MDL Blue Brownfields Affirmative Packet

MDL 2008-2009
November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)
Brownfields Affirmative Packet

Explanation..................................................................................................................................................2 Brownfields 1ac...........................................................................................................................................3 Brownfields 1AC.........................................................................................................................................4 Brownfields 1AC.........................................................................................................................................5 Brownfields 1AC.........................................................................................................................................6 Brownfields 1AC.........................................................................................................................................7 Brownfields 1AC.........................................................................................................................................8 Brownfields 1AC.........................................................................................................................................9 Brownfields 1AC.......................................................................................................................................10 Brownfields 1AC ......................................................................................................................................11 Brownfields 1AC ......................................................................................................................................12 Brownfields 1AC ......................................................................................................................................13 InherencY extensions AT: Incentives Exist Now....................................................................................14 Inherency extensions Redevelopment Expensive....................................................................................15 Inherency extensions Brightfields Lack Funding....................................................................................16 Inherency extensions Current Incentives Dont Decrease Liability .......................................................17 AT: No Environmental Racism .................................................................................................................18 AT: No Environmental Racism .................................................................................................................19 Brownfields Bad Health .........................................................................................................................20 Brownfields Bad Local Economies ........................................................................................................21 Brownfields Bad Local Government/Tax Revenue ................................................................................22 Brownfields Bad Education ...................................................................................................................23 Environmental Racism Impacts Legacy of Slavery................................................................................24 Environmental Racism Impacts Environment ........................................................................................25 Racism Impacts War/Eugenics ..............................................................................................................26 Brownfield Redevelopment Key to Environmental Justice .......................................................................27 AT: Gentrification Turn............................................................................................................................28 Global Warming Advantage .....................................................................................................................29 Solvency Incentives General ...............................................................................................................30 Solvency Tax Incentives ........................................................................................................................31 Solvency Incentives Perception-Magnifiers.........................................................................................32 Solvency Global Modeling ....................................................................................................................33 Brightfields Key to Renewables Market ...................................................................................................34 Wind Turbines on Brightfields Good.........................................................................................................35 Brightfields Key to Solar Industry ............................................................................................................36 AT: Spending Disadvantage 2AC Frontline..............................................................................................37 At: Spending Disadvantage 2AC Frontline................................................................................................38 AT: Spending Disadvantage 2AC Frontline..............................................................................................39 AFF- Extensions to # 4 No Fiscal Discipline..........................................................................................40 AFF Extensions to # 7 US Not Key to Global Economy .......................................................................41
Page 1 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

EXPLANATION The Affirmative: The affirmative case explores the connection between irresponsible corporate and governmental policies and minority neighborhoods. In the 1AC, you will find arguments that indicate: There are industrial sites, many of which used to be manufacturing centers, that are abandoned These abandoned sites endanger urban populations, especially poor, minority communities These sites should be restored to produce alternative energy, such as solar or wind power These restored sites are referred to as brightfields This affirmative also addresses the issue of environmental racism, by highlighting the injustice inherent in the government and private industry believing it is okay to pollute in poor, minority communities With this affirmative, you also have the option of claiming that the plan will result in a substantial decrease in the threat of global warming because other countries will model the plan The negative: The negative has direct answers to the affirmative case claims. These arguments indicate the following: The federal government is currently cleaning up these sites The harms of environmental justice and racism are overstated The plan cannot solve these problems, and attempts to solve these problems will only make matters worse for a number of reasons The negative also can claim that a disadvantage will occur. The disadvantage is called a Spending Disadvantage. It says: The plan will cost too much money and that this additional drain on the federal budget will destroy the US economy How to use this packet: The evidence in the packet is presented in the following way: A claim that the evidence supports. Underlined parts are parts students need to read to understand the context, though they may wish to highlight it further Bold parts of the evidence are included to encourage students to emphasize, while speaking, the important and memorable phrases they might want the judge to recall There are also some arguments are made without evidence. They are called analytics. It is important that students realize that not every argument needs evidence and they should feel free to add analytical claims to their debates, as in encourages critical thinking
Page 2 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
Contention One Inherency:
American energy policy is shaped by structural racism our nations addiction to fossil fuels and status quo policy put urban, minority communities on the front lines of Americas war against the planet today Maya Wiley, Director of the Center for Social Inclusion, Summer 2006, Overcoming Structural Racism, Race,
Poverty, and the Environment, Vol. 13, No. 1, online: http://www.urbanhabitat.org/node/504, accessed July 12, 2008 Last winter, the ground never froze in Brooklyn, New York. In January, I was digging up dandelions that had taken over my yard and preparing new flowerbeds. Climate change is hitting close to home. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) has predicted eight to 10 hurricanes in the North Atlantic Ocean this seasonabout half-a-dozen of them expected to be at least a category three. Katrina was a category three hurricane. So, New York could be the next New Orleans. One thing climate change makes clear: what happens to one community can happen to allacross neighborhoods, across cities, across countries. But we can stop the tragedy of New Orleans from repeating itself. We can even turn New Orleans tragedy into an opportunity to understand better the human landscape that for so long has been sowed with the poisonous seeds of racism. By understanding and addressing the inequities brought on by structural racism, we can and will improve our environment in every possible way, including socially and economically. Often, when we talk about global warming, issues of racial inequity are left out. We focus on dirty energy, our governments failure to regulate corporate polluting and reluctance to create incentives for clean and renewable energy alternatives. We criticize our consumer culture with its insatiable appetite for SUVs, and our preference for suburban living with its long commutes. All of these are, of course, important factors in creating and perpetuating a climate crisis that is finally being acknowledged in the U.S., thanks to the hard work of environmental activists. While no one can say for sure that global warming caused hurricane Katrina, the science strongly suggests that storms are getting fiercer and more destructive because of carbon emissions. A Hurricanes Eye View of Global Warming New Orleans has given us an opportunity to understand and address the racial causes and consequences of global warming. The broken levees are a metaphor for a weakened and fragmented government. Over the last four years alone, the US Congress has aggressively cut the revenue sources that enable government at all levels to invest in communities. Tax cuts of over a trillion dollars for the wealthiest five percent (annual income over $300,000) has meant severe cutbacks for disaster relief and a safety net.2 Consider, for example, President Bushs proposed $708 million cut to the Army Corps of Engineers budget. A whopping $71.2 million of that money was earmarked for hurricane and flood prevention in New Orleans. Unfortunately, such budget cuts have become common and are part of a larger attack on federal responsibility for a social safety net.3 Public willingness to accept the notion of a small, limited federal government developed in the historical context of slavery. The more powerful slaveholding families used these concepts to oppose abolition. The Republican Partys infamous Southern Strategy of using racism to win the ideological fight for corporate prerogatives and limited social investments began in earnest in 1928.4 The limited government, self-help ideology translated into the explicit exclusion of Black people from the New Deal social safety net policies, like Social Security and unemployment benefits. Post-World War II government policies that created and preserved racially segregated white suburbs and the white middle class, intentionally excluded African Americans in particular, and people of color in general. (One of the many consequences of these policies has been the environmental degradation brought on by an increased dependency on automobiles to
Page 3 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
WILEY CONTINUED NO TEXT REMOVED commute from suburbs to job centers.) It is still the case that public support for social safety net programs, like welfare, decreases if the perceived beneficiaries of such programs are African American.5 New Orleans (and the U.S.) by Numbers In 1970, 54 percent of the New Orleans metropolitan regional population lived in the city, was much more racially integrated, and had fewer neighborhoods of concentrated poverty.6 By 2000, the city had only 36 percent of the regions populationover two-thirds of which was Black7indicating a loss of both jobs and revenues for New Orleans. In fact, between 1970 and 2000, the city saw a shocking 24 percent decline in jobs. National and international studies show that fairer, more equitable countries and states have better environmental quality. Fairness and equality are measured by such indicators as income distribution, political rights, civil liberties, level of education, and access to healthcare.8 When we look at the major structural impediments to improving income distribution, political rights, and other indicators of a vibrant and healthy democracy in the U.S., we have to look at the policies affecting communities of color. When entire communities of color are marginalized and excluded from a regions civic and political life, they become invisible to the white communities. Whites will fight tooth and nail against the location of a waste treatment facility or an incinerator in their own neighborhoods, but accept their location in the invisible poor neighborhoods. (One example of an environmental insult is the attempt to create a landfill in the East New Orleans wetlands, strongly opposed by the Black and Vietnamese communities who wish to rebuild their homes there.)9 These privileged communities are thus able to avoid the questions raised by their unbridled consumerism and its effect on the environment. On the other hand, if the government works to reduce poverty in urban communities of color, it has the effect of creating more jobs and reducing poverty in surrounding regions.10 When communities of color are able to participate in civic and political life, they are better able to attract investments to build and strengthen local economies and defend themselves against environmental insults. Racialized Poverty and Global Warming At a recent conference on the racial and socio-economic implications of the rebuilding of the Gulf Coast, Laurie David, a Hollywood producer and tireless anti-global warming activist, spoke passionately about the climate crisis we face and the importance of U.S. leadership on carbon emissions reduction. When asked about the role of racialized poverty in New Orleans, David responded that the reality of global warming was such that a lot of people will get hurt. David is certainly right, and we all have to care about climate change. But we also need to have a better answer to the question of race and poverty in global warming. The floodwaters of Lake Ponchartrain washed away any illusions of a racially equitable society. Although about 28 percent of New Orleans population was poor, there were many more poor African Americans (35 percent) than poor Whites (11.5 percent).11 And of all city dwellers, nearly one-third of all Black households did not have access to a car while only 10 percent of White households lacked auto access.13 While there were no evacuation plans for the poor, the elderly, and the disabled either, it was common knowledge that the lowest ground in New Orleans was occupied by communities of color, which made up nearly 80 percent of the population in these flooded neighborhoods.14 It is no wonder then that most of the faces in the Superdome were Black. Racialized poverty puts the poor communities of color at the frontlines of our war with our planet. They are, as Professor Lani Guinier points out, our miners canaries. Their vulnerabilities shine a light on everyones vulnerabilities and we should pay careful attention to them when dealing with our public resources. How do our Gardens Grow? The environmental justice community understands that racial inequity is one of the biggest barriers to healthy communities and a healthy nation.15 Nature is not bound by governmental jurisdiction. It may, however, be influenced by race and political privilege. So it is up to the privileged, the resourced, and the included, to work with communities of color, and not just for them. It requires funders to resource communities of color for civic engagement. It also requires us to build a public will for a government that will strengthen the social safety net for our most vulnerable communities and rein in corporate prerogative.
Page 4 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
Contention Two Harms: The Complexion of Protection
First, the location of toxic industrial waste in poor, minority neighborhoods is proof of white Americas flight from the inner city and the politics of not in my back yard. The continued neglect of brownfields is a continual source of racial subordination Bullard et al 08 (Robert D., Director of the Environmental Justice Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University, Paul Mohai, Professor
of Natural Resources and Environment, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Robin Saha, an Assistant Professor of Environmental Studies at the University of Montana, and Beverly Wright, Director of the Deep South Center for Environmental Justice at Dillard University, Toxic Wastes and Race at Twenty: Why Race Still Matters After All These Years, 38 Environmental Law, 371, Lexis)
Despite progress in research, planning, and policy, low-income and people of color neighborhoods and their residents suffer from greater environmental risks than the larger society. For example, lead poisoning continues to be
the number-one environmental health threat to children in the United States, especially poor children, children of color, and children living in older housing in inner cities. n20 "Black children are five times more likely than white children to have lead poisoning" n21 and "one in seven black children living in older housing has elevated blood lead levels." n22 About 22% of African American children and 13% of Mexican American children living in pre-1946 housing suffer from lead poisoning, compared with 6% of white children living in comparable types of housing. n23 Recent [*378] studies suggest that a young person's lead burden is linked to lower IQ, lower high school graduation rates, and increased delinquency. n24 Lead poisoning causes about two to three points of IQ lost for each 10 ug/dl lead level. n25
The nation's environmental laws, regulations, and policies are not applied uniformly, resulting in some individuals, neighborhoods, and communities being exposed to elevated health risks. In 1992, staff writers from
The National Law Journal uncovered glaring inequities in the way the federal EPA enforces its laws. n26 The authors write:
There is a racial divide in the way the U.S. government cleans up toxic waste sites and punishes polluters. White communities see faster action, better results and stiffer penalties than communities where blacks, Hispanics and other minorities live. This unequal protection often occurs whether the community is wealthy or poor. n27 These findings suggest that unequal protection is placing communities of color at special risk. The National Law
Journal study supplements the findings of earlier studies and reinforces what many grassroots leaders have been saying all along: namely, people of color are differentially impacted by industrial pollution and they also can expect different
treatment from the government. Environmental decision making operates at the juncture of science, economics, politics, special interests, and ethics. The question of environmental justice is not anchored in a debate about whether or not decision makers should tinker with risk management. The framework seeks to prevent
environmental threats before they occur. n28 The U.S. Government Accountability Office (formerly the U.S. General Accounting Office) estimates that
there are up to 450,000 brownfields (abandoned waste sites) scattered throughout the urban landscape from New York to California most of which are located in or near low income, working class, and people of color communities. n29 More than 870,000 of the 1.9 million housing units for the poor, who are mostly minorities, sit "within about a mile of factories that reported toxic emissions to the Environmental Protection Agency." n30
More than 600,000 students in Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Michigan, and California attend nearly 1200 public schools - with [*379] populations largely made up of African Americans and other children of color - that are located within a half mile of federal Superfund or state-identified contaminated sites. n31 An astounding "68 percent of African Americans live within 30 miles of a coal-fired power plant - the distance within which the maximum effects of the smokestack plume are expected to occur" - compared with 56% of white Americans. n32 In September 2005, the Associated Press (AP) released results from its analysis of an EPA research project showing African
Americans are "79 percent more likely than whites to live in neighborhoods where industrial pollution is suspected of posing the greatest health danger." n33 Using EPA's own data and government scientists, the AP study, More Blacks Live with Pollution, revealed that "in 19 states, blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to live in neighborhoods where air pollution seems to pose the greatest health danger." n34 Hispanics and Asians also are more likely to breathe dirty air in
some regions of the United States. The AP study found that residents of the at-risk neighborhoods were generally poorer and less educated, and unemployment rates in those districts were nearly 20% higher than the national average. Brownfields 1AC
Page 5 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
Second, the result of these failed policies is that Americas cities are filled with garbage humans. The politics of pollution have created two Americas one that has an environment worthy of protection and one that does not Mills 01 (Charles W., Professor of Philosophy at the University of Illinois, Chicago, Faces of Environmental
Racism: Confronting Issues of Global Justice (2nd ed.,), p. 84-89) Only with a more realistic sense of this moral and political history, then, and with a correspondingly modified conceptual apparatus, can one hope to understand the problem of waste disposal and why it could be political. The functioning of the state, the structure of space, the historic stigmatization of blacks within the white political community, the resulting partitioned ethic, all need to be taken into account in understanding the distribution of pollution costs. What should we do with trash? It depends on who the we are. If the polity is racial, and political power significantly racialized, then there will be a white we whose collective rationality and moral group psychology differ from the black minority and who have differential power over them. For this white population, the full members of the polity, blacks themselves have historically been so looked down on that black trash has been close to pleonastic. White trash is an admonition, a cautionary epithet for those white people who do not, so to speak, live up to the responsibilities of whiteness, and thus lose their full status. Black trash, by contrast, is redundant, because black already has the connotations of trashiness. So from this perspective, blacks are not part of the we who are facing the environmental problem of what to do with our refuse. Rather, there is a sense in which blacks themselves are an environmental problem, which we full humans (that is, the white population) have to deal with.
In his definitive history of Jim Crow, Leon Litwack describes the growing alarm in the posthellum South about the dark menace of freed and increasingly assertive blacks: The very language employed to describe the growing Negro menace suggested that the problem be treated like any other epidemic or virus threatening the health and security of the community. To assess the results of emancipation was to raise the specter of blacks inoculated with the virus of equality. To talk about black political participation was to talk about the cancer on the body-politic which, if not cured, will make of it a carcass. To consider the social danger posed by blacks was to contemplate the need to avoid and reduce contamination, to dilute the black poison in the body of the South (as Atlantas chief health officer expressed it) to the point where it lost its toxicity. . . . If black people had become a source of social danger and contamination, the need to control, contain, and quarantine them in every conceivable fashion could no longer be questioned.28 Various solutions were considered for dealing with this threat to the white body politic. In the immediate post-Emancipation period, hopes had been entertained that blacks would solve the problem themselves by simply dying off: The notion that black Southerners, no longer confined to the paternalistic custody of slavery and doomed to compete with whites, were destined for racial extinction enjoyed immense popularity in the late nineteenth century.29 But unfortunately, the 1880 census showed their numbers to be increasing, so these Darwinian hopes had to be abandoned. An exterminist program to assist uncooperative nature had support in some quarters but was deemed somewhat on the extremist side. Colonization, simply purging blacks from the body politic, was a more respectable approach and had been considered at different times by Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln. But there were practical difficulties of organization, cost, suitable destination, and possible black unwillingness to go. In the end, Litwack points out, most white Southerners settled on containmentnot education or even gradual uplift but submission and permanent subordination, what one white frankly described as back into slavery, without the name. 30 Sharecropping, convict labor, debt peonage, and above all the formal introduction of Jim Crow, legal segregation, can be seen as different ways of carrying out this program. Segregation by law is the clearest manifestation of the physical control of the space of an inferior group, a group excluded from full membership in the polity, a group that must be morally, politically, and physically contained. And such containment would become the policy in the North also. In their account of what they call American apartheid, Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton argue that before 1900, blacks and whites were relatively integrated in both northern and southern cities. But all this would change with Jim Crow and mass black migration from the South. Through a series of selfconscious actions and purposeful institutional arrangements that continue today,.. . actions and practices that had the passive acceptance, if not the active support, of most whites in the United States, blacks were deliberately denied entry to white neighborhoods. By contrast, new European immigrants formed at worst ethnic enclaves rather than ghettoes. These enclaves were never homogeneous, were not particularly isolated, and unlike permanent black ghettoes, were a fleeting, transitory stage in the process of immigrant assimilation. Thus they were all eventually spatially assimilated. For blacks, on the other hand, the racial contract would inscribethrough neighborhood associations, real-estate dealers, redlining, restrictive covenants, and mob violence when necessarya geography of aversion that would ultimately make blacks the most spatially isolated population in U.S. history.31
Race, then, is the basic organizing spatial principle of the extended body of the polity. Fanon points out that
Consciousness of the body . . . is a third-person consciousness.32 Similarly, Gail Weiss has devised the concept of intercorporeality to signify the multiple, reflexive interrelations between our bodies, our perceptions of our bodies, and the reciprocal shaping of those perceptions by seeing ourselves through the perceptions of others: To describe embodiment as intercorporeality is to emphasize that the experience of being embodied is never a private affair, but is always already mediated by our continual interactions with other human and nonhuman bodies. Our body images are thus constructed through a series of corporeal exchanges that take place both within and outside of specific bodies.33 Applying this concept to political theory, one could say that the white members of the body politic continually exchange their whiteness with each other, recognizing each others bodies in the light of their full membership in the polity, and so reciprocally creating that polity. As white, as a full citizen, ones body mirrors the larger body. One walks with confidence in the knowledge that ones citizenship will be recognized, since it is written on ones bodyit is ones body. And the image of the white body politic is then extended through relations of equal intercorporeal recognition throughout a whitened space. There is a macro-body, the
Page 6 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
MILLS CONTINUED NO TEXT REMOVED
collective white body, sustained by intersubjective, artificial, contractual agreement between the full humans, whose space is the locus of the body politic proper. And it is recognized as appropriate, through relations of unequal corporeal exchange, that the black bodyin a sense the nonhuman bodybe excluded from the macro-body.
Mainstream environmentalism is thus the environmentalism appropriate to this bodythe normative body, the white body. Since white space has been historically privileged, white environmentalists can place their emphases on preservation and conservation, slogans appropriate for those whose spaces have benefited from full incorporation into the white macrobody. If the role of the sovereign, as soul (Hobbes) of the body politic, is to maintain the bodys health, then the role of the white sovereign is to ensure the health of the white body. For a state founded on the racial contract, this will mean the differential allocation of resources to the creation and protection of white spaces. And historically, the state has in fact made both space and race, through demarcating by law the populations coded as races, through enforcing segregation, and through divergent treatment of the respective divided spaces. Desmond King, an English political scientist, points out the disingenuousness of a mainstream U.S. political theory that little acknowledges the obvious fact that the federal government constituted a powerful institution upholding arrangements privileging Whites and discriminating against Blacks.34 The racial state acts on behalf of the white citizenry, pouring resources into the privileged white spaces schools, infrastructure, job creation, highways, mortgage assistance, police protectionsince they are our spaces, the spaces that we, the full citizens of the polity, inhabit. So there is no common space, as in the mythical raceless social contract. Rather, there are our spaces and their spaces. But even their spaces are in a sense oursthey are the spaces we concede to them, insofar as (short of outright expulsion) they have to occupy some space. Originally, it is explicit, then, that blacks do not have free range over the topography of the body politic. Rather, they are restricted to second-class spaces, as befitting their second-class, subperson status: Niggertown, Darktown, Bronzeville, the black belt, the ghetto, the inner city, in housing arrangements; and, when they are allowed to enter the public white space, the back of the bus, the seats in the balcony, the crowded car at the end of the train. These spaces become identified as black spaces, and are derogated as such, signaling their nomncorporation in the respectable flesh of the white body politic. King describes how: Prior to the end of segregation, the United States was subnationally a divided polity. Two political systems, mirroring two societies, the one democratic and the other oligarchic, existed side by side. . . . Segregation was an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in a separate, but constitutionally sanctioned way. As the NAACP observed, they were treated almost as lepers.35
And this leprous flesh, the boundary of political, moral, and spatial exclusion from the body politic proper, marks the limits of the sovereigns full responsibilities. As derogated space, inhabited by beings of lesser worth, it is a necessary functionalist space analogous to the body parts below the belt, the ones we keep hidden. Since the normative body is the white body, the black body, or the unavoidable black parts of the white bodyits waste products, its excretaneed to be kept out of white sight. White space needs to be maintained in its character as white and preserved from contamination by the ever- threatening dark spaceevil, shitty, savage, subproletananized. On the collective white macro-body, these spaces are literally blots on the landscape that we have to tolerate but that must not be allowed to trespass beyond their borders. The politics of racial space then requires that the line be drawn, the boundaries not crossed. These spaces must stay in their place. The racial contract is in part an agreement to maintain certain spatial relations, a certain spatial regime, the incarnation of the white body politic, the physical manifestation of the white Leviathan.
In this revised conceptual framework, then, it becomes unsurprising that the United Church of Christs Commission for Racial Justice found in the first national study on the topic (1987):
Race is the single most important factor (i.e., more important than income, home ownership rate, and property values) in the location of abandoned toxic waste sites.36 Some black residents of these areas feel We dont have the complexion for protection.37 A national investigation (1992) by the National Law Journal of Enviromnental Protection Agency cleanup efforts concluded that the average fine imposed on polluters in white areas was 506 percent higher than the average fine imposed in minority communities and that cleanup took longer in minority communities, even though the efforts were often less intensive than those performed in white neighborhoods.38
Page 7 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
MILLS CONTINUED NO TEXT REMOVED Mainstream white environmentalists are perceived as caring more about parks and owls than people of color.39 Institutional resistance to providing information [on environmental issues] is likely to be greater for groups such as racial minorities. In general, Public officials and private industry have, in many cases, responded to the NIMBY [Not in My Black Yard] phenomenon using the PIBBY principle, Place in Blacks Back Yards. 41 In effect, then, these spaces can be written off because these people can be written off. The devalued space interacts with its devalued inhabitants. They are outside the boundaries of empathy, not like us, not an equally valued body in the intercorporeal community that is the collective white body. As Bill Lawson points out in chapter 3, Living for the City: Urban United States and Environmental Justice (p. 41): [R]acial and spatial difference marks important differences that must be given weight in our moral deliberation.. . . Environmentalists have a natural conception of pollution as a negative norm. If a place is thought to be already polluted by racial identifiers, we need to contain the pollution by keeping it in that area. Since these are already waste spaces, it is only appropriate that the waste products of industrialization should be directed toward them. Like seeks likethrowaways on a throwaway population, dumping on the white bodys dumpsite. So the environment is not the same for these distinct and spatially segregated communities. Black relations to nature have always been mediated by white power, the sinews and tendons running through the white body. The combination of environmental with social justice concernsso strange and radical from the point of view of traditional white environmentalismthen is simply a recognition of this fact. Conservation cannot have the same resonance for the racially disadvantaged, since they are at the ass end of the body politic and want their space upgraded. For blacks, the environment is the (in part) white-created environment, where the waste products of white space are dumped and the costs of white industry externalized. Insofar as the mainstream environmentalist framing of issues rests on the raceless body of the colorless social contract, it will continue to mystify and obfuscate these racial realities. Environmentalism for blacks has to mean not merely challenging the patterns of waste disposal, but also, in effect, their own status as the racialized refuse, the black trash, of the white body politic. Mainstream white environmentalists are perceived as caring more about parks and owls than people of color.39 Institutional resistance to providing information [on environmental issues] is likely to be greater for groups such as racial minorities. In general, Public officials and private industry have, in many cases, responded to the NIMBY [Not in My Black Yard] phenomenon using the PIBBY principle, Place in Blacks Back Yards. 41 In effect, then, these spaces can be written off because these people can be written off. The devalued space interacts with its devalued inhabitants. They are outside the boundaries of empathy, not like us, not an equally valued body in the intercorporeal community that is the collective white body. As Bill Lawson points out in chapter 3, Living for the City: Urban United States and Environmental Justice (p. 41): [R]acial and spatial difference marks important differences that must be given weight in our moral deliberation.. . . Environmentalists have a natural conception of pollution as a negative norm. If a place is thought to be already polluted by racial identifiers, we need to contain the pollution by keeping it in that area. Since these are already waste spaces, it is only appropriate that the waste products of industrialization should be directed toward them. Like seeks likethrowaways on a throwaway population, dumping on the white bodys dumpsite. So the environment is not the same for these distinct and spatially segregated communities. Black relations to nature have always been mediated by white power, the sinews and tendons running through the white body. The combination of environmental with social justice concernsso strange and radical from the point of view of traditional white environmentalismthen is simply a recognition of this fact. Conservation cannot have the same resonance
Page 8 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
MILLS CONTINUED NO TEXT REMOVED for the racially disadvantaged, since they are at the ass end of the body politic and want their space upgraded. For blacks, the environment is the (in part) white-created environment, where the waste products of white space are dumped and the costs of white industry externalized. Insofar as the mainstream environmentalist framing of issues rests on the raceless body of the colorless social contract, it will continue to mystify and obfuscate these racial realities. Environmentalism for blacks has to mean not merely challenging the patterns of waste disposal, but also, in effect, their own status as the racialized refuse, the black trash, of the white body politic.
Finally, environmental justice must be the chief imperative of our energy policy systematic environmental racism ensures global environmental collapse and the extinction of all humanity Bunyan Bryant, Professor in the School of Natural Resources and Environment, and an adjunct professor in the Center for Afro-American and African Studies at the University of Michigan, 1995, Environmental Justice: Issues,
Policies, and Solutions, p. 209-212
Although the post-World War II economy was designed when environmental consideration was not a problem, today this is no longer the case; we must be concerned enough about environmental protection to make it a part of our economic design. Today, temporal and spatial relations of pollution have drastically changed within the last 100 years or so. A hundred years ago we polluted a small spatial area and it took the earth a short time to heal itself. Today we pollute large areas of the earth as evidenced by the international problems of acid rain, the depletion of the ozone layer, global warming, nuclear meltdowns, and the difficulties in the safe storage of spent fuels from nuclear power plants. Perhaps we have embarked upon an era of pollution so toxic and persistent that it will take the earth in some areas thousands of years to heal itself. To curtail environmental pollutants, we must build new institutions to prevent widespread destruction from pollutants that know no geopolitical boundaries. We need to do this because pollutants are not respectful of international boundaries; it does little good if one country practices sound environmental protection while its neighbors fail to do so. Countries of the world are intricately linked together in ways not clear 50 years ago; they find themselves victims of environmental destruction
even though the causes of that destruction originated in another part of the world. Acid rain, global warming, depletion of the ozone layer, nuclear accidents like the one at Chernobyl, make all countries vulnerable to environmental destruction.
The cooperative relations forged after World War II are now obsolete. New cooperative relations need to be agreed upon cooperative relations that show that pollution prevention and species preservation are inseparably linked to economic development and survival of planet earth. Economic development is linked to pollution prevention even though the market fails to include the true cost of pollution in its pricing of products and services; it fails to place a value on the destruction of plant and animal species. To date, most industrialized nations, the high polluters, have had an incentive to pollute because they did not incur the cost of producing goods and services in a nonpolluting manner. The world will have to pay for the true cost of production and to practice prudent stewardship of our natural resources if we are to sustain ourselves on this planet. We cannot expect Third World countries to participate in debt-for-nature swaps as a means for saving the rainforest or as a means for the reduction of greenhouse gases, while a considerable amount of such gases come from industrial nations and from fossil fuel consumption. Like disease, population growth is politically, economically, and structurally determined. Due to inadequate income maintenance programs and social security, families in developing countries are more apt to have large families not only to ensure the survival of children within the first five years, but to work the fields and care for the elderly. As development increases, so do education, health, and birth control. In his chapter, Buttel states that ecological development and substantial debt forgiveness would be more significant in alleviating Third World environmental degradation (or population problems) than ratification of any UNCED biodiversity or forest conventions. Because population control programs fail to address the structural characteristics of poverty, such programs for developing countries have been for the most part dismal failures. Growth and development along ecological lines have a better chance of controlling population growth in developing countries than the best population control programs to date. Although population control is important, we often focus a considerable amount of our attention on population problems of developing countries. Yet there are more people per square mile in Western Europe than in most developing countries. During his/her lifetime an American child causes 35 times the environmental damage of an Indian child and 280 times that of a Haitian child (Boggs, 1993: 1). The addiction to consumerism of highly industrialized countries has to be seen as a major culprit, and thus must be balanced against the benefits of population control in Third World countries.
Page 9 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
BRYANT CONTINUED NO TEXT REMOVED Worldwide environmental protection is only one part of the complex problems we face today. We cannot ignore world poverty; it is intricately linked to environmental protection. If this is the case, then how
do we deal with world poverty? How do we bring about lasting peace in the world? Clearly we can no longer afford a South Africa as it was once organized, or ethnic cleansing by Serbian nationalists. These types of conflicts bankrupt us morally and destroy our connectedness with one another as a world community. Yet, we may be headed on a course where the politically induced famine, poverty, and chaos of Somalia today will become commonplace and world peace more difficult, particularly if the European Common Market, Japan, and the United States trade primarily among themselves, leaving Third World countries to fend for themselves. Growing poverty will lead only to more world disequilibrium to wars and famine as countries become more aggressive and cross international borders for resources to ward off widespread hunger and rampant unemployment. To tackle these problems requires a quantum leap in global cooperation and commitment of the highest magnitude; it requires development of an international tax, levied through the United nations or some other international body, so that the world community can become more involved in helping to deal with issues of environmental protection, poverty, and peace. Since the market system has been bold and flexible enough to meet changing conditions, so too must public institutions. They
must, indeed, be able to respond to the rapid changes that reverberate throughout the world. If they fail to change, then we will surely meet the fate of the dinosaur. The Soviet Union gave up a system that was unworkable
in exchange for another one. Although it has not been easy, individual countries of the former Soviet Union have the potential of reemerging looking very different and stronger. Or they could emerge looking very different and weaker. They could become societies that are both socially and environmentally destructive or they can become societies where people have decent jobs, places to live, educational opportunities for all citizens, and sustainable social structures that are safe and nurturing. Although North Americans are experiencing economic and social discomforts, we too will have to change, or we may find ourselves engulfed by political and economic forces beyond our control. In 1994, the out-sweeping of Democrats from national offices may be symptomatic of deeper and more fundamental problems. If the mean-spirited behavior that characterized the 1994 election is carried over into the governance of the country, this may only fan the flames of discontent. We may be embarking upon a long struggle over ideology, culture, and the very heart and soul of the country. But despite all the political turmoil, we must take risks and try out new ideas ideas never dreamed of before and ideas we thought were impossible to implement. To implement these ideas we must overcome institutional inertia in order to enhance intentional change. We need to give up tradition and business as usual. To view the future as a challenge and as an opportunity to make the world a better place, we must be willing to take political and economic risks. The question is not growth, but what kind of growth, and where it will take place. For example, we can maintain current levels of productivity or become even more productive if we farm organically. Because of ideological conflicts, it is hard for us to view the Cuban experience with an unjaundiced eye; but we ask you to place political differences aside and pay attention to the lyrics of organic farming and not to the music of Communism. In other words, we must get beyond political differences and ideological conflicts; we must find success stories of healing the planet no matter where they exist be they in Communist or non-Communist countries, developed or underdeveloped countries. We must ascertain what lessons can be learned from them, and examine how they would benefit the world community. In most instances, we will have to chart a new course. Continued use of certain technologies and chemicals
that are incompatible with the ecosystem will take us down the road of no return. We are already witnessing the catastrophic destruction of our environment and disproportionate impacts of environmental insults on communities of color and low-income groups. If such destruction continues, it will undoubtedly deal harmful blows to our social, economic, and political institutions. As a nation, we find ourselves in a house divided, where the cleavages between the races are in fact getting worse. We find ourselves in a house divided where the gap between the rich and the poor has increased. We find ourselves
in a house divided where the gap between the young and the old has widened. During the 1980s, there were few visions of healing the country. In the 1990s, despite the catastrophic economic and environmental results of the 1980s, and despite the conservative takeover of both houses of Congress, we must look for glimmers of hope. We must stand by what we think is right and defend our position with passion. And at times we need to slow down and reflect and do a lot of soul searching in order to redirect ourselves, if need be. We must chart out a new course of defining who we are as a people, by redefining our relationship with government, with nature, with one another, and where we want to be as a nation. We need to find a way of expressing this definition of ourselves to one another. Undeniably we are a nation of different ethnic groups and races, and of multiple interest groups, and if we cannot live in peace and in harmony with ourselves and with nature it bodes ominously for future world relations.
Because economic institutions are based upon the growth paradigm of extracting and processing natural resources, we will surely perish if we use them to foul the global nest. But it does not have to be this way. Although sound environmental policies can be compatible with good business practices and quality of life, we may have to jettison the moral argument of environmental protection in favor of the self-interest argument, thereby demonstrating that the survival of business enterprises is intricately tied to good stewardship of natural resources and environmental protection. Too often we forget that short-sightedness can propel us down a narrow path, where we are unable to see the long-term effects of our actions.
Page 10 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
BRYANT CONTINUED NO TEXT REMOVED
The ideas and policies discussed in this book are ways of getting ourselves back on track. The ideas presented here will hopefully provide substantive material for discourse. These policies are not carved in stone, nor are they meant to be for every city, suburb, or rural area. Municipalities or rural areas should have flexibility in dealing with their site-specific problems. Yet we need to extend our
concern about local sustainability beyond geopolitical boundaries, because dumping in Third World countries or in the atmosphere today will surely haunt the world tomorrow. Ideas presented here may irritate some and dismay others, but we need to make some drastic changes in our lifestyles and institutions in order to foster environmental justice. Many of the policy ideas mentioned in this book have been around for some time, but they have not been implemented. The struggle for environmental justice emerging from the people of color and low-income communities may provide the necessary political impulse to make these policies a reality. Environmental justice provides opportunities for those most affected by environmental degradation and poverty to make policies to save not only themselves from differential impact of environmental hazards, but to save those responsible for the lions share of the planets destruction. This struggle emerging
from the environmental experience of oppressed people brings forth a new consciousness a new consciousness shaped by immediate demands for certainty and solution. It is a struggle to make a true connection between humanity and nature. This struggle to resolve environmental problems may force the nation to alter its priorities; it may force the nation to address issues of environmental justice and, by doing so, it may ultimately result in a cleaner and healthier environment for all of us. Although we may never eliminate all toxic materials from the production cycle, we should at least have that as a goal.
Page 11 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
Thus, the plan: The United States federal government should substantially increase all necessary incentives to promote and pursue alternative energy development on Environmental Protection Agency designated brownfields in the United States.
Page 12 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS 1AC
Contention Three Solvency
First, the plan solves and is key renewable projects on brownfields can only succeed with new incentives Northeast-Midwest Institute 08 [Northeast-Midwest Institute, The National Brownfields Coalition, A
Proposal to Establish Pilots for Sustainable Development and Alternative Energy Reuse of Brownfields, March, http://www.nemw.org/EstablishPilots4SustainDev-AltEnergy.pdf] The connections between brownfields and sustainable development, greening, and alternative energy have been established by many pioneering projects, but a larger effort, with a separate funding source, would not only produce more successes, but also produce more models. If viewed from a strategic point of view, carefully chosen pilots could help establish new greening technologies, new ways to integrate environmental restoration with development, new incentives or regulatory strategies that could help reach sustainability objectives, and new ways to produce sustainable energy. The recommendation, therefore, is to establish a pilot program, with a separate funding authorization of at least $20 million, for sustainable development and alternative energy reuse of brownfields. The pilot should work within the funding parameters of the current brownfields program, using funds for site assessments, cleanup, site planning and preparation, feasibility analysis, and engineering studies on sites that will be redeveloped with high performance/green buildings, green infrastructure, parks/greenspace/trails, ecosystem restoration, and/or renewable energy production.
And, alternative energy is the key Brightfields, or brownfield projects using alternative energy, are key to reversing the cycle of urban abandonment the plan is key to creating a model that spills over to other urban renewal projects. ONLY Brightfields projects create environmental justice and sustainability Moskal 03 [John, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, April, Brockton Brightfields: InnovativeGreen Power
Marketing Pilot, http://www.epa.gov/swerrims//docs/iwg/BrocktonBrightfieldsfinal.pdf] Monetizing the environmental benefits of various projects has been a long-standing environmental challenge. The innovative financing and growth concepts proposed by this pilot seek to provide a carrot to encourage the market to support long-term contracts for RECs, thereby monetizing them for purposes of supporting financing and revenue forecasts. The specific innovative elements include the use of excess cash flows to fund capacity expansions and provide rights to the associated increases in REC output to customers that enter into long-term contracts. In addition, Brightfields are themselves an innovative use of blighted brownfields that might not otherwise be redeveloped because of their limited reuse potential. BENEFITS The project will develop a clean energy source on an abandoned industrial property with few other development options, and no development options as sustainably desirable as the Brightfield (no emissions, noise or traffic). Further, beautification efforts on the site perimeter will transform a blighted property into a community asset. This model will enable Brockton to expand its project by reinvesting in generation assets. There are even greater benefits to the state and EPA in that Brocktons experience will help to grow the market for renewable energy while creating a replicable model for other communities. Growth of the green power market has clear environmental and public health benefits for all stakeholders.
Page 13 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

INHERENCY EXTENSIONS AT: INCENTIVES EXIST NOW
( ) Federal funding for brownfields is down, particularly for brightfields projects that promote renewable energy continued neglect will kill the program Rodenberger 5 (Farah, special counsel for Parker, Poe, Adams & Bernstein, L.L.P. in Charleston, South Carolina, Fordham U. JD, Southeastern Environmental Law Journal, 13 Southeastern Envtl. L.J. 119, Spring, p. 119, LN) Despite these successes, between 2000 and 2003, funding for the Brownfields Program decreased by 60%. 88 In response, Congress passed a bill in 2004 that included a provision to promote brownfields redevelopments and explore innovative funding strategies. 89 In one of the bill provisions, Congress authorized $ 5 million for each fiscal year from 2004 to 2008 90 to provide for "brightfields," which are brownfields implementing solar energy technologies. 91 The future success of the Brownfields Program will likely depend on further legislative and financial support
Page 14 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

INHERENCY EXTENSIONS REDEVELOPMENT EXPENSIVE
( ) Costs of redevelopment deter brownfield projects now theyre being forgotten in favor of cheaper suburban sites Peter Meyer, consultant for E.P. Systems Group, a consulting firm specializing in brownfields redevelopment, December 1999, Assessment of State Initiatives to Promote Redevelopment of Brownfields, online: http://www.huduser.org/publications/econdev/assess.html, accessed July 9, 2008 Public sector economic development efforts targeted to economically distressed communities date back to the Depression of the 1930's, and have deep roots in a variety of programs. More recently, concerns with the redevelopment of environmentally contaminated land and facilities, or brownfields has evolved. These sites are often inferior to undeveloped suburban greenfields in the competition for investment capital for industrial, commercial, or residential development. Brownfields sites typically require land clearing, building removal, and extensive environmental assessment and clean-up. Individual sites may also be too small for modern developments, requiring the aggregation of many smaller plots, which may substantially add to the cost of development.
Page 15 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

INHERENCY EXTENSIONS BRIGHTFIELDS LACK FUNDING
( ) Brightfields projects have been successful but are crippled by lack of finances Northeast-Midwest Institute 8 [The National Brownfields Coalition, A Proposal to Establish Pilots for Sustainable Development and Alternative Energy Reuse of Brownfields, March, http://www.nemw.org/EstablishPilots4SustainDev-AltEnergy.pdf] While a number of successful brownfields-to-alternative energy projects have been carried out, they are mostly isolated examples. There is potential for a much larger effort that would begin to produce more substantial energy benefits. ( ) Despite success, the federal Brightfields program has been abandoned and lacks any financial support Renewable Energy Focus 7 [Waste to Watts, March/April, http://www.renewableenergyfocus.com/articles/ solarpass/features/Waste_to_watts.pdf] The DOEs Brightfields program had great promise, but fell short and was ultimately abandoned. The fatal flaws of the DOEs program were a failure to provide sufficient technical and financial resources for Brightfield cities to succeed, an inability to build local capacity required to ensure success, and an unrealistic business model that promoted small assembly plants in the midst of an industry trend towards increasingly large factories.
Page 16 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

INHERENCY EXTENSIONS CURRENT INCENTIVES DONT DECREASE LIABILITY
( ) Current incentive programs for brownfields fail to reduce liability, rendering them ineffective Peter B. Meyer, consultant for E.P. Systems Group, a consulting firm specializing in brownfields redevelopment, and Wade Van Landingham, VanLandingham Consulting, August 2000, Reclamation and Economic Regeneration of Brownfields, online: http://www.eda.gov/ImageCache/EDAPublic/documents/pdfdocs/meyer_2epdf/v1/meyer.pdf, accessed July 9, 2008 The emergence over the past five years of insurance coverage for the exceptional risks associated with brownfields has the potential to significantly change the prospects for redevelopment efforts (4, 47, 88, 92). Three different types of
policies have emerged, each with its own set of options and conditions, and each playing a different role in supporting brownfields redevelopment by capping and quantifying risk for investors and their financiers (91):
Cleanup Cost Cap policies protect against cost-overruns on pollution containment and removal actions. These overruns may result either from unexpected costs to address known conditions or from contaminants not identified when the cleanup was designed and approved. The policies normally can be acquired for a short time period, since they are intended to cover the actual period of remediation. Some cleanups, such as those that rely on phytoremediation (using plants to gradually neutralize toxics in the soil) or those that involve extended pump and filtering operations (for contaminated groundwater), may require longer term policies. Pollution Liability policies provide the insured party with protection against lawsuits involving any of the special brownfield risks, regardless of the claimant, and includes coverage for both damages and legal defenses against lawsuits. This form of coverage is usually acquired for an extended period. Policies may be written so that successive owners inherit the protection and are constructed to cover both regulatory agency and third party claims. This extended protection contributes to maintaining the value of the property in successive transactions, despite its possible history of past contamination. Secured Creditor policies protect lenders against loss of principal for brownfield loans in the event of defaults, eliminating any need for foreclosures. These policies do not protect developers or new owners from risks, so other forms of coverage may be needed by those undertaking redevelopment if they hace concerned about their liabilities. The policy term purchased is generally the term of the loan. Banks and other lenders can buy policies themselves, passing the cost on to borrowers, or may demand that borrowers obtain coverage as a condition for lending.
Page 17 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

AT: NO ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM
( ) Current environmental law trades the lives of minorities for profits and political expedience America is de-facto segregated via the unequal division of environmental harm
Bullard 99 (Robert D, Ware Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Director of the Environmental Justice
Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University, Dismantling environmental racism in the USA, Local Environment, Feb99, Vol. 4, Issue 1, Academic Search Premier) The environmental protection apparatus in the USA does not provide equal protection for all communities. The current paradigm institutionalises unequal enforcement, trades human health for profit, places the burden of proof on the 'victims' and not on the polluting industry, legitimates human exposure to harmful chemicals, pesticides and hazardous wastes, promotes 'risky' technologies, exploits the vulnerability of economically and politically disenfranchised communities and nations, subsidises ecological destruction, creates an industry around risk assessment and delays clean-up actions, and fails to develop pollution prevention, waste minimisation and cleaner production strategies as the overarching and dominant goal. The environmental justice movement emerged in response to environmental inequities, threats to public health, unequal protection, differential enforcement and disparate treatment received by the poor and people of colour. This movement has redefined environmental protection as a basic right. It has also emphasised pollution prevention, waste minimisation and cleaner production techniques as strategies to achieve environmental justice for all Americans without regard to race, colour, national origin or income. ( ) Race explains environmental injustice independent of class several studies prove
Bullard 99 (Robert D, Ware Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Director of the Environmental Justice
Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University, Dismantling environmental racism in the USA, Local Environment, Feb99, Vol. 4, Issue 1, Academic Search Premier) Numerous studies reveal that low-income persons and people of colour have borne greater health and environmental risk burdens than the society at large (Mann, 1991; Goldman, 1991; Goldman & Fitten, 1994). Elevated public health risks have been found in some populations even when social class is held constant. For example, race has been found to be independent of class in the distribution of air pollution, contaminated fish consumption, municipal landfills and incinerators, abandoned toxic waste dumps, the clean-up of superfund sites and lead poisoning in children (Commission for Racial Justice, 1987; Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, 1988; West et al., 1992; Bryant & Mohai, 1992; Lavelle & Coyle, 1992; Goldman & Fitten, 1994; Pirkle et al., 1994). Childhood lead poisoning is another preventable disease that has not been eradicated. Figures reported in the July 1994 Journal of the American Medical Association from the Third National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES III) revealed that 1.7 million children (8.9% of children aged 1-5) are lead poisoned, defined as having blood levels equal to or above 10 microg/dl. The NHANES III data found African-American children to be lead poisoned at more than twice the rate of white children at every income level (Pirkle et al., 1994). Over 28.4% of all low-income African-American children were lead poisoned compared to 9.8% of all low-income white children. During the time-period between 1976 and 1991, the decrease in blood lead levels for AfricanAmerican and Mexican-American children lagged far behind that of white children.
Page 18 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

AT: NO ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM
( ) The majority of evidence concludes race is a central factor in determining exposure to environmental risk their denial of races importance is what enables racism to continue Northridge, Shepard 97 (Mary E and Peggy M, Harlem Center for Health Promotion and Disease Prevention
and Harlem Environmental Action, Inc, Comment: Environmental Racism and Public Health, American Journal of Public Health; May97, Vol. 87 Issue 5, p730-732, 3p, EBSCO) To discount racism as a potential contributor to disparities in health by race and ethnicity is to ignore wellestablished social history, not to mention the experience of many afflicted persons. Denial serves to perpetuate inequity. It also forecloses studies of racism focusing specifically on ill health and premature mortality. Sorting out the health effects of racism is no simple task. The relationships between race, ethnicity, social class, segregation, discrimination, and pattems of disease are complex. The research problems are thorny and difficult to assess, especially in data collected for other purposes. These difficulties have not and should not keep rigorous, compassionate, and creative public health researchers from trying.'^2" Indeed, the gaps in rates of morbidity and mortality between African Americans and White Americans (which not only persist^'^^ but grow wider^-*) demand that we do no less. Public health has a fundamental role in preventing disease and a secure and legitimate role in helping to formulate policies and initiate programs toward that end. Engagement should be no less vigorous than on any other health initiative. The core of the problem surely lies in the racial segregation that continues to afflict most urban and other communities in the United States. A number of reports support the commonplace observation that disadvantaged locales bear a disproportionate share of environmental hazards. A widely cited, if hotly con- tested, study was published by the Corpmission for Racial Justice of the United Church of Christ,^^ Zip code areas containing one hazardous waste site had, on average, 24% people of color, compared with 12% in areas without a hazardous waste site. Zip code areas containing either (1) two or more facilities or (2) one of the five largest hazardous waste landfills in the nation had, on average, 38% people of color.
Page 19 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS BAD HEALTH
The economic and health impacts of brownfields are dangerous and unethical, they deny communities basic health standards Ding 8 (Eric L, Research Fellow, Harvard School of Public Health, Brownfield Remediation for Urban Health: A
Systematic Review and Case Assessment of Baltimore, Maryland, The Journal of Young Investigators, http://www.jyi.org/research/re.php?id=630) From a simple perspective, one might ask: what exactly is so dangerous and unethical about leaving a formerindustrial property idle? While it may seem that these unused lands do not cause harm, the truth is that the continued existence of fallow brownfields has major detrimental effects on human health and the economy. Because brownfields may potentially be contaminated by industrial wastes and toxic chemicals, there is reasonable biologic plausibility that such pollutants may harm humans. This can potentially occur through increased local exposures to volatile chemicals emanating from a contaminated site, leaching of toxins into the surrounding soil, which vegetable gardens of local residents may absorb, or perhaps through children exploring and playing on the brownfield site and directly coming into contact with such chemicals and industrial wastes. Any such hazardous exposures may result in serious detrimental effects on the health of local residents. Such scenarios of exposures from industrial sites and toxicological effects have not only been affirmed by experts as plausible and likely (Evans 2002), but they have also indeed been corroborated by research and historical events. One study found that increased residential proximity to industrial sites contaminated with polychlorinated biphenyls (PCB) is associated with higher rates of low-birth-weight infants (Baibergenova 2003). PCBs were, in fact, one of the categories of toxins found by researchers analyzing Baltimore brownfields (Litt & Tran 2002). Additionally, other research by Ding et al. (2005) has shown that such environmental pollutants found in brownfields may contribute to the high infant mortality rate in Baltimore, MD.
Page 20 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS BAD LOCAL ECONOMIES
Undeveloped brownfields cost $26 million for Baltimore alone, cause unemployment, decrease property values Ding 8 (Eric L, Research Fellow, Harvard School of Public Health, Brownfield Remediation for Urban Health: A
Systematic Review and Case Assessment of Baltimore, Maryland, The Journal of Young Investigators, http://www.jyi.org/research/re.php?id=630) While health impact may be a speculated consequence of brownfields, there is virtually no debate regarding the economic ramifications of idle brownfields. According to official EPA estimates ("Brownfields 2003 Grant Fact Sheet" 2003), Baltimore loses approximately $26 million a year in lost tax revenues from abandoned and underused brownfield land. Such a tremendous loss of economic potential from brownfields takes into account the estimated loss of income from commercial property tax, loss of economic development investment, and loss of production of goods and services. Additionally, the economy in Baltimore also suffers from loss of employment and social revitalization as result of brownfield underdevelopment. Moreover, vacant lots and fallow brownfields without economic vitality also decrease local property values (England-Joseph 1995; Greenberg 2002). From an investment perspective, brownfields impose two additional barriers to redevelopment. First, the potential of dangerous contamination is enough to discourage companies from being willing to develop and reuse the brownfield land (Schoenbaum 2002). Second, even if companies are willing to invest in cleanup and redeveloping brownfield land, financial institutions, insurance companies and other creditors are unlikely to be willing to provide loans and funding for such projects out of fears of hazard liability (England-Joseph 1995). Thus, fallow brownfields likely have adverse implications on the economics of the local geography.
Page 21 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS BAD LOCAL GOVERNMENT/TAX REVENUE
( ) Brownfields cause a ripple effect of harm on local governments Sigurani 6 [Miral Alena, Assistant Attorney General, Brownfields: Converging Green, Community, and
Investment Concerns, AZ Attorney, Vol. 43, p. 38, December, l/n] Brownfields and vacant properties are known for their pollution, unemployment, poverty, racial isolation, crime, drugs, declining public services and architectural eyesores. n13 Idle brownfields are said to depress property values, discourage investment, foster blight and dampen tax revenues for local governments. n14 Because of the dangers associated with idle brownfields, many communities are building programs to encourage their use. Brownfields are commonly found within the urban core, near public transportation and other conveniences, making them exceptional development sites for residential housing, commercial sites or sites for service-related industries. ( ) Brownfields cause massive losses in local tax revenues
Pepper 98 [Edith M., Strategies for Promoting Brownfield Reuse in California A Blueprint for Policy Reform,
October, http://www.cclr.org/pdfs/PolPaper02.pdf] The U.S. General Accounting Office reports that there are roughly 450,000 brownfield sites nationwide. Although typically associated with the more heavily industrialized rust belt states in the Northeast and Midwest, brownfields are peppered throughout California. Estimates vary considerably from 38,000 to 93,000 sites but regardless of the true number, the challenge is formidable. San Francisco alone hosts 5,000 to 15,000 idle brownfields, depriving the city of $16 million to $100 million in tax revenues.
Page 22 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELDS BAD EDUCATION
Brownfields cause a variety of public ills including poor education.
Pepper 98 [Edith M., Strategies for Promoting Brownfield Reuse in California A Blueprint for Policy Reform,
October, http://www.cclr.org/pdfs/PolPaper02.pdf] Left unaddressed, brownfields pose lingering public health threats, exacerbate neighborhood blight, and serve as magnets for drug dealing and other criminal activity. They typically generate little if any local tax revenues, causing area schools and public services to suffer greatly. When brownfields languish for years, the surrounding neighborhood eventually begins to erode as well a process that is often characterized by the deterioration of older infrastructure, such as roads and water and sewer lines. The trend in California and elsewhere has been to leave these struggling areas behind and push outward to ever greener pastures, installing new infrastructure and schools in emerging communities while turning our back on existing ones. This pattern is not sustainable from an economic or environmental standpoint over the long haul. In recent years, the plight of brownfields has captured the national spotlight. At every level of government, it seems, there is a growing recognition that through brownfield redevelopment, we can begin to chip away at a host of pressing and seemingly entrenched urban problems crime, poor housing, unemployment, poverty while also helping to curb the pace of urban sprawl.
Page 23 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM IMPACTS LEGACY OF SLAVERY
Environmental racism is a continuation of the legacy of slavery
Bullard 2, (Joseph, Director of the Environmental Justice Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University, http://209.85.173.104/search?
q=cache:S0SkCJTUZKoJ:www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.html+environmental+racism+impact&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=1&gl=us)
People of color around the world must contend with dirty air and drinking water, and the location of noxious facilities such as municipal landfills, incinerators, hazardous waste treatment, storage, and disposal facilities owned by private industry, government, and even the military.[3] These environmental problems are exacerbated by racism. Environmental racism refers to environmental policy, practice, or directive that differentially affects or disadvantages (whether intended or unintended) individuals, groups, or communities based on race or color. Environmental racism is reinforced by government, legal, economic, political, and military institutions. Environmental racism combines with public policies and industry practices to provide benefits for the countries in the North while shifting costs to countries in the South. [4] Environmental racism is a form of institutionalized discrimination. Institutional discrimination is defined as "actions or practices carried out by members of dominant (racial or ethnic) groups that have differential and negative impact on members of subordinate (racial and ethnic) groups." [5] The United States is grounded in white racism. The nation was founded on the principles of "free land" (stolen from Native Americans and Mexicans), "free labor" (African slaves brought to this land in chains), and "free men" (only white men with property had the right to vote). From the outset, racism shaped the economic, political and ecological landscape of this new nation. Environmental racism buttressed the exploitation of land, people, and the natural environment. It operates as an intra-nation power arrangement-especially where ethnic or racial groups form a political and or numerical minority. For example, blacks in the U.S. form both a political and numerical racial minority. On the other hand, blacks in South Africa, under apartheid, constituted a political minority and numerical majority. American and South African apartheid had devastating environmental impacts on blacks.
Page 24 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM IMPACTS ENVIRONMENT
Solving Environmental racism is key to solving for the environment Bullard 2, (Joseph, Director of the Environmental Justice Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University, http://209.85.173.104/search?
q=cache:S0SkCJTUZKoJ:www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.html+environmental+racism+impact&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=1&gl=us)
Radioactive Colonialism and Threatened Native Lands. There is a direct correlation between exploitation of land and exploitation of people. It should not be a surprise to anyone to discover that Native Americans have to contend with some of the worst pollution in the United States. [24] Native American nations have become prime targets for waste trading. [25] The vast majority of these waste proposals have been defeated by grassroots groups on the reservations. However, "radioactive colonialism" is alive and well. Winona LaDuke sums up this "toxic invasion" of Native lands as follows: While Native peoples have been massacred and fought, cheated, and robbed of their historical lands, today their lands are subject to some of most invasive industrial interventions imaginable. According to the Worldwatch Institute, 317 reservations in the United States are threatened by environmental hazards, ranging from toxic wastes to clearcuts. Reservations have been targeted as sites for 16 proposed nuclear waste dumps. Over 100 proposals have been floated in recent years to dump toxic waste in Indian communities. Seventy-seven sacred sites have been disturbed or desecrated through resource extraction and development activities. The federal government is proposing to use Yucca Mountain, sacred to the Shone, a dumpsite for the nation's high-level nuclear waste.
Page 25 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

RACISM IMPACTS WAR/EUGENICS
Allowing brownfields to fester and contaminate minority populations is an extension of postevolutionist logic, bent on cleansing society of the perils of another race Elden 2 (Stuart, PhD of poli sci, Boundary 2 The War of Races and the Constitution of the State: Foucaults Il
faut dfendre la socit and the Politics of Calculation pg.126) Modern racism replaces the theme of the historical war with the biological theme, postevolutionist, of the struggle for life. It is no longer a battle in the sense of a war, but a struggle in a biological sense: differentiation of species, selection of the strongest, survival of the best adapted races. Indeed, the theme of the binary society . . . becomes replaced by that of a society which is, on the contrary, biologically monist (FDS, 70). Similarly, there is a transition in the role of the state. The state no longer serves the interests of one race against another, but as the protector of integrity, of the superiority and purity of the race (FDS, 7071). The dominant race does not say we must defend ourselves against society but we must defend society against all the biological perils of this other race, this sub-race, this contra-race which we are in the process of, in spite of ourselves, constituting (FDS, 53). It is not therefore simply a struggle of one 17. Alessandro Fontana and Mauro Bertrani, Situation du cours, social group against another but of a state racism, a racism that society exercises throughout itself, an internal racism, a permanent purification, one of the fundamental dimensions of social normalization (FDS, 71). The biopolitical racism of the status quo will not cease its authoritarian genocide until there is a complete elimination of the racial other Giroux 6 (Henry, the Global TV Network Chair Professorship at McMaster University in the English and Cultural Studies Department, Reading Hurricane Katrina: Race, Class, and the Biopolitics of Disposability, College Literature, Vol. 33, No. 3) Within the last few decades, matters of state sovereignty in the new world order have been retheorized so as to provide a range of theoretical insights about the relationship between power and politics, the political nature of social and cultural life, and the merging of life and politics as a new form of biopolitics. While the notion of biopolitics differs significantly among its most prominent theorists, including Michel Foucault (1990, 1997), Giorgio Agamben (1998, 2002, 2003), and Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2004), what these theorists share is an attempt to think through the convergence of life and politics, locating matters of life and death within our ways of thinking about and imagining politics (Dean 2004, 17).Within this discourse, politics is no longer understood exclusively through a disciplinary technology centered on the individual bodya body to be measured, surveilled, managed, and included in forecasts, surveys, and statistical projections. Biopolitics points to new relations of power that are more capacious, concerned not only with the body as an object of disciplinary techniques that render it both useful and docile but also with a body that needs to be regularized, subject to those immaterial means of production that produce ways of life that enlarge the targets of control and regulation (Foucault 1997, 249). This shift in the workings of both sovereignty and power and the emergence of biopolitics are made clear by Foucault, for whom biopower replaces the power to dispense fear and death with that of a power to foster lifeor disallow it to the point of death. . . . [Biopower] is no longer a matter of bringing death into play in the field of sovereignty, but of distributing the living in the domain of value and utility. Its task is to take charge of life that needs a continuous regulatory and corrective mechanism (Ojakangas 2005, 6). As Foucault insists, the logic of biopower is dialectical, productive, and positive 178 College Literature 33.3 [Summer 2006] (1990, 136).Yet he also argues that biopolitics does not remove itself from introducing a break into the domain of life that is under powers control: the break between what must live and what must die (1997, 255). Foucault believes that the death-function in the economy of biopolitics is justified primarily through a form of racism in which biopower is bound up with the workings of a State that is obliged to use race, the elimination of races and the purification of the race, to exercise its sovereign power (258).
Page 26 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BROWNFIELD REDEVELOPMENT KEY TO ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE
Empirically, Brownfield redevelopment successful in addressing EJ tax revenues, lack of crime, job creation, decrease in pollution, government-citizen cooperation Felten 6 (Jennifer, Former President of the Ventura County Escrow Association, BROWNFIELD REDEVELOPMENT 1995-2005: AN ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE SUCCESS STORY?, Real Property, Probate and Trust Journal. Chicago: Winter 2006. Vol. 40, Iss. 4; pg. 679, 26 pgs, proquest) Hence, the results of the last ten years of Brownfield redevelopment reveal many reasons to believe that the program has been an environmental justice success. The communities are better off with the new redeveloped properties than they were before the redevelopment occurred. The abandoned and contaminated sites that attracted children, crime, and drugs are now gone. Instead, the sites now attract viable businesses that provide jobs and tax revenues. In fact, the data suggests that Brownfield programs are providing major financial benefits for their communities. The case studies show that cities are seeing benefits in the form of tax revenues and job creation. For example, Hawthorne has fifteen hundred to two thousand fewer unemployed people thanks to Brownfield redevelopment, and New Bedford has had a significant amount of tax revenue generated by the development of the new industrial subdivision. The companies coming in through the Brownfield programs also are not generating large amounts of new pollution. These redeveloped sites tend to be commercial and light industrial, which do not require environmental permits. The lack of pollution is important to the surrounding communities, because increasing emissions would be a major health concern. The major role community-led involvement plays in the Brownfield projects profiled suggests that many of these projects, are meeting the goals set out by the environmental justice activists. The parents of children who go to day care at the North Lawndale Family Resource Center have been given the opportunity to find jobs while having their children cared for, and several thousand tourists see the community vision of the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians every year when they visit the tribe and learn about its customs. The positive effects of these programs also helps show disenfranchised community members who are leery of the government that they are a wanted and needed part of the state and national communities. Thus, these programs are helping to strengthen the relationship between the government and citizens. People in environmental justice communities generally distrust government and police. seeing government officials and others in authority positions caring about the future of their communities, causes this distrust to dissipate. Brownfield redevelopment solves many urban problems, including environmental justice. Walker 4 [Kristi, Ph.D., Public Policy Administration, Locating Opportunities for Brownfield Redevelopment in St. Louis, July, http://www.ewgateway.org/pdffiles/library/blueprint/brownfieldredevinurbanstlouis.pdf] In 1995, the GAO estimated that approximately 150,000 to 300,000 brownfield sites exist nationwide. To date the EPA estimates the number of brownfields to range from 500,000 to one million nationwide (White House Press Release, 2002 January 11). Brownfield sites and the associated disinvestment within urban neighborhoods are the product of multiple social, political, and economic forces. These include the loss of population from central cities to suburbs, the expansion of transportation routes, advancements in technology and global competition (mobile capital), the persistence of racially and economically segregated communities, and lack of regional planning, (EPA 1999, Orfield 2002, Jackson 1985). Brownfield sites in the City of St. Louis range from abandoned gas stations in urban neighborhoods, underutilized industrial property, to the redevelopment of asbestos and lead contaminated buildings into downtown hotels and residential lofts. Brownfields may also be found in the midst of residential areas in the form of vacant lots, vacant housing units, and vacant and vandalized buildings. Brownfield redevelopment is more than just removing barriers and recycling underutilized land. Additional goals of brownfield redevelopment include: smart growth, pollution prevention, sustainable development, encouragement of green business development, small business development, and the application of environmental justice principles to redevelopment strategies (EPA 1999, NEJAC 1996, Swearengen 1999).
Page 27 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

AT: GENTRIFICATION TURN
Gentrification solves racism
Barbara Kiviat,
08, Gentrification: Not Ousting the Poor? Time, June 29, 2008, http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,1818255,00.html People tend to think gentrification goes like this: rich, educated white people move into a low-income minority neighborhood and drive out its original residents, who can no longer afford to live there. As it turns out, that's not typically true. A new study by researchers at the University of Colorado at Boulder, University of Pittsburgh and Duke University,
examined Census data from more than 15,000 neighborhoods across the U.S. in 1990 and 2000,
and found that low-income non-white
households did not disproportionately leave gentrifying areas. In fact, researchers found that at least one group of residents, high schooleducated blacks, were actually more likely to remain in gentrifying neighborhoods than in similar neighborhoods that didn't gentrify even increasing as a fraction of the neighborhood population, and seeing larger-than-expected gains in income.
Those findings may seem counterintuitive, given that the term "gentrification," particularly in cities like New York and San Francisco, has become synonymous with soaring rents, wealthier neighbors and the dislocation of low-income residents. But
overall, the new study
suggests, the popular notion of the yuppie invasion is exaggerated. "We're not saying there aren't communities where displacement isn't happening," says Randall Walsh, an associate professor of economics at the University of Pittsburgh and one of the study's authors. "But in general, across all neighborhoods in the urbanized parts of the U.S., it looks like gentrification is a pretty good thing." The researchers found, for example, that income gains in gentrifying neighborhoods usually defined as low-income urban areas that
undergo rises in income and housing prices
were more widely dispersed than one might expect. Though college-educated
whites accounted for 20% of the total income gain in gentrifying neighborhoods, black householders with high school degrees contributed even more: 33% of the neighborhood's total rise. In other words, a broad demographic of people in the neighborhood benefited financially. According to the study's findings, only one group black residents who never finished high school saw their income grow at a slower rate than predicted. But the study also suggests that these residents weren't moving out of their neighborhoods at a disproportionately higher rate than from similar neighborhoods that didn't gentrify. Gentrification encourages diverse neighborhoods
Barbara Kiviat,
08, Gentrification: Not Ousting the Poor? Time, June 29, 2008, http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,1818255,00.html This study isn't the first to come to that conclusion. A 2005 paper published in Urban Affairs Review by Lance Freeman, an assistant professor of urban planning at Columbia University, looked at a nationwide sample of neighborhoods between 1986
and 1989 and
found that low-income residents tended to move out of gentrifying areas at essentially the same
frequency they left other neighborhoods. The real force behind the changing face of a gentrifying community, Freeman concluded, isn't displacement but succession. When people move away as part of normal neighborhood turnover, the people who move in are generally more affluent. Community advocates may argue that succession is just another form of exclusion if low-income people can't afford to move in but, still, it doesn't exactly fit the popular perception of individuals being forced from their homes. Page 28 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

GLOBAL WARMING ADVANTAGE
Unchecked warming causes extinction
Henderson 2006 [Bill, 8-29-06, Runaway Global Warming Denial, http://www.countercurrents.org/cc-henderson190806.htm]

The scientific debate about human induced global warming is over but policy makers - let alone the happily shopping general public - still seem to not understand the scope of the impending tragedy. Global warming isn't just warmer temperatures, heat waves, melting ice and threatened polar bears. Scientific understanding increasingly points to runaway global warming leading to human extinction. If impossibly Draconian security measures are not immediately put in place to keep further emissions of greenhouse gases out of the atmosphere we are looking at the death of billions, the end of civilization as we know it and in all probability the end of man's several million year old existence, along with the extinction of most flora and fauna beloved to man in the world we share. Revitalizing Brownfields reduces urban sprawl and raises population density
Minkus 7 (Michael J., J.D. Candidate, 2008 Golden Gate University School of Law, San Francisco, Fighting Uncertainty: Municipal Partnerships with
Redevelopment Agencies can Mitigate Uncertainty to Encourage Brownfield Redevelopment, Golden Gate University Environmental Law Journal, Lexis)
Brownfields offer a means of curbing urban sprawl and development of greenfields, undeveloped land outside cities. n2 Building [*269] on brownfields can revitalize cities and curb suburban growth by increasing the tax base, developing unused or blighted areas, and eliminating pollution. Globally, infill development - building inside cities - is a means of addressing two significant challenges that cities are not well-equipped to handle: the global shift in manufacturing away from the United States n3 and global warming. n4 Brownfields are not dispersed evenly. Former cities of industry, now in decline, have greater numbers of brownfields and disproportionately bear the burden of the flight of manufacturing from the United States. n5 Global climate change remains a problem far surpassing the scales of city government. Infill development can increase population density and is one way cities can curb suburban growth. This can reduce commutes, decrease traffic congestion, and contribute to carbon reduction. Compact urban development saves gas and solves global warming
Paull 8 (Evans, senior policy analyst, Northeast Midwest institute, Newsletter
Sustainable urban redevelopment as a climate change solution 3/24/08)
Many of the keys to this development and energy equation are described and quantified in a new Urban Land Institute and Smart Growth America report, Growing Cooler: The Evidence on Urban Development and Climate Change. The report, which reviews over 100 previous studies on transportation, energy, and development patterns, finds that compact urban development saves between 20 and 40 percent of vehicle miles traveled (VMT) relative to less dense suburban development, with almost parallel reductions in greenhouse gases. Importantly, the findings do not rest on theoretical models. The blunt conclusion is that with well-planned compact communities, people do drive substantially less. Further, the case for sustainable urban redevelopment as a climate change solution does not end with green buildings and lowered VMTs. It takes less energy to build and maintain urban infrastructure than to extend it to new development sites in the suburbs. Rehabilitation of old buildings takes less energy than building new ones. There is less line-loss in distributing electricity to already-serviced urban centers than to the far flung exurbs. Dense multi-story buildings, typical of urban in-fill, are more energy efficient because there are fewer exposed walls. Lastly, some urban downtowns are serviced by alternative energy sources such as waste-to-energy plants and district heating systems that further lower greenhouse gases and reduce oil dependence.
Page 29 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

SOLVENCY INCENTIVES GENERAL
Federal incentives key to cleaning up brownfields Bartsch 1 (Charles, Senior Policy analyst Northeast-Midwest Institute, Financing Brownfield Cleanup and Redevelopment, online: http://www.nemw.org/brownfin.htm ) Funding gaps are the primary deterrent to site and facility reuse. The public sector, however, can do much to help level the economic playing field between "greenfield" and "brownfield" sites. Creatively crafted and carefully targeted incentives and assistance can help advance cleanup and reuse activities and achieve significant economic, social, and aesthetic benefits. Moreover, these efforts need not be "giveaways." The notion of the entrepreneurial public sector, increasingly prevalent in many types of development programs, can be extended to brownfield initiatives; public agencies and organizations that share in project risks also can recover some of their investment during subsequent site sale or development. No single public-sector approach fits the financing needs of brownfield projects, which vary by project type, developer
(i.e., non-profit development corporation or private investor), level and type of contamination, and financial position and desired return of the site owner or developer. Governments at all levels
the federal governmentwhose programs, policies, and regulations form the foundation on which many state, local, and private development finance initiatives are builtmust play a stronger, more visible role if financing for brownfield reuse is to become available more widely.
can find creative ways to help enterprises overcome reuse challenges with policies ranging from regulatory clarification for loan workouts to direct financial program assistance. However,
Incentives lead to Brownfield development Dylewski 1 (Faith R., Ohio Environmental and Natural Resource Lawyer, OHIO'S BROWNFIELD PROBLEM
AND POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS: WHAT IS REQUIRED FOR A SUCCESSFUL BROWNFIELD INITIATIVE?, Akron Law Review, 35 Akron L. Rev. 81, p. lexis) Most brownfield projects are too costly for private developers to undertake without financial assistance of some form. 212 The cost of audits and assessments alone may be enough to deter a developer from considering a brownfield site. 213 If a developer does decide to pursue redevelopment of a brownfield, a lack of willing lenders may prevent the project from coming to fruition. 214 The EPA pilot program illustrates that a relatively small sum can be expended in order to select candidate sites for remediation, conduct initial audits and assessments to determine the feasibility of a project, and to formulate a plan based on the input of the various stakeholders. 215 Funding can be used to alleviate some of the [*112] costs associated with the initial stages of development in order to attract private investors. 216 New York passed a bond act in 1996, 217 similar to Ohio's Issue One, that allocated 200 million dollars for brownfield remediation within the state. 218 The Act, known as Title V, provides grants to assist in brownfield restoration by reimbursing municipalities 219 for cleanup expenses, and by providing liability releases once the site is cleaned. 220 Title V is intended to compliment New York's voluntary cleanup program. 221
Current federal incentives arent enough expanded financial incentives key to wide-scale redevelopment Bartsch 1 (Charles, Senior Policy analyst Northeast-Midwest Institute, Financing Brownfield Cleanup and
Redevelopment, online: http://www.nemw.org/brownfin.htm ) In short, site assessment and cleanup require financial resources that many firms lack and find difficult to secure. Without financing, private reuse projects cannot go forward, further undermining efforts to revitalize distressed areas. With their recent proposals, members of Congress and federal agency officials have begun to grapple with the complex financial and technical issues surrounding cleanup and reuse of contaminated sites and facilities. Although these proposals do not address all critical concerns and important details remain to be worked out, they suggest a willingness to consider varied and new approaches to the thorny question of brownfield finance.
Page 30 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

SOLVENCY TAX INCENTIVES
Tax incentives solve sufficient to cause brownfield redevelopment. Rodenberger 05 (Farah, Fordham U JD, 13 Southeastern Env. L.J. 119, Spring, p. 119, LN)
Business developers may be wary of brownfields primarily because of the possibility of facing environmental liability and the high costs associated with environmental cleanups. 26 Brownfields revitalization legislation offers certain protections against liability and permits developers to perform lesser cleanups determined by land use restrictions and other factors. 27 Legislation offers further financial incentives to develop brownfields in the form of deductions, tax exclusions, and other tax incentives. 28 Of course, business developers rarely select business locations based solely on the availability of brownfields programs and brownfields tax incentives. 29 Factors such as population, education, existing infrastructure, and access to transportation are critical in selecting a business location. 30 All other factors being equal, however, brownfields programs and brownfields tax incentives may ultimately determine the final selection of a location for a business.
Tax credits solve developers will redevelop brownfields to use or sell them Green 4 (Emily A, J.D. Candidate, Wayne State University School of Law, THE RUSTBELT AND THE
REVITALIZATION OF DETROIT: A COMMENTARY AND CRITICISM OF MICHIGAN BROWNFIELD LEGISLATION, The Journal of Law in Society, 5 J.L. Socy 611, Winter, LN) The principal concern of developers is generating profits. In Detroit, the market for brownfield redevelopment is virtually non-existent absent financial incentives. One such incentive, the single business tax credit, is attractive to developers because it can be used by the developer or sold. 247 As previously mentioned, there currently exist ways for a developer to qualify for more than one tax credit. Other funding sources, such as CMI, could also be increased, but available dollar amounts are subject to change on an annual basis, leaving funds susceptible to budget fluctuations. 248 Because CMI was itself funded by a lump sum, it will inevitably run out unless the program either receives more funding from the legislature or another means of contribution is written into the program. A rough estimate is that as of 2003, there may only be enough CMI funds remaining for another year or two. 249
Tax incentives key to brownfield redevelopment Bartsch 1 (Charles, Senior Policy analyst Northeast-Midwest Institute, Financing Brownfield Cleanup and
Redevelopment, online: http://www.nemw.org/brownfin.htm ) By attracting investment and providing a cash-flow cushion for companies, federal tax incentives could help promote brownfield redevelopment. Like historic rehabilitation tax credits, incentives focused on environmental cleanup and site reuse would help level the economic playing field between old brownfield sites and new greenfield locations. To limit their costs, tax incentives could be targeted in various waysto economically distressed areas with demonstrated potential for productive reuse, to orphan sites, or to publicly-owned sites. Lawmakers are developing draft legislation for two tax-incentive approaches. Environmental remediation tax credits could offset a variety of costs, such as site characterization and cleanup. After the Northeast-Midwest Congressional Coalition's December 1994 forum in Pittsburgh,
Rep. William Coyne (D-PA) developed a draft proposal to authorize an environmental remediation credit equal to 75 percent of the costs for carrying out a cleanup plan that has been approved either by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) or another designated body (i.e., a state agency administering a voluntary cleanup program. Rep. Coyne, who intends to introduce
this credit to sites with "a strong likelihood of redevelopment" and that would likely remain dormant without the financing assistance. Site remediation activities could become eligible for some form of taxexempt industrial development bond (IDB) financing. Such a tax incentive has the effective result of lowering the cost of capital needed to carry out a project. Environmental remediation activitiessite characterization, cleanup, and preparation activitiesform an integral part of many manufacturing projects, which are acceptable small-issue IDB activities. Rep. Coyne also is circulating a draft proposal to clarify the use of so-called "qualified redevelopment bonds" (one type of IDB issuance) to specifically permit their use
legislation soon, would target for environmental remediation, including "the clearing and preparation for development of land" acquired by a unit of government. Once federal statutes recognize site remediation activities as eligible uses, states could make brownfield projects a priority within their own IDB volume allocation procedures
Page 31 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

SOLVENCY INCENTIVES PERCEPTION-MAGNIFIERS
Federal brownfield programs empirically alter public perceptions of contaminated property, drawing in private aid.
ENS 5 (Environment News Service, 11/2, http://www.ens-newswire.com/ens/nov2005/2005-11-02-09.asp#anchor3)

Since it began in 1995, EPA's brownfields program has changed the way contaminated property is perceived, addressed, and managed, Johnson says. Over the last decade the EPA's brownfields program has attracted more than $7 billion in public and private investments for the cleanup and redevelopment of brownfield properties in cities and towns across the nation, creating more than 33,000 thousand jobs. During this time, more than 7,000 properties have been assessed for environmental contamination. Perception of incentives alone solves businesses will shift their competition for economic development subsidies to the area of brownfields Peter Meyer, consultant for E.P. Systems Group, a consulting firm specializing in brownfields redevelopment, December 1999, Assessment of State Initiatives to Promote Redevelopment of Brownfields, online: http://www.huduser.org/publications/econdev/assess.html, accessed July 9, 2008 The Extent and Types of Financial Assistance Provided for Brownfield Projects. State support for regeneration of contaminated sites is not, by and large, substantially greater than the assistance available for other economic development efforts. While some funds are targeted for site assessments or cleanups, there is little evidence that these targeted financial incentives are the deciding factor. Furthermore, in many cases for which data were available in Michigan and Pennsylvania, the environment-specific financial aid was a tiny fraction of the total state support for a project. It appears that the ability of the project sponsors to compete for regular economic development subsidies may have outweighed any benefits of targeted brownfields remediation support. Subsidies solve small incentives stimulate massive projects Peter Meyer, consultant for E.P. Systems Group, a consulting firm specializing in brownfields redevelopment, December 1999, Assessment of State Initiatives to Promote Redevelopment of Brownfields, online: http://www.huduser.org/publications/econdev/assess.html, accessed July 9, 2008 When the actual dollar figures are examined, the evidence suggests that 1) many projects were stimulated by nothing more than a site assessment revealing little or no contamination, and 2) higher levels of financial support for cleanup costs were capable of stimulating large scale projects - seven projects involved over $10 million in private sector investment, with one in excess of $100 million. Still the extremely high leverage ratios observed for some of the projects raise the question of whether the subsidy was actually needed, since it was such a small proportion of the total dollars committed.
Page 32 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

SOLVENCY GLOBAL MODELING
( ) The U.S. governments policies towards urban racial minorities are modeled globally the structure of U.S. cities is reflected in cities across the globe William W. Goldsmith, Professor in the Department of City and Regional Planning at Cornell University, and Director of the Cornell Undergraduate Program in Urban and Regional Studies, 2000, Globalizing Cities: A New Spatial Order?, p. 38-39 In contrast, the reasoning below turns the usual argument on its head. We will see that the pattern of urban form itself brings about social and economic change. More particularly, the peculiar physical patterning of the US city partially causes many of the problems the European city is just beginning to experience. Because this is an usual argument, I offer an outline in this introduction, elaborating and providing evidence in the sections to follow. In the post-war period until quite recently, it is especially notable that the European city has avoided the racial-caste character of US cities. It has also avoided their poverty and squalor. But now, as we near the end of the 20th century, the vibrant centers, good transit, adequate housing, and decent social services of Europes cities are threatened not only by cutbacks, but in some cities also by a new urban geography. As governments and employers cut benefits and protections, workers turn against darker skinned immigrants. Class struggle tends to take on the persona of race struggle, allowing governments to ignore further the demands of workers and residents. I contend that these threats to Europe result in good part from a very particular set of American influences not as direct copies, but through hidden influences. To understand these influences, we must focus attention on the American city and American politics and economics, the main subjects of this paper. There are six parts to the argument. First, racial segregation is an essential feature and a leading cause of the bizarre spatial form the US metropolis has taken in this century, especially since World War II. Second, the social separation resulting from this spatial pattern has powerfully and detrimentally affected US politics not just at the municipal level, but also nationally. Third and partly because of these political effects, US leaders and the public have accepted deep social inequalities as though they were God-given, and they have embraced an exaggerated belief in the efficacy and fairness of the market. Fourth, because of the dominant position of the United States in international economics and politics, this market model has been exported worldwide. Fifth, the broad force of this market model itself has combined with the ideology of advertising and the media and practical influence from American corporations to put US-like pressure on cities elsewhere. Finally with the sixth part we turn fully around the vicious cycle: For various reasons connected with the enlargement of the world economy and increased international migration, we find that neighborhood conflict and class struggle in big cities throughout Europe take on more and more of the features of race and ethnic struggle, including segregation, as has long been the case in the United States. This chain of reasoning is intrinsically interesting. Its logic suggests fascinating topics for research, challenging ideas, and peculiar historical twists, as well as troublesome questions for theory. Equally important, these issues have practical consequences. The United States has occupied the dominant position in the world economy over the past 50 years. Racial inequality and discrimination have exerted unique and powerful effects on US politics and economics. One expects a priori to find some linkage between the politics that come from racial segregation and global economics. Urban residential segregation lies at the core of racial politics in the United States, so segregation, also, is part of the story. This is where the argument begins.
Page 33 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BRIGHTFIELDS KEY TO RENEWABLES MARKET
Brownfields are a key test market for renewables they enable a transition that reduces climate change, air pollution, and oil dependence. Northeast-Midwest Institute 8 [Northeast-Midwest Institute, The National Brownfields Coalition, A Proposal to Establish Pilots for Sustainable Development and Alternative Energy Reuse of Brownfields, March, http://www.nemw.org/EstablishPilots4SustainDev-AltEnergy.pdf] The third opportunity area is to redevelop brownfield sites as alternative or renewable energy production facilities. The marriage of brownfields and alternative energy has fairly obvious benefits: reduction of greenhouse gases, improved air quality, and lowered dependence on foreign oil, while helping to demonstrate new energy technologies. Brownfields can be well suited to this kind of reuse. In some cases, more intense use of land is not practical because of weak market conditions or because contamination issues may make redevelopment with commercial buildings impractical. However, wind farms and solar fields can be developed on sites that may not work for other uses. The Brightfields program, a U.S. Department of Energy initiative, specifically promotes the redevelopment of brownfields to use solar technology to generate both clean energy and revenue for the community.14
Page 34 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

WIND TURBINES ON BRIGHTFIELDS GOOD
Wind farms key tool in brownfield redevelopment communities prefer.
EPA 8 (Incorporating Sustainable Environmental Practices into Remediation of Contaminated Sites, EPA Office of Solid Waste and
Emergency Response, April, http://www.brownfieldstsc.org/pdfs/green-remediation-primer.pdf)
Increasing numbers of communities are examining opportunities for integrating renewable energy production into a contaminated sites long-term viability and reuse. Site revitalization involving production of electricity for utility distribution requires installation of co-located utility-scale (100-kW or more) turbines to form a wind farm (wind power plant). A wind farm is best suited to areas with wind speeds averaging at least 13 mph. A one-megawatt (MW) turbine can generate 2.4-3 million kWh annually; a 5-MW turbine can produce more than 15 million kWh annually. Capital and installation costs range according to factors including economy of scale and site-specific conditions such as terrain. Integration of utility-scale energy production in site reuse considers efficiencies as well as economic factors. Commercial wind turbines average a mechanical and electric conversion efficiency of approximately 90%, and an aerodynamic efficiency of approximately 45%. In contrast, the average efficiency of electricity generating plants in the United States averages approximately 35%; over two-thirds of the input energy is wasted as heat into the environment. Over the last 20 years, the cost of electricity from utility-scale wind systems has dropped more than 80%, from an earlier high of approximately 80 cents per kWh. With the use of production tax credits, modern wind power plants can generate electricity for 4-6 cents/kWh, which is competitive with the cost of new coal- or gas-fired power plants. Energy and Efficiency Considerations Incorporating Sustainable Environmental Practices into Remediation of Contaminated Sites 29
Page 35 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

BRIGHTFIELDS KEY TO SOLAR INDUSTRY
Revitalizing brownfields is key to the solar industry reduces costs.
Conscious Choice 1 (urban lifestyles mag, Aug., http://www.consciouschoice.com/2001/cc1408/growinggreenpower1408.html)

People talk about Florida being the Sunshine State, but did you know that Chicago receives 80 percent as much solar energy as Miami? According to the U.S. Department of Energy, for flat-plate solar systems (such as photovoltaic arrays and solar water heaters), "Illinois has a useful solar resource throughout most of the state." And solar energy is not
just plentiful for much of the year in Illinois particularly during the brightest, hottest summer days, when demand for electricity is highest its also almost completely pollution-free. Aside from pollution emitted during the mining of materials for and the manufacture of solar photovoltaic (PV) modules, PV panels emit no global-warming greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide and no smog- or acid rain-forming pollutants like nitrous oxides and sulfur dioxide while they operate. This means, for instance, that a one-kilowatt PV system can save 150 pounds of coal from being mined and stop 300 pounds of global-warming carbon dioxide from entering the atmosphere each month, according to the Illinois Solar Energy Association. And, unlike coal, natural gas, or oil, we wont run out of usable solar energy for millions and millions of years.
So why hasnt solar energy become our number one power source? Mainly because right now it costs more money to make electricity from PV panels (at non-peak times) than from other sources, and because most people dont have the opportunity to purchase electricity made from the sun unless they can afford to install their own PV panels at home. In this article, Ill cover a few of the efforts being made in Illinois to bring the price of solar energy down, and make it available to anyone who wants to buy it, as well as some of the economic development benefits that renewable energy projects can bring to urban and rural areas. Spire Solar and "Brightfields" in Chicago Two years ago, Chicago became the first city in the country to host a "Brightfields" project. An innovative program developed by Dan Reicher, former Assistant Secretary for Renewable Energy at the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), the Brightfields Initiative brought together various governmental agencies and private businesses in partnerships to rehabilitate contaminated industrial brownfields into productive sites for renewable energy development. In Chicago, the
former home of the Sacramento Crushing Corporation at 445 N. Sacramento Blvd. on the citys west side is being transformed into a new stateof-the-art, energy efficient facility that will house the solar photovoltaic module manufacturer Spire Solar Chicago. A combination of city, state, and federal tax breaks and other incentives were pooled to make the Spire Solar Brightfields Project possible, creatively facilitated by the DOE. The city and ComEd agreed to help provide a ready market for Spire Solar Chicagos products, committing up front to purchasing $8 million worth of PV modules. Spire Solar, in turn, agreed to install and service these modules, as well as manufacture them. By the end of June, Spire Solar Chicago will have installed about 160 peak kilowatts of solar energy production capacity on Chicago buildings or enough to power thirty to thirty-five homes a year, according to Mark Burger of Spire Solar Chicago. So far, the proud Chicago recipients of Spire Solar PV modules have included the Reilly School, ComEds North Commercial Center, the Peggy Notebaert Nature Museum, the Field Museum, Brentano School, Bouchet School, and the Casa Aztlan Community Center. Spire plans to put up 400 to 500 more peak kilowatts worth of PV systems through the end of the year, weather permitting; on the list are at least two more schools, three more museums, one city building, and two housing developments (see "Chicago Institutions Go Solar"). Spire has also been receiving calls from businesses and residences interested in PV systems. "So far," Mr. Burger said, "weve had our greatest successes with new construction and extensive rehabs, where solar PV systems can be designed into the construction process." Individuals and businesses can apply for rebates or grants for renewable energy
projects through Illinois Department of Commerce and Community Affairs; the rebates will fund up to 50 percent of the cost of solar thermal systems, up to a maximum of $5,000, and up to 60 percent of the cost of PV cells and panels, up to $5,000,
provided the systems are between 500 watts and two kilowatts in size (see below for contact information). The federal government currently offers a 10 percent investment tax credit to businesses that purchase solar equipment to generate electricity or heat, and there is a proposal in Congress to establish a 15 percent tax credit for individuals, up to $1,000 for solar water heating systems and $2,000 for rooftop photovoltaic systems. (If that sounds good to you, you might want to let your U.S. representative and senators know you support it.)
Page 36 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

AT: SPENDING DISADVANTAGE 2AC FRONTLINE
1. Case Outweighs The entire point of the affirmative is that issues of environmental justice must be weighed before traditional economic rationales. Our Bryant and Wenz evidence says the disads calculating logic makes minorities most affected by environmental destruction invisible and guarantees extinction. 2. Non Unique recession is coming now The Daily Telegraph, London newspaper, 2008 (US economy not growing robustly enough, says Bush, July 7, 2008, p. Lexis, http://www.lexisnexis.com/us/lnacademic/results/docview/docview.do? docLinkInd=true&risb=21_T4111291818&format=GNBFI&sort=RELEVANCE&startDocNo=1&resultsUrlKey=2 9_T4111291823&cisb=22_T4111291822&treeMax=true&treeWidth=0&csi=8109&docNo=1, Date Accessed: 7/7/08) US President George W Bush said yesterday that the American economy was not growing as he would like, as further signs emerged that the US was heading towards a recession. Speaking ahead of the G8 summit of world leaders, Mr Bush said: "Our economy is not growing as robustly as we'd like. We had positive growth in the first quarter; we'll see what happens in the second quarter.'' The US economy grew at a 1pc annual rate in the first quarter. Last week, the Labour Department revealed that the number of Americans unemployed for six months or more rose by more than a third to 1.6m in the past year and that US employers cut jobs for the sixth straight month. When asked about what could be done to improve the performance of the weak US dollar, Mr Bush said: "The United States believes in a strong dollar policy and believes the strength of our economy will be reflected in the dollar.'' 3. Non Unique the economy is down because of high oil prices and the housing crisis Agence France Presse, a global news network covering events from around the world 24/7, 2008 (Paulson says US economy enduring 'rough period', July 2 2008, p. Lexis, http://www.lexisnexis.com/us/lnacademic/results/docview/docview.do? docLinkInd=true&risb=21_T4111190384&format=GNBFI&sort=RELEVANCE&startDocNo=1&resultsUrlKey=2 9_T4111190388&cisb=22_T4111190387&treeMax=true&treeWidth=0&csi=10903&docNo=1, Date Accessed 7/7/08) US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson Enhanced Coverage Linking Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson Search using: Biographies Plus News, Most Recent 60 Days said Wednesday that the US economy was enduring "a rough period" and warned that home foreclosures would likely remain high in the near future. The US Treasury chief said soaring crude oil prices, a widespread credit crunch and a two-year long housing market slump had taken some of the wind out of the sails of the US economy. "The US economy is going through a rough period. US foreclosures will remain elevated and we should not be surprised at continued reports of falling home prices," Paulson warned during a speech in London. Paulson's remarks were also released by the Treasury in Washington. The Treasury chief and former banker stopped off in London Wednesday amid a whistle-stop tour of European capitals. He said the giant economic stimulus -- stuffed with tax rebates and backed by the administration of President George W. Bush -- had helped shore up US growth, but that the housing downturn poses a "significant" downside risk to economic momentum. Foreclosures have soared in recent months as home sales and property prices have continued to tumble across many parts of the United States. The world's biggest economy posted subpar growth of 1.0 percent during the first quarter of the year, and some analysts believe the economy is on the brink of a recession. Paulson said the sooner house prices stabilize, the sooner the economy will bounce back to stronger growth. He also blamed rocketing oil prices for extending economic angst. "High oil prices will in all likelihood prolong our economic slowdown," he said, as world oil prices hit new record peaks above 144 dollars a barrel. Economic growth has been weighed down by the credit squeeze as major banks, including Citigroup and Merrill Lynch, have announced multibillion dollar losses tied to ailing mortgage investments.
Page 37 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

4. Non Unique There is no fiscal discipline, just gimmicks and procedural hurdles RPC Bulletin, 2008 (U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee, Democrats Pay-Go Did Little to Restore Fiscal Discipline, www.treas.gov/offices/economic-policy/restraint.pdf, 4/11/2008, accessed 7/7/2008) In 2006, campaigning Democrats rallied around a common proposal: Returning to tough, oldfashioned pay-as-you-go (pay-go) rules to restore fiscal responsibility to the budget process and to Washington. Over a year later and with a new budget on the horizon, its time for a look-back at what actually occurred. In January 2007, Senate Democrats, now in the majority, argued that their pay-go proposal would act as a tool to enforce budget discipline. However, as was clear then, and as has become even clearer a year later, the Democrats pay-go did not restore fiscal discipline. It merely served as a procedural hurdle, making extending popular tax provisions nearly impossible and cloaking enormous spending increases in fictional offsets. All told, had Democrats actually followed the spirit of the pay-go they enacted, they would have had to raise taxes by $143 billion on the American people to pay for what the Senate passed in 2007, or an estimated $1200 per household in additional taxes. 5. Turn Promoting alternative energy is the main way to get the US economy back on track in the long term The Washington Times 6/8/2008 (Newt Gingrich, speaker of the House of Representatives from "1995 until 1998 How to Impose Fiscal Discipline Lexis) Fourth, the federal government must allow greater energy production in the United States as part of a strategy to lower energy costs. The high cost of energy directly affects the federal budget for two reasons. First, the federal government is the largest single purchaser of energy. Lower energy prices would lower federal spending dramatically. Second, selling energy production rights and receiving royalties from energy production is a huge potential source of income for the federal as well as state governments. 6. Uniqueness overwhelms the link if Congress is really committed to maintaining fiscal discipline then they will hold the line after the plan and not allow any additional spending. Besides, even if the plan seems expensive, it is a drop in the bucket compared to how much we spend on Iraq every month.
Page 38 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

7. No Internal Link -- The United States is not key to the global economy other countries will take up the slack ViewsWire, 08 (ViewsWire, The Economist Intelligence Unit, June 6, http://www.viewswire.com/index.asp? layout=VWArticleVW3&article_id=1423425527&rf=0, Date Accessed: July 7, 2008) Emerging markets, with their fast growth and hunger for imports, are sustaining the developed economies. If this continues, the global economy will achieve a soft landing. Yet many of these markets are showing signs of overheating: monetary tightening, or indeed the maintenance of high global commodity prices, could depress them and take the developed economies down too. Reverse coupling On the surface, the global economy has held up remarkably well in the face of the economic travails in the US. Still the world's largest economy by a wide margin, the US is being battered by a grim combination of its worst real-estate crash since the Great Depression and the biggest financial crash in a generation. Yet in the first quarter of this year, growth in many developed (and emerging markets) outperformed expectations. The eurozone, parts of which are also suffering from flagging property markets and a sharp tightening in credit conditions, managed a perky 0.7% quarter-on-quarter real expansion in the period, up from 0.4% in the last quarter of last year; Japan managed a blistering 0.8% quarter-on-quarter expansion; and even the sickly US chalked up a respectable annualised rate of 0.9%. All this might suggest that the world has finally "decoupled" from the US. But a closer look suggests that a "reverse coupling" might be more accurate, with developed world performance to a large extent being sustained by the continued buoyant performance of many emerging markets. Indeed, a common feature of growth in recent quarters, particularly in the developed world, has been robust export growth and only a tepid domestic demand performance. In most cases emerging market demandEastern Europe in the case of the eurozone, China in the case of the US and Japanhas been able to offset the falloff in the US. If emerging markets continue to outperform, the global slowdown triggered by the US downturn should be relatively gentle. Indeed, our core forecast assumes a soft landing this year and next, with global growth set to come in at just under 4% at purchasing power parity rates. Although rather less frothy than the 4-5% seen in 2004-07, this would still be well above the 2-2.5% seen in the last global recessionthe posttech wreck of 2001-02. But the foundations of this "reverse coupling" are fragile, not least because emerging markets themselves are facing twin pressures of their rapid growth bidding up domestic inflation and pushing global commodity prices up to levels that could at worst trigger a far sharper global downturn than we currently forecast.
Page 39 of 41
MDL 2008-2009

AFF- EXTENSIONS TO # 4 NO FISCAL DISCIPLINE
PAYGO does not keep spending in check and federal spending will only get worse, risking economic catastrophe. Riedl, Fellow in Federal Budgetary Affairs at the Heritage Foundation, 2008 (Brian M., The Heritage Foundation, The Iraq War Bill Was the Wrong Place to Create a Permanent New Entitlement, http://www.heritage.org/Research/Budget/wm1976.cfm, 7/1/2008, WebMemo #1976, accessed 7/6/2008) Of course, this is not the first time the Democratic Congress disregarded its budget rules and increased the budget deficit. They recently waived PAYGO for the bloated farm bill and the tax rebates, and employed blatant gimmicks to cover up PAYGO violations in last year's S-CHIP and higher education bills.[3] By voting to add hundreds of billions of dollars to current and future budget deficits, the Democratic Congress has reduced PAYGO to nothing more than empty rhetoric, a rule to be casually discarded whenever it is not convenient to the Democrats' spending agenda. * It worsened the federal budget. Federal spending has already leaped above $25,000 per household. Discretionary appropriations are expanding 8 percent annually. An expensive package of tax rebates has already pushed this year's projected budget deficit to almost $400 billion. Most perilous of all, the first of 77 million baby boomers have begun retiring, initiating a wave of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid costs that threaten to overwhelm the federal budget and risk economic catastrophe.[4]
Page 40 of 41
MDL 2008-09
November Evidence Supplement
Brownfields Blue Evidence Packet

AFF EXTENSIONS TO # 7 US NOT KEY TO GLOBAL ECONOMY
The United States is no longer the key to the global economy times have changed
The New York Times 07

(Daniel Gross, Writers for the Money Box for Slate.com, Does It Even Matter if the U.S. has a Cold?, May 6, nytimes.com, July 8, 2008) FOR the last several decades, the United States has functioned as the main engine of growth in a global economy that has been moving with synchronicity. ''We're going through the longest stretch of concerted growth in decades,'' said Lakshman Achuthan, managing director at the Economic Cycle Research Institute in New York. So you might think that a sharp slowdown in growth in the United States -- the domestic economy grew at a measly 1.3 percent annual clip in the first quarter this year, less than half the 2006 rate -- would mean trouble for the rest of the global economy. Right? Wrong. As the domestic growth rate has declined sharply in recent quarters, the rest of the world is growing rapidly. India is blowing the door off its hinges. China's economy is expanding at a double-digit pace. In the United States, the Federal Reserve has held rates steady since last June, and its next move will most likely be a rate reduction to stimulate growth. The European Central Bank and the Bank of Japan, meanwhile, have been raising rates -- lest their once-suffering economies overheat and spawn inflation. ''The U.S. slump in the first quarter didn't pull down growth in Europe or Asia,'' said Brad Setser, senior economist at Roubini Global Economics. The seemingly countervailing trends -- deceleration in America, full speed ahead abroad -- have led some economists to wonder whether the United States and the rest of the global economy are going their separate ways. Some even suggest -- shudder -- that changes in the global economy have made the United States a less-central player. ''Four or five years ago, there was an important switch in the global economy,'' said Stephen King, an economist based in London for HSBC. ''Since then, other parts of the world have really grabbed the growth baton from the U.S.
Page 41 of 41

MDL Blue Brownfields Affirmative Packet

Caricato da

Informazioni sul documento

Copyright

Formati disponibili

Condividi questo documento

Condividi o incorpora il documento

Opzioni di condivisione

Hai trovato utile questo documento?

Questo contenuto è inappropriato?

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

MDL Blue Brownfields Affirmative Packet

Caricato da

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

MDL 2008-2009

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

and found that low-income non-white

overall, the new study

November Evidence Supplement (Blue Division)

Brownfields Affirmative Packet

Henderson 2006 [Bill, 8-29-06, Runaway Global Warming Denial, http://www.countercurrents.org/cc-henderson190806.htm]

Paull 8 (Evans, senior policy analyst, Northeast Midwest institute, Newsletter

Sustainable urban redevelopment as a climate change solution 3/24/08)