, he is president of the court of aldermen, having
power to assemble the same, or any other council of the city,
as the common council or common hall, at his will and pleasure;
and in that which regards the nation, he is commander-in-chief
of the three tribes whereinto the city is divided; one of which
he is to bring up in person at the national muster to the ballot,
as his vice-comites, or high sheriffs, are to do by the other two,
each at their distinct pavilion, where the nine aldermen, elected
censors, are to officiate by three in each tribe, according to the
rules and orders already given to the censors of the rustic tribes.
And the tribes of the city have no other than one common phy-
larch, which is the court of aldermen and the common council,
for which cause they elect not at their muster the first list called
the prime magnitude.
" The conveniences of this alteration of the city government,
besides the bent of it to a conformity with that of the nation,
were many, whereof I shall mention but a few: as first, whereas
men under the former administration, when the burden of some
of these magistracies lay for life, were oftentimes chosen not
for their fitness, but rather unfitness, or at least unwillingness
to undergo such a weight, whereby they were put at great rates
to fine for their ease; a man might now take his share in mag-
istracy with that equity which is due to the public, and without
any inconvenience to his private affairs. Secondly, whereas
the city (inasmuch as the acts of the aristocracy, or court of
aldermen, in their former way of proceeding, were rather im-
positions than propositions) was frequently disquieted with the
inevitable consequence of disorder in the power of debate exer-
cised by the popular part, or common council; the right of de-
bate being henceforth established in the court of aldermen, and
that of result in the common council, killed the branches of di-
vision in the root. Which for the present may suffice to have
been said of the city of Emporium.
" That of Hiera consists as to the national government of two
tribes, the first called agorcea, the second propola; but as to the
peculiar policy of twelve manipuls, or wards divided into three
HARRINGTON
344
cohorts, each cohort containing four wards, whereof the wards
of the first cohort elect for the first year four burgesses, one in
each ward, the wards of the second cohort for the second year
four burgesses, one in each ward, and the wards of the third
cohort for the third year four burgesses, one in each ward, all
triennial magistrates; by which the twelve burgesses, making
one court for the government of this city, according to their in-
structions by act of Parliament, fall likewise into an annual,
triennial, and perpetual revolution.
" This court being thus constituted, makes election of divers
magistrates; as first, of a high steward, who is commonly some
person of quality, and this magistracy is elected in the Senate
by the scrutiny of this court; with him they choose some able
lawyer to be his deputy, and to hold the court; and last of all
they elect out of their own number six censors.
" The high steward is commander-in-chief of the two tribes,
whereof he in person brings up the one at the national muster
to the ballot, and his deputy the other at a distinct pavilion; the
six censors chosen by the court officiating by three in each tribe
at the urns; and these tribes have no other phylarch but this
court.
" As for the manner of elections and suffrage, both in Em-
porium and Hiera, it may be said, once for all, that they are
performed by ballot, and according to the respective rules al-
ready given.
" There be other cities and corporations throughout the terri-
tory, whose policy being much of this kind, would be tedious
and not worth the labor to insert, nor dare I stay. Juvenum
manus cinicat ardens."
I return, according to the method of the commonwealth, to
the remaining parts of her orbs, which are military and pro-
vincial ; the military, except the strategus, and the polemarchs
or field-officers, consisting of the youth only, and the provincial
consisting of a mixture both of elders and of the youth.
To begin with the youth, or the military orbs, they are circles
to which the commonwealth must have a care to keep close. A
man is a spirit raised by the magic of nature; if she does not
stand safe, and so that she may set him to some good and useful
work, he spits fire, and blows up castles; for where there is life,
there must be motion or work; and the work of idleness is mis-
chief, but the work of industry is health. To set men to this,
the commonwealth must begin betimes with them, or it will be
too late; and the means whereby she sets them to it is education,
the plastic art of government. But it is as frequent as sad in
experience (whether through negligence, or, which in the con-
sequence is all one or worse, over-fondness in the domestic per-
OCEANA 345

formance of this duty) that innumerable children come to owe


their utter perdition to their own parents, in each of which the
commonwealth loses a citizen.
Wherefore the laws of a government, how wholesome so-
ever in themselves, are such as, if men by a congruity in their
education be not bred to find a relish in them, they will be sure
to loathe and detest. The education therefore of a man's own
children is not wholly to be committed or trusted to himself.
You find in Livy the children of Brutus, having been bred under
monarchy, and used to a court life, making faces at the Com-
monwealth of Rome: " A king (say they) is a man with whom
you may prevail when you have need there should be law, or
when you have need there should be no law; he has favors in the
right, and he frowns not in the wrong place; he knows his
friends from his enemies. But laws are deaf, inexorable things,
such as make no difference between a gentleman and an ordinary
fellow; a man can never be merry for them, for to trust alto-
gether to his own innocence is a sad life." Unhappy wantons!
Scipio, on the other side, when he was but a boy (about two or
three and twenty), being informed that certain patricians of
Roman gentlemen, through a qualm upon the defeat which Han-
nibal had given them at Cannse, were laying their heads together
and contriving their flight with the transportation of their goods
out of Rome, drew his sword, and setting himself at the door of
the chamber where they were at council, protested " that who
did not immediately swear not to desert the commonwealth, he
would make his soul to desert his body." Let men argue as they
please for monarchy, or against a commonwealth, the world
shall never see any man so sottish or wicked as in cool blood to
prefer the education of the sons of Brutus before that of Scipio;
and of this mould, except a Melius or a Manlius, was the whole
youth of that commonwealth, though not ordinarily so well cast.
Now the health of a government and the education of the
youth being of the same pulse, no wonder if it has been the con-
stant practice of well-ordered commonwealths to commit the
care and feeling of it to public magistrates. A duty that was
performed in such a manner by the Areopagites, as is elegantly
praised by Isocrates. " Th e Athenians (says he) write not their
laws upon dead walls, nor content themselves with having or-
dained punishments for crimes, but provide in such a way, by
the education of their youth, that there be no crimes for punish-
ment." He speaks of those laws which regarded manners, not
of those orders which concerned the administration of the com-
monwealth, lest you should think he contradicts Xenophon and
Polybius. The children of Lacedaemon, at the seventh year of
their age, were delivered to the pcedonomi, or schoolmasters,
HARRINGTON
346
not mercenary, but magistrates of the commonwealth, to which
they were accountable for their charge; and by these at the age
of fourteen they were presented to other magistrates called the
bcidiczi, having the inspection of the games and exercises, among
which that of the platanista was famous, a kind of fight in
squadrons, but somewhat too fierce. When they came to be of
military age they were listed of the mora, and so continued in
readiness for public service under the discipline of the pole¬
marchs. But the Roman education and discipline by the cen-
turies and classes is that to which the Commonwealth of Oceana
has had a more particular regard in her three essays, being cer-
tain degrees by which the youth commence as it were in arms
for magistracy, as appears b y —
The twenty-sixth order, instituting, " That if a parent has but
one son, the education of that one son shall be wholly at the dis-
position of that parent. But whereas there be free schools erect-
ed and endowed, or to be erected and endowed in every tribe of
this nation, to a sufficient proportion for the education of the
children of the same (which schools, to the end there be no det-
riment or hinderance to the scholars upon case of removing
from one to another, are every of them to be governed by the
strict inspection of the censors of the tribes, both upon the
schoolmaster's manner of life and teaching, and the proficiency
of the children, after the rules and method of that in Hiera),
if a parent has more sons than one, the censors of the tribes shall
animadvert upon and punish him that sends not his sons within
the ninth year of their age to some one of the schools of a tribe,
there to be kept and taught, if he be able, at his own charges;
and if he be not able, gratis, till they arrive at the age of fifteen
years. And a parent may expect of his sons at the fifteenth
year of their age, according to his choice or ability, whether it
be to service in the way of apprentices to some trade or other-
wise, or to further study, as by sending them to the inns of court,
of chancery, or to one of the universities of this nation. But
he that takes not upon him one of the professions proper to some
of those places, shall not continue longer in any of them than till
he has attained to the age of eighteen years ; and every man hav-
ing not at the age of eighteen years taken upon him, or addicted
himself to the profession of the law, theology, or physic, and
being no servant, shall be capable of the essays of the youth,
and no other person whatsoever, except a man, having taken
upon him such a profession, happens to lay it by ere he arrives
at three or four and twenty years of age, and be admitted to this
capacity by the respective phylarchs being satisfied that he kept
net out so long with any design to evade the service of the com-
monwealth ; but, that being no sooner at his own disposal, it was
OCEANA 347

no sooner in his choice to come in. And if any youth or other


person of this nation have a desire to travel into foreign coun-
tries upon occasion of business, delight, or further improvement
of his education, the same shall be lawful for him upon a pass
obtained from the censors in Parliament, putting a convenient
limit to the time, and recommending him to the ambassadors
by whom he shall be assisted, and to whom he shall yield honor
and obedience in their respective residences. Every youth at
his return from his travel is to present the censors with a paper
of his own writing, containing the interest of state or form of
government of the countries, or some one of the countries, where
he has been; and if it be good, the censors shall cause it to be
printed and published, prefixing a line in commendation of the
author.
" Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of December, the
whole youth of every parish, that is to say, every man (not ex-
cepted by the foregoing part of the order), being from eighteen
years of age to thirty, shall repair at the sound of the bell to their
respective church, and being there assembled in presence of the
overseers, who are to govern the ballot, and the constable who
is to officiate at the urn, shall, after the manner of the elders,
elect every fifth man of their whole number (provided that they
choose not above one of two brothers at one election, nor above
half if they be four or upward) to be a stratiot or deputy of the
youth; and the list of the stratiots so elected being taken by the
overseers, shall be entered in the parish book, and diligently pre-
served as a record, called the first essay. They whose estates
by the law are able, or whose friends are willing, to mount them,
shall be of the horse, the rest are of the foot. And he who has
been one year of this list, is not capable of being re-elected till
after another year's interval.
" Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of January, the
stratiots being mustered at the rendezvous of their respective
hundreds, shall, in the presence of the jurymen, who are over-
seers of that ballot, and of the high constable who is to officiate
at the urn, elect out of the horse of their troop or company one
captain, and one ensign or cornet, to the command of the same.
And the jurymen having entered the list of the hundred into a
record to be diligently kept at the rendezvous of the same, the
first public game of this commonwealth shall begin and be per-
formed in this manner. Whereas there is to be at every ren-
dezvous of a hundred, one cannon, culverin, or saker, the prize
arms being forged by sworn armorers of this commonwealth,
and for their proof, besides their beauty, viewed and tried at the
tower of Emporium, shall be exposed by the justice of peace
appertaining to that hundred (the said justice with the jurymen
HARRINGTON
348
being judges of the game), and the judges shall deliver to the
horseman that gains the prize at the career, one suit of arms be-
ing of the value ¿20, to the pikeman that gains the prize at
throwing the bullet, one suit of arms of the value of £10, to the
musketeer that gains the prize at the mark with his musket, one
suit of arms of the value of £10, and to the cannoneer that gains
the prize at the mark with the cannon, culverin, or saker, a chain
of silver being the value of £10, provided that no one man at the
same muster plays above one of the prizes. Whosoever gains
a prize is bound to wear it (if it be his lot) upon service; and no
man shall sell or give away any armor thus won, except he has
lawfully attained to two or more of them at the games.
" The games being ended, and the muster dismissed, the cap-
tain of the troop or company shall repair with a copy of the list
to the lord lieutenant of the tribe, and the high constable with a
duplicate of the same to the custos rotulorum, or muster-master-
general, to be also communicated to the censors; in each of
which the jurymen, giving a note upon every name of an only
son, shall certify the list is without subterfuge or evasion; or,
if it be not, an account of those upon whom the evasion or sub-
terfuge lies, to the end that the phylarch or the censors may an-
imadvert accordingly.
" And every Wednesday next ensuing the last of February,
the lord lieutenant, custos rotulorum, the censors, and the con-
ductor, shall receive the whole muster of the youth of that tribe
at the rendezvous of the same, distributing the horse and foot
with their officers, according to the directions given in the like
case for the distribution of the elders; and the whole squadron
being put by that means in battalia, the second game of this com-
monwealth shall begin by the exercise of the youth in all the
parts of their military discipline according to the orders of Par-
liament, or direction of the Council of War in that case. And
the £100 allowed by the Parliament for the ornament of the
muster in every tribe, shall be expended by the phylarch upon
such artificial castles, citadels, or the like devices, as may make
the best and most profitable sport for the youth and their spec-
tators.
" Which being ended, the censors having prepared the urns
by putting into the horse-urn 220 gold balls, whereof ten are to
be marked with the letter M and other ten with the letter P; into
the foot-urn 700 gold balls, whereof fifty are to be marked with
the letter M and fifty with the letter P ; and after they have made
the gold balls in each urn. by the addition of silver balls to the
same, in number equal with the horse and foot of the stratiots,
the lord lieutenant shall call the stratiots to the urns, where they
that draw the silver balls shall return to their places, and they
OCEANA '349

that draw the gold balls shall fall off to the pavilion, where, for
the space of one hour, they may chop and change their balls ac-
cording as one can agree with another, whose lot he likes better.
But the hour being out, the conductor separating them whose
gold balls have no letter from those whose balls are marked,
shall cause the crier to call the alphabet, as first A; whereupon
all they whose gold balls are not marked, and whose surnames
begin with the letter A, shall repair to a clerk appertaining to the
custos rotulorum, who shall first take the names of that letter;
then those of B, and so on, till all the names be alphabetically
enrolled. And the youth of this list being 600 foot in a tribe,
that is, 30,000 foot in all the tribes; and 200 horse in a tribe, that
is, 10,000 horse in all the tribes, are the second essay of the strat-
iots, and the standing army of this commonwealth to be always
ready upon command to march. They whose balls are marked
with M, amounting, by twenty horse and fifty foot in a tribe,
to 2,500 foot and 500 horse in all the tribes, and they whose balls
are marked with P, in every point correspondent, are parts of
the third essay; they in M being straight to march for Marpesia,
and they of P for Panopea, to the ends and according to the
further directions following in the order for the provincial orbs.
" If the polemarchs or field officers be elected by the scrutiny
of the Council of War, and the strategus commanded by the
Parliament or the Dictator to march, the lord lieutenants (who
have power to muster and discipline the youth so often as they
receive orders for the same from the Council of W a r ) are to
deliver the second essay, or so many of them as shall be com-
manded, to the conductors, who shall present them to the lord
strategus at the time and place appointed by his Excellency to
be the general rendezvous of Oceana, where the Council of War
shall have the accommodation of horses and arms for his men
in readiness; and the lord strategus having armed, mounted,
and distributed them, whether according to the recommendation
of their prize arms, or otherwise, shall lead them away to his
shipping, being also ready and provided with victuals, ammuni-
tion, artillery, and all other necessaries; commanding them, and
disposing of the whole conduct of the war by his sole power and
authority. And this is the third essay of the stratiots, which
being shipped, or marched out of their tribes, the lord lieuten-
ants shall re-elect the second essay out of the remaining part of
the first, and the Senate another strategus.
" If any veteran or veterans of this nation, the term of whose
youth or militia is expired, having a desire to be entertained in
the further service of the commonwealth, shall present him or
themselves at the rendezvous of Oceana to the strategus, it is in
his power to take on such and so many of them as shall be agreed
HARRINGTON
350

by the polemarchs, and to send back an equal number of the


stratiots.
" And for the better managing of the proper forces of this
nation, the lord strategus, by appointment of the Council of
War, and out of such levies as they shall have made in either
or both of the provinces to that end, shall receive auxiliaries by
sea or elsewhere at some certain place, not exceeding his proper
arms in number.
" And whosoever shall refuse any one of his three essays, ex-
cept upon cause shown, he be dispensed withal by the phylarch,
or, if the phylarch be not assembled, by the censors of his tribe,
shall be deemed a helot or public servant, shall pay a fifth part
of his yearly revenue, besides all other taxes, to the common-
wealth for his protection, and be incapable of bearing any mag-
istracy except such as is proper to the law. Nevertheless if a
man has but two sons, the lord lieutenant shall not suffer above
one of them to come to the urn at one election of the second
essay, and though he has above two sons, there shall not come
above half the brothers at one election; and if a man has but one
son, he shall not come to the urn at all without the consent of
his parents, or his guardians, nor shall it be any reproach to him
or impediment to his bearing of magistracy."
This order, with relation to foreign expeditions, will be proved
and explained together wi t h—
The twenty-seventh order, " Providing, in case of invasion
apprehended, that the lords high sheriffs of the tribes, upon com-
mands received from the Parliament or the Dictator, distribute
the bands of the elders into divisions, after the nature of the
essays of the youth ; and that the second division or essay of the
elders, being made and consisting of 30,000 foot and 10,000
horse, be ready to march with the second essay of the youth, and
be brought also by the conductors to the strategus.
" The second essay of the elders and youth being marched
out of their tribes, the lords high sheriffs and lieutenants shall
have the remaining part of the annual bands both of elders and
youth in readiness, which, if the beacons be fired, shall march
to the rendezvous to be in that case appointed by the Parliament
or the Dictator. And the beacons being fired, the curiata corn-
it ia, or parochial congregations, shall elect a fourth both of
elders and youth to be immediately upon the guard of the tribes,
and dividing themselves as aforesaid, to march also in their
divisions according to orders, which method in case of extremity
shall proceed to the election of a third, or the levy of a second,
or of the last man in the nation, by the power of the lords high
sheriffs, to the end that the commonwealth in her utmost pres-
sure may show her trust that God in his justice will remember
OCEANA 351

mercy, by humbling herself, and yet preserving her courage,


discipline, and constancy, even to the last drop of her blood and
the utmost farthing.
" The services performed by the youth, or by the elders, in
case of invasion, and according to this order, shall be at their
proper cost and charges that are any ways able to endure it; but
if there be such as are known in their parishes to be so indigent
that they cannot march out of their tribes, nor undergo the bur-
/ den in this case incumbent, then the congregations of their
parishes shall furnish them with sufficient sums of money to be
repaid upon the certificate of the same by the Parliament when
the action shall be over. And of that which is respectively en-
joined by this order, any tribe, parish, magistrate, or person that
shall fail, is to answer for it, at the Council of War, as a deserter
of his country."

The Archon, being the greatest captain of his own, if not of


any age, added much to the glory of this commonwealth, by
interweaving the militia with more art and lustre than any legis-
lator from or before the time of Servius Tullius, who constituted
the Roman militia. But as the bones or skeleton of a man,
though the greatest part of his beauty be contained in their pro-
portion or symmetry, yet shown without flesh are a spectacle
that is rather horrid than entertaining, so without discourses are
the orders of a commonwealth; which, if she goes forth in that
manner, may complain of her friends that they stand mute and
staring upon her. Wherefore this order was thus fleshed by
the Lord Archon:

" MY LORDS :
" Diogenes seeing a young fellow drunk, told him that his
father was drunk when he begot him. For this, in natural
generation, I must confess I see no reason; but in the political
it is right. The vices of the people are from their governors;
those of their governors from their laws or orders; and those
of their laws or orders from their legislators. Whatever was
in the womb imperfect, as to her proper work, comes very rarely
or never at all to perfection afterward; and the formation of a
citizen in the womb of the commonwealth is his education.
" Education by the first of the foregoing orders is of six
kinds: at the school, in the mechanics, at the universities, at the
inns of court or chancery, in travels, and in military discipline,
some of which I shall but touch, and some I shall handle more
at large.
" That which is proposed for the erecting and endowing of
schools throughout the tribes, capable of all the children of the
35* HARRINGTON

same, and able to give to the poor the education of theirs gratis,
is only matter of direction in case of very great charity, as eas-
ing the needy of the charge of their children from the ninth to
the fifteenth year of their age, during which time their work
cannot be profitable; and restoring them when they may be of
use, furnished with tools whereof there are advantages to be
made in every work, seeing he that can read and use his pen has
some convenience by it in the meanest vocation. And it cannot
be conceived but that which comes, though in small parcels, to
the advantage of every man in his vocation, must amount to the
advantage of every vocation, and so to that of the whole com-
monwealth. Wherefore this is commended to the charity of
every wise-hearted and well-minded man, to be done in time,
and as God shall stir him up or enable him; there being such
provision already in the case as may give us leave to proceed
without obstruction.
" Parents, under animadversion of the censors, are to dispose
of their children at the fifteenth year of their age to something;
but what, is left, according to their abilities or inclination, at
their own choice. This, with the multitude, must be to the
mechanics, that is to say, to agriculture or husbandry, to manu-
factures, or to merchandise.
" Agriculture is the bread of the nation ; we are hung upon it
by the teeth; it is a mighty nursery of strength, the best army,
and the most assured knapsack; it is managed with the least
turbulent or ambitious, and the most innocent hands of all other
arts. Wherefore I am of Aristotle's opinion, that a common-
wealth of husbandmen—and such is ours—must be the best of
all others. Certainly, my lords, you have no measure of what
ought to be, but what can be, done for the encouragement of this
profession. I could wish I were husband good enough to direct
something to this end ; but racking of rents is a vile thing in the
richer sort, an uncharitable one to the poorer, a perfect mark of
slavery, and nips your commonwealth in the fairest blossom.
On the other side, if there should be too much ease given in this
kind, it would occasion sloth, and so destroy industry, the prin-
cipal nerve of a commonwealth. P>ut if aught might be done
to hold the balance even between these two, it would be a work
in this nation equal to that for which Fabius was surnamed
Maximus by the Romans.
" In manufactures and merchandise the FTollander has gotten
the start of us; but at the long run it will be found that a people
working upon a foreign commodity does but farm the manu-
facture, and that it is really entailed upon them only where the
growth of it is native ; as also that it is one thing to have the car-
riage of other men's goods, and another for a man to bring his
OCEANA 353

own to the best market. Wherefore (nature having provided


encouragement for these arts in this nation above all others,
where, the people growing, they of necessity must also increase)
it cannot but establish them upon a far more sure and effectual
foundation than that of the Hollanders. But these educations
are in order to the first things or necessities of nature; as hus-
bandry to the food, manufacture to the clothing, and merchan-
dise to the purse of the commonwealth.
" There be other things in nature, which being second as to
their order, for their dignity and value are first, and such to
which the other are but accommodations; of this sort are espe-
cially these: religion, justice, courage, and wisdom.
" The education that answers to religion in our government
is that of the universities. Moses, the divine legislator, was not
only skilful in all the learning of the Egyptians, but took also
into the fabric of his commonwealth the learning of the Midian-
ites in the advice of Jethro; and his foundation of a university
laid in the tabernacle, and finished in the Temple, became that
pinnacle from whence (according to many Jewish and Chris-
tian authors) all the learning in the world has taken wing; as
the philosophy of the Stoics from the Pharisees; that of the
Epicureans from the Sadducees; and from the learning of the
Jews, so often quoted by our Saviour, and fulfilled in him, the
Christian religion. Athens was the most famous university in
her days; and her senators, that is to say, the Areopagites, were
all philosophers. Lacedsemon, to speak truth, though she could
write and read, was not very bookish. But he that disputes
hence against universities, disputes by the same argument
against agriculture, manufacture, and merchandise; every one
of these having been equally forbid by Lycurgus, not for itself
(for if he had not been learned in all the learning of Crete, and
well travelled in the knowledge of other governments, he had
never made his commonwealth), but for the diversion which
they must have given his citizens from their arms, who, being
but few, if they had minded anything else, must have deserted
the commonwealth. For Rome, she had ingenium par ingenio,
was as learned as great, and held our College of Augurs in
much reverence. Venice has taken her religion upon trust.
Holland cannot attend it to be very studious. Nor does
Switzerland mind it much; yet are they all addicted to their
universities. We cut down trees to build houses; but I would
have somebody show me, by what reason or experience the
cutting down of a university should tend to the setting up
of a commonwealth. Of this I am sure, that the perfection
of a commonwealth is not to be attained without the knowl-
edge of ancient prudence, nor the knowledge of ancient pru-
23
HARRINGTON
354

dence without learning, nor learning without schools of good


literature, and these are such as we call universities.
" Now though mere university learning of itself be that which
(to speak the words of Verulamius) ' crafty men contemn, and
simple men only admire, yet is it such as wise men have use of;
for studies do not teach their own use, but that is a wisdom with-
out and above them, won by observation. Expert men may ex-
ecute, and perhaps judge, of particulars one by one; but the
general councils and the plots, and the marshalling of affairs,
come best from those that are learned.' Wherefore if you
would have your children to be statesmen, let them drink by
all means of these fountains, where perhaps there were never
any. But what though the water a man drinks be not nourish-
ment, it is the vehicle without which he cannot be nourished.
Nor is religion less concerned in this point than government:
for take away your universities, and in a few years you lose it.
" The holy Scriptures are written in Hebrew and Greek; they
that have neither of these languages may think light of both;
but find me a man that has one in perfection, the study of whose
whole life it has not been. Again, this is apparent to us in daily
conversation, that if four or five persons that have lived together
be talking, another speaking the same language may come in,
and yet understand very little of their discourse, in that it relates
to circumstances, persons, things, times and places which he
knows not. It is no otherwise with a man, having no insight
of the times in which they were written, and the circumstances
to which they relate, in the reading of ancient books, whether
they be divine or human. For example, when we fall upon the
discourse about baptism and regeneration that was between our
Saviour and Nicodemus, where Christ reproaches him with his
ignorance in this matter: ' Art thou a doctor in Israel, and
understandest not these things? ' What shall we think of it?
or wherefore should a doctor in Israel have understood these
things more than another, but that both baptism and regenera-
tion, as was showed at large by my Lord Phosphorus, were doc-
trines held in Israel? I instance in one place of a hundred,
which he, that has not mastered the circumstances to which they
relate, cannot understand. Wherefore to the understanding of
the Scripture, it is necessary to have ancient languages, and the
knowledge of ancient times, or the aid of them who have such
knowledge; and to have such as may be always able and ready to
give such aid (unless you would borrow it of another nation,
which would not only be base, but deceitful) it is necessary to
a commonwealth that she have schools of good literature, or
universities of her own.
" We are commanded, as has been said more than once, to
OCEANA 355

search the Scriptures ; and which of them search the Scriptures,


they that take this pains in ancient languages and learning, or
they that will not, but trust to translations only, and to words
as they sound to present circumstances? than which nothing is
more fallible, or certain to lose the true sense of Scriptures, pre-
tended to be above human understanding, for no other cause
than that they are below it. But in searching the Scriptures
by the proper use of our universities, we have been heretofore
blest with greater victories and trophies against the purple hosts
and golden standards of the Romish hierarchy than any nation ;
and therefore why we should relinquish this upon the presump-
tion of some, that because there is a greater light which they
have, I do not know. There is a greater light than the sun, but
it does not extinguish the sun, nor does any light of God's giv-
ing extinguish that of nature, but increase and sanctify it.
Wherefore, neither the honor borne by the Israelitish, Roman,
or any other commonwealth that I have shown, to their ecclesi-
astics, consisted in being governed by them, but in consulting
them in matters of religion, upon whose responses or oracles
they did afterward as they thought fit.
" Nor would I be here mistaken, as if, by affirming the uni-
versities to be, in order both to religion and government, of ab-
solute necessity, I declared them or the ministry in any wise fit
to be trusted, so far as to exercise any power not derived from
the civil magistrate in the administration of either. If the Jew-
ish religion were directed and established by Moses, it was di-
rected and established by the civil magistrate ; or if Moses exer-
cised this administration as a prophet, the same prophet did
invest with the same administration the Sanhedrim, and not the
priests ; and so does our commonwealth the Senate, and not the
clergy. They who had the supreme administration or govern-
ment of the national religion in Athens, were the first Archon,
the rex sacriûcus, or high-priest, and a polemarch, which mag-
istrates were ordained or elected by the holding up of hands in
the church, congregation, or Comitia of the people. The relig-
ion of Lacedœmon was governed by the kings, who were also
high-priests, and officiated at the sacrifice ; these had power to
substitute their pythii, ambassadors, or nuncios, by which, not
without concurrence of the Senate, they held intelligence with
the oracle of Apollo at Delphos. And the ecclesiastical part of
the Commonwealth of Rome was governed by the pontifex max-
imums, the rex sacriûculus, and the Flamins, all ordained or elect-
ed by the people, the pontifex by the tribes, the King by the cen-
turies, and the Flamins by the parishes.
" I do not mind you of these things, as if, for the matter, there
were any parallel to be drawn out of their superstitions to our
HARRINGTON
356
religion; but to show that for the manner, ancient prudence is as
well a rule in divine as human things; nay, and such a one as
the apostles themselves, ordaining elders by the holding up of
hands in every congregation, have exactly followed; for some
of the congregations where they thus ordained elders were those
of Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, Derbe, the countries of Lyaconia,
Pisidia, Pamphilia, Perga, with Attalia. Now that these cities
and countries, when the Romans propagated their empire into
Asia, were found most of them commonwealths, and that many
of the rest were endued with like power, so that the people living
under the protection of the Roman emperors continued to elect
their own magistrates, is so known a thing, that I wonder
whence it is that men, quite contrary to the universal proof of
these examples, will have ecclesiastical government to be neces-
sarily distinct from civil power, when the right of the elders or-
dained by the holding up of hands in every congregation to teach
the people, was plainly derived from the same civil power by
which they ordained the rest of their magistrates. And it is not
otherwise in our commonwealth, where the parochial congrega-
tion elects or ordains its pastor. To object the Commonwealth
of Venice in this place, were to show us that it has been no other-
wise but where the civil power has lost the liberty of her con-
science by embracing popery; as also that to take away the lib-
erty of conscience in this administration from the civil power,
were a proceeding which has no other precedent than such as is
popish.
" Wherefore your religion is settled after the following man-
ner : the universities are the seminaries of that part which is
national, by which means others with all safety may be permit-
ted to follow the liberty of their own consciences, in regard that,
however they behave themselves, the ignorance of the unlearned
in this case cannot lose your religion nor disturb your govern-
ment, which otherwise it would most certainly do; and the uni-
versities with their emoluments, as also the benefices of the
whole nation, are to be improved by such augmentations as may
make a very decent and comfortable subsistence for the minis-
try, which is neither to be allowed synods nor assemblies, except
upon the occasion shown in the universities, when they are con-
sulted by the Council of State, and suffered to meddle with af-
fairs of religion, nor to be capable of any other public prefer-
ment whatsoever; by which means the interest of the learned
can never come to corrupt your religion, nor disturb your gov-
ernment, which otherwise it would most certainly do. Venice,
though she does not see, or cannot help the corruption of her
religion, is yet so circumspect to avoid disturbance of her gov-
ernment in this kind, that her Council proceeds not to election
OCEANA 357

of magistrates till i t be proclaimed fora papalini, b y w h i c h words


such as have consanguinity with red hats, or relation to t h e
Court of Rome, are warned to withdraw.
" If a minister in Holland meddles with matter of state, the
magistrate sends him a pair of shoes; whereupon, if he does not
go, he is driven away from his charge. I wonder why ministers,
of all men, should be perpetually tampering with government;
first because they, as well as others, have it in express charge
to submit themselves to the ordinances of men; and secondly,
because these ordinances of men must go upon such political
principles as they of all others, by anything that can be found in
their writings or actions, least understand: whence you have
the suffrage of all nations to this sense, that an ounce of wisdom
is worth a pound of clergy. Your greatest clerks are not your
wisest men: and when some foul absurdity in state is committed,
it is common with the French, and even the Italians, to call it
' pas de clerc,' or ' governo de prete.' They may bear with men
that will be preaching without study, while they will be govern-
ing without prudence. My lords, if you know not how to rule
your clergy, you will most certainly, like a man that cannot rule
his wife, have neither quiet at home nor honor abroad. Their
honest vocation is to teach your children at the schools and the
universities, and the people in the parishes, and yours is con-
cerned to see that they do not play the shrews, of which parts
does consist the education of your commonwealth, so far as it
regards religion.
" To justice, or that part of it which is commonly executive,
answers the education of the inns of court and chancery.
Upon which to philosophize, requires a public kind of learn-
ing that I have not. But they who take upon them any pro-
fession proper to the educations mentioned—that is, theology,
physic, or law—are not at leisure for the essays. Wherefore
the essays, being degrees whereby the youth commence for
all magistracies, offices, and honors in the parish, hundred,
tribe, Senate, or prerogative; divines, physicians, and lawyers
not taking these degrees, exclude themselves from all such
magistracies, offices, and honors. And whereas lawyers are
likest to exact further reason for this, they (growing up from
the most gainful art at the bar to those magistracies upon the
bench which are continually appropriated to themselves, and
not only endowed with the greatest revenues, but also held
for life) have the least reason of all the rest to pretend to
any other; especially in an equal commonwealth, where
accumulation of magistracy, or to take a person engaged by
his profit to the laws, as they stand, into the power, which
is legislative, and which should keep them to what they were,
358 HARRINGTON

or ought to be, were a solecism in prudence. It is true that


the legislative power may have need of advice and assistance
from the executive magistracy, or such as are learned in the
law; for which cause the judges are, as they have heretofore
been, assistants in the Senate. Nor, however it came about,
can I see any reason why a judge, being but an assistant or
lawyer, should be member of a legislative council.
" I deny not that the Roman patricians were all patrons, and
that the whole people were clients, some to one family and
some to another, by which means they had their causes
pleaded and defended in some appearance gratis; for the
patron took no money, though if he had a daughter to marry,
his clients were to pay her portion, nor was this so great a
grievance. But if the client accused his patron, gave testimony
or suffrage against him, it was a crime of such a nature that
any man might lawfully kill him as a traitor; and this, as
being the nerve of the optimacy, was a great cause of ruin to
that commonwealth; for when the people would carry any-
thing that pleased not the Senate, the senators were ill pro-
vided if they could not intercede—that is, oppose it by their
clients; with whom, to vote otherwise than they pleased, was
the highest crime. The observation of this bond till the time
of the Gracchi—that is to say, till it was too late, or to no
purpose to break it—was the cause why, in all the former
heats and disputes that had happened between the Senate and
the people, it never came to blows, which indeed was good;
but withal, the people could have no remedy, which was cer-
tainly evil. Wherefore I am of opinion that a senator ought
not to be a patron or advocate, nor a patron or advocate to be
a senator; for if his practice be gratis it debauches the peo-
ple, and if it be mercenary it debauches himself: take it
which way you will, when he should be making of laws, he
will be knitting of nets.
" Lycurgus, as I said, by being a traveller became a legisla-
tor, but in times when prudence was another thing. Never-
theless we may not shut out this part of education in a com-
monwealth, which will be herself a traveller; for those of this
make have seen the world, especially because this is certain
(though it be not regarded in our times, when things being
left to take their chance, it fares with us accordingly) that no
man can be a politician except he be first a historian or a
traveller; for except he can see what must be, or what may
be, he is no politician. Now if he has no knowledge in his-
tory, he cannot tell what has been, and if he has not been a
traveller, he cannot tell what is ; but he that neither knows
what has been, nor what is, can never tell what must be, or
OCEANA 359

what may be. Furthermore, the embassies-in-ordinary by our


constitution are the prizes of young men, more especially such
as have been travellers. Wherefore they of these inclinations,
having leave of the censors, owe them an account of their
time, and cannot choose but lay it out with some ambition of
praise or reward, where both are open, whence you will have
eyes abroad, and better choice of public ministers, your gal-
lants showing themselves not more to the ladies at their balls
than to your commonwealth at her Academy when they return
from their travels.
" But this commonwealth being constituted more especially
of two elements, arms and councils, drives by a natural instinct
at courage and wisdom; which he who has attained is arrived
at the perfection of human nature. It is true that these virtues
must have some natural root in him that is capable of them;
but this amounts not to so great a matter as some will have
it. For if poverty makes an industrious, a moderate estate a
temperate, and a lavish fortune a wanton man, and this be the
common course of things, wisdom then is rather of necessity
than inclination. And that an army which was meditating
upon flight, has been brought by despair to win the field, is
so far from being strange, that like causes will evermore pro-
duce like effects. Wherefore this commonwealth drives her
citizens like wedges; there is no way with them but thor-
ough, nor end but that glory whereof man is capable by art
or nature. That the genius of the Roman families commonly
preserved itself throughout the line (as to instance in some, the
Manlii were still severe, the Publicólas lovers, and the Appii
haters of the people) is attributed by Machiavel to their educa-
tion ; nor, if interest might add to the reason why the genius
of a patrician was one thing, and that of a plebeian another,
is the like so apparent between different nations, who, accord-
ing to their different educations, have yet as different manners.
It was anciently noted, and long confirmed by the actions of
the French, that in their first assaults their courage was more
than that of men, and for the rest less than that of women,
which nevertheless, through the amendment of their discipline,
we see now to be otherwise. I will not say but that some man
or nation upon an equal improvement of this kind may be
lighter than some other; but certainly education is the scale
without which no man or nation can truly know his or her
own weight or value. By our histories we can tell when one
Marpesian would have beaten ten Oceaners, and when one
Oceaner would have beaten ten Marpesians. Marc Antony
was a Roman, but how did that appear in the embraces of
Cleopatra? Yo u must have some other education for your
3<5o HARRINGTON

youth, or they, like that passage, will show better in romance


than true story.
" The custom of the Commonwealth of Rome in distribut-
ing her magistracies without respect of age, happened to do
well in Corvinus and Scipio; for which cause Machiavel (with
whom that which was done by Rome, and that which is well
done, are for the most part all one) commends this course. Yet
how much it did worse at other times, is obvious in Pompey
and Caesar; examples by which Boccalini illustrates the pru-
dence of Venice in her contrary practice, affirming it to have
been no small step to the ruin of the Roman liberty, that these
(having tasted in their youth of the supreme honors) had no
greater in their age to hope for, but by perpetuating of the
same in themselves; which came to blood and ended in tyr-
anny. The opinion of Verulamius is safe: ' The errors,' says
he, ' of young men are the ruin of business; whereas the
errors of old men amount but to this, that more might have
been done, or sooner.' But though their wisdom be little, their
courage is great; wherefore (to come to the main education
of this commonwealth) the militia of Oceana is the province
of youth.
" The distribution of this province by the essays is so fully
described in the order, that I need repeat nothing; the order
itself being but a repetition or copy of that original, which in
ancient prudence is of all others the fairest, as that from
whence the Commonwealth of Rome more particularly derived
the empire of the world. And there is much more reason in
this age, when governments are universally broken, or swerved
from their foundations, and the people groan under tyranny,
that the same causes (which could not be withstood when the
world was full of popular governments) should have the like
effects.
" The causes in the Commonwealth of Rome, whereof the
empire of the world was not any miraculous, but a natural
(nay, I may safely say a necessary) consequence, are con-
tained in that part of her discipline which was domestic, and
in that which she exercises in her provinces or conquest. Of
the latter I shall have better occasion to speak when we come
to our provincial orbs; the former divided the whole people
by tribes, amounting, as Livy and Cicero show, at their full
growth to thirty-five, and every tribe by the sense or valua-
tion of estates into five classes: for the sixth being proletary,
that is the nursery, or such as through their poverty con-
tributed nothing to the commonwealth but children, was not
reckoned nor used in arms. And this is the first point of the
militia, in which modern prudence is quite contrary to the
OCEANA

ancient; for whereas we, excusing the rich and arming the
poor, become the vassals of our servants, they, by excusing
the poor and arming such as were rich enough to be freemen,
became lords of the earth. The nobility and gentry of this
nation, who understand so little what it is to be the lords of
the earth that they have not been able to keep their own lands,
will think it a strange education for their children to be com-
mon soldiers, and obliged to all the duties of arms; never-
theless it is not for four shillings a week, but to be capable
of being the best man in the field or in the city, the latter part
of which consideration makes the common soldier herein a
better man than the general of any monarchical army.
" And whereas it may be thought that this would drink deep
of noble blood, I dare boldly say, take the Roman nobility in
the heat of their fiercest wars, and you shall not find such a
shambles of them as has been made of ours by mere luxury
and slothfulness; which, killing the body, kill the soul also:
Animasque in vulnere ponunt. Whereas common right is that
which he who stands in the vindication of, has used that sword
of justice for which he receives the purple of magistracy. The
glory of a man on earth can go no higher, and if he falls he
rises again, and comes sooner to that reward which is so
much higher as heaven is above the earth. To return to the
Roman example: every class was divided, as has been more
than once shown, into centuries, and every century was equally
divided into youth and elders; the youth for foreign service,
and the elders for the guard of the territory. In the first class
were about eighteen centuries of horse, being those which, by
the institution of Servius, were first called to the suffrage in
the centurial assemblies. But the delectus, or levy of an army,
which is the present business, proceeded, according to Polyb-
ius, in this manner:
" Upon a war decreed, the Consuls elected four-and-twenty
military tribunes or colonels, whereof ten, being such as had
merited their tenth stipend, were younger officers. The
tribunes being chosen, the Consuls appointed a day to the
tribes, when those in them of military age were to appear at
the capitol. The day being come, and the youth assembled
accordingly, the Consuls ascended their tribunal, and the
younger tribunes were straight divided into four parts after
this manner: four were assigned to the first legion (a legion
at the most consisted of 6,000 foot and 300 horse), three to
the second, four to the third, and three to the fourth. The
younger tribunes being thus distributed, two of the elder were
assigned to the first legion, three to the second, two to the
third, and three to the fourth; and the officers of each legion
362 HARRINGTON

thus assigned, having drawn the tribes by lot, and being


seated according to their divisions at a convenient distance
from each other, the tribe of the first lot was called, where-
upon they that were of it knowing the business, and being pre-
pared, presently bolted out four of their number, in the choice
whereof such care was taken that they offered none that was
not a citizen, no citizen that was not of the youth, no youth
that was not of some one of the five classes, nor any one of
the five classes that was not expert at his exercises. More-
over, they used such diligence in matching them for age and
stature, that the officers of the legion, except they happened
to be acquainted with the youth so bolted, were forced to
put themselves upon fortune, while they of the first legion
chose one, they of the second the next, they of the third an-
other, and the fourth youth fell to the last legion; and thus
was the election (the legions and the tribes varying according
to their lots) carried on till the foot were complete.
" The like course with little alteration was taken by the
horse officers till the horse also were complete. This was
called giving of names, which the children of Israel did also
by lot; and if any man refused to give his name, he was sold
for a slave, or his estate confiscated to the commonwealth.
' When Marcus Curius the Consul was forced to make a sud-
den levy, and none of the youth would give in their names,
all the tribes being put to the lot, he commanded the first name
drawn out of the urn of the Pollian tribe (which happened to
come first) to be called; but the youth not answering, he
ordered his goods to be so l d: ' which was conformable to the
law in Israel, according to which Saul took a yoke of oxen, and
hewed them in pieces, and sent them throughout the tribes,
saying, ' Whosoever comes not forth to battle after Saul and
Samuel, so shall it be done to his oxen.' By which you may
observe also that they who had no cattle were not of the militia
in Israel. But the age of the Roman youth by the Tullian
law determined at thirty; and by the law (though it should
seem by Machiavel and others that this was not well observed)
a man could not stand for magistracy till he was miles emeritus,
or had fulfilled the full term of his militia, which was com-
plete in his tenth stipend or service, nor was he afterward
obliged under any penalty to give his name, except the com-
monwealth were invaded, in which case the elders were as
well obliged as the youth. The Consul might also levy milites
evocatos, or soldiers, commanded men out of such as had
served their turn, and this at his discretion. The legions
being thus complete, were divided by two to each consul, and
in these no man had right to serve but a Roman citizen; now
OCEANA 3<53

because two legions made but a small army, the Romans added
to every one of their arms an equal number of foot, and a
double number of horse levied among their Latin or Italian
associates; so a consular army, with the legions and auxili-
aries, amounted to about 30,000, and whereas they commonly
levied two such armies together, theie. being joined made about
60,000.
" The steps whereby our militia follows the greatest cap-
tain, are the three essays; the first, elected by a fifth man
in the parishes, and amounting in the whole to 100,000, choose
their officers at the hundreds, where they fall also to their
games or exercises, invited by handsome prizes, such as for
themselves and the honor of them will be coveted, such as will
render the hundred a place of sports, and exercise of arms
all the year long, such as in the space of ten years will equip
30,000 men horse and foot, with such arms for their forge,
proof, and beauty, as (notwithstanding the argyraspides, or
silver shields of Alexander's guards) were never worn by so
many, such as will present marks of virtue and direction to
your general or strategus in the distribution of his army,
which doubles the value of them to the proprietors, who are
bound to wear them, and eases the commonwealth of so much
charge, so many being armed already.
" But here will be the objection now. How shall such a
revenue be compassed ? Fifty pounds a year in every hundred
is a great deal, not so easily raised; men will not part with
their money, nor would the sum, as it is proposed by the order
of Pompey, rise in many years. These are difficulties that fit
our genius exactly, and yet ¿1,000 in each hundred, once
levied, establishes the revenue forever. Now the hundreds
one with another are worth ¿10,000 a year dry-rent, over and
above personal estates, which bring it to twice the value, so
that a twentieth part of one year's revenue of the hundred
does it. If you cannot afford this while you pay taxes, though
from henceforth they will be but small ones, do it when you
pay none. If it be then too much for one year, do it in two ;
if it be too much for two years, do it in four. What husbands
have we hitherto been? what is become of greater sums? My
lords, if you should thus cast your bread upon the waters,
after many days you shall find it; stand not huckling when
you are offered corn and your money again in the mouth of
the sack.
" But to proceed: the first essay being officered at the hun-
dreds, and mustered at the tribes (where they are entertained
with other sports, which will be very fine ones), proceeds to
the election of the second essay, or standing army of this na-
364 HARRINGTON

tion, consisting of 30,000 foot and 10,000 horse; and these,


upon a war decreed, being delivered at the rendezvous of
Oceana to the strategus, are the third essay, which answers to
the Roman legions. But you may observe, that whereas the
consuls elected the military tribunes, and raised commanded
men out of the veterans at their own discretion, our polemarchs,
or field officers, are elected by the scrutiny of the Council of
War, and our veterans not otherwise taken on than as volun-
teers, and with the consent of the polemarchs, which may serve
for the removal of certain scruples which might otherwise be
incident in this place, though without encouragement by the
Roman way of proceeding, much less by that which is pro-
posed. But whereas the Roman legions in all amounted not
in one army to above 30,000 men, or little more, you have
here 40,000; and whereas they added auxiliaries, it is in this
regard that Marpesia will be a greater revenue to you than
if you had the Indies; for whereas heretofore she has yielded
you nothing but her native thistles, in ploughing out the rank-
ness of her aristocracy by your agrarian, you will find her an
inexhaustible magazine of men, and to her own advantage,
who will make a far better account by the arms than by the
pins of Poland. Wherefore as a consular army consisted of
about an equal number of auxiliaries added to their legions
by their Latin or Italian associates, you may add to a parlia-
mentary army an equal number of Marpesians or Panopeans,
as that colony shall hereafter be able to supply you, by which
means the commonwealth will be able to go forth to battle
with 80,000 men.
" To make wars with small forces is no husbandry, but a
waste, a disease, a lingering and painful consumption of men
and money, the Romans making theirs thick, made them short,
and had little regard to money, as that which they who have
men enough can command where it is fittest that it should
be levied. All the ancient monarchies by this means got on
wing, and attained to vast riches. Whereas your modern
princes being dear purchasers of small parcels, have but empty
pockets. But it may be some will accuse the order of rash-
ness, in that it commits the sole conduct of the war to the
general; and the custom of Venice by her proveditori, or
checks upon her commanders-in-chief, may seem to be of
greater prudence; but in this part of our government neither
Venice nor any nation that makes use of mercenary forces is
for our instruction. A mercenary army, with a standing gen-
eral, is like the fatal sister that spins; but proper forces,
with an annual magistrate, are like her that cuts the thread.
Their interests are quite contrary, and yet you have a better
OCEANA

proveditor than the Venetian, another strategus sitting with


an army standing by him; whereupon that which is marching,
if there were any probability it should, would find as little
possibility that it could recoil, as a foreign enemy to invade
you. These things considered, a war will appear to be of a
contrary nature to that of all other reckonings, inasmuch as
of this you must never look to have a good account if you be
strict in imposing checks. Let a council of huntsmen, assem-
bled beforehand, tell you which way the stag shall run, where
you shall cast about at the fault, and how you shall ride to be
in at the chase all the day; but these may as well do that, as
a council of war direct a general. The hours that have painted
wings, and of different colors, are his council; he must be
like the eye that makes not the scene, but has it so soon as
it changes. That in many counsellors there is strength, is
spoken of civil administrations; as to those that are military,
there is nothing more certain than that in many counsellors
there is weakness. Joint commissions in military affairs, are
like hunting your hounds in their couples. In the Attic War
Cleomenes and Demaratus, Kings of Lacedaemon, being thus
coupled, tugged one against another; and while they should
have joined against the Persian, were the cause of the com-
mon calamity, whereupon that commonwealth took better
counsel, and made a law whereby from henceforth there went
at once but one of her kings to battle.
"' The Fidenati being in rebellion, and having slain the
colony of the Romans, four tribunes with consular power
were created by the people of Rome, whereof one being left
for the guard of the city, the other three were sent against the
Fidenati, who, through the division that happened among them,
brought nothing home but dishonor: whereupon the Romans
created the Dictator, and Livy gives his judgment in these
words: " The three tribunes with consular power were a les-
son how useless in war is the joint command of several gen-
erals; for each following his own counsels, while they all
differed in their opinions, gave by this opportunity an ad-
vantage to the enemy." When the consuls Quintus and
Agrippa were sent against the vEqui, Agrippa for this reason
refused to go with his colleague, saying: " That in the admin-
istration of great actions it was most safe that the chief com-
mand should be lodged in one person." And if the ruin of
modern armies were well considered, most of it would be found
to have fallen upon this point, it being in this case far safer
to trust to any one man of common prudence, than to any
two or more together of the greatest parts.' The consuls in-
deed, being equal in power, while one was present with the
3 66 HARRINGTON

Senate, and the other in the field with the army, made a good
balance; and this with us is exactly followed by the election
of a new strategus upon the march of the old one.
" The seven-and-twentieth order, whereby the elders in case
of invasion are obliged to equal duty with the youth, and each
upon their own charge, is suitable to reason (for every man
defends his own estate) and to our copy, as in the war with
the Samnites and Tuscans. ' The Senate ordered a vacation
to be proclaimed, and a levy to be made of all sorts of per-
sons, and not only the freemen and youths were listed, but
cohorts of the old men were likewise formed.' This nation
of all others is the least obnoxious to invasion. Oceana, says
a French politician, is a beast that cannot be devoured but
by herself; nevertheless, that government is not perfect which
is not provided at all points; and in this (ad triarios res rediit)
the elders being such as in a martial state must be veterans,
the commonwealth invaded gathers strength like Antseus by
her fall, while the whole number of the elders, consisting of
500,000, and the youth of as many, being brought up accord-
ing to the order, give twelve successive battles, each battle
consisting of 80,000 men, half elders and half youth. And the
commonwealth, whose constitution can be no stranger to any
of those virtues which are to be acquired in human life, grows
familiar with death ere she dies. If the hand of God be upon
her for her transgressions, she shall mourn for her sins, and
lie in the dust for her iniquities, without losing her manhood.

'" Si fractus illabatur orbis,


Impavidam ferient rtiina.' "

The remaining part, being the constitution of the provincial


orb, is partly civil, or consisting of the elders; and partly
military, or consisting of the youth. The civil part of the
provincial orb is directed b y —
The twenty-eighth order, " Whereby the council of a prov-
ince being constituted of twelve knights, divided by four into
three regions (for their term and revolution conformable to
the Parliament), is perpetuated by the annual election at the
tropic of four knights (being triennial magistrates) out of
the region of the Senate whose term expires; and of one
knight out of the same region to be strategus or general of
the province, which magistracy is annual. The strategus or
magistrate thus chosen shall be as well president of the pro-
vincial council with power to propose to the same, as general
of the army. The council for the rest shall elect weekly pro-
vosts, having any two of them also right to propose after the
OCEANA 367

manner of the senatorian councils of Oceana. And whereas


all provincial councils are members of the Council of State,
they may and ought to keep diligent correspondence with the
same, which is to be done after this manner: Any opinion or
opinions legitimately proposed and debated at a provincial
council, being thereupon signed by the strategus or any two of
the provosts, may be transmitted to the Council of State in
Oceana; and the Council of State proceeding upon the same
in their natural course (whether by their own power, if it be
a matter within their instructions; or by authority of the
Senate thereupon consulted, if it be a matter of state which
is not in their instructions; or by authority of the Senate and
command of the people, if it be a matter of law, as for the
levies of men or money upon common use and safety) shall
return such answers, advice, or orders as in any of the ways
mentioned shall be determined upon the case.
" The provincial councils of Marpesia and Panopea respec-
tively shall take special care that the agrarian laws, as also all
other laws that be or shall from time to time be enacted by
the Parliament of Oceana, for either of them, be duly put in
execution; they shall manage and receive the customs of either
nation for the shipping of Oceana, being the common guard;
they shall have a care that moderate and sufficient pay upon
the respective province be duly raised for the support and main-
tenance of the officers and soldiers, or army of the same, in
the most effectual, constant, and convenient wa y; they shall
receive the regalia, or public revenues of those nations, out of
which every councillor shall have for his term, and to his
proper use, the sum of ¿500 per annum, and the strategus
¿500 as president, beside his pay as general, which shall be
¿1,000, the remainder to go to the use of the knights and
deputies of the respective provinces, to be paid, if it will reach,
according to the rates of Oceana; if not, by an equal distribu-
tion, respectively, or the overplus, if there be any, to be re-
turned to the Treasury of Oceana. They shall manage the
lands (if there be any such held in either of the provinces by
the Commonwealth of Oceana, in dominion) and return the
rents into the Exchequer. If the commonwealth comes to be
possessed of richer provinces, the pay of the general or strate-
gus, and of the councils, may be respectively increased. The
people for the rest shall elect their own magistrates, and be gov-
erned by their own laws, having power also to appeal from their
native or provincial magistrates, if they please, to the people
of Oceana. And whereas there may be such as receiving in-
jury, are not able to prosecute their appeals at so great a dis-
tance, eight sergeants-at-law, being sworn by the commission-
368 HARRINGTON

ers of the seal, shall be sent by four into each province once in
two years; who, dividing the same by circuits, shall hear
such causes, and having gathered and introduced them, shall
return to the several appellants, gratis, the determinations and
decrees of the people in their several cases.
" The term of a knight in a provincial orb, as to domestic
magistracies, shall be esteemed a vacation, and no bar to pres-
ent election to any other honor, his provincial magistracy
being expired.
" The quorum of a provincial council, as also of every other
council or assembly in Oceana, shall in time of health consist
of two parts in three of the whole number proper to that coun-
cil or assembly; and in a time of sickness, of one part in three ;
but of the Senate there can be no quorum without three of
the signory, nor of a council without two of the provosts."
The civil part of the provincial orb being declared by the
foregoing order, the military part of the same is constituted
by-
The twenty-ninth order, " Whereby the stratiots of the
third essay having drawn the gold balls marked with the let-
ter M, and being ten horse and fifty foot in a tribe, that is to
say, 500 horse and 2,500 foot in all, the tribes shall be de-
livered by the respective conductors to the provincial strategus
or general, at such a time and place, or rendezvous, as he
shall appoint by order and certificate of his election, and the
strategus having received the horse and foot mentioned, which
are the third classes of his provincial guard or army, shall
forthwith lead them away to Marpesia, where the army con-
sists of three classes, each class containing 3,000 men, whereof
500 are horse; and receiving the new strategus with the third
class, the old strategus with the first class shall be dismissed
by the provincial council. The same method with the stratiots
of the letter P, is to be observed for the provincial orb of
Panopea; and the commonwealth coming to acquire new prov-
inces, the Senate and the people may erect new orbs in like
manner, consisting of greater or less numbers, according as is
required by the respective occasion. If a stratiot has once
served his term in a provincial orb, and happens afterward
to draw the letter of a province at the election of the second
essay, he may refuse his lot; and if he refuses it, the censor
of that urn shall cause the files balloting at the same to make
a halt; and if the stratiot produces the certificate of his strate-
gus or general, that he has served his time accordingly, the
censor throwing the ball that he drew into the urn again, and
taking out a blank, shall dismiss the youth, and cause the bal-
lot to proceed."
ÒCEANA

To perfect the whole structure of this commonwealth, some


directions are given to the third essay, or army marching, i n —
The thirtieth order: ' " W h e n thou goest to battle against
thy enemies, and seest horses and chariots, and a people more
than thou, be not afraid of them, for the Lord thy God is
he that goes with thee to fight for thee against thy enemies.
And when thou dividest the spoil, it shall be as a statute and
an ordinance to thee, that as his part is that goes down to the
battle, so shall his part be that tarries by tjje stuff:' that is
(as to the Commonwealth of Oceana) the spoil taken of the
enemy (except clothes, arms, horses, ammunition, and victuals,
to be divided to the soldiery by the strategus and the polemarchs
upon the place according to their discretion) shall be delivered
to four commissaries of the spoils elected and sworn by the
Council of W a r ; which commissaries shall be allowed ship-
ping by the State, and convoys according as occasion shall
require by the strategus, to the end that having a bill of lading
signed by three or more of the polemarchs, they may ship and
bring, or cause such spoils to be brought to the prize-office
in Oceana, where they shall be sold; and the profit arising
by such spoils shall be divided into three parts, whereof one
shall go to the Treasury, another shall be paid to the soldiery
of this nation, and a third to the auxiliaries at their return
from their service, provided that the said auxiliaries be equal
in number to the proper forces of this nation, otherwise their
share shall be so much less as they themselves are fewer in
number: the rest of the two-thirds to go to the officers and
soldiers of the proper forces. And the spoils so divided to
the proper forces, shall be subdivided into three equal parts,
whereof one shall go to the officers, and two to the common
soldiers, the like for the auxiliaries. And the share allotted
to the officers shall be divided into four equal parts, whereof
one shall go to the strategus, another to the polemarchs, a third
to the colonels, and a fourth to the captains, cornets, ensigns,
and under-officers, receiving their share of the spoil as com-
mon soldiers, the like for the auxiliaries. And this upon pain,
in the case of failure, of what the people of Oceana (to whom
the cognizance of peculation or crimes of this nature is prop-
erly appertaining) shall adjudge or decree."

Upon these three last orders the Archon seemed to be


haranguing at the head of his army in this manner:

" MY DEAR LORDS AND EXCELLENT PATRIOTS :


"A government of this make is a commonwealth for in-
crease. Of those for preservation, the inconveniences and
24
37° HARRINGTON

frailties have been shown: their roots are narrow, such as do


not run, have no fibres; their tops weak and dangerously ex-
posed to the weather, except you chance to find one, as Venice,
planted in a flower-pot, and if she grows, she grows top-
heavy, and falls, too. But you cannot plant an oak in a flower-
pot; she must have earth for her root, and heaven for her
branches.
" 'Imperium Oceano, famam qua terminet astris.'

" Rome was said to be broken by her own weight, but


poetically; for that weight by which she was pretended to be
ruined was supported in her emperors by a far slighter founda-
tion. And in the common experience of good architecture,
there is nothing more known than that buildings stand the
firmer and the longer for their own weight, nor ever swerve
through any other internal cause than that their materials are
corruptible; but the people never die, nor, as a political body,
are subject to any other corruption than that which derives
from their government. Unless a man will deny the chain of
causes, in which he denies God, he must also acknowledge the
chain of effects; wherefore there can be no effect in nature
that is not from the first cause, and those successive links of
the chain without which it could not have been. Now except
a man can show the contrary in a commonwealth, if there
be no cause of corruption in the first make of it, there can
never be any such effect. Let no man's superstition impose
profaneness upon this assertion; for as man is sinful, but
yet the universe is perfect, so may the citizen be sinful, and
yet the commonwealth be perfect. And as man, seeing the
world is perfect, can never commit any such sin as shall render
it imperfect, or bring it to a natural dissolution, so the citizen,
where the commonwealth is perfect, can never commit any
such crime as will render it imperfect, or bring it to a natural
dissolution.
" To come to experience: Venice, notwithstanding we have
found some flaws in it, is the only commonwealth in the make
whereof no man can find a cause of dissolution; for which
reason we behold her (though she consists of men that are
not without sin) at this day with 1,000 years upon her back,
yet for any internal cause, as young, as fresh, and free from
decay, or any appearance of it, as she was born; but whatever
in nature is not sensible of decay by the course of 1,000 years,
is capable of the whole age of nature; by which calculation,
for any check that I am able to give myself, a commonwealth,
rightly ordered, may for any internal causes be as immortal
or long-lived as the world. But if this be true, those com-
OCEANA 371

monwealths that are naturally fallen, must have derived their


ruin from the rise of them. Israel and Athens died, not natural,
but violent deaths, in which manner the world itself is to die.
We are speaking of those causes of dissolution which are nat-
ural to government; and they are but two, either contradic-
tion or inequality. If a commonwealth be a contradiction, she
must needs destroy herself; and if she be unequal, it tends
to strife, and strife to ruin. By the former of these fell Lace-
daemon, by the latter Rome. Lacedaemon being made alto-
gether for war, and yet not for increase, her natural progress
became her natural dissolution, and the building of her own
victorious hand too heavy for her foundation, so that she fell,
indeed, by her own weight. But Rome perished through her
native inequality, which how it inveterated the bosoms of the
Senate and the people each against other, and even to death,
has been shown at large.
" Look well to it, my lords, for if there be a contradiction
or inequality in your commonwealth, it must fall; but if it
has neither of these, it has no principle of mortality. Do not
think me impudent; if this be truth, I shall commit a gross
indiscretion in concealing it. Sure I am that Machiavel is
for the immortality of a commonwealth upon far weaker prin-
ciples. ' If a commonwealth,' says he, ' were so happy as to
be provided often with men, that, when she is swerving from
her principles, should reduce her to her institution, she would
be immortal.' But a commonwealth, as we have demonstrated,
swerves not from her principles, but by and through her insti-
tution; if she brought no bias into the world with her, her
course for any internal cause must be straightforward, as we
see is that of Venice. She cannot turn to the right hand nor
to the left, but by some rub, which is not an internal, but
external, cause: against such she can be no way fortified but
through her situation, as is Venice, or through her militia, as
was Rome, by which examples a commonwealth may be secure
of those also. Think me not vain, for I cannot conceal my
opinion here; a commonwealth that is rightly instituted can
never swerve, nor one that is not rightly instituted be secured
from swerving by reduction to her first principles; wherefore
it is no less apparent in this place that Machiavel understood
not a commonwealth as to the whole piece, than where having
told you that a tribune, or any other citizen of Rome, might
propose a law to the people, and debate it with them, he adds,
' this order was good while the people were good; but when
the people became evil, it became most pernicious.' As if this
order (through which, with the like, the people most ap-
parently became evil) could ever have been good, or that the
372 HARRINGTON

people or the commonwealth could ever have become good, by


being reduced to such principles as were the original of their
evil.
" The disease of Rome was, as has been shown, from the
native inequality of her balance, and no otherwise from the
empire of the world, than as, this falling into one scale, that of
the nobility (an evil in such a fabric inevitable) kicked out
the people. Wherefore a man that could have made her to
throw away the empire of the world, might in that have re-
duced her to her principles, and yet have been so far from
rendering her immortal that, going no further, he should never
have cured her. But your commonwealth is founded upon an
equal agrarian; and if the earth be given to the sons of men,
this balance is the balance of justice, such a one as in having
due regard to the different industry of different men, yet faith-
fully judges the poor. ' And the king that faithfully judges
the poor, his throne shall be established forever;' much more
the commonwealth, seeing that equality, which is the neces-
sary dissolution of monarchy, is the generation, the very life
and soul, of a commonwealth. And now, if ever, I may be
excusable, seeing my assertion, that the throne of a common-
wealth may be established forever, is consonant to the holy
Scriptures.
" The balance of a commonwealth that is equal is of such a
nature that whatever falls into her empire must fall equally;
and if the whole earth falls into your scales, it must fall equally,
and so you may be a greater people and yet not swerve from
your principles one hair. Nay, you will be so far from that
that you must bring the world in such a case to your balance,
even to the balance of justice. But hearken, my lords; are
we on earth, do we see the sun, or are we visiting those shady
places which are feigned by the poets?

" ' Continuó audita: voces, vagitus ct ingcns.'

These Gothic empires that are yet in the world, were at the
first, though they had legs of their own, but a heavy and
unwieldy burden; but their foundations being now broken,
the iron of them enters even into the souls of the oppressed;
and hear the voice of their comforters: ' My father hath chas-
tised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions.'
Hearken, I say, if thy brother cries to thee in affliction, wilt
thou not hear him? This is a commonwealth of the fabric
that has an open ear and a public concern; she is not made
for herself only, but given as a magistrate of God to mankind,
for the vindication of common right and the law of nature.
OCEANA
373
Wherefore says Cicero of the like, that of the Romans, ' We
have rather undertaken the patronage than the empire of the
world.' If you, not regarding this example, like some other
nations that are upon the point to smart for it, shall, having
attained to your own liberty, bear the sword of your common
magistracy in vain, sit still and fold your arms, or, which is
worse, let out the blood of your people to tyrants, to be shed
in the defence of their yokes like water, and so not only turn
the grace of God into wantonness, but his justice into worm-
wood : I say if you do thus, you are not now making a com-
monwealth, but heaping coals of fire upon your own heads.
A commonwealth of this make is a minister of God upon
earth, to the end that the world may be governed with
righteousness. For which cause (that I may come at length
to our present business) the orders last rehearsed are buds of
empire, such as with the blessing of God may spread the arms
of your commonwealth, like a holy asylum, to the distressed
world, and give the earth her sabbath of years, or rest from
her labors, under the shadow of your wings. It is upon this
point where the writings of Machiavel, having for the rest
excelled all other authors, come as far to excel themselves.
" Commonwealths, says he, have had three ways of prop-
agating themselves: One after the manner of monarchies, by
imposing the yoke, which was the way of Athens, and, toward
the latter times, of Lacedaemon; another by equal leagues,
which is the way of Switzerland (I shall add of Holland,
though since his time) ; a third by unequal leagues, which,
to the shame of the world, was never practised, nay, nor so
much as seen or minded, by any other commonwealth but that
only of Rome. They will each of them, either for caution or
imitation, be worthy to be well weighed, which is the proper
work of this place. Athens and Lacedaemon have been the
occasion of great scandal to the world, in two, or at least one
of two regards: the first, their emulation, which involved
Greece in perpetual wars; the second, their way of propaga-
tion, which by imposing yokes upon others, was plainly con-
tradictory to their own principles.
" For the first: governments, be they of what kind soever,
if they be planted too close, are like trees, that impatient in
their growth to have it hindered, eat out one another. It
was not unknown to these in speculation, or, if you read the
story of Agesilaus, in action, that either of them with 30,000
men might have mastered the East; and certainly, if the one
had not stood in the other's light, Alexander had come too late
to that end, which was the means (and would be if they were
to live again) of ruin, at least to one of them; wherefore with
374 HARRINGTON

any man that understands the nature of government this is


excusable. So it was between Oceana and Marpesia; so it is
between France and Spain, though less excusable; and so it
ever will be in the like cases. But to come to the second
occasion of scandal by them given, which was in the way of
their propagation, it is not excusable; for they brought their
confederates under bondage, by which means Athens gave
occasion of the Peloponnesian War, the wound of which she
died stinking, when Lacedsemon, taking the same infection
from her carcass, soon followed.
" Wherefore, my lords, let these be warnings to you not
to make that liberty which God has given you a snare to
others in practising this kind of enlargement to yourselves.
" The second way of propagation or enlargement used by
commonwealths is that of Switzerland and Holland, equal
leagues; this, though it be not otherwise mischievous, is use-
less to the world, and dangerous to themselves: useless to the
world, for as the former governments were storks, these are
blocks, have no sense of honor, or concern in the sufferings
of others. But as the ^Etolians, a state of the like fabric, were
reproached by Philip of Macedon to prostitute themselves, by
letting out their arms to the lusts of others, while they leave
their own liberty barren and without legitimate issue; so I
do not defame these people; the Switzer for valor has no
superior, the Hollander for industry no equal; but themselves
in the meantime shall so much the less excuse their govern-
ments, seeing that to the Switz it is well enough known that
the ensigns of his commonwealth have no other motto than
in te converte niamis; and that of the Hollander, though he
sweats more gold than the Spaniard digs, lets him languish in
debt; for she herself lives upon charity. These are dangerous
to themselves, precarious governments, such as do not com-
mand, but beg their bread from province to province, in coats
that being patched up of all colors are in effect of none. That
their cantons and provinces are so many arrows, is good; but
they are so many bows too, which is naught.
" Like to these was the commonwealth of the ancient Tus-
cans, hung together like bobbins, without a hand to weave with
them; therefore easily overcome by the Romans, though at
that time, for number, a far less considerable people. If your
liberty be not a root that grows, it will be a branch that withers,
which consideration brings me to the paragon, the Common-
wealth of Rome.
" The ways and means whereby the Romans acquired the
patronage, and in that the empire, of the world were different,
according to the different condition of their commonwealth in
OCEANA 375

her rise and in her growth: in her rise she proceeded rather
by colonies, in her growth by unequal leagues. Colonies with-
out the bounds of Italy she planted none (such dispersion of
the Roman citizen as to plant him in foreign parts, till the
contrary interest of the emperors brought in that practice, was
unlawful), nor did she ever demolish any city within that
compass, or divest it of liberty; but whereas the most of them
were commonwealths, stirred up by emulation of her great
felicity to war against her, if she overcame any, she confis-
cated some part of their lands that were the greatest incen-
diaries, or causes of the trouble, upon which she planted col-
onies of her own people, preserving the rest of their lands and
liberties for the natives or inhabitants. By this way of pro-
ceeding, that I may be as brief as possible, she did many and
great things. For in confirming of liberty, she propagated
her empire; in holding the inhabitants from rebellion, she put
a curb upon the incursion of enemies; in exonerating herself
of the poorer sort, she multiplied her citizens; in rewarding
her veterans, she rendered the rest less seditious; and in
acquiring to herself the reverence of a common parent, she
from time to time became the mother of new-born cities.
" In her further growth the way of her propagation went
more upon leagues, which for the first division were of two
kinds, social and provincial.
" Again, social leagues, or leagues of society, were of two
kinds:
" The first called Latinity or Latin, the second Italian right.
" The league between the Romans and the Latins, or Latin
right, approached nearest to jus quiritium, or the right of a
native Roman. The man or the city that was honored with
this right, was civitate donatus cum suffragio, adopted a citizen
of Rome, with the right of giving suffrage with the people
in some cases, as those of conformation of law, or determina-
tion in judicature, if both the Consuls were agreed, not other-
wise; wherefore that coming to little, the greatest and most
peculiar part of this privilege was, that who had borne magis-
tracy (at least that of ccdile or qucestor) in any Latin city,
was by consequence of the same a citizen of Rome at all points.
" Italian right was also a donation of the city, but without
suffrage: they who were in either of these leagues, were gov-
erned by their own laws and magistrates, having all the rights,
as to liberty, of citizens of Rome, yielding and praying to the
commonwealth as head of the league, and having in the con-
duct of all affairs appertaining to the common cause, such
aid of men and money as was particularly agreed to upon the
merit of the cause, and specified in their respective leagues,
376 HARRINGTON

whence such leagues came to be called equal or unequal accord-


ingly.
" Provincial leagues were of different extension, according
to the merit and capacity of a conquered people ; but they were
all of one kind, for every province was governed by Roman
magistrates, as a praetor or a proconsul, according to the dig-
nity of the province, for the civil administration and conduct
of the provincial army, and a quaestor for the gathering of the
public revenue, from which magistrates a province might ap-
peal to Rome.
" For the better understanding of these particulars, I shall
exemplify in as many of them as is needful, and first in Mace-
don :
" The Macedonians were thrice conquered by the Romans,
first under the conduct of Titus Quintus Flaminius ; secondly,
under that of Lucius TEmilius Paulus; and, thirdly, under that
of Quintus Caecilius Metellus, thence called Macedonicus.
" For the first time Philip of Macedon, who (possessed of
Acrocorinthus) boasted no less than was true, that he had
Greece in fetters, being overcome by Flaminius, had his king-
dom restored to him, upon condition that he should immedi-
ately set all the cities which he held in Greece and in Asia at
liberty ; and that he should not make war out of Macedon
but by leave of the Senate of Rome; which Philip (having no
other way to save anything) agreed should be done accord¬
" The Grecians being at this time assembled at the Isthmian
games, where the concourse was mighty great, a crier, ap-
pointed to the office by Flaminius, was heard among them
proclaiming all Greece to be free ; to which the people being
amazed at so hopeless a thing, gave little credit, till they re-
ceived such testimony of the truth as put it past all doubt,
whereupon they fell immediately on running to the proconsul
with flowers and garlands, and such violent expressions of
their admiration and joy, as, if Flaminius, a young man, about
thirty-three, had not also been very strong, he must have died
of no other death than their kindness, while everyone striving
to touch his hand, they bore him up and down the field with
an unruly throng, full of such ejaculations as these: H o w!
Is there a people in the world, that at their own charge, at
their own peril, will fight for the liberty of another? Did
they live at the next door to the fire? Or what kind of men
are these, whose business it is to pass the seas, that the world
may be governed with righteousness? The cities of Greece
and of Asia shake off their iron fetters at the voice of a crier !
Was it madness to imagine such a thing, and is it done? O
virtue! O felicity! O fame!
OCEANA 377

" In this example your lordships have a donation of liberty,


or of Italian right to a people, by restitution to what they had
formerly enjoyed; and some particular men, families or cities,
according to their merit of the Romans, if not upon this, yet
upon the like occasions, were gratified with Latinity.
" But Philip's share by this means did not please him,
wherefore the league was broken by his son Perseus; and the
Macedonians thereupon for the second time conquered by
^ mi li u s Paulus, their King taken, and they some time after
the victory summoned to the tribunal of the general; where,
remembering how little hope they ought to have of pardon,
they expected some dreadful sentence: when ^Emilius, in the
first place, declared the Macedonians to be free, in the full
possession of their lands, goods, and laws, with right to elect
annual magistrates, yielding and paying to the people of Rome
one-half of the tribute which they were accustomed to pay to
their own kings. This done he went on, making so skilful a
division of the country in order to the methodizing of the peo-
ple, and casting them into the form of popular government,
that the Macedonians, being first surprised with the virtue of
the Romans, began now to alter the scene of their admiration,
that a stranger should do such things for them in their own
country, and with such facility as they had never so much as
once imagined to be possible. Nor was this all; for JEmilius,
as if not dictating to conquered enemies, but to some well-de-
serving friends, gave them in the last place laws so suitable,
and contrived with such care and prudence, that long use and
experience (the only correctress of works of this nature) could
never find a fault in them.
" In this example you have a donation of liberty, or of
Italian right, to a people that had not tasted of it before, but
were now taught how to use it.
" My lords, the royalists should compare what we are doing,
and we what hitherto we have done for them, with this ex-
ample. It is a shame that while we are boasting up ourselves
above all others, we should yet be so far from imitating such
examples as these, that we do not so much as understand that
if government be the parent of manners, where there are no
heroic virtues, there is no heroic government.
" But the Macedonians rebelling, at the name of a false
Philip, the third time against the Romans, were by them
judged incapable of liberty, and reduced by Metellus to a
province.
" Now whereas it remains that I explain the nature of a
province, I shall rather choose that of Sicily, because, having
been the first which the Romans made, the descriptions of the
rest relate to it.
378 HARRINGTON

" ' We have so received the Sicilian cities into amity,' says
Cicero,' that they enjoy their ancient laws; and upon no other
condition than of the same obedience to the people of Rome,
which they formerly yielded to their own princes or superiors.'
So the Sicilians, whereas they had been parcelled out to divers
princes, and into divers states (the cause of perpetual wars,
whereby, hewing one another down, they became sacrifices to
the ambition of their neighbors, or of some invader), were
now received at the old rate into a new protection which could
hold them, and in which no enemy durst touch them; nor was
it possible, as the case then stood, for the Sicilians to receive,
or for the Romans to give more.
" A Roman province is defined by Sigonius as a region hav-
ing provincial right. Provincial right in general was to be
governed by a Roman praetor, or consul, in matters at least
of state, and of the militia; and by a quaestor, whose office it
was to receive the public revenue. Provincial right in partic-
ular was different, according to the different leagues or agree-
ments between the commonwealth, and the people reduced into
a province. ' Siculi hoc jure sunt, ut quod civis cum cive
agat, domi certet suis legibus; quod siculus cum siculo non
ejusdem civitatis, ut de eo prator judices, ex P. Rupilii decreto,
sortiatur. Quod privatus a populo petit, aut popuhts a privato,
senatus ex aliqua civitate, qui judicet, datur, cui alterna civi-
tates rejectee sunt. Quod vivis Romanus a siculo petit, siculus
judex datur; quod siculus a cive Romano, civis Romanus
datur. Ccctcrarum rcrum selecti judices ex avium Roman¬
orum conventu proponi solent. Inter aratorcs el decumauos
lege frumentaria, quam Hieronicam appellant, judicia Hunt.'
Because the rest would oblige me to a discourse too large for
this place, it shall suffice that I have showed you how it was
in Sicily.
" My lords, upon the fabric of your provincial orb I shall
not hold you; because it is sufficiently described in the order,
and I cannot believe that you think it inferior to the way of
a praetor and a quaestor. But whereas the provincial way of
the Roman Commonwealth was that whereby it held the em-
pire of the world, and your orbs are intended to be capable
at least of the like use, there may arise many controversies, as
whether such a course be lawful, whether it be feasible; and,
seeing that the Romans were ruined upon that point, whether
it would not be to the destruction of the commonwealth.
" For the first: if the empire of a commonwealth be an
occasion to ask whether it be lawful for a commonwealth to
aspire to the empire of the world, it is to ask whether it be
lawful for it to do its duty, or to put the world into a better
condition than it was before.
OCEANA 379

" A n d to ask whether this be feasible, is to ask why the


Oceaner, being under the like administration of government,
may not do as much with 200 men as the Roman did with
1 00 ; for comparing their commonwealths in their rise, the dif-
ference is yet greater: now that Rome (seris avaritia
luxuriaque), through the natural thirst of her constitution,
came at length with the fulness of her provinces to burst her-
self, this is no otherwise to be understood than as when a ,
man that from his own evil constitution had contracted the
dropsy, dies with drinking, it being apparent that in case her
agrarian had held, she could never have been thus ruined, and
I have already demonstrated that your agrarian being once
poised, can never break or swerve.
" Wherefore to draw toward some conclusion of this dis-
course, let me inculcate the use, by selecting a few considera-
tions out of many. The regard had in this place to the em-
pire of the world appertains to a well-ordered commonwealth,
more especially for two reasons:
" 1. The facility of this great enterprise, by a government
of the model proposed;
" 2. The danger that you would run in the omission of such
a government.
" The facility of this enterprise, upon the grounds already
laid, must needs be great, forasmuch as the empire of the
world has been, both in reason and experience, the necessary
consequence of a commonwealth of this nature only; for
though it has been given to all kinds to drive at it, since that
of Athens or Lacedsemon, if the one had not hung in the other's
light, might have gained it, yet could neither of them have
held it; not Athens, through the manner of her propagation,
which, being by downright tyranny, could not preserve what
she had, nor Lacedaamon, because she was overthrown by the
weight of a less conquest. The facility then of this great en-
terprise being peculiar to popular government, I shall consider
it, first, in gaining, and secondly, in holding.
" For the former, volenti non Ht injuria. It is said of the
people under Eumenes, that they would not have changed their
subjection for liberty; wherefore the Romans gave them no
disturbance. If a people be contented with their government,
it is a certain sign that it is good, and much good do them
with it. The sword of your magistracy is for a terror to them
that do evil. Eumenes had the fear of God, or of the Romans,
before his eyes; concerning such he has given you no com-
mission.
" But till we can say, here are the Romans, where is
Eumenes? do not think that the late appearances of God to
3 8o HARRINGTON

you have been altogether for yourselves; ' He has surely seen
the affliction of your brethren, and heard their cry by reason
of their task masters.' For to believe otherwise is not only
to be mindless of his ways, but altogether deaf. If you have
ears to near, this is the way in which you will certainly be
called upon; for if, while there is no stock of liberty, no
sanctuary of the afflicted, it be a common object to behold a
people casting themselves out of the pan of one prince into the
fire of another; what can you think, but if the world should
see the Roman eagle again, she would renew her age and her
flight? Nor did ever she spread her wings with better omen
than will be read in your ensigns; which if, called in by an
oppressed people they interpose between them and their yoke,
the people themselves must either do nothing in the meantime
or have no more pains to take for their wished fruit than to
gather it, if that be not likewise done for them. Wherefore
this must needs be easy, and yet you have a greater facility
than is in the arm of flesh; for if the cause of mankind be
the cause of God, the Lord of Hosts will be your captain, and
you shall be a praise to the whole earth.
" The facility of holding is in the way of your propagation;
if you take that of Athens and Lacedemon, you shall rain
snares, but either catch or hold nothing. Lying lips are an
abomination to the Lord: if setting up for liberty you im-
pose yokes, he will infallibly destroy you. On the other side,
to go about a work of this nature by a league without a head,
is to abdicate that magistracy wherewith he has not only en-
dued you, but whereof he will require an account of you; for,
' cursed is he that does the work of the Lord negligently.'
Wherefore you are to take the course of Rome: if you have
subdued a nation that is capable of liberty, you shall make
them a present of it, as did Flaminius to Greece, and ^Emilius
to Macedon, reserving to yourselves some part of that revenue
which was legally paid to the former government, together
with the right of being head of the league, which includes such
levies of men and money as shall be necessary for the carrying
on of the public work.
" For if a people have by your means attained to freedom,
they owe both to the cause and you such aid as may propagate
the like fruit to the rest of the world. But whereas every
nation is not capable of her liberty to this degree, lest you
be put to doing and undoing of things, as the Romans were
in Macedon, you shall diligently observe what nation is fit for
her liberty to this degree, and what not; which is to be done
by two marks, the first if she be willing to ' help the Lord
against the mi gh ty; ' for if she has no care of the liberty of
ÒCEANÀ

mankind she deserves not her own. But because in this you
may be deceived by pretences, which, continuing for a while
specious, may afterward vanish; the other is more certain, and
that is if she be capable of an equal agrarian; which that it
was not observed by excellent ^Emilius in his donation of lib-
erty, and introduction of a popular state among the Mace-
donians, I am more than moved to believe for two reasons;
the first, because at the same time the agrarian was odious to
the Roman patricians; the second, that the pseudo-Philip
could afterward so easily recover Macedon, which could not
have happened but by the nobility, and their impatience, having
great estates, to be equalled with the people; for that the peo-
ple should otherwise, at the mere sound of a name, have
thrown away their liberty, is incredible. Wherefore be as-
sured that the nation where you cannot establish an equal
agrarian, is incapable of its liberty as to this kind of donation.
For example, except the aristocracy in Marpesia be dissolved,
neither can that people have their liberty there, nor you gov-
ern at home; for they continuing still liable to be sold by
their lords to foreign princes, there will never (especially in a
country of which there is no other profit to be made) be want
of such merchants and drovers, while you must be the market
where they are to receive their second payment.
" Nor can the aristocracy there be dissolved but by your
means, in relation whereto you are provided with your pro-
vincial orb; which, being proportioned to the measure of the
nation that you have vindicated or conquered, will easily hold
it: for there is not a people in the world more difficult to be
held than the Marpesians, which, though by themselves it be
ascribed to their own nature, is truly to be attributed to that
of their country. Nevertheless, you having 9,000 men upon
the continual guard of it, that, threatened by any sudden in-
surrection, have places of retreat, and an army of 40,000 men
upon a day's warning ready to march to their rescue, it is
not to be rationally shown which way they can possibly slip
out of your hands. And if a man should think that upon a
province more remote and divided by the sea, you have not
the like hold, he has not so well considered your wings as
your talons, your shipping being of such a nature as makes
the descent of your armies almost of equal facility in any coun-
try, so that what you take you hold, both because your militia,
being already populous, will be of great growth in itself, and
also through your confederates, by whom in taking and hold-
ing you are still more enabled to do both.
" Nor shall you easier hold than the people under your em-
pire or patronage may be held. My lords, I would not go
38 2 HARRINGTON

to the door to see whether it be close shut; this is no under-


hand dealing, nor a game at which he shall have any ad-
vantage against you who sees your cards, but, on the contrary,
the advantage shall be your own: for with 18,000 men (which
number I put, because it circulates your orb by the annual
change of 6,000), having established your matters in the order
shown, you will be able to hold the greatest province; and
18,000 men, allowing them greater pay than any prince ever
gave, will not stand the province in ¿1,000,000 revenue; in con-
sideration whereof, they shall have their own estates free to
themselves, and be governed by their own laws and magis-
trates ; which, if the revenue of the province be in dry-rent
(as there may be some that are four times as big as Oceana)
¿40,000,000, will bring it with that of industry, to speak with
the least, to twice the value: so that the people there, who at
this day are so oppressed that they have nothing at all where-
on to live, shall for ¿1,000,000 paid to you, receive at least
¿79,000,000 to their proper use: in which place I appeal to
any man, whether the empire described can be other than the
patronage of the world.
" Now if you add to the propagation of civil liberty (so
natural to this commonwealth that it cannot be omitted) the
propagation of the liberty of conscience, this empire, this pat-
ronage of the world, is the kingdom of Christ: for as the
kingdom of God the Father was a commonwealth, so shall
the kingdom of God the Son; ' the people shall be willing in
the day of his power.'
" Having showed you in this and other places some of
those inestimable benefits of this kind of government, together
with the natural and facile emanation of them from their foun-
tain, I come (lest God who has appeared to you, for he is the
God of nature, in the glorious constellation of these subor-
dinate causes, whereof we have hitherto been taking the true
elevation, should shake oft* the dust of his feet against you)
to warn you of the dangers which you, not taking the oppor-
tunity, will incur by omission.
" Machiavel, speaking of the defect of Venice, through her
want of proper arms, cries out, ' This cut her wings, and
spoiled her mount to heaven.' If you lay your commonwealth
upon any other foundation than the people, you frustrate your-
self of proper arms, and so lose the empire of the world; nor
is this all, but some other nation will have it.
" Columbus offered gold to one of your kings, through
whose happy incredulity another prince has drunk the poison,
even to the consumption of his people; but I do not offer you
a nerve of war that is made of purse-strings, such a one as
OCEANA

has drawn the face of the earth into convulsions, but such as
is natural to her health and beauty. Look you to it, where
there is tumbling and tossing upon the bed of sickness, it
must end in death or recovery. Though the people of the
world, in the dregs of the Gothic empire, be yet tumbling and
tossing upon the bed of sickness, they cannot die; nor is
there any means of recovery for them but by ancient prudence,
whence of necessity it must come to pass that this drug be
better known. If France, Italy, and Spain were not all sick,
all corrupted together, there would be none of them s o; for
the sick would not be able to withstand the sound, nor the
sound to preserve their health, without curing of the sick. The
first of these nations (which if you stay her leisure, will in my
mind be France) that recovers the health of ancient prudence,
shall certainly govern the world; for what did Italy when
she had it? and as you were in that, so shall you in the like
case be reduced to a province; I do not speak at random.
Italy, in the consulship of Lucius ^Emilius Papus and Caius
Atilius Regulus, armed, upon the Gallic tumult that then hap-
pened of herself, and without the aid of foreign auxiliaries,
70,000 horse and 700,000 foot; but as Italy is the least of
those three countries in extent, so is France now the most
populous.
" ' /, deals, I, nostrum, melioribus ulcre fatisj

" My dear lords, Oceana is as the rose of Sharon, and the


lily of the valley. As the lily among thorns, such is my love
among the daughters. She is comely as the tents of Kedar,
and terrible as an army with banners. Her neck is as the
tower of David, builded for an armory, whereon there hang
1,000 bucklers and shields of mighty men. Let me hear thy
voice in the morning, whom my soul loves. The south has
dropped, and the west is breathing upon thy garden of spices.
Arise, queen of the earth, arise, holy spouse of Jesus; for
lo, the winter is past, the rain is over and gone; the flowers
appear on the earth, the time for the singing of birds is come,
and the voice of the turtle is heard in our land. Arise, I say,
come forth, and do not tarry: ah! wherefore should my eyes
behold thee by the rivers of Babylon, hanging thy harps upon
the willows, thou fairest among women?
" Excellent patriots, if the people be sovereign, here is that
which establishes their prerogative; if we be sincere, here is
that which disburdens our souls, and makes good all our en-
gagements; if we be charitable, here is that which embraces
all parties; if we would be settled, here is that which will
stand, and last forever.
HARRINGTON
3¿4

" If our religion be anything else but a vain boast, scratch-


ing and defacing human nature or reason, which, being the
image of God, makes it a kind of murder, here is that empire
whence ' justice shall run down like a river, and judgment like
a mighty stream.' Who is it then that calls us? or, what is
in our way? A lion! Is it not the dragon, that old serpent?
For what wretched shifts are these ? Here is a great deal;
might we not have some of this at one time, and some at an-
other ?
" My lords, permit me to give you the sum, or brief

EPITOME OF T H E W H O L E COMMONWEALTH

'• The centre or fundamental laws are, first, the agrarian,


proportioned at ¿2,000 a year in land, lying and being within
the proper territory of Oceana, and stating property in land
at such a balance, that the power can never swerve out of the
hands of the many.
" Secondly, the ballot conveying this equal sap from the
root, by an equal election or rotation, into the branches of mag-
istracy or sovereign power.
" The orbs of this commonwealth being civil, military, or
provincial, are, as it were, cast upon this mould or centre
by the divisions of the people; first, into citizens and ser-
vants ; secondly, into youth and elders; thirdly, into such as
have ¿ 100 a year in lands, goods, or moneys, who are of the
horse; and such as have under, who are of the foot; fourthly,
they are divided by their usual residence into parishes, hun-
dreds, and tribes.
" The civil orbs consist of the elders, and are thus created:
every Monday next ensuing the last of December, the elders
in every parish elect the fifth man to be a deputy, which is
but half a day's work; every Monday next ensuing the last
of January, the deputies meet at their respective hundred, and
elect out of their number one justice of the peace, one jury-
man, one coroner, and one high constable of the foot, one
day's work.
" Every Monday next ensuing the last of February, the
hundreds meet at their respective tribe, and there elect the
lords high sheriff, lieutenant, custos rotulorum, the conductor,
the two censors out of the horse, the magistrates of the tribe
and of the hundreds, with the jurymen constituting the phy-
larch, and who assist in their respective offices at the assizes,
hold the quarter-sessions, etc. The day following the tribe
elects the annual galaxy, consisting of two knights and three
deputies out of the horse, with four deputies out of the foot,
OCEANA 385

thereby e n d u e d wi th p ow e r , a s magistrates of the w ho le na-


tion, for the term of three year s. An officer chosen at the
hundr ed ma y not be elected a magistra te of the tr i be; but a
magis tra te or officer either of the hund red or of the tribe,
bei n g elected into the g a l a x y , may substitute any one of his
o w n order to his magi s tra c y or office in the hund red or in
the tribe. T h i s of the muster is t w o d a y s ' w o r k. So the
body of the people is a nnua lly, at the c ha r ge of three d a ys '
w o r k and a half, in their o w n tribes, for the perpetuation of
their p ower, recei ving ov er and above the magis trac ies so di-
vided a mo n g them.
" E v e r y M o n d a y n ex t en s uin g the last of M a r c h, the
kni ghts, bei n g 1 0 0 in all the tribes, take their places in the
Sena te. T h e kn ights , h a v i n g taken their places in the Senate,
make the third regi on of the same, and the house proceeds to
the senatorian elections. Senatoria n elections are a nnua l,
biennial, or emer gent.
" T h e annual are performed by the tropic.
" T h e tropic is a schedule consis ting of t w o p a r ts ; the first
by which the senatorian ma gis tr ates are elec ted ; and the
second, by w hi c h the senatorian councils are perpetuated.
" T h e first part is of this te n or :

Annual magistrates, and therefore


The lord strategus,
such as may be elected out of any
The lord orator,
region; the term of every region
The first censor,
having at the tropic one year at the
The second censor.
least unexpired.
Triennial magistrates, and therefore
The third commissioner such as can be chosen out of the
of the seal, third region only, as that alone
The third commissioner which has the term of three years
of the Treasury. unexpired.

" T h e s tr ategus and the ora tor sitti ng, are consuls, or presi-
dents of the Senate.
" T h e strategus ma r c hi ng is general of the a rmy, in w hi c h
case a new strategus is to be elected in his r oom.
" T h e s tra tegus sitting with s i x commissioners , bei ng coun-
cillors of the nation, are the s ignor y of the c ommonw ea lth.
" T h e censors are magi stra tes of the ballot, presidents of
the Council for Rel i gi on, and chancellors of the universities.
" T h e second part of the tropic perpetuates the Counci l of
State, by the election of five knights out of the first region
of the Senate, to be the first region of that council consisting
of fifteen kn ights , five i n every region .
" T h e like is done by the election of four into the C ounci l of
25
3»6 HARRINGTON

Religion, and four into the Council of Trade, out of the same
region in the Senate; each of these councils consisting of
twelve knights, four in every region.
" But the Council of War, consisting of nine knights, three
in every region, is elected by and out of the Council of State,
as the other councils are elected by and out of the Senate.
And if the Senate add a juncta of nine knights more, elected
out of their own number, for the term of three months, the
Council of War, by virtue of that addition, is Dictator of
Oceana for the said term.
" The signory jointly or severally has right of session and
suffrage in every senatorial council, and to propose either to
the Senate, or any of them. And every region in a council
electing one weekly provost, any two of those provosts have
power also to propose to their respective council, as the proper
and peculiar proposers of the same, for which cause they hold
an academy, where any man, either by word of mouth or writ-
ing, may propose to the proposers.
" Next to the elections of the tropic is the biennial election
of one ambassador-in-ordinary, by the ballot of the house, to
the residence of France; at which time the resident of France
removes to Spain, he of Spain to Venice, he of Venice to Con-
stantinople, and he of Constantinople returns. So the orb of
the residents is wheeled about in eight years, by the biennial
election of one ambassador-in-ordinary.
" The last kind of election is emergent. Emergent elections
are made by the scrutiny. Election by scrutiny is when a com-
petitor, being made by a council, and brought into the Senate,
the Senate chooses four more competitors to him, and putting
all five to the ballot, he who has most above half the suffrages
is the magistrate. The polemarchs or field officers are chosen
by the scrutiny of the Council of W a r ; an ambassador-extra-
ordinary by the scrutiny of the Council of State; the judges
and sergeants-at-law by the scrutiny of the seal; and the
barons and prime officers of the Exchequer, by the scrutiny of
the Treasury.
" The opinion or opinions that are legitimately proposed to
any council must be debated by the same, and so many as are
resolved upon the debate are introduced into the Senate, where
they are debated and resolved, or rejected by the whole house;
that which is resolved by the Senate is a decree which is good
in matters of state, but no law, except it be proposed to and
resolved by the prerogative.
" The deputies of the galaxy being three horse and four foot
in a tribe, amount in all the tribes to 150 horse and 200 foot;
which, having entered the prerogative, and chosen their cap-
OCEANA 387

tains, cornet, and ensign (triennial officers), make the third


class, consisting of one troop and one company; and so, joining
with the whole prerogative, elect four annual magistrates, called
tribunes, whereof two are of the horse and two of the foot.
These have the command of the prerogative sessions, and suf-
frage in the Council of War, and sessions without suffrage in
the Senate.
" The Senate having passed a decree which they would pro-
pose to the people, cause it to be printed and published, or
promulgated for the space of six weeks, which, being ordered,
-they choose their proposers. The proposers must be magis-
trates, that is, the commissioners of the seal, those of the
Treasury, or the censors. These being chosen, desire the mus-
ter of the tribunes, and appoint the day. The people being
assembled at the day appointed, and the decree proposed, that
which is proposed by authority of the Senate, and commanded
by the people, is the law of Oceana, or an act of Parliament.
" So the Parliament of Oceana consists of the Senate pro-
posing, and the people resolving.
" The people or prerogative are also the supreme judicatory
of this nation, having power of hearing and determining all
causes of appeal from all magistrates, or courts provincial or
domestic, as also to question any magistrate, the term of his
magistracy being expired, if the case be introduced by the
tribunes, or any one of them.
" The military orbs consist of the youth, that is, such as
are from eighteen to thirty years of age; and are created in
the following manner:
" Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of December, the
youth of every parish, assembling, elect the fifth of their num-
ber to be their deputies; the deputies of the youth are called
stratiots, and this is the first essay.
" Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of January, the
stratiots, assembling at the hundred, elect their captain and
their ensign, and fall to their games and sports.
" Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of February, the
stratiots are received by the lord lieutenant, their commander-
in-chief, with the conductors and the censors; and, having
been disciplined and entertained with other games, are called
to the urns, where they elect the second essay, consisting of
200 horse and 600 foot in a tribe; that is, of 10,000 horse and
30,000 foot in all the tribes, which is the standing army of
this nation, to march at any warning. They also elect at the
same time a part of the third essay, by the mixture of balls
marked with the letter M and the letter P, for Marpesia and
Panopea; they of either mark being ten horse and fifty foot
3 88 HARRINGTON

in a tribe, that is, 500 horse and 2,500 foot in all the tribes,
which are forthwith to march to their respective provinces.
" But the third essay of this nation more properly so called,
is when the strategus with the polemarchs (the Senate and
the people or the Dictator having decreed a war) receive in
return of his warrants the second essay from the hands of
the conductors at the rendezvous of Oceana; which army,
marching with all accommodations provided by the Council of
War, the Senate elects a new strategus, and the lords-lieuten-
ant a new second essay.
" A youth, except he be an only son, refusing any one of his
three essays, without sufficient cause shown to the phylarch
or the censors, is incapable of magistracy, and is fined a fifth
part of his yearly rent, or of his estate, for protection. In case
of invasion the elders are obliged to like duty with the youth,
and upon their own charge.
" The provincial orb consisting in part of the elders, and in
part of the youth, is thus created:
" Four knights out of the first region falling, are elected in
the Senate to be the first region of the provincial orb of Mar-
pesia; these, being triennial magistrates, take their places in the
provincial council, consisting of twelve knights, four in every
region, each region choosing their weekly provosts of the coun-
cil thus constituted. One knight more, chosen out of the same
region in the Senate, being an annual magistrate, is president,
with power to propose; and the opinions proposed by the presi-
dent, or any two of the provosts, are debated by the council, and,
if there be occasion of further power or instruction than they yet
have, transmitted to the Council of State, with which the pro-
vincial is to hold intelligence.
" The president of this council is also strategus or general of
the provincial army; wherefore the conductors, upon notice of
his election, and appointment of his rendezvous, deliver to him
the stratiots of his letter, which he takes with him into his prov-
ince ; and the provincial army having received the new strate-
gus with the third class, the council dismisses the old strategus
with the first class. The like is done for Panopea, or any other
province.
" But whereas the term of every other magistracy or election
in this commonwealth, whether annual or triennial, requires an
equal vacation, the term of a provincial councillor or magistrate
requires no vacation at all. The quorum of a provincial, as also
that of every other council and assembly, requires two-thirds
in a time of health, and one-third in a time of sickness.

" I think I have omitted nothing but the props and scaffolds,
which are not of use but in building. And how much is here?
OCEANA 389

Show me another commonwealth in this compass? how many


things ? Show me another entire government consisting but of
thirty orders. If you now go to law with anybody, there lie to
some of our courts 200 original writs: if you stir your hand,
there go more nerves and bones to that motion; if you play, you
have more cards in the pack; nay, you could not sit with your
ease in that chair, if it consisted not of more parts. Will you
not then allow to your legislator, what you can afford your up-
holsterer; or to the throne, what is necessary to a chair?
" My lords, if you will have fewer orders in a commonwealth,
you will have more; for where she is not perfect at first, every
day, every hour will produce a new order, the end whereof is to
have no order at all, but to grind with the clack of some dema-
gogue. Is he providing already for his golden thumb? Lift
up your heads; away with ambition, that fulsome complexion
of a statesman, tempered, like Sylla's, with blood and muck.
' And the Lord give to his senators wisdom; and make our faces
to shine, that we may be a light to them that sit in darkness and
the shadow of death, to guide their feet in the way of peace.'—In
the name of God, what's the matter ? "

Philadelphus, the secretary of the council, having performed


his task in reading the several orders as you have seen, upon
the receipt of a packet from his correspondent Boccalini, secre-
tary of Parnassus, in reading one of the letters, burst forth into
such a violent passion of weeping and downright howling, that
the legislators, being startled with the apprehension of some
horrid news, one of them had no sooner snatched the letter out
of his hand, than the rest crying, " Read, read," he obeyed in this
manner:
" The 3d instant his Phcebean majesty having taken the nature
of free states into his royal consideration, and being steadily
persuaded that the laws in such governments are incomparably
better and more surely directed to the good of mankind than in
any other; that the courage of such a people is the aptest tinder
to noble fire; that the genius of such a soil is that wherein the
roots of good literature are least worm-eaten with pedantism,
and where their fruits have ever come to the greatest maturity
and highest relish, conceived such a loathing of their ambition
and tyranny, who, usurping the liberty of their native countries,
become slaves to themselves, inasmuch as (be it never so con-
trary to their own nature or consciences) they have taken the
earnest of sin, and are engaged to persecute all men that are
good with the same or greater rigor than is ordained by laws
for the wicked, for none ever administered that power by good
which he purchased by ill arts—Phoebus, I say, having consid-
39° HARRINGTON

ered this, assembled all the senators residing in the learned court
at the theatre of Melpomene, where he caused Caesar the Dicta-
tor to come upon the stage, and his sister Actia, his nephew
Augustus, Julia his daughter, with the children which she had
by Marcus Agrippa, Lucius and Caius Caesars, Agrippa Post-
humus, Julia, and Agrippina, with the numerous progeny which
she bore to her renowned husband Germanicus, to enter. A
miserable scene in any, but most deplorable in the eyes of Caesar,
thus beholding what havoc his prodigious ambition, not satis-
fied with his own bloody ghost, had made upon his more inno-
cent remains, even to the total extinction of his family. For
it is (seeing where there is any humanity, there must be some
compassion) not to be spoken without tears, that of the full
branches deriving from Octavia the eldest sister, and Julia the
daughter of Augustus, there should not be one fruit or blos-
som that was not cut off or blasted by the sword, famine, or
poison.
" Now might the great soul of Caesar have been full; and yet
that which poured in as much or more was to behold that execra-
ble race of the Claudii, having hunted and sucked his blood, with
the thirst of tigers, to be rewarded with the Roman Empire, and
remain in full possession of that famous patrimony: a spectacle
to pollute the light of heaven! Nevertheless, as if Caesar had not
yet enough, his Phoeban majesty caused to be introduced on the
other side of the theatre, the most illustrious and happy prince
Andrea Doria, with his dear posterity, embraced by the soft and
constant arms of the city of Genoa, into whose bosom, ever fruit-
ful in her gratitude, he had dropped her fair liberty like the dew
of heaven, which, when the Roman tyrant beheld, and how much
more fresh that laurel was worn with a firm root in the,hearts
of the people than that which he had torn off, he fell into such a
horrid distortion of limbs and countenance, that the senators,
who had thought themselves steel and flint at such an object,
having hitherto stood in their reverend snow-like thawing Alps,
now covered their faces with their large sleeves."
" My lords," said the Archon, rising, " witty Philadelphus has
given us grave admonition in dreadful tragedy. Disdte justi-
ham moniti, et non tcmncre divos. Great and glorious Caesar,
the highest character of flesh, yet could not rule but by that part
of man which is the beast; but a commonwealth is a monarchy;
to her God is king, inasmuch as reason, his dictate, is her sov-
ereign power."
Which said, he adjourned the Council. And the model was
soon after promulgated. Quod bonum, fcelix, faustumque sit
huic reipublica. Agite quirites, ccnsuere patres, jubeat popu-
lus. (The sea roared, and the floods clapped their hands.)
OCEANA 39 1

LlBERTAS

" Whereas his Highness and the Council, in the framing of


the model promulgated, have not had any private interest or
ambition but the fear of God and the good of this people before
their eyes; and it remains their desire that this great work may
be carried on accordingly: This present greeting is to inform
the good people of this land, that as the Council of Prytans sat
during the framing of the model, to receive from time to time
such propositions as should be offered by any wise-hearted or
public-spirited man, toward the institution of a well-ordered
commonwealth, so the said Council is to sit as formerly in the
great hall of the Pantheon during promulgation (which is to
continue for.the space of three months) to receive, weigh, and,
as there shall be occasion, transmit to the Council of Legislators,
all such objections as shall be made against the said model,
whether in the whole or in any part. Wherefore that nothing
be done rashly or without the consent of the people, such, of
what party soever, with whom there may remain any doubts or
difficulties, are desired with all convenient speed to address
themselves to the said prytans; where, if such objections, doubts,
or difficulties receive solution to the satisfaction of the auditory,
they shall have public thanks, but if the said objections, doubts,
or difficulties receive no solution to the satisfaction of the audi-
tory, then the model promulgated shall be reviewed, and the
party that was the occasion of the review, shall receive public
thanks, together with the best horse in his Highness's stable,
and be one of the Council of Legislators. And so God have
you in his keeping."

I should now write the same Council of the Prytans, but for
two reasons: the one, that having had but a small time for that
which is already done, I am overlabored; the other, that there
may be new objections. Wherefore, if my reader has any such
as to the model, I entreat him to address himself by way of ora-
tion, as it were, to the prytans, that when this rough draught
comes to be a work, his speech being faithfully inserted in this
place, may give or receive correction to amendment; for what
is written will be weighed. But conversation, in these days,
is a game at which they are best provided that have light gold;
it is like the sport of women that make flowers of straws, which
must be stuck up but may not be touched. Nor, which is worse,
is this the fault of conversation only: but to the examiner I say
HARRINGTON
392

if to invent method and teach an art be all one, let him show that
this method is not truly invented, or this art is faithfully taught.
I cannot conclude a circle (and such is this commonwealth)
without turning the end into the beginning. The time of prom-
ulgation being expired, the surveyors were sent down, who hav-
ing in due season made report that their work was perfect, the
orators followed, under the administration of which officers and
magistrates the commonwealth was ratified and established by
the whole body of the people, in their parochial, hundred, and
county assemblies. And the orators being, by virtue of their
scrolls or lots, members of their respective tribes, were elected
each the first knight of the third list, or galaxy; wherefore, hav-
ing at their return assisted the Archon in putting the Senate and
the people or prerogative into motion, they abdicated the magis-
tracy both of orators and legislators.
PART IV

T HE COROLLARY

F OR the rest (says Plutarch, closing up the story of Ly-


curgus) when he saw that his government had taken
root, and was in the very plantation strong enough to
stand by itself, he conceived such a delight within him, as God
is described by Plato to have done when he had finished the cre-
ation of the world, and saw his own orbs move below him : for in
the art of man (being the imitation of nature, which is the art of
God) there is nothing so like the first call of beautiful order out
of chaos and confusion, as the architecture of a well-ordered
commonwealth. Wherefore Lycurgus, seeing in effect that his
orders were good, fell into deep contemplation how he might
render them, so far as could be effected by human providence,
unalterable and immortal. To which end he assembled the peo-
ple, and remonstrated to them: That for aught he could per-
ceive, their policy was already such, and so well established, as
was sufficient to entail upon them and theirs all that virtue and
felicity whereof human life is capable: nevertheless that there
being another thing of greater concern than all the rest, whereof
he was not yet provided to give them a perfect account, nor
could till he had consulted the oracle of Apollo, he desired that
they would observe his laws without any change or alteration
whatsoever till his return from Delphos; to which all the people
cheerfully and unanimously engaged themselves by promise, de-
siring him that he would make as much haste as he could. But
Lycurgus, before he went, began with the kings and the sena-
tors, and thence taking the whole people in order, made them
all swear to that which they had promised, and then took his
journey. Being arrived at Delphos, he sacrificed to Apollo,
and afterward inquired if the policy which he had established
was good and sufficient for a virtuous and happy life ?
By the way, it has been a maxim with legislators not to give
checks to the present superstition, but to make the best use of
it, as that which is always the most powerful with the people;
otherwise, though Plutarch, being a priest, was interested in the
cause, there is nothing plainer than Cicero, in his book " de
* Divinatione " has made it, that there was never any such thing
as an oracle, except in the cunning of the priests. But to be
393

.
HARRINGTON
394

civil to the author, the god answered to Lycurgus that his policy
was exquisite, and that his city, holding to the strict observation
of his form of government, should attain to the height of fame
and glory. Which oracle Lycurgus causing to be written, failed
not of transmitting to his Lacedsemon. This done, that his citi-
zens might be forever inviolably bound by their oath, that they
would alter nothing till his return, he took so firm a resolution
to die in the place, that from thenceforward, receiving no man-
ner of food, he soon after performed it accordingly. Nor was
he deceived in the consequence; for his city became the first in
glory and excellency of government in the whole world. And
so much for Lycurgus, according to Plutarch.
My Lord Archon, when he beheld not only the rapture of
motion, but of joy and harmony, into which his spheres (with-
out any manner of obstruction or interfering, but as if it had
been naturally) were cast, conceived not less of exultation in his
spirit; but saw no more necessity or reason why he should ad-
minister an oath to the Senate and the people that they would
observe his institutions, than to a man in perfect health and
felicity of constitution that he would not kill himself. Never-
theless whereas Christianity, though it forbids violent hands,
consists no less in self-denial than any other religion, he resolved
that all unreasonable desires should die upon the spot; to which
end that no manner of food might be left to ambition, he entered
into the Senate with a unanimous applause, and having spoken
of his government as Lycurgus did when he assembled the peo-
ple, he abdicated the magistracy of Archon. The Senate, as
struck with astonishment, continued silent, men upon so sudden
an accident being altogether unprovided of what to say; till the
Archon withdrawing, and being almost at the door, divers of the
knights flew from their places, offering as it were to lay violent
hands on him, while he escaping, left the Senate with the tears
in their eyes, of children that had lost their father; and to rid
himself of all further importunity, retired to a country house
of his, being remote, and very private, insomuch that no man
could tell for some time what was become of him.
Thus the law-maker happened to be the first object and re-
flection of the law made; for as liberty of all things is the most
welcome to a people, so is there nothing more abhorrent from
their nature than ingratitude. We, accusing the Roman people
of this crime against some of their greatest benefactors, as Ca-
millus, heap mistake upon mistake; for being not so competent
judges of what belongs to liberty as they were, we take upon
us to be more competent judges of virtue. And whereas virtue,
for being a vulgar thing among them, was of no less rate than
jewels are with such as wear the most, we are selling this prec-
OCEANA 395

ious stone, which we have ignorantly raked out of the Roman


ruins, at such a rate as the Switzers did that which they took in
the baggage of Charles of Burgundy. For that Camillus had
stood more firm against the ruin of Rome than her capitol, was
acknowledged; but on the other side, that he stood as firm for
the patricians against the liberty of the people, was as plain;,
wherefore he never wanted those of the people that would die at
his foot in the field, nor that would withstand him to his beard
in the city. An example in which they that think Camillus had
wrong, neither do themselves right, nor the people of Rome;
who in this signify no less than that they had a scorn of slavery
beyond the fear of ruin, which is the height of magnanimity.
The like might be shown by other examples objected against
this and other popular governments, as in the banishment of
Aristides the Just from Athens, by the ostracism, which, first,
was no punishment, nor ever understood for so much as a dis-
paragement; but tended only to the security of the common-
wealth, through the removal of a citizen (whose riches or power
with a party was suspected) out of harm's way for the space of
ten years, neither to the diminution of his estate or honor. And
next, though the virtue of Aristides might in itself be unques-
tioned, yet for him under the name of the Just to become univer-
sal umpire of the people in all cases, even to the neglect of the
legal ways and orders of the commonwealth, approached so
much to the prince, that the Athenians, doing Aristides no
wrong, did their government no more than right in removing
him; which therefore is not so probable to have come to pass,
as Plutarch presumes, through the envy of Themistocles, seeing
Aristides was far more popular than Themistocles, who soon
after took the same walk upon a worse occasion. Wherefore
as Machiavel, for anything since alleged, has irrefragably
proved that popular governments are of all others the least un-
grateful, so the obscurity, I say, into which my Lord Archon
had now withdrawn himself caused a universal sadness and
clouds in the minds of men upon the glory of his rising com-
monwealth.
Much had been ventilated in private discourse, and the people
(for the nation was yet divided into parties that had not lost
their animosities), being troubled, bent their eyes upon the Sen-
ate, when, after some time spent in devotion, and the solemn
action of thanksgiving, his Excellency Navarchus de Paralo in
the tribe of Dorean, lord strategus of Oceana (though in a new
commonwealth a very prudent magistrate), proposed his part
or opinion in such a manner to the Council of State, that, pass-
ing the ballot of the same with great unanimity and applause,
it was introduced into the Senate, where it passed with greater.
39 6 HARRINGTON

Wherefore the decree being forthwith printed and published,


copies were returned by the secretaries to the phylarchs (which
is the manner of promulgation) and the commissioners of the
seal, that is to say, the Right Honorable Phosphorus de Auge in
the tribe of Eudia, Dolabella d'Enyo in the tribe of Turmse, and
Linceus de Stella in the tribe of Nubia, being elected proposers
pro tempore, bespoke of the tribunes a muster of the people to
be held that day six weeks, which was the time allowed for
promulgation at the halo.
The satisfaction which the people throughout the tribes re-
ceived upon promulgation of the decree, loaded the carriers with
weekly letters between friend and friend, whether magistrates
or private persons. But the day for proposition being come,
and the prerogative upon the place appointed in discipline, San-
guine de Ringwood in the tribe of Saltum, captain of the Phce-
nix, marched by order of the tribunes with his troop to the
piazza of the Pantheon, where his trumpets, entering into the
great hall, by their blazon gave notice of his arrival; at which
the sergeant of the house came down, and returning, informed
the proposers, who descending, were received at the foot of the
stairs by the captain, and attended to the coaches of state, with
which Calcar de Gilvo in the tribe of Phalera, master of the
horse, and the ballotins upon their great horses, stood waiting
at the gate.
The proposers being in their coaches, the train for the pomp,
the same that is used at the reception of ambassadors, proceed-
ed in this order: In the front marched the troop with the cornet
in the van and the captain in the rear; next the troop came the
twenty messengers or trumpets, the ballotins upon the curvet
with their usher in the van, and the master of the horse in the
rear; next the ballotins, Bronchus de Rauco, in the tribe of
Bestia, king of the heralds, with his fraternity in their coats-of-
arms, and next to Sir Bronchus, Boristhenes de Holiwater in
the tribe of Ave, master of the ceremonies; the mace and the
seal of the chancery went immediately before the coaches, and
on either side, the doorkeepers or guard of the Senate, with their
pole-axes, accompanied with some 300 or 400 footmen belong-
ing to the knights or senators, the trumpeters, ballotins,
guards, postillions, coachmen and footmen, being very gallant
in the liveries of the commonwealth, but all, except the bal-
lotins, without hats, in lieu whereof they wore black velvet
calots, being pointed with a little peak at the forehead. After
the proposers came a long file of coaches full of such gentlemen
as use to grace the commonwealth upon the like occasions. In
this posture they moved slowly through the streets (affording,
in the gravity of the pomp and the welcomeness of the end, a
OCEANA 397

most reverend and acceptable prospect to the people all the way
from the Pantheon, being about half a mile) and arrived at the
halo, where they found the prerogative in a close body environed
with scaffolds that were covered with spectators. The tribunes
received the proposers, and conducted them into a seat placed
in the front of the tribe, like a pulpit, but that it was of some
length, and well adorned by the heralds with all manner of birds
and beasts, except that they were ill-painted, and never a one
of his natural color. The tribunes were placed at a table that
stood below the long seat, those of the horse in the middle, and
those of the foot at either end, with each of them a bowl or basin
before him, that on the right hand being white, and the other
green: in the middle of the table stood a third, which was red.
And the housekeepers of the pavilion, who had already delivered
a proportion of linen balls or pellets to every one of the tribe,
now presented boxes to the ballotins. But the proposers as they
entered the gallery, or long seat, having put off their hats by
way of salutation, were answered by the people with a shout;
whereupon the younger commissioners seated themselves at
either end; and the first, standing in the middle, spoke after this
manner:

" MY LORDS, T HE PEOPLE OF OCEANA :


" While I find in myself what a felicity it is to salute you by
this name, and in every face, anointed as it were with the oil of
gladness, a full and sufficient testimony of the like sense, to go
about to feast you with words, who are already filled with that
food of the mind which, being of pleasing and wholesome diges-
tion, takes in the definition of true joy, were a needless enter-
prise. I shall rather put you in mind of that thankfulness which
is due, than puff you up with anything that might seem vain.
Is it from the arms of flesh that we derive these blessings ? Be-
hold the Commonwealth of Rome falling upon her own vic-
torious sword. Or is it from our own wisdom, whose counsels
had brought it even to that pass, that we began to repent our-
selves of victory? Far be it from us, my lords, to sacrifice to
our own nets, which we ourselves have so narrowly escaped!
Let us rather lay our mouths in the dust, and look up (as was
taught the other day when we were better instructed in this les-
son) to the hills with our gratitude. Nevertheless, seeing we
read how God upon the neglect of his prophets has been pro-
voked to wrath, it must needs follow that he expects honor
should be given to them by whom he has chosen to work as his
instruments. For which cause, nothing doubting of my war-
rant, I shall proceed to that which more particularly concerns
the present occasion, the discovery of my Lord Archon's virtues
and merit, to be ever placed by this nation in their true meridian.
39» H AR R IN G T O N

" My lords, I am not upon a subject which persuades me to


balk, but necessitates me to seek out the greatest examples.
To begin with Alexander, erecting trophies common to his
sword and the pestilence: to what good of mankind did he infect
the air with his heap of carcasses ? The sword of war, if it be
any otherwise used than as the sword of magistracy, for the fear
and punishment of those that do evil, is as guilty in the sight
of God as the sword of a murderer; nay more, for if the blood
of Abel, of one innocent man, cried in the ears of the Lord for
vengeance, what shall the blood of an innocent nation? Of
this kind of empire, the throne of ambition, and the quarry of a
mighty hunter, it has been truly said that it is but a great rob-
bery. But if Alexander had restored the liberty of Greece, and
propagated it to mankind, he had done like my Lord Archon,
and might have been truly called the Great. Alexander cared
not to steal a victory that would be given; but my Lord Archon
has torn away a victory which had been stolen, while we went
tamely yielding up obedience to a nation reaping in our fields,
whose fields he has subjected to our empire, and nailed them
with his victorious sword to their native Caucasus.
" Machiavel gives a handsome caution: ' Let no man,' says
he, be circumvented with the glory of Caesar, from the false
1

reflection of their pens, who through the longer continuance of


his empire in the name than in the family, changed their freedom
for flattery. But if a man would know truly what the Romans
thought of Caesar, let them observe what they said of Catiline.'
" And yet by how much he who has perpetrated some heinous
crime is more execrable than he who did but attempt it, by so
much is Caesar more execrable than Catiline. On the contrary,
let him that would know what ancient and heroic times, what
the Greeks and Romans would both have thought and said of
my Lord Archon, observe what they thought and said of Solon,
Lycurgus, Brutus, and Publicóla. And yet by how much his
virtue, that is crowned with the perfection of his work, is beyond
theirs, who were either inferior in their aim, or in their perform-
ance ; by so much is my Lord Archon to be preferred before
Solon, Lycurgus, Brutus, and Publicóla.
" Nor will we shun the most illustrious example of Scipio:
this hero, though never so little less, yet was he not the founder
of a commonwealth ; and for the rest, allowing his virtue to have
been of the most untainted ray, in what did it outshine this of
my Lord Archon ? But if dazzling the eyes of the magistrates
it overawed liberty, Rome might be allowed some excuse that
she did not like it, and I, if I admit not of this comparison: for
where is my Lord Archon ? Is there a genius, how free soever,
which in his presence would not find itself to be under power?
OCEANA 399

He is shrunk into clouds, he seeks obscurity in a nation that sees


by his light. He is impatient of his own glory, lest it should
stand between you and your liberty.
"L i b er ty ! What is even that, if we may not be grateful?
And if we may, we have none: for who has anything that he
does not owe ? My lords, there be some hard conditions of vir-
tue : if this debt were exacted, it were not due; whereas being
cancelled, we are all entered into bonds. On the other side, if
we make such a payment as will not stand with a free people, we
do not enrich my Lord Archon, but rob him of his whole estate
and his immense glory.
" These particulars had in due deliberation and mature debate,
according to the order of this commonwealth, it is proposed by
authority of the Senate, to you my lords the people of Oceana:
" I. That the dignity and office of Archon, or protector of the
Commonwealth of Oceana, be and are hereby conferred, by the
Senate and the people of Oceana, upon the most illustrious
Prince and sole legislator of this commonwealth, Olphaus Me-
galetor, pater patn<z, whom God preserve, for the term of his
natural life.
" II. That ¿350,000 per annum yet remaining of the ancient
revenue, be estated upon the said illustrious Prince, or Lord
Archon, for the said term, and to the proper and peculiar use
of his Highness.
" III. That the Lord Archon have the reception of all foreign
ambassadors, by and with the Council of State, according to the
orders of this commonwealth.
" IV. That the Lord Archon have a standing army of 12,000
men, defrayed upon a monthly tax, during the term of three
years, for the protection of this commonwealth against dissent-
ing parties, to be governed, directed, and commanded by and
with the advice of the Council of War, according to the orders
of this commonwealth.
" V. That this commonwealth make no distinction of persons
or parties, but every man being elected and sworn, according to
the orders of the same, be equally capable of magistracy, or not
elected, be equally capable of liberty, and the enjoyment of his
estate free from all other than common taxes.
" V I . That a man putting a distinction upon himself, refus-
ing the oath upon election, or declaring himself of a party not
conformable to the civil government, may within any time of the
three years' standing of the army, transport himself and his
estate, without molestation or impediment, into any other nation.
" V I I . That in case there remains any distinction of parties
not conforming to the civil government of this commonwealth,
after the three years of the standing army being expired, and
400 HARRINGTON

the commonwealth be thereby forced to prolong the term of the


said army, the pay from henceforth of the said army be levied
upon the estates of such parties so remaining unconformable to
the civil government."

The proposer having ended his oration, the trumpets sound-


ed; and the tribunes of the horse being mounted to view the
ballot, caused the tribe (which thronging up to the speech,
came almost round the gallery) to retreat about twenty paces,
when Linceus de Stella, receiving the propositions, repaired
with Bronchus de Rauco the herald, to a little scaffold erected
in the middle of the tribe, where he seated himself, the herald
standing bare upon his right hand. The ballotins, having their
boxes ready, stood before the gallery, and at the command of
the tribunes marched, one to every troop on horseback, and
one to every company on foot, each of them being followed by
other children that bore red boxes: now this is putting the
question whether the question should be put. And the suf-
frage being very suddenly returned to the tribunes at the table,
and numbered in the view of the proposers, the votes were all
in the affirmative, whereupon the red or doubtful boxes were
laid aside, it appearing that the tribe, whether for the negative
or affirmative, was clear in the matter. Wherefore the herald
began from the scaffold in the middle of the tribe, to pronounce
the first proposition, and the ballotins marching with the neg-
ative or affirmative only, Bronchus, with his voice like thun-
der, continued to repeat the proposition over and over again,
so long as it was in balloting. The like was done for every
clause, till the ballot was finished, and the tribunes assembling,
had signed the points, that is to say, the number of every suf-
frage, as it was taken by the secretary upon the tale of the
tribunes, and in the sight of the proposers; for this may not
be omitted: it is the pulse of the people. Now whereas it ap-
pertains to the tribunes to report the suffrage of the people
to the Senate, they cast the lot for this office with three silver
balls and one gold one; and it fell upon the Right Worshipful
Argus de Crookhorn, in the tribe of Pascua, first tribune of the
foot. Argus, being a good sufficient man in his own country,
was yet of the mind that he should make but a bad spokesman,
and therefore became something blank at his luck, till his col-
leagues persuaded him that it was no such great matter, if he
could but read, having his paper before him. The proposers,
taking coach, received a volley upon the field, and returned
in the same order, save that, being accompanied with the trib-
unes, they were also attended by the whole prerogative to
the piazza of the Pantheon, where, with another volley, they
OCEANA 401

took their leaves. Argus, who had not thought upon his wife
and children all the way, went very gravely up: and everyone
being seated, the Senate by their silence seemed to call for the
report, which Argus, standing up, delivered in this wise:

" R I G H T H O N O R A B L E LO RD S A N D F A T H E R S A S S E M B L E D I N P A R -
LIAMENT :
" So it is, that it has fallen to my lot to report to your excel-
lencies in the votes of the people, taken upon the 3d instant,
in the first year of this commonwealth, at the halo; the Right
Honorable Phosphorus de Auge in the tribe of Eudia, Dola-
bella d'Enyo in the tribe of Turmse, and Linceus de Stella in
the tribe of Nubia, lords commissioners of the great seal of
Oceana, and proposers pro temporibus, together with my breth-
ren the tribunes, and myself being present. Wherefore these
are to certify to yoUr fatherhoods, that the said votes of the
people were as follows, that is to say:

To the first proposition, nemine contradicente;


To the second, nemine contradicente;
To the third, the like;
To the fourth, 2 1 1 , above half;
To-the fifth, 201, above half;
To the sixth, 150, above half, in the affirmative;
To the seventh, nemine contradicente again, and so forth.

" My Lords, it is a language that is out of my prayers, and


if I be out at it, no h a rm—
" But as concerning my Lord Archon (as I was saying) these
are to signify to you the true-heartedness and goodwill which
are in the people, seeing by joining with you, as one man, they
confess that all they have to give is too little for his highness.
For truly, fathers, if he who is able to do harm, and does none,
may well be called honest; what shall we say to my Lord
Archon's highness, who having had it in his power to have
done us the greatest mischief that ever befell a poor nation,
so willing to trust such as they thought well of, has done us
so much good, as we should never have known how to do our-
selves? Which was so sweetly delivered by my Lord Chan-
cellor Phosphorus to the people, that I dare say there was
never a one of them could forbear to do as I do—and, it please
your fatherhoods, they be tears of joy. Aye, my Lord Archon
shall walk the streets (if it be for his ease I mean) with a switch,
while th e people run after him and pray for him; he shall not
wet his foot; they will strew flowers in his way; he shall sit
higher in their hearts, and in the judgment of all good men,
26
402 HARRINGTON

than the kings that go upstairs to their seats; and one of these
had as good pull two or three of his fellows out of their great
chairs as wrong him or meddle with him; he has two or three
hundred thousand men, that when you say the word, shall sell
themselves to their shirts for him, and die at his foot. His pil-
low is of down, and his grave shall be as soft, over which they
that are alive shall wring their hands. And to come to your
fatherhoods, most truly so called, as being the loving parents
of the people, truly you do not know what a feeling they have
of your kindness, seeing you are so bound up, that if there
comes any harm, they may thank themselves. And, alas! poor
souls, they see that they are given to be of so many minds,
that though they always mean well, yet if there comes any good,
they may thank them that teach them better. Wherefore there
was never such a thing as this invented, they do verily believe
that it is no other than the same which they always had in their
very heads, if they could have but told how to bring it out. As
now for a sample: my lords the proposers had no sooner said
your minds, than they found it to be that which heart could
wish. And your fatherhoods may comfort yourselves, that
there is not a people in the world more willing to learn what is
for their own good, nor more apt to see it, when you have
showed it them. Wherefore they do love you as they do their
own selves; honor you as fathers; resolve to give you as it
were obedience forever, and so thanking you for your most
good and excellent laws, they do pray for you as the very
worthies of the land, right honorable lords and fathers assem-
bled in Parliament."
I
Argus came off beyond his own expectation; for thinking
right, and speaking as he thought, it was apparent by the house
and the thanks they gave him, that they esteemed him to be
absolutely of the best sort of orators; upon which having a mind
that till then misgave him, he became very crounse, and much
delighted with that which might go down the next week in
print to his wife and neighbors. Livy makes the Roman trib-
unes to speak in the same style with the consuls, which could
not be, and therefore for aught in him to the contrary, Volero
and Canuleius might have spoken in no better style than Ar-
gus. However, they were not created the first year of the com-
monwealth; and the tribunes of Oceana are since become bet-
ter orators than were needful. But the laws being enacted,
had the preamble annexed, and were delivered to Bronchus,
who loved nothing in the earth so much as to go staring and
bellowing up and down the town, like a stag in a forest, as he
now did, with his fraternity in their coats-of-arms, and I know
OCEANA 403

not how many trumpets, proclaiming the act of parliament;


when, meeting my Lord Archon, whom from a retreat that was
without affectation, as being for devotion only, and to implore
a blessing by prayer and fasting upon his labors, now newly
arrived in town, the herald of the tribe of Bestia set up his
throat, and having chanted out his lesson, passed as haughtily
by him as if his own had been the better office, which in this
place was very well taken, though Bronchus for his high mind
happened afterward upon some disasters, too long to tell, that
spoiled much of his embroidery.
My Lord Archon's arrival being known, the signory, accom-
panied by the tribunes, repaired to him, with the news he had
already heard by the herald, to which my lord strategus added
that his highness could not doubt upon the demonstrations
given, but the minds of men were firm in the opinion that he
could be no seeker of himself in the way of earthly pomp and
glory, and that the gratitude of the Senate and the people could
not therefore be understood to have any such reflection upon
him. But so it was, that in regard of dangers abroad, and par-
ties at home, they durst not trust themselves without a stand-
ing army, nor a standing army in any man's hands but those
of his highness.
The Archon made answer, that he ever expected this would
be the sense of the Senate and the people; and this being their
sense, he should have been sorry they had made choice of any
other than himself for a standing general; first, because it could
not have been more to their own safety, and secondly, because
so long as they should have need of a standing army, his work
was not done; that he would not dispute against the judgment
of the Senate and the people, nor ought that to be. Neverthe-
less, he made little doubt but experience would show every
party their own interest in this government, and that better
improved than they could expect from any other; that men's
animosities should overbalance their interest for any time was
impossible, that humor could never be lasting, nor through the
constitution of the government of any effect at the first charge.
For supposing the worst, and that the people had chosen no
other into the Senate and the prerogative than royalists, a mat-
ter of 1,400 men must have taken their oaths at their election,
with an intention to go quite contrary, not only to their oaths
so taken, but to their own interest; for being estated in the
sovereign power, they must have decreed it from themselves
(such an example for which there was never any experience,
nor can there be any reason), or holding it, it must have done
in their hands as well every wit as in any other. Furthermore,
they must have removed the government from a foundation
HARRINGTON

that apparently would hold, to set it upon another which ap-


parently would not hold; which things if they could not come
to pass, the Senate and the people consisting wholly of royal-
ists, much less by a parcel of them elected. But if the fear of
the Senate and of the people derived from a party without, such
a one as would not be elected, nor engage themselves to the
commonwealth by an oath; this again must be so large, as
would go quite contrary to their own interest, they being as
free and a? fully estated in their liberty as any other, or so nar-
row that they could do no hurt, while the people being in arms,
and at the beck of the strategus, every tribe would at any time
make a better army than such a party; and there being no par-
ties at home, fears from abroad would vanish. But seeing it
was otherwise determined by the Senate and the people, the
best course was to take that which they held the safest, in which,
with his humble thanks for their great bounty, he was resolved
to serve them with all duty and obedience.
A very short time after the royalists, now equal citizens,
made good the Archon's judgment, there being no other that
found anything near so great a sweet in the government. For
he who has not been acquainted with affliction, says Seneca,
knows but half the things of this world.
Moreover they saw plainly, that to restore the ancient gov-
ernment they must cast up their estates into the hands of 300
men: wherefore in case the Senate and the prerogative, con-
sisting of 1,300 men, had been all royalists, there must of
necessity have been, and be forever, 1,000 against this or any
such vote. But the Senate, being informed by the signory
that the Archon had accepted of his dignity and office, caused
a third chair to be set for his Highness, between those of the
strategus and the orator in the house, the like at every coun-
cil ; to which he repaired, not of necessity, but at his pleasure,
being the best, and as Argus not vainly said, the greatest prince
in the world; for in the pomp of his court he was not inferior
to any, and in the field he was followed with a force that was
formidable to all. Nor was there a cause in the nature of this
constitution to put him to the charge of guards, to spoil his
stomach or his sleep: insomuch, as being handsomely disputed
by the wits of the academy, whether my Lord Archon, if he
had been ambitious, could have made himself so great, it was
carried clear in the negative; not only for the reasons drawn
from the present balance, which was popular, but putting the
case the balance had been monarchical. For there be some
nations, whereof this is one, that will bear a prince in a com-
monwealth far higher than it is possible for them to bear a
monarch. Spain looked upon the Prince of Orange as her
OCEANA 4°S

most formidable enemy; but if ever there be a monarch in


Holland, he will be the Spaniard's best friend. For whereas
a prince in a commonwealth derives his greatness from the
root of the people, a monarch derives his from one of those
balances which nip them in the root; by which means the Low
Countries under a monarch were poor and inconsiderable, but
in bearing a prince could grow to a miraculous height, and
give the glory of his actions by far the upper hand of the great-
est king in Christendom. There are kings in Europe, to whom
a king of Oceana would be put a petit companion. But the
Prince of this commonwealth is the terror and judge of them
all.
That which my Lord Archon now minded most was the
agrarian, upon which debate he incessantly thrust the Senate
and the Council of State, to the end it might be planted upon
some firm root, as the main point and basis of perpetuity to the
commonwealth.
And these are some of the most remarkable passages that
happened in the first year of this government. About the lat-
ter end of the second, the army was disbanded, but the taxes
continued at ¿30,000 a month, for three years and a half. By
which means a piece of artillery was planted, and a portion of
land to the value of ¿50 a year purchased for the maintenance
of the games, and of the prize arms forever, in each hundred.
With the eleventh year of the commonwealth, the term of
the excise, allotted for the maintenance of the Senate and the
people and for the raising of a public revenue, expired. By
which time the Exchequer, over and above the annual salaries,
amounting to ¿300,000 accumulating every year out of ¿1,000,¬
000 income, ¿700,000 in banco, brought it with a product of
the sum, rising to about ¿8,000,000 in the whole: whereby at
several times they had purchased to the Senate and the people
¿400,000 per annum solid revenue; which, besides the lands
held in Panopea, together with the perquisites of either prov-
ince, was held sufficient for a public revenue. Nevertheless,
taxes being now wholly taken off, the excise, of no great bur-
den (and many specious advantages not vainly proposed in the
heightening of the public revenue), was very cheerfully estab-
lished by the Senate and the people, for the term of ten years
longer; and the same course being taken, the public revenue
was found in the one-and-twentieth year of the common-
wealth to be worth ¿1,000,000 in good land. Whereupon the
excise was so abolished for the present, as withal resolved to
be the best, the most fruitful and easy way of raising taxes,
according to future exigencies.
But the revenue being now such as was able to be a yearly
4o6 HARRINGTON

purchaser, gave a jealousy that by this means the balance of


the commonwealth, consisting in private fortunes, might be
eaten out; whence this year is famous for that law whereby the
Senate and the people, forbidding any further purchase of lands
to the public within the dominions of Oceana and the adjacent
provinces, put the agrarian upon the commonwealth herself.
These increases are things which men addicted to monarchy
deride as impossible, whereby they unwarily urge a strong ar-
gument against that which they would defend. For having
their eyes fixed upon the pomp and expense, by which not only
every child of a king, being a prince, exhausts his father's cof-
fers, but favorites and servile spirits, devoted to the flattery of
those princes, grow insolent and profuse, returning a fit grati-
tude to their masters, whom, while they hold it honorable to
deceive, they suck and keep eternally poor: it follows that they
do not see how it should be possible for a commonwealth to
clothe herself in purple, and thrive so strangely upon that which
would make a prince's hair grow through his hood, and not
afford him bread. As if it were a miracle that a careless and
prodigal man should bring £10,000 a year to nothing, or that
an industrious and frugal man brings a little to £10,000 a year.
But the fruit of one man's industry and frugality can never be
like that of a commonwealth; first, because the greatness of
the increase follows the greatness of the stock or principal;
and, secondly, because a frugal father is for the most part suc-
ceeded by a lavish son; whereas a commonwealth is her own
heir.
This year a part was proposed by the Right Honorable Au-
reus de Woolsack in the tribe of Pecus, first commissioner of
the Treasury, to the Council of State, which soon after passed
the ballot of the Senate and the people, by which the lands of
the public revenue, amounting to £1,000,000, were equally di-
vided into £5,000 lots, entered by their names and parcels into
a lot-book preserved in the Exchequer. And if any orphan,
being a maid, should cast her estate into the Exchequer for
¿1 ,400, the Treasury was bound by the law to pay her quar-
terly £200 a year, free from taxes, for her life, and to assign
her a lot for her security; if she married, her husband was nei-
ther to take out the principal without her consent (acknowl-
edged by herself to one of the commissioners of the Treasury,
who, according as he found it to be free, or forced, was to allow
or disallow of it), nor any other way engage it than to her
proper use. But if the principal were taken out, the Treasury
was not bound to repay any more of it than £1,000, nor might
that be repaid at any time, save within the first year of her
marriage: the like was to be done by a half or quarter lot re-
spectively.
OCEANA

This was found to be a great charity to the weaker sex, and


as some say, who are more skilful in the like affairs than my-
self, of good profit to the commonwealth.
Now began the native spleen of Oceana to be much purged,
and men not to affect sullenness and pedantism. The elders
could remember that they had been youths. Wit and gallantry
were so far from being thought crimes in themselves, that care
was taken to preserve their innocence. For which cause it was
proposed to the Council for Religion by the Right Honorable
Cadiscus de Clero, in the tribe of Stamnum, first censor, that
such women as, living in gallantry and view about the town,
were of evil fame, and could not show that they were main-
tained by their own estates or industry; or such as, having
estates of their own, were yet wasteful in their way of life, and
of ill-example to others, should be obnoxious to the animad-
version of the Council of Religion, or of the censors: in which
the proceeding should be after this manner. Notice should be
first given of the scandal to the party offending, in private: if
there were no amendment within the space of six months,
she should be summoned and rebuked before the said Council
or censors; and, if after other six months it were found that
neither this availed, she should be censored not to appear at
any public meetings, games, or recreations, upon penalty of be-
ing taken up by the doorkeepers or guards of the Senate, and
by them to be detained, till for every such offence ¿5 were duly
paid for her enlargement.
Furthermore, if any common strumpet should be found or
any scurrility or profaneness represented at either of the thea-
tres, the prelates for every such offence should be fined ¿20 by
the said Council, and the poet, for every such offence on his
part, should be whipped. This law relates to another, which
was also enacted the same year upon this occasion.
The youth and wits of the Academy having put the business
so home in the defence of comedies that the provosts had noth-
ing but the consequences provided against by the foregoing
law to object, prevailed so far that two of the provosts of the
Council of State joined in a proposition, which after much ado
came to a law, whereby ¿100,000 was allotted for the building
of two theatres on each side of the piazza of the halo: and two
annual magistrates called prelates, chosen out of the knights,
were added to the tropic, the one called the prelate of the bus-
kin, for inspection of the tragic scene called Melpomene; and
the other the prelate of the sock, for the comic called Thalia,
which magistrates had each ¿500 a year allowed out of the
profits of the theatres; the rest, except ¿800 a year to four
poets, payable into the Exchequer, A poet laureate created in
4o8 HARRINGTON

one of these theatres by the str ategus, receives a wreath of


¿500 in go l d , paid out of the said profits. B u t no man is c apa-
ble of this creation that had not t w o parts in three of the suf-
frages at the A c a d e m y , a ssembled after s i x w ee k s ' w a r n i n g and
up on that oc ca si on.
T h es e thi ngs a m o n g us are sure e n o ug h to be censured, but
by suc h only as do not k n o w the nature of a c o mm o n w e a l th ;
for to tell men that they are free, and yet to curb the gen i us
of a peopl e in a lawful recreation to w hi c h they are naturally
inclined, is to tell a ta le of a tub. I ha ve hea rd the Protes ta nt
ministers in F r a n c e, by men that w e re w ise and of their o w n
profession, mu c h bla med in that they forbade da n ci ng, a recre-
ation to w hi c h the gen i us of that air is so i ncl ini ng that they
lost man y w h o w ould no t lose tha t: n or do they less than bla me
the former determi na tion of ras hness, w h o n o w gently conni ve
at that w hi ch they had so r o ug hl y forbidden. T h e s e sports i n
O c ea n a are so go v er n ed , that they are pl ea si ng for private diver-
sion, and profitable to the p ubli c : for the theatres soon defrayed
their ow n c ha r ge , and now b r i n g in a g o o d revenue. A l l this
is so far from the d etriment of vir tue, that it is to the i mpr ov e-
ment of it, seein g w o m e n that heretofore ma d e h a v oc of their
hon or that they mi g ht hav e their pleasures, are n ow incapable
of their plea sur es if they lose their hon or .
A b o u t the one-and-fortieth ye a r of the c o mmon w e a l th, the
censors , a c c o r d i n g to their annual c us tom, reported the pillar
of Ni l us, by w hi c h it w as found that the people wer e increased
ver y near one-third. W h e r e u p o n the Co un ci l of W a r w as ap -
pointed by the Sena te to b r i n g in a state of wa r , and the treas-
urers the state of the T r ea s ur y. T h e state of w a r, or the pay
and c ha r ge of an ar my , w a s soon after exhibited by the C o u n -
cil in this a c c ou nt :

The Field Pay of a Parliamentary Army

P ER ANNUM
The lord strategus, marching ¿10,000
Polemarchs—
General of the horse 2,000
Lieutenant-general 2,000
General of the artillery 1,000
Commissary-general 1,000
Major-general 1,000
Quartermaster-general 1,000
Two adjutants to the major-general 1,000
Forty colonels 40,000
100 captains of horse, at ¿500 a man 50,000
300 captains of foot, at ¿300 a man 90,000
100 cornets, at ¿100 a man 10,000
300 ensigns, at £50 a man 15,000
OCEANA 409

Quartermasters,
800 Sergeants,
Trumpeters, 20,000
Drummers,
10,000 horse, at 2s. 6a. per day each 470,000
30,000 foot, at is. per day each 500,000
Chirurgeons 400
40,000 auxiliaries, amounting to within a little as much.. 1,100,000
The charge of mounting 20,000 horse 300,000
The train of artillery, holding a 3d. to the whole 900,000

Sum total £3,514,400

A r m s and ammunition are not reckoned , as those whi ch are


furnished out of the store or arsenal of E m p o r i u m : nor w a s ta ge,
as that whi c h goes upon the account of the fleet, mainta ined by
the c us to ms ; w hi ch customs, thr o ugh the care of the C ounc il for
T r a d e and gr o w t h of traffic, wer e l o n g since impr oved to about
¿1,000,000 revenue. T h e house bei ng thus informed of a state
of w a r , the commis sioners bro ught i n —

T H E STATE OF THE TREASURY THIS PRESENT YEAR, BEING THE


ONE-AND-FORTIETH OF THE COMMONWEALTH

Received from the one-and-twentieth of this commonwealth:


By £700,000 a year in bank, with the product of the
sum rising £16,000,000

Expended from the one-and-twentieth of this commonwealth:


Imprimis, for the addition of arms for 100,000 men to
the arsenal, or tower of Emporium £1,000,000
For the storing of the same with artillery 300,000
For the storing of the same with ammunition 200,000
For beautifying the cities, parks, gardens, public walks,
and places for recreation of Emporium and Hiera, with
public buildings, aqueducts, statues, and fountains, etc. 1,500,000
Extraordinary embassies 150,000
Sum -. £3,150,000
Remaining in the Treasury, the salaries of the Ex-
chequer being defalked £12,000,000

By compari son of whi ch accounts if a w a r with an army of


80,000 men wer e to be made by the penny, yet w a s the c ommon-
wealth able to maintain such a one above three years wi thout
l ev y i n g a ta x . B u t it is a ga inst all experience, sense, and reason
that such an a r my should not be soon broken, or ma ke a gr ea t
p r o g r e s s ; in either of wh ic h cases, the c har ge c ea s es ; or rather
if a ri ght course be taken in the latter, profit comes i n : for the
R oma n s had no other considerable w a y but vi ctory wher eby to
HARRINGTON

fill their treasury, which nevertheless was seldom empty. Alex-


ander did not consult his purse upon his design for Persia: it is
observed by Machiavel, that Livy, arguing what the event in
reason must have been had that K in g invaded Rome, and dili-
gently measuring what .on each side was necessary to such a
war, never speaks a word of money. No man imagines that the
Gauls, Goths, Vandals, Huns, Lombards, Saxons, Normans,
made their inroads or conquests by the strength of the purse;
and if it be thought enough, according to the dialect of our age,
to say in answer to these things that those times are past and
gone: what money did the late Gustavus, the most victorious of
modern princes, bring out of Sweden with him into Germany?
An army that goes upon a golden leg will be as lame as if it were
a wooden one; but proper forces have nerves and muscles in
them, such for which, having ¿4,000,000 or ¿5,000,000, a sum
easy enough, with a revenue like this of Oceana, to be had at any
time in readiness, you need never, or very rarely, charge the
people with taxes. What influence the commonwealth by such
arms has had upon the world, I leave to historians, whose cus-
tom it has been of old to be as diligent observers of foreign ac-
tions as careless of those domestic revolutions which (less pleas-
ant it may be, as not partaking so much of the romance) are to
statesmen of far greater profit; and this fault, if it be not mine,
is so much more frequent with modern writers, as has caused
me to undertake this work; on which to give my own judgment,
it is performed as much above the time I have been about it, as
below the dignity of the matter.
But I cannot depart out of this country till I have taken leave
of my Lord Archon, a prince of immense felicity, who having
built as high with his counsels as he digged deep with his sword,
had now seen fifty years measured with his own unerring orbs.
Timoleon (such a hater of tyrants that, not able to persuade
his brother Timophanes to relinquish the tyranny of Corinth,
he slew him) was afterward elected by the people (the Sicilians
groaning to them from under the like burden) to be sent to their
relief: whereupon Teleclides, the man at that time of most au-
thority in the Commonwealth of Corinth, stood up, and giving
an exhortation to Timoleon, how he should behave himself in
this expedition, told him that if he restored the Sicilians to lib-
erty, it would be acknowledged that he destroyed a tyrant; if
otherwise, he must expect to hear he had murdered a king.
Timoleon, taking his leave with a very small provision for so
great a design, pursued it with a courage not inferior to, and a
felicity beyond, any that had been known to that day in mortal
flesh, having in the space of eight years utterly rooted out of all
Sicily those weeds of tyranny, through the detestation whereof
OCEANA 41 1

men fled in such abundance from their native country that whole
cities were left desolate, and brought it to such a pass that others,
through the fame of his virtues and the excellency of the soil,
flocked as fast from all quarters to it as to the garden of the
world: while he, being presented by the people of Syracuse with
his town-house and his country retreat, the sweetest places in
either, lived with his wife and children a most quiet, happy, and
holy life; for he attributed no part of his success to himself, but
all to the blessing and providence of the gods. As he passed
his time in this manner, admired and honored by mankind, La-
phistius, an envious demagogue, going to summon him upon
some pretence or other to answer for himself before the assem-
bly, the people fell into such a mutiny as could not be appeased
but by Timoleon, who, understanding the matter, reproved
them, by repeating the pains and travel which he had gone
through, to no other end than that every man might have the
free use of the laws. Wherefore when Daemenetus, another
demagogue, had brought the same design about again, and
blamed him impertinently to the people for things which he did
when he was general, Timoleon answered nothing, but raising
up his hands, gave the gods thanks for their return to his fre-
quent prayers, that he might but live to see the Syracusans so
free, that they could question whom they pleased.
Not long after, being old, through some natural imperfection,
he fell blind; but the Syracusans by their perpetual visits held
him, though he could not see, their greatest object: if there ar-
rived strangers, they brought him to see this sight. Whatever
came in debate at the assembly, if it were of small consequence,
they determined it themselves ; but if of importance, they always
sent for Timoleon, who, being brought by his servants in a chair,
and set in the middle of the theatre, there ever followed a great
shout, after which some time was allowed for the benedictions
of the people; and then the matter proposed, when Timoleon
had spoken to it, was put to the suffrage; which given, his ser-
vants bore him back in his chair, accompanied by the people
clapping their hands, and making all expressions of joy and ap-
plause, till, leaving him at his house, they returned to the des-
patch of their business. And this was the life of Timoleon, till
he died of age, and dropped like a mature fruit, while the eyes
of the people were as the showers of autumn.
The life and death of my Lord Archon (but that he had his
senses to the last, and that his character, as not the restorer, but
the founder of a commonwealth, was greater) are so exactly the
same, that (seeing by men wholly ignorant of antiquity I am
accused of writing romance) I shall repeat nothing: but tell
you that this year the whole nation of Oceana, even to the
412 HARRINGTON

w omen and children , w e r e in mo ur n i n g, w her e so grea t or sad a


funeral p o mp had never been seen or kn o w n. So me time after
the performance of the obsequies a Colossus, mounted on a
brazen horse of excellent fabric, w as erected in the pia zza of the
Pantheon, engra ved wi th this inscription on the eastern side of
the pedestal :

HI S N A M E

IS AS

PRECIOUS OINTMENT

A n d on the western with the f ol l ow i n g:

OL PH AU S M E G A L E T O R

LORD ARCHON, AND SOLE LEGISLATOR

OF

O C E A N A

P ATER PATRIAE

INVINCIBLE IN THE F IELD T H E GREATEST O F C A PT A IN S


INVIOLABLE IN HIS F A ITH
T H E BEST O F P RINC ES
UNF EIG NED IN HIS ZEAL
T H E H A P P I E S T OF LEGISLATORS
IMMORTA L IN HIS F A M E
T H E M OS T SINCERE O F CHRISTIANS

W H O SETTING THE K I N G D O M S OF EARTH AT LIBERTY,


T O O K THE K I N G D O M OF THE H E A V E N S BY V I OLEN C E.
DESCRIPTION OF OCEANA

O C E A N A is saluted by the panegyrist after this man-


ner : " O the most blessed and fortunate of all coun-
tries, Oceana! how deservedly has nature with the
bounties of heaven and earth endued thee! Thy ever fruit-
ful womb not closed with ice nor dissolved by the raging star;
where Ceres and Bacchus are perpetual twins: thy woods are
not the harbor of devouring beasts, nor thy continual verdure
the ambush of serpents, but the food of innumerable herds and
flocks presenting thee, their shepherdess, with distended dugs
or golden fleeces. The wings of thy night involve thee not
in the horror of darkness, but have still some white feather;
and thy day is (that for which we esteem life) the longest."
But this ecstasy of Pliny, as is observed by Bertius, seems to
allude as well to Marpesia and Panopea, now provinces of
this commonwealth, as to Oceana itself.
To speak of the people in each of these countries. This of
Oceana, for so soft a one, is the most martial in the whole
world. " Let States that aim at greatness," says Verulamius,
" take heed how their nobility and gentlemen multiply too fast,
for that makes the common subject grow to be a peasant and
base swain driven out of heart, and in effect but a gentleman's
laborer; just as you may see in coppice woods, if you leave
the staddels too thick, you shall never have clean underwood,
but shrubs and bushes; so in countries, if the gentlemen be
too many, the commons will be base; and you will bring it
to that at last, that not the hundreth poll will be fit for a hel-
met, specially as to the infantry, which is the nerve of an
army, and so there will be great population and little strength.
This of which I speak has been nowhere better seen than by
comparing of Oceana and France, whereof Oceana, though far
less in territory and population, has been nevertheless an over-
match, in regard the middle people of Oceana make good
solders, which the peasants in France do not." In which
words Verulamius, as Machiavel has done before him, harps
much upon a string which he has not perfectly tuned, and
that is, the balance of dominion or property: as it follows
41 3
4M IDEAL COMMONWEALTHS

more plainly, in his praise " of the profound and admirable


device of Panurgus, King of Oceana, in making farms and
houses of husbandry of a standard; that is, maintained with
such a proportion of land to them as may breed a subject to
live in convenient plenty, and no servile condition, and to
keep the plough in the hands of the owners, and not mere
hirelings. And thus, indeed," says he, " you shall attain to
Virgil's character which he gives of ancient Italy."
But the tillage, bringing up a good soldiery, brings up a
good commonwealth; which the author in the praise of Panur-
gus did not mind, nor Panurgus in deserving that praise; for
where the owner of the plough comes to have the sword, too,
he will use it in defence of his own; whence it has happened
that the people of Oceana, in proportion to their property,
have been always free. And the genius of this nation has
ever had some resemblance with that of ancient Italy, which
was wholly addicted to commonwealths, and where Rome came
to make the greatest account of her rustic tribes, and to call
her consuls from the plough; for in the way of parliaments,
which was the government of this realm, men of country lives
have been still intrusted with the greatest affairs, and the peo-
ple have constantly had an aversion to the ways of the court.
Ambition, loving to be gay and to fawn, has been a gallantry
looked upon as having something in it of the livery; and hus-
bandry, or the country way of life, though of a grosser spin-
ning, as the best stuff of a commonwealth, according to Aris-
totle, such a one being the most obstinate assertress of her
liberty and the least subject to innovation or turbulency.
Wherefore till the foundations, as will be hereafter shown,
were removed, this people was observed to be the least sub-
ject to shakings and turbulency of any; whereas common-
wealths, upon which the city life has had the stronger influ-
ence, as Athens, have seldom or never been quiet, but at the
best are found to have injured their own business by over-
doing it. Whence the urban tribes of Rome, consisting of
the Turba forensis, and libertines that had received their free-
dom by manumission, were of no reputation in comparison of
the rustics. It is true that with Venice it may seem to be
otherwise, in regard the gentlemen (for so are all such called
as have a right to that government) are wholly addicted to the
city life; but then the Turba forensis, the secretaries, Cittadini,
with the rest of the populace, are wholly excluded. Other-
wise a commonwealth consisting but of one city would doubt-
less be stormy, in regard that ambition would be every man's
trade; but where it consists of a country, the plough in the
hands of the owner finds him a better calling, and produces
OCEANA 4*5

the most innocent and steady genius of a commonwealth, such


as is that of Oceana.
Marpesia, being the northern part of the same island, is
the dry-nurse of a populous and hardy nation, but where the
staddels have been formerly too thick; whence their courage
answered not their hardiness, except in the nobility, who gov-
erned that country much after the manner of Poland, but that
the King was not elective till the people received their liberty;
the yoke of the nobility being broken by the Commonwealth
of Oceana, which in grateful return is thereby provided with
an inexhaustible magazine of auxiliaries.
Panopea, the soft mother of a slothful and pusillanimous
people, is a neighbor island, anciently subjected by the arms
of Oceana; since almost depopulated for shaking the yoke,
and at length replanted with a new race. But, through what
virtues of the soil or vice of the air soever it be, they come
still to degenerate. Wherefore seeing it is neither likely to
yield men fit for arms, nor necessary it should, it had been
the interest of Oceana so to have disposed of this province,
being both rich in the nature of the soil, and full of commodi-
ous ports for trade, that it might have been ordered for the
best in relation to her purse, which in my opinion, if it had
been thought upon in time, might have been best done by
planting it with Jews, allowing them their own rites and
laws; for that would have brought them suddenly from all
parts of the world, and in sufficient numbers. And though
the Jews be now altogether for merchandise, yet in the land
of Canaan (except since their exile from whence they have
not been landlords) they were altogether for agriculture;
and there is no cause why a man should doubt, but having a
fruitful country and excellent ports, too, they would be good
at both. Panopea, well peopled, would be worth a matter of
£4,000,000 dry-rents; that is, besides the advantage of the
agriculture and trade, which, with a nation of that industry,
come at least to as much more. Wherefore Panopea, being
farmed out to the Jews and their heirs forever, for the pay
of a provincial army to protect them during the term of seven
years, and for £2,000,000 annual revenue from that time for-
ward, besides the customs, which would pay the provincial
army, would have been a bargain of such advantage, both to
them and this commonwealth, as is not to be found otherwise
by either. To receive the Jews after any other manner into
a commonwealth were to maim it; for they of all nations never
incorporate, but taking up the room of a limb, are of no use
or office to the body, while they suck the nourishment which
would sustain a natural and useful member.
4i6 IDEAL COMMONWEALTHS

If Panopea had been so disposed of, that knapsack, with


the Marpesian auxiliary, had been an inestimable treasure;
the situation of these countries being islands (as appears by
Venice how advantageous such a one is to the like govern-
ment) seems to have been designed by God for a common-
wealth. And yet that, through the straitness of the place and
defect of proper arms, can be no more than a commonwealth
for preservation; whereas this, reduced to the like govern-
ment, is a commonwealth for increase, and upon the mightiest
foundation that any has been laid from the beginning of the
world to this day.

" Illam arcta capiens Neptunus compede stringit:


Hanc autem glaucis captus complectitur ulnis."

The sea gives law to the growth of Venice, but the growth
of Oceana gives law to the sea.
These countries, having been anciently distinct and hostile
kingdoms, came by Morpheus the Marpesian, who succeeded
by hereditary right to the crown of Oceana, not only to be
joined under one head, but to be cast, as it were by a charm,
into that profound sleep, which, broken at length by the trum-
pet of civil war, has produced those effects that have given
occasion to the preceding discourse, divided into four parts.

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