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lAC. l. lANS SEN


List of Tables . XIV

Preface . XVII
List of Abbreviations XXI


I. The Dating of the Material 15
11. Ostraca 23
Ill. Papyri . 94


I. The Money
§ 1. The deben. 101
§2. The sniw 102
§3. Use and Value of the snlw 105
§4. The hin 108
§ 5. The khar . 109
11. Cereals
§6. Emmer (bdt) 112
§7. The Emmer Prices and the Season 117
§8. Barley (it) 119
§9. Barley as a Unit of Value. 122
§ 10. The Barley Prices and the Season 125
§ 11. Emmer and Barley Prices Compared 127
Ill. Basketry and Matting
§ 12. kbs, 'grain basket' 133
§ 13. nbd, bnd and §kr 136
§ 14. dnit 140
§ 15. kr~t 143
§ 16. m(t)rbt, 'strainer' or 'sieve' 145
§ 17. mmjm and n*r 147
§ 18. lrgs/ir*s 149
§ 19. 'nbr 150
V III &~ . . -~- --

§20. kskst 151 §54. *bw n wt, 'canopic jars' 243

§21. 'rlf., 'sack'(? ) 151 § 55. bry-mrlJ 244
§22. 153 § 56. prt-m-hrw, 'Book of the Dead' 245
b'w .
§23. tm5, 'mat' and srjr, ·pallet'. 154 §57. *nlw, 'shrine ' 246
§24. I:ztp 160 §58. Woode n Statues 246
§25. skr . 161 VIII. Dress
IV. Animals §59. Garme nts 249
§26. 'nb, 'small cattle' 165 §60. mss, 'tunic' 259
§27. '5, 'donkey '. 167 §61. d51w 265
§28. Cattle 172 §62. srjw/srjy 272
§29. Blw, 'pig' 177 § 63. btrl n Ish 277
§30. 5pdw, 'fowl'. 178 §64. rj5yt. 278
§31. wns, 'jackal' 178 §65. ldg . 282
§66. rwrjw 284
V. Furnitu re §67. mrw 286
§32. b'tl, 'bed' 180
§68. I;bs . 287
§33. krk(r), 'couch' 185
§69. bndw 288
§34. hdmw, 'footsto ol' . 185
§70. mb5Y 289
§35. ~nlw, 'seat'. 187
§71. sndyt 289
§ 36. lsbwt, 'folding-stool' 191
§72. swl;w 290
§37. msr. 194
§ 73. bry-k'l;t 290
VI. Woode n Contai ners §74. ifd 291
§ 38. 'fdt . 197 §75. twt, 'sandal s' 292
§39. g5Wt. 198 Toilet Equipm ent, Jewellery, and Amulets
§40. s~r/sgr . 200
§ 76. mb'~, 'razor' 299
§41. dbt 203
§77. 'nb, 'mirror ' 301
§42. 15Y 204
§78. pSI, 'comb' . 302
§43. bs 206
§79. bwy, 'fan' 303
§44. Jpt, 'corn-measure'. 207 §80. bnw n tilt sgnn, 'cosmetic stick' . 303
§45. mhn. 207
§81. bll, 'end-pi ece'(?) . 304
VII. Tomb Equipm ent §82. sbw . 306
§46. Coffin s. 209 §83. smn and sb' 308
§47. wt 215 § 84. SJ~w, 'ring'. 308
§48. mn-'nb 233 §85. mny. 309
§49. swl;t 235 §86. blk . 310
§ 50. rjb5t. 238 §87. sJw n msw, 'birth-c harm'. 310
§51. ytlt . 239
X. Tools and Other Implements
§ 52. Itr, 'shawa bti-box ' 242
243 §88. M, 'spike' . 312
§53. S5W5btl, 'shawa bti'
§89. mrj5t, 'chisel' . 317

§90. Ifrr;!n 318 XIV. Wood and Wooden Objects

§91. 'nt, 'adze' . 321 § 124. nh, 'sycamore' . 370
§92. minb, 'axe' 322 § 125. s'd, 'log'. 371
§93. wp. 323 § 126. s3y, 'beam' . 372
§94. sft, 'knife'. 324 §127. (I)lyn 374
§95. iddk; mrlfgn; kmti 324 § 128. iswt, 'plank'. 375
§96. niw, 'spear' 325 § 129. tpt, 'stake' . 376
§97. s/:lmy and mg/:lt, 'pestle' and 'mortar' . 326 § 130. bt-13w, 'mast' 377
§98. inr n g3f, 'griddle-stone'. 327 § 131. irkt, 'trunk'. 378
§99. iknw, 'hoe' 328 § 132. p3[y]pt (?) 379
§ 100. mrkbt, 'chariot' 329 § 133. gp/:l 380
§ 134. gr't 380
XI. Oil and Fat § 135. Prices of Ship's Parts. 381
§ 101. n/:z/:z, 'sesame oil' . 330 § 136. sbd 382
§ 102. mr/:lt 333 § 137. /:l'wand 'wn. 384
§ 103. sgnn 336 § 138. m3wg, 'carrying-pole' . 385
§ 104. 'g, 'fat' 337 § 139. n/:lbt . 387
§ 140. mryf, 'board' 388
XII. Food and Beverages
XV. Parts of Buildings
§ 105. ng, 'flour' 343
§ 141. sb3, 'door' and sbbt, 'door-frame' 389
§ 106. Bread and Cake . 344
§ 142. /:ltri, 'door-jambs' 391
§ 107. /:lnlft, 'beer' 346
§ 143. wb3, 'column' 392
§ 108. Fish 348 393
§ 144. 'gyt.
§ 109. irp, 'wine' 350 394
§ 145. m3'w.
§ 110. bit, 'honey' and mn/:l, 'wax' 352 394
§ 146. lnb, 'wall'
§ Ill. smy, 'curd' 353 396
§ 147. lwfn, 'site' and 'f, 'house' .
§ 112. iry, 'liibya beans', lbw, sty and 's(?) 355
§ 113. /:llf~ 356 XVI. . Leather
§1l4. /:lmy 357 § 148. dlJrl, 'hide' 398
§ 149. bnt, 'skin' 400
XIII. Plants § 150. (1)[13, 'leather sack' 401
§ 115. w3g, 'vegetables' . 359 § 151. msti . 403
§ 116. m/:ly, 'flax' 364
§ 117. g3s1, 'reed' 365 XVII. Vessels
365 § 152. Vessels in General. 407
§ 118. ~nni, 'flag' and tI-SpS, 'cinnamon'
366 § 153. kl 408
§ 119. nkpf and lwfyf
367 § 154. Ifbw . 412
§120. by .
367 §155. If/:ln 415
§ 121. Mw, 'onions' .
367 § 156. i', 'and '-n-b'w 418
§ 122. sst/d(?)
369 § 157. nw 421
§ 123. Comparison of Plant Prices

§ 158. lrr 422 Ill. Features of Economic Life in the Village

§ 159. dydy 423 § 1. Why were the transactions recorded? 510
§ 160. rhdt 425 §2. The frequency of the use of each measure of value 514
§ 161. wsm 426 § 3. Why was a particular measUre of value used? 520
§ 162. gly 426 §4. An ancient Egyptian price list 523
§ 163. mrsw 428 §5. Comparison with some prices from other sources 527
§ 164. pgs. 429 §6. Joint property 531
§ 165. mlJb~ 429 § 7. The wealth of the workmen 533
§ 166. ~'/:lt 430 IV. Ancient Egyptian Economics
§ 167. klt-mrbt and sbnk 431
§ 1. Preliminary remarks 539
§ 168. wglJw 432
§2. The mentality in economic matters 540
§ 169. ~blJw 433
§ 3. The money 545
§ 170. 11bw 433
§4. Price fluctuations 550
§171. lnlJ. 434
§5. The economy of the Village, a sector of the Egyptian
§ 172. lrb . 435
economy 558
XVIII. Miscellaneous Materials Indexes . 563
§ 173. nwt, 'yarn' 436 564
§ 174. nwl}, 'rope' 438 565
§ 175. /:lmlt, 'salt' and /:lsmn, 'natron' 440 565
A. Graffiti
§ 176. IJmtl, 'copper' 441 565
B. Ostraca
§ 177. f/I}ty, 'lead' 442 579
C. Papyri
§ 178. snw, 'wool' 443
Egyptian Words 586
§ 179. ht(?). 444 592
Coptic Words .
§ 180. snlr, 'incense' 445 593
Greek Words
§ 181. ~myt, 'gum' . 446
Names. 593
§ 182. gm" 'papyrus' 447
§ 183. Water, Firewood, Straw and Dung 448


1. Wages
§ 1. Organization of payments to the workmen . 455
§2. The grain rations . 460
§ 3. The rations in the 'journal of the necropolis' 466
§4. Cakes and beer, dates and vegetables 471
§5. Fish and fuel 478
§ 6. Pottery . 485
§ 7. Extra provisions 488

H. The Transactions 494


XXXVII statues 247

XXXVIII Lists of garments in Pap. Harris I 255
XXXIX Lists of garments in ostraca 257
LIST OF TABLES XL Laundry list of o. DeM. 258 258
XLI mss 262
I 130-132 XLII d3lw 266
II kbs 134 XLIII scjw/scjy 275
III dnlt 141 XLIV cj3yt 279
IV kr~t 144 XLV ldg . 283
V m(tJrbt 146 XLVI rwcjw 285
VI mncjm + n~r 147 XLVII mrw 287
VII lrgs/ir~s 150 XLVIII Weaving of a garment 288
VIII 'r~ . 152 XLIX lfd . 292
IX tm3 156 L twt. 294-295
X scjr + tm3 159 LI mb'k 300
XI ~tp . 161 LII b3 315
XII skr. 163 LIII nM 331
XIII 'nb· 166 LIV mr~t 335
XIV '3 168 LV 'cj 339
XV l~ 173 LVI fish 350
XVI s3iw 177 LVII beans and fruit? 356
XVII 3pdw 178 LVIII w3cj 361
XVIII ~,ti . 181-182 LIX plants 369
XIX hdmw 186 LX nh . 370
XX ~nlw - ~nlw + hdmw 190 LXI S'd . 372
XXI isbwt 193 LXII s3y . 374
XXII msr 195 LXIII parts of ships. 381
XXIII 'Idt 198 LXIV sbd. 383
XXIV g3wt 199 LXV d~ri 399
XXV s~r/sgr 202 LXVI bnt . 400
XXVI dbt . 204 LXVII (l)b3 403
XXVII I3y . 205 LXVIII msti 405
XXVIII bs 206 LXIX kI 411
XXIX wt . 216 LXX ~bw 413
XXX wood for a wt 222 LXXI ~~n 417
XXXI decoration of a wt 224 LXXII i' 420
XXXII construction of a wt . 229 LXXIII nw . 422
XXXIII mn- 'nb and wt '3 . 233 LXXIV lrr . 423
XXXIV sw~t 236 LXXV dydy 424
XXXV decoration of a sw~t . 237 LXXVI nwt 437
XXXVI ytit 241

A Days of issuing grain rations 464

B Days of the year 1-2 of Ramesses IV for which there ~
are 'journal' entries left . 467 PREFACE
c Days of the year 31-32 of Ramesses III and the year 1
of Ramesses IV for which there are 'journal' entries
left . 468
t This book would never have been written but for the encouragement
D Rations of psn and bit 472 of the great scholar to whose memory it is dedicated. Observing from
E Rations of ds and ps 474 my Ph.D. thesis my interest in economic matters, he offered me with
F Rations of Dates 475 his characteristic generosity the use of his invaluable notebooks in
G Rations of Vegetables 476 order to select from them the basic data for the present study. He
H Fish-rations 480 furthermore allowed me the loan of a special notebook in which he
I Fuel-rations 483 had collected the material for his article Prices and Wages in the
K Deliveries of the Potter 487 Ramesside Period. Neither he nor I did suspect that it would take so
L Frequency of Prices in deben 517 long to complete the work. Proceeding from another article of Cerny
M Frequency of Prices in sniw 518 about Fluctuation in Grain Prices during the Twentieth Dynasty,
N Frequency of Prices in khar 520 I thought it worthwhile to try and date the various price ostraca, so
0 Sales of Oxen 537 that their prices could then be arranged in chronological order. This
prompted a fairly extensive study of the community of necropolis
workmen in general, while furthermore the attempt to define the nature
of the objects of which prices are recorded involved the analysis of
the archaeological evidence uncovered by the excavators of Deir
el-Medina. I deeply regret that all this took so much time that the
results were ready for publication only years after the death of the man
to whom they owe so much, as will be evident not only from the above,
but also from almost every page following below.
It was only when the manuscript was already in the press that
I received three books which, had they been in my possession before,
would have served as constant references for my own work. They
are: Cernfs magnum opus A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the
Ramesside Period, together with the fragment of a manuscript that was
to have formed the second volume of this work, p~blished by
S. Sauneron under the title The Valley of the Kings; and Schafik
Allam's Hieratische Ostraka und Papyri aus der Ramessidenzeit. In the
plate volume of the latter Allam gives copies of transcriptions from
Cernfs notebooks of several texts which in the present study are still
referred to as 'unpublished'. A list of these is given on p. 564. Allam's
translations, although covering partly the same sources as discussed
here, would not have led to differences on a great many points had it
come to my notice earlier, however, since he did not study the words
with which the present book is concerned, his aim being altogether

different from mine. Whether an earlier acquaintance with CernY's of Prof. Cerny mentioned above, it would equally never have been
abovementioned books would have substantially affected my final completed without the generous help of my friend Prof. John R. Harris.
conclusions is similarly open to question. His material on various For his numerous critical remarks as well as his careful correction of
subjects was far more extensive than mine, and his scholarship my English of Part I and some chapters of Part 11 I am more than
undeniably greater, but even so most of the differences between us grateful. The weeks passed at his house in Abingdon in discussing the
seem to concern marginal problems only. Where our opinions are seen problems of the subject belong to the most pleasant memories in
to differ it is for the reader to decide for himself with whom of us he connection with the preparations of the work.
agrees. Last, but certainly not least, I wish to thank my wife. For over
To the various persons and institutions who have contributed to the twelve years now "the book" has formed a regular part of our family
completion of this work I offer my sincere thanks. life. Only other scholars' wives will know what it means for a woman
The Netherlands Organization for the Advancement of Pure Research to have to put up with such a rival in the interest of science. That the
(Z.W.O.) not only made the publication possible through a generous book is finally completed after all may give her the satisfaction of the
grant, but also provided me with the opportunity to visit the remains knowledge that she has not suffered in vain.
of the workmen's community at Thebes and to study relevant antiqui-
ties at the Cairo Museum. Autumn 1974.
I am indebted to Prof. Silvio Curto for allowing me to examine the
originals of several ostraca in the collection of the Museo Egizio at
Turin; to Dr. Wolfgang Muller for furnishing me with a series of
excellent photographs of ostraca and papyri preserved in the Agyptisches
Museum at Berlin; to Prof. Serge Sauneron for kindly lending me a
notebook with transcriptions of ostraca found during the excavation
of the 'Grand Puits'; to Mr. I. E. S. Edwards for his permission to
collate CernY's transcriptions of some ostraca with the originals in the
British Museum; to Prof. Philippe Derchain for providing me with
photographs of ostraca in Strasbourg; to Dr. Henry Fischer for
photographs of ostraca preserved in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York; and to Miss Ann S. Robertson for photographs of ostraca
in the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow.
I gratefully acknowledge the help I received from Prof. P. W. Pest-
man, who read the first draught of chapter 11 of Part III and
contributed substantially to the work with suggestions and recomman-
I am indebted to my student, Mr. S. P. Vleeming, for compiling the
index of Egyptian and other words, and to my assistant, Mr. L. M. J.
Zonhoven, who not only devoted much time and energy to the
compilation of the index of documents, but also assisted me in the
ungrateful task of proof-reading.
To Miss M. van Yperen, who corrected the English of the greater
part of Part and the whole of Part III I express my sincere thanks.
If this book would never have been written without the encouragement

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4th EgH'1 i\nC'~1H f""gypt
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GARDINER, Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus.: Alan H. Gardiner, Hieratic Papyri in the British I epoque pharaomque. Traduction avec introduction, notices et commentaire Paris
1949. ' ,
Museum. Third Series. Chester Beatty Gift. 2 vols, London, 1935.
GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise.: Alan H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, Bruxelles, LORET,. Flore 2 : Victor Loret, La flore pharaonique d'apres les documents hierogly-
1937 = Bibliotheca aegyptiaca VII. phlques et les specimens decouverts dans les tombes, 2' edition, Paris, 1892.
GARDINER, Late-Eg. Stories: Alan H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Stories, Bruxelles, LUCAS.-HARRlS, Anc. Eg. Materials: A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Indus-
1932 = Bibliotheca aegyptiaca I. tnes. Fourth Edition, Revised and Enlarged by J.R. Harris, London, 1962.
GARDINER, Onom. : Alan H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 2 vols, London, Markets in Africa: Paul Bohannan and George Dalton, Markets in Africa, Northwestern
1947. University Press, 1962.
GARDINER, Pap. Wilbour: Alan H. Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, 3 vols, London, MDAIK. : Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo.
1941-1948 [with vo\. IV, Index, by Raymond O. Faulkner, London, 1952]. Med. Habu: Medinet Habu. The Epigraphic Survey, vo\. I-IlI (p\. 1-192) Chicago
1930-1934. ' ,
Giornale: cf BOTTI-PEET.
graff. : graffito/i. Melanges Maspero I: Melanges Maspero I. Orient ancien. 4 fascicules, Le Caire, 1934.

1961 = Memoires publies par les membres de I'Institut fran~ais d'Archeologie Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings.
orientale du Caire, T. 66. second edition, Vol. I, Parts i and ii, Oxford, 1960-1964.
MESNIL DU BUISSON, Noms et signes: Comte du Mesnil du Buisson, Les noms et POSENER, Cat. des ostraca litteraires: G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques
signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets similaires, Paris, 1935. litteraires de Deir el Medineh, 2 Tomes (Nos 1001-1213), Le Ca ire, 1938-1952.
MIO. : Mitteilungen des Instituts fUr Orientforschung. Primitive Money: Paul Einzig, Primitive Money in its Ethnological, Historical and
MONTET, Scenes de la vie priV/?e: Pierre Montet, Les scenes de la vie privee dans les Economic Aspects, London, 1948.
tombeaux egypriens de l'Ancien Empire, Strasbourg, 1925 = Publications de la RAD.: Sir Alan Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documents, London, 1948.
Faculte des Lettres de l'Universite de Strasbourg, fasc. 24. RdE. : Revue d'Egyptologie.
O. : ostracon. Rec. Trav.: Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la philologie et a l'archeologie egyptiennes
O. Cairo: cf I) DARESSY, Os/raca (Cat. gen.) = Nos 25001-25385. et assyriennes.
2) Jaroslav Cerny, Ostraca hieratiques (Cat. gen.) = Nos 25501-25832. Reeueil Champol/ion: Recueil d'etudes egyptologiques dedies a la memoire de Jean-
O. Col. Campb. : Ostracon Colin Campbell (now in the Humerian Museum, Glasgow; Francois Champollion a I'occasion du centenaire de la Lettre a M. Dacier, Paris,
unpublished). 1922.
O. DeM.: cf Jaroslav Cerny, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques de Deir el Medineh RIDA. : Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquite, Bruxelles.
(nos. 1-456), 5 vols, Le Caire, 1937-1951; and vol. 7 (nos. 624-705), Le Caire, SCHIAPARELLI, Rela::ione: Relazione sui lavori della missione archeologica italiana in
1970. Egitto (anni 1903-1920), Volume primo: Esplorazione della "Valle delle Regine"
Serge Sauneron, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques de Deir e1 Medineh (nos. 550- nella necropoli di Tebe, Torino, [1923].
623), Le Caire, 1959. ScHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta: Relazione sui lavori della missione archeologica
O. DeM. Gr. P.: Ostracon Deir e1-Medineh, Grand Puits (cfp. 51, note 75). italiana in Egitto (anni 1903-1920), Volume secondo: La tomba intatta dell'
O. Gard. : Ostracon Gardiner (unpublished). architetto Cha nella necropoli di Tebe, Torino, [19271.
O. Gard. fragm.: Ostracon Gardiner, fragment (cfp. 61, note 95). SETHE, Dramatische Texte: Kurt Sethe, Dramatische Texte zu altaegyptischen Mys-
O. IFAO.: Ostracon Institut fran~ais d'Archeologie orientale du Caire (unpublished). terienspiele, Leipzig, 1928 = Unters. zur Gesch. und Altertumsk. Aegyptens 10.
O. Metr. Mus.: Ostracon Metropolitan Museum of Arts, New York (unpublished). SIMPSON, Papyrus Rei.mer /I: William Kelly Simpson, Papyrus Reisner 11. Accounts
O. Michael. : cf Hans Goedicke und Edward F. Wente, Ostraka Michaelides, Wiesbaden, of the Dockyard Workshop at This in the Reign of Sesostris I, Boston, 1965.
1962. SPELEERS, Reeueil: Louis Speleers, Recueil des inscriptions egyptiennes des Musees
O. Or. Inst. Chicago: Ostracon Oriental Institute, Chicago (unpublished). royaux du Cinquamenaire a Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1923.
OLZ. : Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. SPIEGELBERG, Reclmungen: Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Rechnungen aus der Zeit Setis I. (circa
Pap. : papyrus. \350 v. Chr.) mit anderen Rechnungen des Neuen Reiches, 2 vols, Strassburg,
Pap. Anastasi I : cf GARDINER, Egyptian Hieratic Texts. 1896.
Pap. Anastasi lI-VI: cf GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., 12-78. SPIEGELBERG, Studien und Materialien: Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Studien und Materialien
Pap. Harris I: ed. W. Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I. Hieroglyphische Transkription, zum Rechtswesen des Pharaonenreiches, Hannover, 1892.
Bruxelles, 1933 = Bibliotheca aegyptiaca V. Studies Polotsky: Studies in Egyptology and Linguistics in Honour of H.J. Polotsky,
Pap. Harris 500 vs. : cf GARDlNER, Late-Eg. Stories, 1-9 and 82-85. Jerusalem, 1964.
Pap. d'Orb. : cf GARDINER, Late-Eg. Stories, 9-30. TOSI-RoCCATI, Stele: Mario Tosi - Alessandro Roccati, Stele e aItre epigrafi di Deir el
Pap. Sallier I and IV vs. : cf GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., 79-99. Medina n. 50001 - n. 50262, Torino, 1972 = Catalogo del Museo Egizio di
Pap. Salt 124: = Pap. Brit. Mus. 10055; cf Jaroslav Cerny, lEA. 15, 1929, 243-258. Torino. Serie seconda. Collezioni. Volume I.
PEET, Griffith Studies: cf Griffith Studies. Trade and Market in the Early Empires: Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arensberg and
PEET, Pap. Mayer: T. E. Peet, The Mayer Papyri A & B nos. M.1I162 and 11186 Harry W. Pearson, Trade and Market in the Early Empires. Economies in
of the Free Public Museums, Liverpool. London, 1920. History and Theory, Glencoe, Ill., 1957.
PEET, Tomb Robberies: T. Eric Peet, The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Turin strike papyrus: = Pap. Turin 1880 = RAD. 45-58.
Egyptian Dynasty being a critical study, with translations and commentaries, Urk. I: Kurt Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Reichs I, Leipzig, 1933.
of the papyri in which these are recorded, 2 vols, Oxford, 1930. Urk. IV: I) Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, 2. verbesserte Auflage, 4 vols,
PETRIE, Stone and Metal Vases: W.M. Flinders Petrie, Stone and Metal Vases, London, Leipzig, 1927-1930.
1937 = British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account, 2) Wolfgang Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Heft 17-22, Berlin, -1955-1958.
vol. 59. VANDIER, Manuel: J. Vandier, Manuel d'archeologie egyptienne, 5 vols, Paris, 1952-
PETRIE, Tools and Weapons: W.M. Flinders Petrie, Tools and Weapons, London, 1969.
1917 = British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account, WALLERT, Die Palmen: Ingrid Wallert, Die Palmen im Alten Agypten. Eine Unter-
26th year. suchung ihrer praktischen, symbolischen und religiosen Bedeutung, Berlin, 1962 =
Phoenix: Phoenix. Bulletin uitgegeven door het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap, Miinchner Agyptologische Studien I.
Leiden. Wb.: Adolf Erman und Hermann Grapow, Worterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache,
PLEYTE-RosSI: Papyrus de Turin. Facsimiles par F. Rossi de Turin et publies par Leipzig, 1926-1953 (5 Biinde + Belegstellen).
W. Pleyte de Leide, 2 vols, Leide, 1869-1876. Wb. Med.: Hildegard von Deines [und] Wolfhart Westendorf, Worterbuch der medizi-
PORTER-Moss 2 , l.i and ii: Bertha Porter and Rosalind L. B. Moss, Topographical schen Texte, 2 vols, Berlin, 1961-1962 = Grundriss der Medizin der alten Agyp-
ter VII.

WENTE, Late Ram. Letters: Edward F. Wente, Late Ramesside Letters, Chicago,
Illinois, 1967 = Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization No. 33.
WOLF, Bewaffnung: Walther Wolf, Die Bewaffnung des altagyptischen Heeres, Leipzig,
WRESZINSKl, Atlas 1: Waiter Wreszinski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte,
Leipzig, 1923.
WZKM. : Wiener Zeitschrift flir die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Il n'est pas d'histoire economique possible sans connais-
z;fs. : Zeitschrift flir agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. sance assuree des prix et leurs mouvements.
ZDMG. : Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgenHindischen Gesellschaft. Lucien Lefebvre

Since the beginning of the century the study of prices has been
recognized as an essential part of economic history. In 1931 it was
given fresh impetus with the initiation, through the help of the
Rockefeller Foundation, of the 'International Scientific Committee on
Price History', under whose guidance there has been published a
series of studies concerning the history of prices in several European
countries, from the Middle Ages until recent times. 1 The aim of
these studies has been to provide the economic historian with a nucleus
of hard facts, assembled without any bias conditioned by economic
theory. As SIR WILLlAM (later LORD) BEVERIDGE, the initiator of this
committee and the co-author of one of its major studies, says of
himself in the introduction to the book, 2 "I can have no bias towards
interpreting the prices and wages to fit any preconceived view of the
surroundings, to support or to refute any theory of economic develop-
ment. For I have no theories; I have not learned from other explorers
what I ought to discover".
A similar absence of theory lies at the base of the present book,
my position being all the easier insofar as no economic history of
ancient Egypt has yet been written. It is indeed to provide material
for such a study that I have undertaken this publication.
The background to the price history of ancient Egypt is very
different from that for mediaeval or modern Europe: there were, for
example, no institutions such as Winchester College or the Royal Navy,
recording from day to day without interruption for centuries their
purchases of food and other commodities, thus enabling scholars to
draw up lists of prices which may sometimes span up to five hundred
years.3 However, the material studied here is in this respect more

1 Listed (until 1956) by H. VAN DER WEE, Cahiers d'histoire des prix, I, 9ff. (Leuven,
2 Prices and Wages in England, from the Twelfth to the Nineteenth Century, vo!. I,
Mercantile Era (London, 1939). The quotation is from p. xii.
3 The Bursar Rolls and the Books of Winchester College present a series from 1393

satisfactory than any collection of prices before the Middle Ages, with many deficiencies in our knowledge of the Egyptian language. Though
the possible exception of what is available from some Mesopotamian understanding of it has developed considerably since the days of
cities (of which almost nothing has yet been published, so far as I am CHAMPOLLION, a glance at any page of the Worterbuch der tRgyptischen
aware). The reason for this is that the 1250 prices analysed come from Sprache reveals the amount that remains to be done. Because of the
one single village and from within a period of about 150 years. nature of hieroglyphic writing, which uses so-called determinatives to
Moreover, they are not 'idealized' prices from literary or historical indicate the kind of word intended-whether, for instance, it is an
sources nor are they artificially fixed as in government ordinances: object made of wood or metal, a garment or a basket-it is usually
they are true prices paid for real objects in transactions which actually possible to assign a named commodity to a particular category, but
took place. what precisely is meant is still in many cases obscure. Nor is a mere
While isolated prices of any commodity are of little significance,4 translation of any assistance for the purpose of an economic study.
the present material forms a coherent whole, enabling us for the first In the passage quoted above BEVERIDGE speaks of "the need for
time to outline the economic life of a village in ancient Egypt. precise description" : it is not enough to translate a certain word as,
Admittedly, it is not an ordinary village but a rather exceptional one, e.g., 'tunic' or 'cloak', one has also to know what type of garment is
as will be shown in Part Ill; yet, the data assembled from it will meant, of what it was made, what was its use in daily life, and so on.
provide a means of comparison for isolated prices from other parts of In the present work the reader will therefore find that almost every entry
Egypt and other periods, through which to arrive at a better under- in Part 11 dealing with a particular commodity includes a study of its
standing of their significance. 5 Some instances of this will be cited in precise meaning, in which, as far as possible, the archaeological
the last part of this study. evidence from actual objects and representations on tomb walls is
There is a further reason why one should not expect from the taken into account. In many instances the results will appear disap-
prices of ancient Egypt results comparable to those obtained from the pointing, again emphasizing that lexicographical studies and special
price history of later times. To underline this one cannot do better vocabularies are among the most urgent needs for the progress of
than quote BEVERIDGE once again: "The most general and elusive egyptology.7 That it has in fact been possible to make certain contri-
problem of all (is) that of quality and description. Even the basic butions to lexicography is incidental, and such results must be seen
articles of commerce in their simplest form-wheat or iron or salt or as no more than a by-product of the main investigation, i.e. the study
beef or wool-are neither uniform nor immune to change. As we of the prices.
proceed from these basic articles to articles involving manufacture, The non-egyptological reader may be inclined to doubt the value of
however simple, variety and change become commoner, and the need much of the work when he appreciates the serious limitations of our
for precise description grows ... ".6 The position is yet more complicated knowledge of the Egyptian language. It may thus be worthwhile to
for ancient Egypt than for more recent times, since a quite crucial point out that to some extent the situation is better for ancient
problem is added to those referred to by BEVERIDGE, namely the Egypt than for more recent periods. A characteristic feature of modern
life is the immense variety of types and qualities of most commodities,
onwards. The notes kept by the Victualling Board of the Royal Navy run from 1683 in contrast to which the range of products available in ancient Egypt
until 1826, and those from the Naval Stores from 1566 until 1813.
4 cr. BEVERIDGE, op. cit., xxv-xxvii.
was generally quite simple. In several areas of daily life there were
S DAUMAS, in his book La civilisation de I'Egypte pharaonique (Paris, 1965), only a few types of objects of a single quality, and this is certainly
remarks that " ... le manque total de points de comparaison constitue un obstacle true in the case of the people of the village to which the present
majeur it I'intelligence des faits" and continues: "Si nous savons, par exemple, le
prix des robes et des parfums d'une reine tout au debut de la XVIII' dynastie, nous 7 cr. GARDINER, Onomastica, preface, particularly pp. xix-xx. Though written in

ignorons tout it fait - et probablement sans recours - celui des vetements et des 1947, GARDINER'S admonitions to his colleagues seem to me to be just as relevant
onguents dont se contenait I'humble paysanne, la citadine de condition modeste ou now as they were over twenty-five years ago, notwithstanding the publication of books
meme les dames de la cour" (p. 215). His scepticism is rather extreme, since the such as the Worterbuch der medizinischen Texte, the Drogenworterbuch, HARRIS' Lexico-
present study offers precisely such means of comparison. graphical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals, and CAMINOS' Late Egyptian Miscel-
b Op. cit., xxxii. lanies.

prices relate. Their dress, for example, consisted principally of a few the ostraca for each value. From Table XVIII below it emerges,
garments of standard design and quality.8 In fact, one has to imagine however, that 15 deben occurs in 10 out of 25 instances, with 20 deben
their way of life as having been more like that of a reasonably in 7, while 21/2 (in fact for the wood alone) is quite exceptional. Such
prosperous village in one of the more developed countries of Africa shortcomings are due to the limitations of an article, and can be
or Asia at the beginning of this century, than that of a modern overcome only by publishing the entire material.
village in Western Europe or the United States. We shall return again On the other hand, CERNY dealt with more than prices, adding
to this subject in Part Ill, where it will be shown that the economy to fundamental data about the wages of the necropolis workmen. Part III
which the prices relate is more like that of so-called 'primitive' peoples of the present work ~ill include a short survey of this topic, with
than that of the modern Western world. some enlargement on CERNY'S material-though without forming an
integral part of the argument.
The first attempt to draw up a list of prices from ancient Egypt Aside from any possible criticism, it is clear that CERNY's article
appeared in 1896, in an appendix to SPIEGELBERG'S Rechnungen aus was the real starting point for the study of prices in ancient Egypt,
der Zeit Setis I. (pp. 87-93). It is entitled 'Vorstudien zu einem Tarif and it will thus remain a constant source of inspiration to anyone
des neuen Reiches', and SPIEGELBERG intended it more than anything turning to the subject, as may be seen from the many quotations
else as an exhortation to others to publish all the available docu- below.
mentation on the subject. His own material was restricted to a few The third and most recent study devoted, at least in part, to prices
papyri and ostraca, the former dating from various reigns within the in ancient Egypt, is HELCK'S Materialien zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte des
New Kingdom. Since nothing more had been published at that time, Neuen Reiches, particularly part V, in which he deals with food and
it was not SPIEGELBERG'S fault that his results were far from materials. This publication contains all kinds of material for economic
satisfactory. history, of which the prices are only one aspect. That HELCK'S sources
The extent of the advances made in subsequent years may be gauged are less comprehensive than those available for the present study is no
from the article published by CERNY 9 in Cahiers d'histoire rnondiale fault of his, but, unfortunately, his work bristles with errors, making
(I, 1953-4,903-921), under the title 'Prices and Wages in Egypt in the it inadvisable to use it without carefully checking every point. As one
Ramesside Period'. In this CERNY succeeded in solving some basic example of many one may turn again to the prices of beds (part V,
problems connected with prices, such as the relation between the value pp. 909-910). In the first line, for prices of 25 deben, HELCK cites f~ur
of copper and that of silver. He was also the first to point out the instances, without noticing that the first (0. DeM. 105) and the second
three different systems of price notation, that in deben of copper, that (0. Turin 9765) are in fact the same text. The fourth example, Hier.
in sniw ('pieces') and hin, and that in khar and oipe. 10 The material Ostr. 86, 2, is qualified as rn/:!, which HELCK translates 'eingelegt',
on which the article was based is in the main the same as that used ,":hile below on the same page he renders rn/:! correctly as 'Bespannen
for the present study, but it was not possible for CERNY to publish emes Bettes'. Of the prices of 20 deben, that of Hier. Ostr. 86, 3 does
within the scope of an article all the prices he had assembled, and he not exist, the word bed being there followed by a reference to some
therefore selected what he considered to be the highest and lowest pieces of wood, the first of which is is §'d 20: "20 logs of tamarisk-
values, and further restricted himself to a selected range of commodities. wood". Under the prices of 15 deben he gives Hier. Ostr. 28, 1 and
As an example one may refer to p. 909, where he gives the prices O. Petrie 51, which again are one and the same text. Hier. Ostr. 56, 5
for a bed, stating that it costs "from 21/2 deben to 25 deben, the contains no prices at all, and Giornale pI. 42 no price of a bed;
most frequent price being 15 deben", and providing references from O. DeM. 448 and Hier. Ostr. 86, 1 vs. 11, 1, relate not to prices but
to numbers of beds (in neither instance is there a stroke for 'one' and
8 See Part n, §59. the phrase iri.n, which usually introduces prices, is absent). O~ the
9 In 1933 tERNY had published Fluctuations in Grain Prices during the Twentieth
Egyptian Dynasty (Arch. Or., 6, 1933, 173-178), in which he studied part of the next page HELCK states that Giornale pI. 42 and O. Cairo 25 342 contain
material for grain prices used below. prices for the feet of a bed, but these are not to be found.
10 See Part 11, §§ 1-5.

So many errors in a single entry must make for caution in using papyrus as that of an area where there were houses in the southern
the publication, although it contains a great many useful remarks on part of what was Western Thebes, but the word does not seem to occur
all kinds of subjects. elsewhere, either in other papyri or in the ostraca. In several texts
however, there appears the term dmi,14 which refers to a place of
As stated above, the approximately 1250 prices here discussed come habitation and is generally translated as either 'town' or 'village' .15
from the one same village. This is the settlement of the workmen of In this case it was clearly used to indicate the home of the workmen,
the Theban necropolis who cut and decorated the royal tombs of the and we shall therefore call the settlement 'the Village'.
Pharaohs in the Valley of the Kings, those of their wives and children The workmen of the Village appear to have been less illiterate than
in the neighbouring Valley of the Queens, and also the so-called tombs their contemporaries. From their houses, both within and outside the
of the nobles along the fringe of the cultivated plain. The workmen walls, from their tombs in the Valley of Deir el-Medina, from the
lived in their own community, situated behind the hill of Qurnet refuse heap south of the Village, from the great well dug just outside
Mura'i, and out of sight of the Nile valley proper. Whether their the Valley to the north (probably in a vain search for water), from
settlement is to be called a town or a village depends on how much their places of work in the Valleys of the Kings and Queens, indeed
importance one attaches to its having been completely surrounded by from everywhere they went, there has come a mass of ostraca 16 on
a wall. There were, however, no more than some seventy houses in which they sketched and wrote texts of every kind. Some bear
all, on either side of a narrow, winding alley and two side-turnings. fragmentary excerpts from literary or religious works, while on many
For such a unit the term village seems most appropriate. l l others are jotted a variety of accounts, receipts, lists, contracts, etc.-a
The village is situated in a desert valley running roughly from north whole range of documents to do with their daily life. It is from these
to south, and parallel to the course of the Nile. This valley, usually latter texts that the bulk of the present material is derived.
known as Deir el-Medina after a Coptic monastery that formerly stood The identity of the scribes who wrote the texts is in most instances
there, has been excavated in its entirety-partly, before the first World unknown, though it may be assumed that usually they were the work
War, by an Italian and a German expedition, and then completely, of one of the professional scribes of the Village. Yet the workmen, who
from 1921 to 1951, by the French archaeological institute in Cairo. spent much of their time near their place of work and during their
The results of the latter excavations have been published at length in leisure hours will have wandered in the desert, left on the rocks there
a series of volumes, and it is therefore possible to 'know' the village numerous graffiti in which they sought to immortalize their names.
and its immediate surroundings in a way that few such settlements of These graffiti are clearly not from the hand of professional scribes,
the ancient Near East can ever be known. For whatever the economic and therefore one may conclude that some of the workmen possessed
position of the workmen compared with that of other labourers in at least an elementary knowledge of hieroglyphs, as might, indeed, be
Egypt,-a question discussed below in Part Ill-the village remained expected of draughtsmen who decorated the walls of tombs with
a community of artisans. pictures and texts. Whether any of them were also able to write
Since a full description of the village is to be found in the publica- complete texts such as those on the ostraca is uncertain, though it
tions cited,12 there is little need to discuss the layout here, the more seems probable.
so in that it is of minor importance in the present context. Of greater Far fewer prices occur in the papyri, which were certainly written
interest is what the village was called by its inhabitants. PEET once
14 E.g. O. Cairo 25 670, 2; O. Cairo 25 785, vs. I; O. DeM. 297, 6; O. DeM. 339,
suggested 13 that its name was Maiunehes, a name occurring in a
vs. 1-2; Hier. Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 7ff.; O. Berlin II 260 vs. (unpubl.). For the statue of
King Amenophis (pJ nb) pJ dmi, which resided in one of the sanctuaries of the
11 Cf. SMITH, in Man, Settlement and Urban ism (ed. by P.J. VCKO, R. TRINGHAM Village, cf. CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 167.
and G. W. DIMBLEBY), 718, note I. 15 As GARDINER notes (Onom., 11, 1*) its Coptic form tHE is used to translate
12 Particularly in the volume by B. BRUYERE entitled Rapport sur les fouilles de KWIl:'1. while 'town' is expressed by TT OJ'.. I C.
Deir el Medineh (1934-1935), with the addition Troisieme partie: le village, les 16 The word 'ostracon' is used by egyptologists not only for potsherds (the literal
decharges pub/iques, la station de repos du col de la Vallee des Rois (Cairo, 1939). meaning), but also for flakes of limestone on which texts have been written.
13 PEET, Tomb Robberies, 84.

by the official scribes; in one or two cases, however, the number of of letters from earlier times; the recipient usually understood them
prices is larger than on any single ostracon. And while it is clear, if perfectly, whereas we are hardly able to guess what they are about.
only from their provenance and from the names occurring in them, Grammatically, the non-literary ostraca present very few problems.
that almost all the ostraca come from inhabitants of the Village, I 7 the The form in which the prices are expressed is simple. The only
provenance of many of the papyri is less evident. Those found in difficulty is the omission of the word for 'and', which may make it
modern excavations present no problem, but others which passed to hard to decide whether two or more commodities together are meant
museums and collections at an earlier date, mostly from clandestine to cost a given price, or whether the value should be assigned to the
excavators and antiquities dealers-and which constitute the majority- last one only. Comparison with other similar prices will usually,
can be ascribed to the Village only upon internal evidence. It may be however, suggest the correct interpretation.
that two main groups of papyri, those dealing with the tomb robberies
and those constituting the 'journal of the necropolis', came from the In order to help those readers who have not a sufficient knowledge
temple of Medinet Habu, which was the administrative centre of the of the Egyptian language to enable them to consult the sources at
necropolis from the mid Twentieth Dynasty onwards. Another text first hand, it may be useful to give an impression of the way in
containing numerous prices, Pap. Turin 1907/8, was clearly also which prices occur in the texts, by translating here a few typical
written in the neighbourhood, as shown by the names and geographical examples, and adding some notes to facilitate their understanding.
indications, and the same will apply to other papyri in the Turin The first is Hier. Ostr. 16,3 (= O. Petrie 3), a rather simple instance,
museum. Of certain texts, however, the origin is likely to remain which runs as follows:
obscure. recto 1. Year 4, the third month of summer, day 1. This day, buying
The texts on ostraca, which constitute most of our material, present the ox
their own difficulties. The writing, a cursive form of hieratic, is seldom 2. of workman Penamun by policeman
really clear, and the spelling of words is sometimes rather unorthodox, 3. Amenmose. Given in exchange for it: fat (?) 19
as will be shown below. IS Moreover, in several instances the ostraca 4. 1 'S')-jar, makes 20 30 deben; 2 mss-garments,
have been broken with the passage of time, while in others the ink 5. makes 10 (deben); copper, 5 deben;
has faded, particularly over the last decades since they have been kept verso 1. mrbt-oil, 10 hin, makes 5 deben.
in wetter climates in the museums of Europe and America. In many 2. Total, money 21 which he gave for it: 50 deben of copper.
cases they will be seen to have become illegible precisely where one
would expect to find a price which might have been of the utmost Except for the last word of rt. 3 this is a clearly legible and
value. straightforward text. It appears to be a receipt for the sale of an ox,
A further problem is our lack of knowledge of the circumstances and exhibits the general characteristics of most price texts, namely
in which the texts were written, for even when the prices themselves that a commodity is exchanged for other commodities, though their
are clear , the context often remains obscure. Ostraca were written for values are reckoned in deben of copper. For the meaning of the
use in everyday life, and were not generally intended for official different words one may refer to Part 11; the economic implications
purposes, for which papyrus was properly employed. Anyone reading of the use of 'money' as standard of value are discussed in Part Ill.
them knew the background, and there was thus no reason to dwell on Another example is from the verso of O. DeM. 73. The recto, dated
it at length. The situation is similar to that which occurs in the case in a year 20, undoubtedly of the reign of Ramesses Ill, refers to a
suit concerning the sale of a donkey which was apparently inferior,

17Ostraca from elsewhere in Egypt are extremely rare at this period. 19 See p. 340.
18In the Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux 19, 1965-66, 443fT. I have discussed some ,. 20 iri.n, lit. 'makes', is the usual way of indicating prices and has the sense of
of these writings, and pointed at the inconsequent use of the so-called syllabic IS equal to'. In order to avoid ambiguity I will translate it literally.
orthography. 21 i)f/: cf. p. 103, n. 12.

but this text seems to bear no relation to that of the verso.22 The sign for the quantity of emmer is badly legible: possibly it was 2 oip~
latter reads: (= 1/2 khar). The price in line 7 looks to be complete, though a loss
of one or two strokes is not impossible.
1. Given to him in exchange for the coffin: Such are the problems found in several, if not in most of the ostraca
2. 8 1/ 2 deben of copper; further, 5 deben of copper; on which this study is based. 25
3. I pig, makes 5 deben; 1 goat,23 makes 3 deben; goat, makes
[2 deben];
4. 2 (logs of) syc.omore wood, makes 2 deben. Total, 25 1/ 2 deben. 2S That not all ostraca containing prices are receipts for sales may be seen from
Part III, chapter 11.

The price at the end of line 3 is lost, but can be restored from the
total. The remainder is easily legible and presents no problems. This
text also constitutes a receipt, this time for the delivery of a coffin,
and the 'money' again consists of commodities, for each of which the
value is noted in deben of copper.
In order to illustrate how disappointing the present state of some
ostraca can be, I add as a third example the broken and unpublished
O. Gardiner 238.

1. To make known ...

2. the seat (f$:nlw). 1 mss-garment of .,.
3. 1 leather sack, makes 3 deben ...
4. I kbs-basket full of emmer, makes 1 (+ x) deben ...
5. emmer, 2(?) oip~, makes 1 deben .. .
6. 1 (pair of) sandals, makes 2 deben .. .
7. 1 dnit-basket, makes 2 deben ...
8. mrht-oil, 2 hin, makes ...
9. ??

Since there are no surviving names-though the first line may originally
have contained one-the ostracon is not datable. Nor do we know for
certain the kind of object for which the commodities were given in
exchange: it may have been the seat (f$:ni) of line 2, since that is not
followed by a price, but this is no more than a likely guess. The price
in line 4 is partly broken, only a single stroke ('one') being left: it
may have been 2, 3 or 4, and though parallels may suggest 224 one
cannot be sure. The meaning of line 5 is equally uncertain, since the

22 This is not understood by HELCK (Materialien Ill, 499), who translates both
texts as if they related to one and the same matter.
23 on!;: 'goat' or 'sheep'; cf. p. 165.

24 See p. 116.


The initial problem in attempting a study of prices is to date the

documents in which the notations occur and to arrange them in a more
or less chronological series. Since the greater part of the ostraca
concerned, and about half the papyri have no actual dates, the only
means of arranging them 1 is through the occurrence of names in the
texts. By nature these names belong almost without exception to
workmen of the Village, and it was therefore essential to establish with
the help of other dated material a list of the workmen, in order to use
the occurrence of names as a basis for grouping undated documents.
As well as papyri and ostraca there are other sources of information
about the workmen, notably the innumerable stelae set up in the
houses and in the sanctuaries of the Village, and the texts on the
walls of the neighbouring tombs. 2 These tell us much about the
composition of families, but they are of little assistance in placing the
texts, since neither stelae nor wall texts are ever dated. Moreover, the
greater part of them belong to the Nineteenth Dynasty, whereas the
relevant ostraca can be shown to belong mostly to the Twentieth.
As for the graffiti on the rocks in the neighbourhood of the Village, 3

1 Since I have seen only a portion of the ostraca in the original and only a
portion are published in facsimile, I did not think it advisable to attempt to date them
from the writing, as CERN\' has done in his publications of the Cairo ostraca and
those of Deir el-Medina - the more so in that no palaeographical studies of
ostraca or business papyri of the New Kingdom are yet available. It was only
CERNY'S lifelong experience that made this - for him - a reliable basis for dating.
In almost every case, however, my own conclusions, drawn from the names, concur
with those of CERNY, based on the writing.
2 The main sources for these documents are: G. MASPERO, Rapport sur une mission

en !talie (Rec. Trav., 2-4, 1880-1883); B. BRUYERE, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir
el Medineh (17 vols., 1924-1953); B. BRUYERE, Mert Seger d Deir el Medineh (lItemoires
IFAO., t. 28, 1929-1930); Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae etc. in the British
Museum, (9 vols., 1911-1970); J. CERNY, Egyptian Stelae in the Bankes Collection
(1958); MARIO Tosl - ALESSANDRO ROCCATI, Stele e altre epigrafi di Deir el Medina
n. 50001 - n. 50262 (1972).
3 W. SPIEGELBERG, Aegyptische und andere Graffiti aus -der thebanischen Nekropolis

(2 vols., 1921); 1. CERN\" Graffiti hieroglyphiques et hieratiques de la micropole thebaine

(Documents de fouilles de I'IFAO., t. 9, 1956); 1. CERN\' et A.A. SADEK, Graffiti
de la montagne thebaine (4 vols., 1969-1971).

the majority of them are also undated, and, further, the publication VII. those of mid Twentieth Dynasty, from Ramesses IV to Rames-
of SPIEGELBERG is not always reliable. They too are thus more useful ses IX;
for genealogical studies than for dating. VIII. those of the late Twentieth Dynasty.
In working out this approach I encountered two principal difficulties.
The first was the frequent use of the same name within the closed The starting point of this division, and at the same time the nucleus
community of the Village. We know, for example, of at least five of our knowledge concerning the relevant names, is the collection of
different people called ~enna, each of whom is in some instances ostraca 7 containing the so-called 'journal of the necropolis'. Some of
mentioned with the name of his father, though where this is not the these give the days of absence from work of certain labourers, while
case it is hardly possible to choose between them. In particular there others mention the more-or-less daily distribution of rations among
is a tendency for the same name to be used at a given period for them. Most of the texts are precisely dated, and together they furnish
persons who were apparently unrelated-at least as far as that was ever a fairly comprehensive list of names for most of the above groups.
possible in the Village. There are thus two .men called Kasa at the For the period of Ramesses 11 and Merenptal). there is only one
close of the Nineteenth Dynasty, while three named Amennakhte extant document of this kind: Hier. Ostr. 83-4 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5634),
acquired a place in the duty roster (see below) in the same month of from year 40 of Ramesses 11, containing no less than 38 names of
year 1 of Ramesses IV.4 Sometimes the mention of the father's name workmen with their days of absence, and sometimes the reasons
or a profession (e.g., draughtsman, doorkeeper, policeman) may help therefor. Although this document is as yet unique for the early period
to distinguish between namesakes, but this is by no means usual. it is in fact sufficient to separate the names of the first group from
The second difficulty involved the length of time during which a those of the second.
particular workman may appear in the texts. As one example of many Although some names occur in almost every division, there is a great
I would here mention the workman Usil).e, who is found for the first difference between those of Hier. Ostr. 83-4 and those of the documents
time in O. Berlin 1268 of year 18 of Ramesses III (see below) and for of group 11, consisting of O. Cairo 25 779-785, O. DeM. 209, and
the last time in the will of Naunakhte 5 of year 3 of Ramesses V-a O. Varille 26 (unpubl.), dated from year 1 to year 4 of a reign which
span of nearly 25 years in all. Another instance is that of the chief is never specified. There is also a clear distinction between these names
policeman Mentmose, who occurs from the last year of Sethos 11 and those of the later years of Sethos 11 and the first of Siptal). (0.
(Hier. Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 6 = O. Nash 1) down to year 6 of Ramesses IV Cairo 25 509 etc., see below). No fewer than nine names that appear
(Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, VII, 10),6 i.e. over a period of almost frequently in group 11 are completely absent from the one following,
fifty years. among them that of the famous scribe ~enl).ikhopshef; moreover,
For the present purpose it seemed both reasonable and sufficient to Neferl).otpe remains chief workman, and Pneb, his replacement according
divide the entire range of names into eight groups, as follows: to Pap. Salt 124, 1, 1-4, and chief workman in group Ill, is still an
I. those of the reigns of Ramesses 11 and Merenptal).; ordinary workman. It follows then that this group of texts belongs to a
11. those of the reign of Amermesse; period earlier than year 5 of Sethos 11,8 the only possible conclusion
Ill. those of the later years of St.hOs 11 and the first years of Siptal).; being that they belong to the much discussed reign of Amenmesse 9 -
IV. those of the period of transition from the Nineteenth to the which in consequence has to be placed before that of Sethos II, as sug-
Twentieth Dynasty;
V. those of the first half of the reign of Ramesses Ill; 7 For the last group (VIII) there are mostly papyri.
VI. those of the second half of the reign of Ramesses III and the first 8 Unless, that is, one were to suggest a purge of the crew during the reign of
years of Ramesses IV; Sethos H, for which, so far as I know, there is not the slightest evidence. That the
crew of year 5 was the same as in the years following is shown by O. Cairo 25 556.
9 Cf~ von BECKERATH, ZDMG. 106, 1956, 241f.; HELCK, Ana/ecla biblica 12, 1959,
4 Cf. CERNY, ZA·S. 72, 1936, 116.
12lf.; CERNY, Le fonli indirette, 39; FAULKNER. CAH. 2 , ch. 23, 22f. See now also
5 Cf. CERNY. lEA. 31, 1945, 29ff.
VANDIER, RdE. 23, 1971, 165 ff., particularly 187 f.
6 Published by MASSART, MDAIK. 15, 1957, 172ff. and pis. 24-38.

gested by HELCK from other arguments. That Hier. Os!r. 64, 1 (= they appear to constitute a fairly homogeneous group, although it is
O. Metr. Mus. 14.6.217), announcing the accession of Sethos 11, con- curious that in Hier. Os!r. 51, 1 a few names usually listed on the
tains at least two names belonging to group 11 (chief workman 'left side' 15 are found on the other side, or even on both,16 while as
Neferl)otpe and workman Pl)amniite), and possibly also a third (Baki). between the entire. group and O. Cairo 25 521 (of year 1-2 of
is consistent with this reconstruction. The only problem is that no Siptal)}-the only one of the former group on which the 'sides' are
ostraca with names are known from year 1 to year 4 of Sethos 11, separated-there are only two cases of men having changed sides. 17
so that no changes in the crew can be traced, though such a gap in the We may therefore conclude that there is a slight discontinuity between
documentation is not unique. That the four known years of Amen- group III (the first years of Siptal) and group IV, and that the latter
messe could so conveniently be inserted into this apparent gap is not ostraca either belong to the reign of Twosre or carry over into the
sufficient reason for postulating this, and although HELCK'S arguments reigns of Sethnakhte and Ramesses Ill-the probability being that they
to the contrary seem to me rather inconclusive 10 I agree with his cover the whole period of transition from the Nineteenth to the
judgment that Amenmesse reigned before Sethos n. Twentieth Dynasty.
To the third group belong a number of ostraca dated in year 6 of As mentioned already, the early years of Ramesses III (group V)
Sethos n and in the first and second years of Siptal), namely O. Cairo seldom occur on dated ostraca, but it would seem possible nevertheless
25509,25511-512,25 515-521, and O. DeM. 611Y In the last text to reconstruct at least part of the crew of that period. In Hier. Os!r.
there occurs the earliest instance of the name Ptal)shedu, which is found 24, 2 (= O. Gardiner 16) and Hier. Os!r. 45, 2 (= O. Petrie 23)
also in O. Gardiner 111 (unpubl.) of a year 4, probably of Siptal). deliveries made to the crew are each day the responsibility of a different
From a comparison ofO. Cairo 25 515-521 with another closely united workman, as later in group VI (see below), and not, as previously,
group consisting of Hier. Os!r. 51, I (= O. Gardiner 57), O. Cairo of two of them (cf. note 15), the names of these men, however,
25 522-523,12 25 593 and 25 796-797, it appears that after the first years being partly the same as earlier in O. Cairo 25 796 and 797, though
of Siptal) some new members were added to the crew, e.g. Pubekh, with some new additions. It also is notable that the new roster 18
Ruta and Kha'emope,13 but since no ostracon of this latter group IV consists of nineteen men, so that every 20th day the first name recurs,
is dated, it is impossible to say when each of the newcomers appeared. again as in later years. The differences between group IV and the two
In view of the almost total lack of datable documents from the first ostraca of group V point to a rearrangement in the organisation of
years of the Twentieth Dynasty 14 it may even be that some of the the crew, though some of the older men remained in the service of the
ostraca noted are to be ascribed to these later years. As for the names, necropolis. Certain of these names still occur in the Turin ostraca of
years 23-4 (see below), so that it is difficult to determine at what point
10 Although Hier. Oslr. 64, I mentions the announcement to the workmen of the the reorganisation took place. Most probably it was in the earlier years
accession of Sethos 11, it is not certain that it was dated in year I of his own reign, of Ramesses Ill, and Hier. Ostr. 24, 2 and 45, 2 may then represent
since it could also have been assigned to that of Amenmesse. This weakens his
argument (Anal. bibl. 12, 1959, 122) as to the difference in reign between O. Cairo 25 the situation shortly afterwards, perhaps just before or about year 10,
779 (year I of Amenmesse) and the present text. since the difference between the duty roster there and the later one
11 To this group may also be ascribed O. Cairo 25 556, which dates from a year 5,

clearly of Sethos 11, although it contains a report about a lawsuit and does not
belong to the 'journal of the necropolis'.
12 Here belong also O. Cairo 25 526 and, possibly, O. Cairo 25 525, of a year 1.

13 Kha'emope is still found in the duty roster (see below) in year 24 of Ramesses III 15 Group IV is the only one in which the two 'sides' or divisions of the crew are
(0. DeM. 173, 4), but is replaced by Nakhtmin in the following year (0. DeM. 32, I). distinguished throughout. At this time, according to O. Cairo 25 796 and 797, two
Ruta occurs for the last time in the same year 24 (0. Turin 5651 and 5677, the men, one from either 'side', acted each day as wrsw; cf. HELCK ZDMG. 105 1955
first published by SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione, I, the second unpublished). Pubekh occurs 32f. ' "
only in group Ill. 16 cr.HELCK, Malerialien IV, 607.
14 cr. tERN'\', lEA. IS, 1929,255. The only exceptions I know of are: O. University 17 cr.HELCK, Anal. bibl. 12, 1959, 124; rt.: right side, vs.: left side.
College, of year 2 of Sethnakhte (see below), and Hier. Oslr. 26, 4 (= O. Leipzig I) 18 For the Egyptian name of the 'duty-roster', Ip-n-sl:m, see the Turin strike
of year 2 of Ramesses Ill. papyrus, vs. 3,2 (= RAD. 46, 7); cf. WILSON, lNES. 10, 1951, 142, n. 40.

of year 24 and after 19 is almost total. In O. DeM. 406 of year 15 20 5649, 5651, 5652, 5666, 5677),24 which contain the 'journal of the
only two of the thirteen names of the earlier duty roster appear, as necropolis' for these years.
against eleven of the later roster (four of them quite unknown before For the middle years of Ramesses IV there are some dated ostraca
year 14 of Ramesses Ill), and this may also indicate an early date for (Hier. Ostr. 48, 2 = O. Gardiner 56, of year 3; Hier. Ostr. 77 = O.
group V. Or. Inst. Chicago 12 073, of year 3-4), but in nearly all the texts
The following group VI is the best documented of all. For this from the succeeding reigns the name of the Pharaoh is not given. No
period there is a long and almost continuous series of ostraca noting ostraca with the 'journal of the necropolis' or the duty roster are
deliveries of fish, wood, etc. made to the crew, the responsibility each known to exist. The only important indications are to be found in the
day of a different workman, as in group V above. Since several of so-called will of Naunakhte of years 3 and 4 of Ramesses V,25 and in
these lists are dated, the fixed order of the men can be reconstructed, O. Brit. Mus. 50730 (unpubl.) of year 1 of Ramesses VI and O. Berlin
and it is thereby possible to draw up a table of the roster, in which 12 654 (unpubl.) of the following year,26 both of which contain many
the undated texts can also be placed when only the month-and not names, though not the same ones. A few names also occur in
the year-is given. 21. O. Strasbourg H 84 (see below) of year 7 of Ramesses VII. Owing to
The series covers the period from year 24 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. the shortness of the reigns of these later Ramessids it is very difficult
164) to year 2 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 401), more than ten years in to determine in which particular reign a given text is to be dated,
all. It is clear that the order of the workmen is far from constant, the e~en i~ cases where the year is mentioned.27 In the succeeding
greatest change-an enlargement of the older group of nineteen men dISCUSSIOn the reader will therefore frequently find the vague notation
with eleven new names-having taken place in the second month of 'mid XXth Dynasty'.
year 1 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 41).22 That there were more workmen For the end of the Twentieth Dynasty (group VIII) the material is
than those appearing in the roster 23 is proved by other ostraca dated again abundant, particularly from papyri, the most important being
to this same period, and the replacement of one name by another does those constituting the 'journal of the necropolis'28 and the tomb
not mean that the first man had died. The series of ostraca nevertheless robbery documents,29 the former dating from the reign of Ramesses
provides a firm basis of knowledge for the period concerned; it can IX, while the latter are mostly from that of Ramesses XI. To these
even be somewhat extended back into years 24 and 23 with the help may be added data from O. Cairo 25 574, 25 575 (of a year 7), 25 576
of the group of ostraca from Turin mentioned above (0. Turin and 2.5 577 (of a year 13 or 14), all of which probably belong to
the reign of Ramesses XI. It will be seen, however, that only a very few
19Cf. O. DeM. 164 of year 24, the first of group VI (HELCK, ZDMG. 105, 1955,34). of the price ostraca were written during this period.
20This ostracon does not belong, however, to the series of roster texts.
21 For what follows cf. HELCK, ZDMG. 105, 1955, 28-38. This article is an
With the aid of this material I have tried to establish approximate
enormous improvement on CHRISTOPHE'S study in BIFAO. 52, 1953, 113-144. The dates for all the price ostraca which contain proper names. The reader
tables drawn up by HELCK contain only minor mistakes, e.g. in the case of
O. DeM. 167 (p. 35), which is placed five lines too high (in the 9th month instead
of the 2nd, as the text explicitly states). The correctness of HELCK'S deductions . 24 Cf. SCHIAPARELLl, Relazione, I (p. 169 = O. Turin 5649 vs., not to be dated

(p. 30) concerning the ostraca previous to year 28 - as against CHRISTOPHE - is III year 21 but III year 23; p. 175 = O. Turin 5651 rt.; p. 174 = O. Turin 5652); the other
two are unpUblished.
proved completely by O. Colin Campbell 2 (unpubJ.), actually dated in year 25,
which was unknown to HELCK and fits into his tables. :: Four documents, published by CERNY, JEA. 31, 1945, 29ff.
22 First noticed by CERNY, ZA·S. 72, 1936, 1I5ff.
Cf. n. 23 above.
23 The usual number of the crew was about sixty. Ramesses IV increased it to 27 HELCK'S dating (e.g., Materialien IV, 618) is not reliable, since he does not

120 in order to shorten the time for the cutting of his tomb (Pap. Turin 1891 = all~~ for the frequent use of the same name for different persons.
PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 49; cf. CERNY, CAH2., ch. 35, 4); he probably enlisted sixty men G. BOTT! and T.E. PEET, Il giornale della necropoli di Tebe (1928). A survey
of the so-called smdt-n-bnr (water-carriers, fishermen, gar!ieners, etc.; cf. RAD. 46, 7). of ~~e workmen is found on pis. 8-11.
The crew was again reduced to 60 in year 2 of Ramesses VI (0. Berlin 12 654, 19 T. E. PEET, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty (2 vols.,
unpubJ., where the now superfluous workmen are said to "carry (supplies)"; cf M 30 ) and The Mayer Papyri A and B, Nos. 11162 and 11186 of the Free Public
CERNY, op. cit., 10); see also O. Cairo 25 234, 5-6 (BIFAO. 27, 1927, 184), where . useu~s, Liverpool (1920). The absence of an index of names in the former publication
IS a senous handicap.
sixty workmen of the Village (?) and sixty from outside (n bnr) are mentioned.

should bear in mind that these dates are not claimed to be exact;
they represent what is more or less the average in each case. If in a
given text there occur two people both of whom are known 30 from CHAPTER TWO
the middle of the reign of Ramesses III until that of Ramesses V, it
is equally possible that it belongs to the earliest or to the latest years OSTRACA
of the period, or even that it was written some time before or after.
Statistically, however, the only solution is to ascribe it to the middle
N.B. In the following notes cross-references to documents included in the catalogue
years. The conclusions drawn below are therefore valid only in respect are marked with an asterisk.
of the prices studied, and cannot with safety be applied to such other
facts as the ostraca may record. Moreover, it may be assumed that o. Aberdeen 1317: see Hier. Ostr. 61, 2
deviations will compensate one another, at least in the case of a fuller
series of prices relating to one particular commodity. O. Ashmolean Museum 1945.36 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses Ill/mid
In the following pages the date of each separate ostracon and
Names: J:!ry-m'q3y Mntw-msw XXth Dyn.
papyrus is discussed. The ostraca and papyri are arranged in alphabe-
iry- '3 lj'-m-w3st
tical order according to the collections in which they are now
For this police officer cf. Hier. Ostr. 24, 1*, and for the doorkeeper
preserved,3! except for those published in CERNy-GARDINER, Hieratic
Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*. Both names occur in Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274
Ostraca, which are ordered as they occur in the book, and are
and are used by MASSART to date that text.!
throughout quoted by reference to it. Apart from the four groups of
O. Cairo,32 O. DeM.,33 Hier. Ostr.34 and O. Michae1. 35 most of the O. Ashmolean Museum 1945.39: see Hier. Ostr. 72, 1
ostraca are as yet unpublished,36 though whenever a publication is O. Berlin 1121 (= Hier. Pap. Ill, pI. 35) 2
known to me this is indicated. Dated: year 28 Ramesses III
Names: B3k-n-wrnwr
in-mw Pn-t3-wrt
The three names here mentioned, Bekenwernero (cf. Hier. Ostr. 60, 5*),
30 Thus, rather than 'both of whom lived', since by the nature of the texts it is
the water-carrier Pentwere (cf. O. Gardiner 288*) and Penne (cf. Hier.
very improbable that people are mentioned in the ostraca before they were adult.
31 In a few instances the text is commonly known by another name, having Ostr. 18, 3*) make it certain that the reign of Ramesses III is meant.
formerly been in a private collection, as, for example, O. Colin Campbell, now in
the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow. In these cases the ostraca are mentioned under both
O. Berlin 1268 [unpubl.)
headings, with appropiate cross-references. Dated: year 14 Ramesses III
.3~ J; CERNY, Ostraca hieratiques (nos. 25 501-832) = Catalogue general des anti- Names: rml-ist Wsr-J:!3t
qUltes egyptlennes du Musee du Caire, 2 vols., 1935. See also the older publication by
G. DARE~SY, Ostraca (nos. 25 001-385) = Catalogue general etc., 1901.
In-mw Wsr-J:!3t-nbtw
33 J. CERNY, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el Medineh ss-*d Ifri
(nos. 1-456), 5 vols., 1935-51 = Documents de Jouil/es publMs par /es membres de ss P3-sr
I'IFAO, tomes 3-7; conti~1Ued by S. SAUNERON (nos. 550-623), I vol., 1959 (=
tome 13), and again by J. CERNY (nos. 624-705), I vol., 1970.
For the scribe Psiiir cf. O. DeM. 105*, and for the workman Usihe
34 J. CERNY and A. H. GARDINER, Hieratic Ostraca, vol. I (all that is published) Hier. Ostr. 19,3*. Undated ostraca apart, the water-carrier Usihenakhte
1957. ' is found only in year 29 of Ramesses III (Turin strike papyrus, vs.
35 H. GOEOICKE and E.F. WENTE, Ostraka Michaelides, 1962.

36 The most important exception is the publication of some (but by no means

3,8 = RAD. 46, 12; O. Gardiner 154, 2 (unpubl.]). The draughtsman
all or even the majority) of the Berlin ostraca in Hieratische Papyrus aus den koniglichen
Museen zu Berlin, Bd. rn, 2 = Heft 10, 1911. The dating of the ostraca in this 1 MAssART, MDAIK. 15, 1957, 173.
publication proves to be wholly incorrect. 2 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 500; MALl NINE, BIFAO. 46, 1947, 119ff.
H6ri the father of Amenwa', Harmin and Nebnufe (cf. Hier. Ostr.
86, 4~) occurs again in year 13-14 (0. Cairo 25 555, 3). Amenmose, son of Amenemope is mentioned. This places the present
ostracon in the middle of the XXth Dynasty.
O. Berlin 10626 [unpubl.]
No date XIXth Dyn. O. Berlin 10665 (= Hier. Pap. 1II, pI. 38)
Names: ... , son of 'Imn-m-lpt Dated: year I mid XXth Dyn.
bmww Sj- Wjgyt Names: rml-ist J::n, son of Pj-R'-btpw
Ij'-m-vdst bmww J::d-3btwj
rml-lst B
~en, the son of Pra'l:lOtpe--caIJed ~enna is O. DeM. 415, 2-is not
For Siwadjy cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 3* and O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E*.
datable with any certainty, since the name itself is common; cf. Hier.
The name occurs in the late XIXth to XXth Dynasties as well as
Ostr. 65,2* and O. DeM. 556*.
under Ramesses II (cf. Hier. Ostr. 83, 4 of year 40; O. DeM. 338, 13,
~edakhtef occurs several times between year 23 of Ramesses III
undated-but, from the writing, of the same period). For Sba cf.
(0. Turin 5649, 6)5 and year 7 of Ramesses IX (Pap. Turin 1881, V,
O. DeM. 31*. The name Kha'emwese is frequent under the XXth
1*).6 For his family relations cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35,
Dynasty (cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*), but also' exists at an earlier date;
Ill, 208, n. 3.
cf. O. DeM. 338, 5, mentioned immediately above. 3 Altogether it
The workman To, usuaIJy caJIed To-shIre (as distinct from vizier To,
seems best to ascribe this ostracon to the XIXth Dynasty.
after whom he was caJIed; cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*), is the son of the
O. Berlin 10 629 (= Hier. Pap. Ill, pI. 37) 4 scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy. He occurs in the duty roster
No date ? from the first year of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 41, vs. 10) onwards.
Name: ss Pn-tj-wrt
O. Berlin 11 259 [unpubI.]
A scribe Pentwere occurs in the time of SethOs II (cf. Hier. Ostr.
No date XXth Dyn. ?
46, 1, vs. 6), but there is also one under Ramesses III (e.g. Hier. Ostr. No names
26, 4, 5 of year 2; Hier. Ostr. 47, 3, 6 of year 31). Moreover, one of
There seems to be no clue to the dating of this text except for the
the sons of the scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy, is called 'scribe'
prices themselves. An r-jar of fat is also mentioned in O. DeM. 410*,
(sometimes even 'scribe of the necropolis') Pentwere. The dating of
where it costs 31 deben, and two jars occur in O. Turin 9753*, where
this ostracon to either the XIXth or the XXth Dynasty is thus
they are each 30 deben, as here. Both ostraca belong to the XXth
Dynasty, and the present text may therefore have to be dated to the
O. Berlin 10643 [unpubl.] same period.
Dated: year 1 mid XXth Dyn.
O. Berlin 11 260 [unpubI.]
Names: 'Imn-msw
No date
his father 'Imn-m-lpt mid XXth Dyn.
Names: Ifr-Mnw
Although these names are both very common I know of only one
text by which the date of these persons may be fixed, viz. O. Cairo
25 598, 7 of a year 4, probably of the reign of Ramesses V, where For l:Iarmin cf. O. DeM. 434* and Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*. The name
~al:ta belongs to two persons, one at the end of the XIXth Dynasty
. and one in the middle of the XXth Dynasty; for the latter cf., e.g.,
3 A Kha'emwese occurs, e.g., in connection with a certain Penamiin, the owner O. DeM. 398, 3, of a year 3, and Hier. Ostr. 27, 3, 1, of a year 5.
of Theban tomb no. 213 (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, 186, fig. 124; Cairo
stela no. 43 564 = BRUYERE, ASAE. 25, 1925, 80-81 and pI. I, 2), and another (or
perhaps the same with Nakhtamiin (Theban tomb no. 335), cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 5 cr. SCHIAPARELLl, Relazione I, 169.
1924-25, 132 and fig. 89. 6 Other texts date, e.g., from a year 7, of Ramesses VI or VII (0. Gardiner 181,
4 Translation: CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 177. 2·; O. Turin 9745, 4 [unpubl.]). Further dates are fixed in years 2 and 3 of
Ramesses V (graff. 1252 and the will of Naunakhte, Doc. IV, I).

O. Berlin 12 343 (= Hier. Pap. Ill, pI. 34) No names.

No date mid XXth Dyn. Since no legible names are left, either the reign of Ramesses 11 or
Names: rml-ist Bjki-n-wrnwr that of Ramesses III is possible, but from the use of the 'piece' the
'n (t) former is more probable. It may be that the few remaining traces in
fr.d pj- 'j-m-int lines 1 (~1I.4q~~) represent the name Siwadjy, which is known from
B5kt-n-Sti (t) the time of Ramesses 11 (cf. Hier. Ostr. 83, 4*).
ss [-fr.d] 7 Ifri-sri
Nb-nfr, "his son" O. Berlin 12 652 [unpubI.]
For Bekenwernero and the two women cf. Hier. Ostr. 60, 5*. Dated: year 6 mid XXth Dyn.
Nebnufe is called "his son", probably meaning the son of Bekenwernero. Names: rmI-ist 'Imn-w'
~mww pj-mdw-nbtw
The two are also mentioned on the base of a stela (cf. BRUYERE,
Rapport DeM. 1935-40, 11, 94, no. 149), where NebnUfe is called For Amenwa' cf. Hier. Ostr. 86,4*. Pmedunakhte, the son of J:Iay,ll
Ijy-mgjt. The ss-fr.d J:Iar-shire is the later scribe of the necropolis, the occurs for the first time in the duty roster of year 1 of Ramesses IV
son of the scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*). (0. DeM. 47, 14) and is mentioned several times thereafter.
The builder 8 P'oemone is not known to me from other texts: however,
O. Berlin 14 214 [unpubI.]
in Hier. Ostr. 47, 3, 1-2, of year 31 of Ramesses Ill, a water-carrier
No date Ramesses III / mid
P'oemtone (= P'oemone?) is mentioned.
Names: In-mw P3-R['-~tpw?] XXth Dyn.
O. Berlin 12405 [unpubl.] ss /:lwt-nIr Py13y
No date late XXth Dyn. lry- '3 n p3 br Ij'-m-w3st
Names: mlnlw '1ry-nfr in-mw Wsr-~3t-nbtw
~mww P3-sny-ngm in-mw 'Iwf-r-ib
'~3wtw (?) The last three persons are mentioned in the Turin strike papyrus, of
m 'g3y 'Imn-~tpw year 29 of Ramesses III (vs. 2, 8; vs. 3, 8; vs. 1, 5). For the door-
The name of the third person is very uncertain. A herdsman ErenUfe keeper Kha'emwese cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*, for Usil).enakhte O. Berlin
occurs in the house-list of Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068 (vs. 4, 4),9 dated 1268*, and for Eferikh O. Cairo 25 597*. The "scribe of the temple"
in a year 12, probably of Ramesses XI. Psennudjem, the son of Ra'- Pyay is unknown to me, and the restoration of the first name is very
mery, is found in the Giornale dell'anno 17 A, 1, 11 (= BOTTI-PEET, uncertain.
pI. 8), of year 17 of Ramesses IX. The policeman Amenl;lOtpe is
possibly the same person as occurs with the designation 3tw 10 in O. Berlin 14260 [unpubI.]
Pap. Turin 2021,4, 19 (= lEA. 13, 1927, pI. XV), from the end of the No date mid XXth Dyn.
XXth Dynasty. Names: rmI-ist M33-nbtwf
O. Berlin 12647 [unpubl.] ~mww '3-p3-13w
Dated: year 19 (or 29 or 39) Ramesses 11 For Maanakhtef cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*, and for 'Opatjew Hier. Ostr.
63, 1*. Although the first name occurs also in the XIXth Dynasty,
7 The publication reads ~ 4 M
(sic); prob. ~. Moreover, the name is l;Iar-snire, the second excludes this possibility.
not l:larmose, as given in the transcription.
8 For *d, cf. p. 40, n. 48.
O. Berlin 14271 [unpubI.]
9 PEET, Tomb Robberies, pI. XV. A very small fragment without date or names. ?
10 In the heading the group of itw.w is called ni I:zry.w-m'giy n pi br. For the

transcription of L.u~ cf. POSENER, RdE. 15, 1963, 127f., and BERLEV, RdE. 23,
1971,31 ff. 11 cr. Bankes stela no. 11.

O. Berlin 14 365 [unpubl.] n-dl:zrl

No date mid XXth Dyn. Wbht 1S

Name: Wsr-I:zjt The na~es Ser (?) and TdaIJri are unknown from elsewhere; the
For Usil).e cf. Hier. Ostr. 19, 3*. The same transaction referred to reading of both is doubtful. Penpy6m, if that is what is to be read, is
here, viz. the sale of a bed, is also found in O. Berlin [C]* and in known as a doorkeeper from year 24 of Ramesses III (0. Gardiner
O. Berlin 14 262 [unpubl.]. The latter is broken, so that no prices 140, 2 [unpubl.)) until the middle of the XXth Dynasty (Hier. Ostr.
survive: as in O. Berlin [C]*, Usil)e and Maanakhtef are mentioned. 77,12*, of year 4 of Ramesses IV); cf. also O. DeM. 410*. It may be,
o. Berlin 14366 [unpubl.] however, that the name should be read Pyom, which occurs at the end
No date 7 of the XIXth Dynasty (e.g. Pap. Salt 124, 2, 12; O. Cairo 25 519,
No names vs. 2, of year 1 of SiptaIJ), and again under Ramesses III (0. DeM.
424,2, of year 19; O. DeM. 222, IV, 7, of year 22; O. Turin 5651, 3,
O. Berlin (q [unpubl.] 12
of year 24). This latter might be a shortening for Amenpy6m (cf.
No date mid XXth Dyn. O. DeM. 413, 2 and 3). Webekht is a common name, as of the wives
Names: rml-ist Wsr-/:lit of the chief workmen NeferIJotpe and Nekhemmiit the elder (cf.
rml-ist Mii-nbtwf O. Gardiner 272*). It points to the XIXth or early XXth Dynasty (cf.
ef. O. Berlin 14 365*, and for Maanakhtef also O. Berlin 14260*. Hier. Ostr. 86, 1*), and the present ostracon may therefore be tentatively
O. Berlin IDI [unpubl.] 12 ascribed to this period.
No date XXth Dyn.7 o. Brit. Mus. 50 736 [unpubl.]
Name: Niwt-nbtl (7) Dated: year 4 mid XXth Dyn.7
Although CERNY'S transcription shows the determinative of a man, Names: R'-mry
it may be that the famous Naunakhte, the wife of ~enIJikhopshef and "my father" Nfr-[I:ztpw?]
Kha'emniin, is meant 13 (cf. lEA. 31, 1945, 29ff.). No other person For the names Ra'mery and Neferl:lOtpe cf. Hier. Ostr. 58, 3*. It is
with this name is known from the Village-assuming that the Naunakhte far from certain, however, that this Ra'mery (without the designation
of O. DeM. 134, I, 5 (late XIXth Dynasty, according to CERNY) is /:zmww!) is the same as the carpenter of Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*; 58, 3*;
the same woman. 86, 3*. The year 4 could belong either to the late XIXth Dynasty or
O. Brit. Mus. 5633: see Hier. Ostr. 86, 1 to the mid XXth: but cf. O. DeM. 398, 2, of a year 3 (of Ramesses
O. Brit. Mus. 5636 : see Hier. Ostr. 86, 4 IV 7), where a Ra'mery, son of NeferIJotpe, is mentioned. The writing
seems also to indicate the latter alternative,16 though there remains
O. Brit. Mus. 5643: see Hier. Ostr. 85, 2 room for doubt.
O. Brit. Mus. 5644: see Hier. Os!r. 86, 3 O. Brit. Mus. 50737 [unpubl.]
O. Brit. Mus. 5649: see Hier. Os!r. 86, 2 No date mid XXth Dyn.
Names: .~m'y n '!mn /j'-nwb (t)
O. Brit. Mus. 29555 [unpubl.]
[rml-]ist .{(n-/:zr-Upsf
No date XIXth Dyn.?
The chantress Kha' < t > nub and ~enIJikhopshef are both children of
Names: 'nb-n-nlwt Sr (7)
. Naunakhte and her second husband Kha'emniin; cf. lEA. 31, 1945,48.
B-pi-ym (sic! for Pn-pi-ym or Pi-ym) 14
For ~enl)ikhopshef cf. also O. DeM. 399*.
12 No number known. A few ostraca from Berlin have been numbered provisionally
by CERN), as A, B, C, etc.
13 She occurs also in Hier. Ostr. 7, 3, 5. 1S The determinative is missing, but from the t it is certainly a woman.
14 t3 written over p3, with p3 again following. 16 I was able to study this ostracon in 1962.

o. Brit. Mus. 65 935: see Hier. Ostr. 56,2 and ostraca (e.g., Pap. Turin 1881, IV, 3*, of year 7 of Ramesses IX;
O. Brit. Mus. 65 941 : see Hier. Ostr. 57,1 O. Gardiner 181, vs. 2*, also of a year 7; O. Ermitage 2973, 2, of a
year 1421), in a graffito in the tomb of Ramesses VI, dated in year 9
O. Brit. Mus. 65 956: see Hier. Ostr. 47,1
of Ramesses IX (CHAMPOLLION, Notices descriptives, 11, 635 =
o Brooklyn Mus. 37.1880 E [unpubl.] SPIEGELBERG, Graffiti, 92), and in some undated ostraca of the period
No date late XIXth Dyn. (e.g., O. Cairo 25 534, I, 5 and 25 642, I, 3; O. Gardiner 171 *).
Names: rml-1st '!mn-[m-]lpt In Hier. Ostr. 43, 4, 12 a certain Amenbotpe is called ss n pj br. This
~mww R'-mry might suggest the family of Amennakhte, son of Ipuy, several members
Pj-~ry-pdt of which are sometimes said to be 'scribe of the necropolis'. It therefore
~mww Sj- WMyt seems possible that in most, or even all the instances mentioned above
Cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 3*, which contains a partial version of the same the same man is referred to.22
text. O. Cairo 25 543
O. Brussels E 311 17 Dated (on verso): year 5 late XIXth Dyn.?
No date XIXth Dyn.? Names: ss Ifrl
No names /jjrw, (son of ?) BJsjy
The use of the 'piece' points to a date in the XIXth Dynasty. '!mn-tJy-nbtw
[ss] pr-M Hr-nfr
O. Brussels E 6339 [unpubl.]
? It is curious that some of the persons here mentioned are unknown
No date
from other ostraca, although the text is dated by CERNY to the end
No names
of the XIXth Dynasty. The name of the scribe 1:16ri alone is
O. Cairo 25 242 common-too common to specify the man and his period. For the
Dated: year 29 Ramesses III names Kh6re and Bes cf. O. Gardiner 134*. The use of deben and
Names: rml-lst /j'-m-wjst kitl! of silver is also unusual.
rmt-lst Knnj, son of Rwtl
The ostr;con is studied by CERNY, B!FAO. 27,1927, 179f. O. Cairo 25 572
No date late XIXth Dyn.
O. Cairo 25 362 18 Names: rml-lst /j'-m-sbj
No date mid/late XXth Dyn. rml-1st Ifwy
Name: ss '!mn-~tpw 'nb-n-niwt M'bm
This scribe mayor may not be identical with the draughtsman 'j-n-lst Ifjy
Amenbotpe, son of the scribe of the necropolis Amennakhte, the son Nbw-m-Mwt
of Ipuy.19 He is sometimes called ss in the graffiti (e.g., nos. 298 and Ifri-nfr
1081 ),20 but this proves nothing, since in graffiti the designation ss is 111n ... 23
used very loosely. A scribe Amenbotpe occurs, however, in the papyri Pn-'!mn
Nb-nfr, son of Njby
17 Published: SPELEERS, Recueil (no. 192). I have used an improved transcription Tnwr-Mntw
by tERN'\' and my own collation.
18 From a transcription by tERN'\'.
21 Published by tERN'\' in Arch. Or. 3, 1931, 395f.
19 Called hrv ss-kd in graff. 1288, 1289 and 1355. 22 For several reasons which cannot here be discussed, I do not agree with the
20 Cf. als; the 'dipinto' in Theban tomb no. 1338 (BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, reconstruction of the family tree by CHRISTOPHE, BIFAO. 56, 1957, 173 ff.
76). In 0 DeM. 46, 18 ss is probably a mistake for ss-lsd, since the Amenl:lOtpe In 23 The name is tentatively read by tERN'\' as Mnit/:m'; could it be Minl:lOtpe?

this position in the duty roster is elsewhere called ss-Isd (0. DeM. 44, vs. 16). (cf. O. DeM. 322, I).

I:Iay was chief workman under Amenmesse (0. Cairo 25 779, 6 etc., Names : Nb-smn , son of Pi-birw
of year 1, and later years), under Seth6s II and Siptai:1,24 and until '/mn-hr
year 17 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 584, 1, 1). All the other men Afntw-m sw
occur during the last years of the XIXth Dynasty, but except for Piy-sdt
Tenrom ont and NebnUfe not with any certainty under Ramesses 11125 '/mn-m sw (= m'g3y '/mn-m sw, 1. 13)
(Penamun only in O. DeM. 406, 10, of year 15; cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, Sbk-ms w
3*). The lady Ma'kha ia appears not to be known from other ostraca Ifri, son of Mntw-m sw
but the name occurs on tomb walls and stelae.2 6 PtIJ-Sdw
O. Cairo 25 583
No date Pn-t3-wrt
late XIXth Dyn. ?
Pn-pi-y m
Name: rmJ-ist Nl;t-Mn i
Several persons of this name are known : at least two at the end of
the XIXth Dynasty (occurring together in Hier. Ostr. 51, 1, n, 4 and Of these twelve persons Amenmose alone is called 'policeman', and
vs. 11, 10 and in O. DeM. 243, 1 and 2),27 one under Ramesses
11 only once,29 but several of the others are known to have had the
(Hier. Ostr. 83, 10, of year 40) and Merenptai) (0. DeM. 621, vs. 3, same occupa tion: Amenkhew (cf. O. DeM. 369*), Peysad = Psad (cf.
Hier. Ostr. 18, 3*),3() Mentm ose-fre quentl y mentioned as
of year 2), and one under Ramesses III and later (from year 22: 25
11, policeman (cf. Hier. Oslr. 24, 1*)---, his son l:l6ri (cf. O. Cairo
O. Turin 5681, vs. 2 [unpubl.J until a year 7: Pap. Turin 2070, vs. policem an in O. DeM. 37, 17, of
though has 597*), and Nebsmen (called chief
1).28 The date of the ostracon is thus uncertain, CERNY
162*). Of the others one can
ascribed it to the end of the XIXth Dynasty. year 31 of Ramesses Ill; cf. O. Gardin er
~ay no more than that they occur in the mid XXth Dynasty,
but not
O. Cairo 25 585 10 the later Giornale, of the time of Ramesses
No date XXth Dyn.?
O. Cairo 25 590
No names surviving
No date mid XXth Dyn.
From the writing (CERNY ) it should belong to the XXth Dynasty. Name: P3-i[d]IJti
O. Cairo 25 587 This man occurs also in a year 5 (0. Brit. Mus. 50 744, 6 [unpubl.],
No date XIXth Dyn.? under the vizier Neferronpe), and in year 6 of Ramesses IV (Pap.
Name: rmu-ist 'I]puy Geneva MAR IS 274, vs. Ill, 2).
A common name under the XIXth Dynasty, but rare under Ramesses O. Cairo 25 596
Ill, and seldom found thereafter (e.g., O. DeM. 214*). The writing No date XIXth Dyn.?
is of the XIXth Dynasty (CERNY ). No names
O. Cairo 25588 The writing and the use of the 'piece' point to the XIXth Dynasty.
Dated: year 2 mid XXth Dyn.
O. Cairo 25 597
24 cr.
Hier. Ostr. 47, I*' Dated: year 2 of ... (name of the Pharao h lost) mid XXth Dyn.
25For Nekhemm iit, the later chief workinan Nekhem miit (the elder),
cf. p. 70, n. 127. Names : Ptb-nbt w
26 E.g. Brit. Mus. stela 1388 = Guide
(Sculpture), 188 (no. 676) and Turin stela ~d Hrw-nf r
and 1926, 17, fig. 8;
Sup. 6168. Cr. also BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, 125
are called Ma'khay ib 'Iwf-r-i b
PORTER-MosS2, I. ii, 716. The wife and the daughter of Pshedu
Brit. Mus. stela 262 = JAMES, Hierogl. Texts, part 9, pI. 35, I; also
(cf., e.g.,
TOSI-RoC CATI, Stele, 115).
(JEA. 15, 1929, pI. XLIV). 29 For him, cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 3*.
27 cr. also Pap. Salt 124, 2, 11 and 12
O. Cairo 25 597*.
28 cr. SPIEGELB ERG, Studien und Materiali en, 33f. 30 Probably the same as the Peysad, son of Amenmo se, of
Ny-sw-'Imn, son of 'Imn-I)'w
O. Cairo 25 655
pjy-s[dt], son of 'Imn-msw No date
TJ-kjm n Ramesses III
Name: Ijjy
Ijri, son of Alntw-m sw
It is uncertain which I:lay is meant. Both the son of l;Iuy (cf. Hier.
For Peysad and 1:l6ri cf. O. Cairo 25 588*. The builder Hernufe
OSlr. 65, 4*) and the son of Sba belong to the reigns of Ramesses III
occurs also in O. DeM. 73, 2*, of year 20 of Ramesses Ill. Eferikh
and his successor, while the son of Siwadjy is found under Setnakhte
the water-carrier is mentioned in the Turin strike papyrus (vs. 1, 5
= (cf. O. Univ. Coll.*). Since no title is mentioned it is less likely to
RAD. 45, 5), and in ostraca of later reigns. Nesamun occurs
in the be
the chief workm an l;Iay, the son of ~a1!a (cf. O. Cairo 25 572*). The
duty roster from year 28 onwards (cf. O. DeM. 579*). Tkamen
is writing points to the XXth Dynasty (CERNY), and it is thus probab
also found in O. Brussels E 305, 4-5, of the mid XXth Dynasty,31 le
that the l;Iay referred to is one of the two first mentioned.
and in other Cairo ostraca from this period.
O. Cairo 25 601 O. Cairo 25682
No date Ramesses III ?
No date XXth Dyn.?
No names Name: Ijjy
CERNY dates the writing to the XXth Dynasty. Cf. the preceding ostracon. The text contains only one price in what
remains of the verso.
O. Cairo 25 602
No date Ramesses Ill? O. Cairo 25 684
No names No date Ramesses III ?
From the writing CERNY dates to the first half of the XXth Dynasty. No names
CERNY dates the writing to the first half of the XXth Dynast
O. Cairo 25 606 y.
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn. O. Cairo 25 692
Names : rml-ist Ifri No date XIXth Dyn.?
bmww Pn-tJ-wrt No names
Mn-b'w CERNY dates the writing to the XIXth Dynasty.
For the carpenter Pentwere cf. O. DeM. 195*, and for Minkhew O.
O. Cairo 25 701
DeM. 241*. The name l;I6ri is too common for any conclusions to
be No date Ramesses III ?
drawn from it. All three names occur, however, in the duty roster.
No names
O. Cairo 25 618 CERNY dates the writing to the XXth Dynasty. The
use of the
No date XIXth Dyn.? 'piece' suggests the reign of Ramesses Ill.
No names O. Cairo 25 725 32
CERNY dates the writing to the XIXth Dynasty. No date late XIXth Dyn.
O. Cairo 25 654 Names : ~n-[hr-]bp§f
Dated: year I mid XXth Dyn. Nb-'Im n
Name: In-mw ljjry <?ne Nebam un is found under Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 779,
For this water-carrier cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*. CERNY dates this vs. 8 and fT., of year 1; O. Cairo 25 784, 3, of year 4), another
ostracon to the end of the XIXth Dynasty or the beginning of the the middle of the XXth Dynasty (e.g. O. Metr. Mus. 09.184.702, I,
XXth, but the name suggests a later period. of a year 1 [unpubl.]). To the latter period dates also ~en1!ikhopshef
31 SPELEERS , Recueil, 50, no. 186.
32 Translat ion: HELCK, Materialien V, 938.

the son of Naunakhte (cf. O. Dem. 399*), but there is another O. terny 5 [unpubl.]
~enl:tikhopshef at the end of the XIXth Dynasty, and who was not Date: year lost XIXth Dyn.
perhaps the first husband of Naunakhte, since the latter is always called Name: ijr-m-w[li]
ss. From the writing (CERNY) and the use of the 'piece' it seems best The name J:laremwia occurs frequently during the XIXth Dynasty,
to ascribe the ostracon to the end of the XIXth Dynasty. At the very from the time of Ramesses II (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 83, 5, of year 40)
end ~enl:tikhopshef calls Nebamiin "my ... (brother?)", but I am unable through that of Siptai) (e.g., O. Cairo 25 521, vs. 3, of year 1-2), to
to prove any relationship between them from elsewhere. the end of the Dynasty and the beginning of the next (e.g., Hier.
O. Cairo 25 771 vs. Ostr. 51, 1, I, 17 and vs. I, 10). The last example proves that more
No date XXth Dyn.? than one person was so called at this time. 33 It is impossible to
Vs. no names distinguish between them, but since the name is seldom used under
The recto contains the first words of Pap. Lansing 8, 8, preceded Ramesses III or later 34 the earlier dating of the ostracon is almost
by the words "beginning of the instruction of letter-writing, made by certain. The use of the 'piece' strengthens this view.
the pro[phet] Pyay". Pyay is a well known name in the XIXth Dynasty, O. terny 20 [unpubl.]35
but the title provides no clue for an identification. CERNY ascribes No date mid XXth Dyn.
the ostracon to the XXth Dynasty. Names: 1ny-nbtw 36
O. Cairo 25 800 Rs-ptr J
No date Nb-nbtw
mid XXth Dyn.
Names: P1- 'gd M11-nbtwJ
ss lfri-srl '1-p1-11w
'1-n-Ist Nbw-m-Mwt The whole group of names belongs to the mid XXth Dynasty,
'3-n-ist 'In-~r-b'w 'Opatjew being the only one who does not appear in the duty roster.
A date after Ramesses III is therefore more probable.
The ostracon is dated to the mid XXth Dynasty by the names of
the chief workmen Nekhemmiit and Anl:terkhew. For P'adjd and J:lar- . O. Cochrane: see O. Gardiner 264
shire cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2* : the designation of J:lar-shire as ss suggests O. Colin CampbelI 5: see Hier. Ostr. 63, I (= O. Hunterian Mus.,
that the text is to be dated after the reign of Ramesses IV. Glasgow, D 1925.70)

O. Cairo (154], (181] and (182] ? O. Colin CampbelI 16 (= O. Hunterian Mus., Glasgow, D 1925.82)
Three unpublished fragments, numbered provisionally by CERNY and [unpubl.]
originating from the excavations of MOND at Sheikh 'Abd el Qurnah. No date Ramesses III
They contain neither date nor names. Names: TJ- '1
O. terny 1 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses III I mid ij'-m-w1st
Names: rml-ist Nfr-~tpw XXth Dyn.
~ry-m'g1y Mntw-msw 33 cr.also Hier. Ostr. 26, 3. vs. 5: l:Iaremwia-pshire.
For the chief policeman Mentmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 24, 1*, and for 34 I know only of the son of Inetef from Hier. Ostr. 49, 3, 4, of year 20 of
Ramesses Ill.
Neferl:totpe Hier. Ostr. 58, 3*. 35 This ostracon was no longer in Prof. CernY's hands, and his provisional tran-
scription could not therefore be collated.
O. terny 2 [unpubl.]
. 36 In rt. I called Any, but in vs. 1 Anynakhte: the latter name is probably
No date ? IOtended, since Any does not occur in dated ostraca of the XXth Dynasty. For a
No names similar mistake cf. O. DeM. 164, I, 4.

The name Tja'o is known as that of a doorkeeper from year 14 of in Hier. Ostr. 53, 2, vs. 5, of year 20 of Ramesses Ill, and in
Ramesses III (Hier. Ostr. 57,2, I, 2) until year 29 (Turin strike papyrus, O. MichaeI. 5, 2, of year 26, is apparently another person. The
vs. 2, 7 = RAD. 46, 2), but at the end of the reign also as that of a draughtsman Maanakhtef also occurs under Ramesses 11 in several
water-carrier (e.g., O. DeM. 151, vs. 18, of year 27; Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, undated ostraca; 39 he is probably the one referred to in Hier. Ostr.
2*, of year 28). Usima're'nakhte occurs in the same period, from year 83, 18, of year 40. Maanakhtef is the name of the son of the
26 of Ramesses III (0. Turin 6772, 3 and 10 [unpubI.]) until a year 5, draughtman Pshedu (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1923-24, 85) 40 and
probably of Ramesses IV (0. Gardiner fragm. 2, 6; O. Berlin 9897, the father of Pshedu the younger (cf. Hannover stela 2937 = Z;t"S. 72,
3 and 5 [both unpubI.]). He is evidently referred to once as a water- 1936, pI. VII, 4). From the writing CERNY dates this ostracon to the
carrier (Turin strike papyrus, vs. 1, 3 = RAD. 45, 3) and once as a end of the XIXth Dynasty or the first years of the XXth, but the
doorkeeper (0. DeM. 145, vs. 8). Several people called Amenkhew names suggest a slightly earlier date.
occur in the time of Ramesses III and IV, e.g. a fisherman, the son
O. DeM. 50
of Amenemone (e.g., O. DeM. 47, vs. 11, of year 1 of Ramesses IV), late XIXth Dyn.
No date
a wood-cutter (0. DeM. 55,2, of year 31 of Ramesses Ill; O. DeM.
Names: 3ny
390, vs. 3), and a water-carrier (0. DeM. 244, 4, of year 28; Turin
~mww Ifwy
strike papyrus, vs. 1,2 = RAD. 45,2; cf. also O. Gardiner 162*).37 l:Iuy is a very common name, particularly frequent in the ostraca
For Kha'emwese cf. Hier. Ostr. 54,2*. from the last reigns of the XIXth Dynasty; the sons of Anberkhew and
O. DeM. 31 l:Iuyniife 41 are both called l:Iuy (cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 783, 3 and 9).
Dated: year 19 Ramesses 11 Under the same Dynasty there are several persons named Any 42 ,
Name: Sb3 e.g., the son of ~aba (0. Cairo 25 573, I, 6)43 and the son of Nakhy
The name of the Pharaoh is partly lost, though a 19th year can (0. Cairo 25 796, 11, 20), the first being probably the older. In view
only be of Ramesses 11 or Ill. The name Sba 38 occurs under both of this I am inclined to date the ostracon somewhat earlier than
kings, but the writing as well as the use of the 'piece' and the form CERNY, i.e., to the late XIXth Dynasty, rather than to the end of the
of the plural article n3 n (line 2) all point to the XIXth Dynasty. XIXth Dynasty or the beginning of the XXth.
O. DeM. 49 O. DeM. 51
No date Ramesses 11 No date late XIXth / early
Names: ss-If:d M33-nbtwf No names surviving XXth Dyn.?
ss-If:d R'-~tpw From the writing CERNY dates to the late XIXth or early XXth
For Ra'botpe (or Pra'botpe) cf. Hier. Ostr. 62, 1*. The name occurs Dynasty.
under Ramesses 11, and also, but without designation, under Merenptab
(0. IFAO. 1425, 2, of years 7-8; O. Gardiner 197, 2, of year 9 [both 39 In O. DeM. 328, 1-2, the 'scribe' Baki calls the draughtsman Maaninakhtef
unpubI.]), and under Sethos 11 and Siptab. The workman mentioned his 'father', but since this is a letter - in which the designation ss is usually applied
to anyone who is able to write, and in which 'father' means no more than a venerable
37 Whether one may conclude that occupations such as doorkeeper, water-carrier, man - its author might be the workman Baki (cf. O. DeM. 333, of year 37 of
and probably also wood-cutter are no more than temporary and do not indicate Ramesses H; O. Cairo 25 237, of year 66), and Maanakhtef probably not his actual
permanent professions is not quite certain, though in several instances one might father.
think so. 40 The genealogy given seems to me to be not without mistakes. particularly at the
38 The reading of this name is not quite certain. It is always written without a end. The tomb of Pshedu the elder, no. 323, dates from Sethos H (cf. PORTER-Moss2,
phonetic complement, and the stroke after the star (sbJ) indicates that it is the object I. i, 394 f.).
itself which is meant. On the other hand, the sister of Sba (who is also called Nebsba; 41 Cf. O. Gardiner 286*
cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 118 f.) bears the name Duammeres (cf. Neuchatel 42 Cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 1*.
stela 12; Brit. Mus. stela 357 - both mentioned by BRUYERE), and the names in a 43 Well known from stelae; cf. e.g., BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, pI. 34; Rapport
family usually incorporate the same elements. DeM. 1935-40, H, 95; Brit. Mus. stela no. 191 (lAMES, Hierogl. Texts, part 9, pI. 39).

O. DeM. 56 44 There was a scribe Psiiir under Merenptal). and his successors
Dated: year 25 Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 504, vs. n, I, of years 7-8; Hier. Ostr. 64, 1, 2, of year I
Names: lry- 's Ij'-m-wsst of Sethos n; Hier. Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 6, of year 6 of Sethos Il or
rmJ-lst Nfr-btpw Siptal).),49 and another under Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25553,3, of year 12;
The mention of the doorkeeper Kha'emwese (cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*), Hier. Ostr. 34, 4, vs. I, of year 17) and later (0. Berlin 12 654, 4, of
together with the writing, makes the reign certain. year 2 of Ramesses VI); 50 but these are nowhere called 'scribe of the
O. DeM. 62 45 vizier'. In O. Cairo 25 562, 5, of a year 2, of Ramesses IV or one of
Dated: year 28 Ramesses III his successors, there is, however, a scribe of the vizier \t1.~I~ :
Names: rmJ-lst Mnns could this be a mistake for Psiiir? CERNY dates the ostracon to the
In-mw Ts-'s XXth Dynasty, and I would tentatively ascribe it to the middle of
The reign is certain from the name of the water-carrier Tja'o (cf. that period.
O. Colin Camp bell 16*). O. DeM. 113
O. DeM. 69 46 Dated: year I Ramesses IV ?
No date mid XXth Dyn. Name: BSkl-n-Mwt
Names: ljsrwy Of the two workmen of this name one occurs under Ramesses 11
s'd-bt Ps-wbdt (written Ps-wdbt) (Hier. Ostr. 84, 16, of year 40) and one under Ramesses IV (Hier.
For KhOre cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*. No wood-cutter called Pwakhd is Ostr. 48, 2, vs. 1, of year 3). Other persons called Bekenmiit are the
known to me from other instances, but in O. Cairo 25 635, 11, 1, of wood-cutter of O. Cairo 25 603, 3, of a year 6, probably in the late
year 31 of Ramesses Ill, the name occurs in connection with deliveries XIXth Dynasty, and the water-carrier of O. Gardiner 182, 2, of a
of wood, while in O. DeM. 133, vs. 2, of the mid XXth Dynasty, a year 1, of the mid XXth Dynasty [un pub 1.] and O. IFAO. 1403, 2,
water-carrier of this name is mentioned; cf. also O. Turin 9586*. of a year 2, of the same period [unpubl.], together with other instances.
Since CERNY dates the ostracon to the XXth Dynasty the present
O. DeM. 73 47
Bekenmiit will be the second of the workmen, mentioned under
Dated: year 20 Ramesses III
Ramesses IV. 51
Names: *d Hrw-nfr
3ny-nbtw O. DeM. 146
ss-n-tm3 '!mn-nbtw No date late XXth Dyn.
The builder 48 Herniife occurs also in O. Cairo 25 597*, and Name: ldnw '!mn-nbtw
Anynakthe in O. DeM. 593*, both from the mid XXth Dynasty. These The deputy Amennakhte, the son of l:Iay, occurs in Giornale dell'
names, together with the writing, rule out the reign of Ramesses 11, anno 17 B, 1, 2. In view of the fact that the offices in the Village
the only alternative for a 20th year. were more or less hereditary, it is very probable that the father l:Iay
was the deputy (cf. O. Gardiner 135*) whose son Amennakhte, called
O. DeM. 105 (= O. IFAO. 292 + O. Turin 9765) Pwonesh, is known from the graffiti (cf., e.g., graff. 297 and 352a).52
No date mid(?) XXth Dyn.
The name Pwonesh occurs also in O. Cairo 25 642, vs. 3, which
Name: ss n 13ty P3-srw according to CERNY is of the second half of the XXth Dynasty, and
in Hier. Ostr. 27, 1, 3, to be dated to the same period.
44 cr. ALLAM, lEA. 53, 1967, 48 and MALININE, BIFAO. 46, 1947, 102ff.
45 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 494. 49Cf. Hier. Ostr. 47, 1*.
46 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 495. 50Cf. tERN'\', CAH.2, vol. 11, ch. 35, 10.
47 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 499. 51 The same date in HELCK, Materialien Ill, 485.
48 The word /fd may mean either 'builder' (i/fd Inbw) or 'potter' (l/fd ngs); cf. 52 Cf. also Turin stela no. 1606 (= TOSI-RoCCATI, Stele, no. 50062), which may,
GAROINER, Onom., I, 72*f. however, refer to an older generation.
O. DeM.I83 25096) or bm-nlr (cf. O. Gardiner 181 *; also O. Cairo 25 364, 5 S3 and
No date Ramesses III ? BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1929,46: graff. ofa year 4). The designation
Names: rml-ist '!mn-m-ipt 'carpenter' occurs only here and in Hier. Ostr. 65, 1, 3, of the time of
ss-*d ... Ramesses Ill.
The name Amenemope is very common in all periods (cf., e.g.,
O. DeM. 214
Hier. Ostr. 53, 1*; 61,2*; 86, 3*). CERNY dates the ostracon to the
No date late XIXth Dyn.
first half of the XXth Dynasty.
Names: '!pwy
O. DeM. 185 Tnwr-Mntw
No date XXth Dyn.? Ipuy is a common name, occurring particularly under Amenmesse,
No names Seth6s 11 and Siptal)., and rarely also under Ramesses Ill-but not
On account of the writing CERNY dates the ostracon to the XXth later than year 23 (0. Gardiner 152, 7 [unpub1.]). For Tenromont cf.
Dynasty. Hier. Ostr. 85,2*.
O. DeM. 194 O. DeM. 215
No date XXth Dyn.? Dated: year 1 Seth6s 11 or Siptal).
No names Names: rml-Ist Nb- . .... .
According to CERNY this ostracon dates from the XXth Dynasty. ss-*d Bw-rb-[inw.]f
The name Burekhonef occurs in some ostraca of the XIXth Dynasty,
O. DeM.195 but not in dated ones, except for O. DeM. 260, 2*, of a year 6, and
No date mid XXth Dyn. nowhere else with the designation 'draughtsman'. 54
Names: bmww Pn-ti-wrt
O. DeM. 223
'nb-n-niwt ....... nbli
No date mid XXth Dyn.
Names: bmww '3-p3-1~w
The name Pentwere is common, particularly in the XXth Dynasty
rml-ist '!mn-p3-b'py
(cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*), but with the designation 'carpenter' only in
For 'Opatjew, who belongs to the mid XXth Dynasty, cf. Hier.
O. Cairo 25 606*. Beknamiin is the name of one of the new members
Ostr. 63, 1*. Amenpel).a 'py occurs in O. Turin 6540, vs. 2, of year 23
of the duty roster in the first year of Ramesses IV. He is possibly
of Ramesses III [unpubl.], in Hier. Ostr. 70, 1, 2, of a year 7, and in
the man mentioned in O. DeM. 222, V, 7, of year 22 of Ramesses Ill,
the will of Naunakhte (Document I, 1, 16).55 He was the son 56 of the
and probably the one referred to in O. Brit. Mus. 50 744, 5 [unpub1.],
chief workman Anl).erkhew the younger of tomb no. 359 (cf. BRUYERE,
of a year 5 of an unknown Pharaoh, who from the mention of the
Rapport DeM. 1930, 41, 46, etc.) and possibly the owner of tomb
vizier Neferronpe will have been either Ramesses IV or one of his
no. 355 (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1927, 115ff.).57
successors. The lady may be the famous Naunakhte of the will (cf. O. DeM. 231
lEA. 31,1945, 29ff.). No date Ramesses III/IV
O. DeM. 213
No date Ramesses III or IV 53 CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 193.
54 Cr. also Turin stela 14S1 bis (= TOSI-RocCATI, Stele, no. S0033), where he is
Name: bmww Nfr-I}r
called the brother of Men, the father of Pra'i:wtpe. I am unable to identify these
Neferl).o is a workman who occurs continuously from year 15 of persons.
Ramesses III (0. DeM. 406, 16) until well into the middle of the 55 cr. CERNY, lEA. 31, 1945, 43, n.S.

56 Or son-in-law?; cf. graff. 1376, where Ameni)a'py (sic) is called pJ- (i.e., 'the
XXth Dynasty (0. Gardiner 181, vs. 3*). Usually he is called rml-ist, son of) Neferi)otpe.
but also w'b (0. Cairo 25 555, vs. 6, of years 13-14, and O. Cairo 57 For the date er. also HELCK, Materialien IV, 618.

Name: rmJ-lst Nbw-m-Mwt people from the time of Ramesses 11. Pay is also found, e.g., in Hier.
Since the writing is of the XXth Dynasty (CERNY), this Nekhemmut Ostr. 54, 4, 1, which is dated by CERNY and GARDINER to the early
is not the first chief workman of that name,58 but either his grandson XIXth Dynasty, and Dl).utl).ima'ktef in Hier. Ostr. 64, 3, vs. 2, which
or the other workman Nekhemmut (cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*). In the from the name of the scribe Ra'mose 61 also belongs to the first
former case the ostracon would have to be dated before year 4 of half of the reign of Ramesses 11.
Ramesses IV, when he succeeded his father as chief workman. O. DeM. 241
O. DeM. 232 No date Ramesses Ill/IV
No date early Ramesses III ? Names: R'-mry
Name: ss-~d 'Imn-nl;tw &mww Mnw-I;'w
The name is common during the XXth Dynasty, though instances For Ra'mery cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2* and 58, 3*. Minkhew is known
with the designation 'draughtsman' are rather rare. These are in from year 31 of Ramesses III (0. Prague H 14, 4 [unpubI.]), and in
O. DeM. 553*, in graff. 1125 (with the addition 'son of Ipuy') and in the duty roster during the following years, down to year 2 of Ramesses
graff. 223 and 1022 (with the addition 'son of the idnw l:Iay'); for this IV-though nowhere else as a carpenter. The name is, however, too
last cf. O. DeM. 146*. The Amennakhte who was son of Ipuy rare for the identification to be doubted.
became 'scribe of the necropolis' in year 16 of Ramesses III (cf. graff. O. DeM. 255
1111 and 1143). Since several members of his family were first Dated: year 3 mid XXth Dyn.
'draughtsman' and afterwards 'scribe' (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16,2*), it seems Names: w'b Afry-msw
probable that this was also the case with Amennakhte. If so, all texts rmJ-ist Wlww
in which he is called 'draughtsman' will belong to the period preceding A Merymose occurs in the mid XXth Dynasty, viz. in Hier. Ostr.
year 16. This may be proved by O. MichaeI. 1, 5-6 (pI. 51), of year 10 28, 2, 3*, of year 2 of Ramesses V, and in O. Brit. Mus. 50 730. 2,
of Ramesses Ill, where the first signs of line 6 are to be restored as of year 1 of Ramesses VI [unpubI.], as well as in O. DeM. 398, vs. 3,
[~~ ::].59 If then the present Amennakhte was indeed the son of Ipuy, of a year 3. The name Wauu is rare in the Village. I know it only
the ostracon is to be dated early in the reign of Ramesses Ill, which from O. DeM. 430, 4,62 of the XXth Dynasty, from O. IFAO. 1354
would agree with CERNY'S observation about the writing. It may be, [unpubI.], containing a list of names of the mid XXth Dynasty, and
however, that the son of l:Iay is meant, in which case a later date is from O. Or. Inst. Chicago 16 973, 2, of a year 9 [unpubI.], in which
possible-though the use of the 'piece' in O. DeM. 553* would not there occurs also a certain Pen'anuIs:e. 63 Since this last is known as a
support this. workman from year 26 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. 148, 11; O. Turin
6631, 2 [unpubI.]), and in the duty roster until year 2 of Ramesses IV,
O. DeM. 233
and probably down to a year 4 (Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 1-2*, where
Dated: year x 60 of Ramesses 11 early Ramesses 11
he is called ss; cf. also graff. 1280), the year 9 of the Chicago ostracon
Names: w'w !)&wty-&r-m'ktwf
may be that of Ramesses IX.
ss-~d Ply
O. DeM. 260
Dl:mtl).ima'ktef is the owner of tomb 357. For the draughtsman Pay
Dated: year 6 Seth6s 11 or Sip tal).
cf., e.g., BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 124. Both are mentioned
Name: [Bw-rl;-]inwf
in O. IFAO. 1086, perhaps of year 8 [unpubI.], together with other
For the draughtsman Burekhonef cf. O. DeM. 215*.

58 cr.p. 70, n. 127. 61 cr. graff. 1140, of year 5; O. Cairo 25 671, of year 5; O. Michael. 47, 4 (pI. 50),

59 Perhaps so intended by GOEDlCKE and WENTE, who only restored the last two of year 38; O. Cairo 25 809, 4, of year 38. For a biography of Ra'mose cf.
BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1935-40, IJI, 13ff.
60 x has to be less than 5, since one stroke seems to be left in front of a lacuna fll.
62 Written e \\ I qq~ ,
in line 1. 63 Possibly also in O. DeM. 612, 6, where the transcription has f\.e~ T :::,'~'k.

O. DeM. 275 O. DeM. 369

No date early XXth Dyn.? Dated: year 4 mid XXth Dyn.
No names Names: ss 'Imn-msw
From the writing CERNY dates to the first half of the XXth Dynasty. m'gJy'Imn-I)'w
O. DeM. 297
ss n [pJ I)r] Ifrl
mid XXth Dyn. It-nIr 'Imn-btpw
No date
The scribe Amenmose occurs in O. Berlin 10 663 vs., of year 28 of
Names: 'Il-nlwtf
Ramesses Ill, and in O. IFAO. 1218, vs. 4, also of a year 4 [unpubl.].
The policeman Amenkhew is mentioned quite frequently from year 13
of Ramesses III (0. Turin 6629, 2 [unpubl.]) until a year 4 (0. IFAO.
765, I [unpubl.] and O. DeM. 133, 2f.). For the scribe of the
necropolis J:Iori cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*. The 'god's father' Amenl;lOtpe
Inetef occurs from years 13-14 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 555,
vs. 5) until a year 5, probably of Ramesses IV (Hier. Ostr. 27, 3, vs. 2). seems not be mentioned anywhere else.
Bes is mentioned in O. Gardiner 134*. There is no reason to identify O. DeM. 399
him with the scribe Pbes of the Turin strike papyrus (3, 21 = RAD. No date Ramesses III / IV
58, 16), but he may be the same as Pbes in Hier. Ostr. 48, 2, vs. 6, of Names: rmI-1st ~n-br-I)psf
year 3 of Ramesses IV. In O. IFAO. 1258, of the mid XXth Dynasty ldnw 'Imn-I)'w
[unpubl.], a son of Bes is mentioned; cf. also O. Cairo 25 543*. For The deputy Amenkhew occurs from year 17 of Ramesses III (0.
Psad cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 3*. The other names are common. Florence 2620, 2 = ZAS. 18, 1880, 97) until year 7 of Ramesses VI
or VII (0. DeM. 207, 2). He was the son of the chief workman
O. DeM. 299 Nekhemmiit the elder, brother of the chief workman Khonsu 64 and
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. ? father of a Nekhemmiit (cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*). The workman
No names ~enD-ikhopshef, the son of Kha'emniin and Naunakhte (cf. the will of
CERNY dates to the end of the XIXth Dynasty or the beginning of Naunakhte, Doc. I, 3, 3; IV, 4 and passim), is known from undated
the XXth. ostraca of the mid XXth Dynasty.65 He is sometimes called 'carpenter';
O. DeM. 302 cf. O. DeM. 418, 1 and Pap. Ch. Beatty Ill, 10,21-22.
No date late XIXth Dyn. ? O. DeM. 402
No names This ostracon is mentioned only for the sake of completeness. It is
According to CERNY this dates from the XIXth Dynasty. dated to a year 4, probably, from the writing, of a Pharaoh of the
XXth Dynasty. The names contained in it, Amennakhte and NeferD-otpe,
O. DeM. 307 are too common to suggest a more exact dating. In this text there are
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. ? mentioned several objects, in three instances followed by two groups
No names of strokes divided by a point---e.g., in line 5 : pJ ytl 3.1. This could
According to CERNY this dates from the end of the XIXth Dynasty mean that 3 ytl cost 1 unit of value. By adding these units one gets 7,
or the beginning of the XXth. which is indeed given as the total in line 8. The kind of unit is not,
however, mentioned, and since even the highest one, viz. the 'piece',
O. DeM. 347
would give too low a price for 3 ytl (and some of the objects (?)
No date XXth Dyn.?
No names 64 Cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, fig. 10 and p. 14f.
According to CERNY the writing indicates the XXth Dynasty. 65 Cf. also grafT. 803 and Brit. Mus. stela 278 (= JEA. 31,1945,46).

valued are of uncertain nature) I prefer to omit below the data of this O. DeM. 552
ostracon. No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
O. DeM. 410 No names
Dated: year 26 Ramesses III From the use of the 'piece' the ostracon probably dates from the
Names: rml-ist {By XIXth or early XXth Dynasty.
iry-'i Pn-pi-ym O. DeM. 553
siwty Pn-mn-nfr No date early Ramesses III ?
'i-nbtw Name: ss-*d 'Imn-nbtw
'Imn-m-int For the draughtsman Amennakhte cf. O. DeM. 232* (early Ramesses
Wsr-bit III ?). The use of the 'piece' also points to the beginning of the XXth
The names of the doorkeeper Penpy6m (cf. O. Brit. Mus. 29 555*) Dynasty as the latest possible date.
and the guard Penmenniife point unmistakably to the reign of O. DeM. 556
Ramesses Ill. No date Ramesses III
O. DeM. 411 Names: rml-ist Pi-R'-btpw
No date XXth Dyn.? bmww ~ny
No names For Pra'1;otpe cf. Hier. Ostr. 57, I * and 62, I * (in the latter
According to CERNY this ostracon dates from the XXth Dynasty. instance called ss-*d). ~eny occurs in years 23 and 24 of Ramesses III
O. DeM. 428 (0. Turin 5649, 9 and 5651, vs. 5 and passim).66 It was possibly a
No date Ramesses Ill/IV short form for ~enymin, also designated a 'carpenter' in O. Brussels
Names: lJiy E 303, 2,67 likewise of a year 23. For ~enymin cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*.
iry-'i Ij'-m-wist O. DeM. 579
For the doorkeeper Kha'emwese cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*. J:lay is a No date Ramesses III / IV
common name. Name: Ny-sw-'Imn
O. DeM. 434 Nesamiin, the son of Amenkhew according to O. Cairo 25 597, 4*,
Dated: year 6 mid XXth Dyn. occurs in the duty roster from year 28 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. 35,2)
Names: lJr-Mnw ("with his brothers") and until a year 5 (0. Brit. Mus. 50744,7, of Ramesses IV? [unpubl.]).
in-mw ..... . O. DeM. 592
lJiy No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
'/mn-w' Names: ss 'Imn-m-ipt
Nb-nfr Wsr-mi't-R'-nbtw
Amenwa' and Nebniife were brothers of the draughtsman J:larmin For a certain Usima're'nakhte cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*. A scribe
and sons of J:lori (cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*). All the people here mentioned called Amenemope is known from the reign of Ramesses 11 (Hier.
occur frequently in the mid XXth Dynasty, but there is no means of Ostr. 23, 2, 2 and passim, of year 35; O. Or. Inst. Chicago 17 007,
knowing whether the reign of Ramesses IV, VI or VII is meant. 2 and passim, of years 35-37 [unpubl.]), but cannot be connected with
an Usima're'nakhte. Another occurs, however, in the reign of Ramesses
O. DeM. 454 IV (e.g., O. DeM. 161, 5 and 9, of year 1, and O. DeM. 45, 18a,
No date XXth Dyn.?
No names 66 Both published by SCHIAPARELLl, Relazione I, 169 and 175.
From the writing CERNY dates this text to the XXth Dynasty. 67 SPELEERS, Recueil, 49f. and 143.

of year 2).68 In O. DeM. 148, 12-13, a ss n ti st niw s'wt of this name mid XXth Dynasty, viz. for the fisherman, the son of Amenkhew and
is mentioned, who may be a third man, but the ss n pi Ijr of O. Berlin the father of another Amenkhew (e.g., O. DeM. 47, 2-3 and vs. 11).
12 654, 2 [unpubl.] is possibly the same person as here. The latter As in O. Gardiner 142*, the scribe 1:16ri may be the well known scribe
ostracon is dated to a year 2, probably of Ramesses VI. 69 The end of of the necropolis (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*).
the reign of Ramesses III or slightly later thus seems the most
O. DeM. 667
appropriate date for this text.
No date ?
O. DeM. 593 No names
No date mid XXth Dyn.
Names: rml-ist Ifri, son of Ifwy-nfr
o. DeM. 693
Dated: year 4 ?
'i-n-ist ['In-br-]Ij'w
No names
idnw iny-nbtw
For 1:16ri, the son of l:Iuynufe, cf. Hier. Ostr. 63, 1*. Anl).erkhew o. DeM. 695
the younger, whose name is often, as here, shortened to Khew,70 is a No date late XIXth Dyn. / Ramesses III
well known chief workman, mentioned from year 22 of Ramesses III Names: rml-ist Tnwr-Mntw
(0. DeM. 222, Ill, 18) until a year 7, of Ramesses VI or VII (0. DeM. Ifwy-nfr
207, 4).71 Anynakhte is known as a workman from year 10 of Tenromont (cf. Hier. Ostr. 85, 2*) occurs from the end of the
Ramesses III (0. Gardiner 173, I [unpubl.]) until a year 7, again of XIXth Dynasty until year 24 of Ramesses Ill, and during this period
Ramesses VI or VII (0. Gardiner 181, vs. 3*). He was the first workman there is also a l:IuynUfe (cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 5*).
of the crew in the time of Ramesses IV, since the eleven names of O. DeM. 699
new members of the duty roster incorporated in the first year of this No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
Pharaoh, and inserted at the end of the series, are followed by his No names
name.72 The designation 'deputy (chief workman)" which is only here From the use of the 'piece' the ostracon may be dated to the XIXth
applied to him, is probably meant to indicate this position. It may or early XXth Dynasty.
prove that this ostracon belongs to the end of his career. 73
O. DeM. 700
o. DeM. 655 No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
No date mid XXth Dyn. Name: ss Pi-sr
Names: [Bik]i-n-ijnsw For the scribe Psiur cf. O. DeM. 105*. The use of the 'piece' points
'Imn-m-lnt to the XIXth or early XXth Dynasty.
O. DeM. 1086 VS. 74
ss Hri
No date Ramesses Ill/IV
For Bekenkhonsu cf. O. Desroches 6*, and for Bekenwernero Hier.
Name: iry-'i ij'-m-wist
Ostr. 60, 5*. The common name Amenemone is also found in the For this doorkeeper cf. Hier. Ostr. 54,2*.
O. DeM. 'Grand Puits' a 75
Probably also in O. DeM. 390, I, an undated ostracon.
No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
Cf. tERNY, CAH 2 ., vol. 11, ch. 35, 10.

70 Cf. Hier. Ostr. 67, 3*'

71 Cf. also JEA. 49, 1963,70. He is called here 'the younger' as against Anl:terkhew
74 Published: POSENER, Cat. des ostraca lilll!raires I, pI. 48. The recto contains

the elder, the owner of Theban tomb no. 299, and husband of I:Iendjou (cf. O. Gar- sume lines from the text of Pap. Anastasi IV, 3.
75 These are two of the ostraca found during the clearing of the 'Grand Puits'
diner 151 *). The wife of Anl:terkhew the younger was called W'abe.
72 Cf. tERNY, Z A:s. 72, 1936, 116. north of the temple of I:Iatl:tor; which were transcribed by SAUNERON during the
73 Cf. I:Iesysunebef in O. Gardiner 272*.
campaign and for fourteen years have been locked away in the French Institute at
Cairo. The numbering with a and b is mine.

No names O. Gardiner 3: see Hier. Os!r. 22, 2

This text and the next one probably date from the XIXth or early O. Gardiner 6: see Hier. Os!r. 20, 2
XXth Dynasty, since the prices are expressed in 'pieces'.
O. Gardiner 8: see Hier. Os!r. 31, 5
O. DeM. 'Grand Puits' b 75
No date XIXth I early XXth Dyn. O. Gardiner 9: see Hier. Os!r. 24, 4
No names O. Gardiner 33: see Hier. Os!r. 18, 3
See the preceding ostracon. O. Gardiner 36: see Hier. Ostr. 36, I
O. Desroches 6 [unpubl.] O. Gardiner 39: see Hier. Ostr. 18, 5
No date Ramesses III
O. Gardiner 44: see Hier. Os!r. 24, 1
Names: 1f3y
S'd-!;t B3k . .... . O. Gardiner 66: see Hier. Ostr. 59, 4
For J:lay cf. O. Cairo 25 655*. The name beginning with Bek... might O. Gardiner 68 : see Hier. Ostr. 67, 3
be restored as Bekenkhonsu, the man by whom the rations are said to
be distributed in many ostraca from year 26 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. O. Gardiner 91 : see Hier. Ostr. 59, I
150, 11) until year 2 of his successor (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 73, 1, 8). The O. Gardiner 103: see Hier. Ostr. 52, 2
Turin strike papyrus (vs. 1, 13 = RAD. 45, 3) calls him a wood-
O. Gardiner 105: see Hier. Ostr. 53, 1
cutter, as does O. DeM. 390, 3.
O. Gardiner 119: see Hier. Ostr. 33, 3
O. Edgerton 1 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses III O. Gardiner 123 : see Hier. Os!r. 54, 1
Name: rmJ-lst If3y O. Gardiner 126: see Hier. Ostr. 54, 2
Cf. O. Cairo 25 655* and the preceding ostracon.
O. Gardiner 133 [unpubl.]
Lady Franklyn Hieratic Inscription 76 Dated: year 36 Ramesses 11
No date mid XXth Dyn. Names: NJr- 'bt
Names: rmJ-lst 1f3y ss-~d R'-~tpw
ss n p3 br Ifri s3wty ijiwy
Nb-'/mn '/mn-msw
Mwt-m-mrst (t) 'n-&tpw
Ifri, son of Rwti 'nb-n-niwt T3y-sn
iry- '3 ij'-m-w3st The high number of the year leaves no room for doubt. Moreover,
For the scribe Hori. cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*, for Hay
. O. Cairo 25 655* names such as those of the draughtman Ra'Q.otpe (cf. Hier. Ostr. 62,
and the two preceding ostraca, and for the doorkeeper Kha'emwese 1*) and Nefer'abe belong to the reign of Ramesses 11.
Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*. J:lori is a common name, but unknown to me with
the addition 'son of Ruti'; for the father cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*. The O. Gardiner 134 [unpubl.]
woman Mutemmeres is mentioned immediately after Nebamun (for No date mid XX th Dyn.
this name cf. O. Cairo 25 725*); she was perhaps his wife. Names: Mntw-p3-b'py, son of 1f3y
Mryw (?)
76 Facsimile of an unpublished hieratic text from the Wilkinson MSS, numbered NJrt-iry (?) (t)
XX E 7, evidently the copy of an ostracon. Transcription by CERN)" collated by
me with the original facsimile, now in the Griffith Institute, Oxford. Only partly
legible. B3s3

For Mentpel).a'py cf. Hier. Ostr. 61,2*,77 for Kh6re (here Pkh6re) O. Gardiner 142 [unpubl.]
O. IFAO. 1017*, and for Bes O. DeM. 297*. No man called Merye is No date Ramesses III
known to me; could it perhaps be Ra'mery?78 The name Nofretere, Names: ss Ifri
read by CERNY, seems to me doubtful-though I have no alternative [5-'5
to offer. For Tja'o cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*. The scribe 1:I6ri may be the
scribe of the necropolis (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*), but there were other
O. Gardiner 135 [unpubl.]
scribes of this name under Ramesses Ill, as well as later. The recto of
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
this ostracon is almost illegible.
Names: idnw 1f5Y
Nl;tw-'!mn O. Gardiner 146 [unpubl.]
rml-1st ijnm-msw No date ?
For the deputy 1:Iay cf. O. DeM. 146*. There were two men with No names
this name and title, one the son of 1:Iay and the father of Amennakhte, O. Gardiner 147 [unpubl.]
the other the son of Amennakhte 79. The only dated ostraca of the No date ?
deputy 1:Iay are Hier. Ostr. 61, 1, vs. 4, of year 27, O. DeM. 74, No names
5, of year 30, and O. DeM. 57, 3, of year 31, all of the reign of
O. Gardiner 151 [unpubl.]
Ramesses IIl.80 This 1:Iay may be the son of Amennakhte, while in
No date mid XXth Dyn.
this ostracon the other one (his grandfather?) was probably meant.
Names: '!mn-m-ipt
For the workman Khnemmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 52, 2*. The name
ss-If-d Nb-nfr
Nakhtamun 81 belongs to the XIXth Dynasty (cf. e.g., tomb 335 =
Ifnwt-qww (t)
PORTER-Moss 2 , I. i, 401), though it also occurs in the mid XXth
Amenemope is a very common name. The draughtsman Nebnufe
Dynasty (0. Cairo 25 599, 9, of a year 4). Of the three persons only
occurs, e.g., in Hier. Os!r. 61, 1, vs. 3, of year 27 of Ramesses Ill;
Khnemmose provides a clue to the date.
Hier. Ostr. 47, 3, 5, of year 31 of Ramesses III; O. DeM. 398, vs. 4,
O. Gardiner 136: see Hier. Os!r. 60, 5 of a year 3 (of Ramesses IV?); O. Berlin 12 654, 8-9, of year 2 of
O. Gardiner 139 [unpubl.] Ramesses VI. He was the son of 1:I6ri and the brother of the
No date mid XXth Dyn. draughtsmen 1:Iarmin and Amenwa'. 82 The name 1:Iendjou occurs several
Name: Sti times, particularly in the family of the chief workman Amenkhew.
For Seti cf. Hier. Ostr. 36, 1*. The wife of Amenkhew the elder was called 1:Iendjou,83 but also one
at least of his granddaughters. 84 This last is possibly the one referred
O. Gardiner 141 [unpubl.]
to here.
No date ?
Name: the daughter (srit) of '!mn-m-lpt O. Gardiner 157 [unpubl.]
The name Amenemope is too common to permit any suggestion as No date late XIXth Dyn.
to the date. Names: rmJ-lst Nl;t-Mnw
his first wife W'btl
Cf. also JESHD. 11, 1968, 150.

Another possibility would be to read Mry-nfr (cf. O. Cairo 25 640, 3), followed
78 82 Cf. Hier. Dstr. 86, 4*; also, e.g., Cairo stela no. 38 792 (= BRUYERE, Mert Seger,

by the name of a woman. 113, fig. 53) and Cairo stela 43 571 (= BRUYERE, ASAE. 25,1925, 89f. and pI. Il, 3).
79 Cf. CERNY, Graffiti, Index, 33. 83 Cf. Brit. Mus. stela 579 (= Hierogl. Texts, part 7, pI. 28) and Brit. Mus.
80 Cf. also Pap. Turin no. cat. 2081 + 2095, Il, 6*, of a year 2 [unpubl.]. stela 1515 (= op. cit., part 8, pI. 45).
81 Cf. graff. 1162, where Nakhtamiin is found together with ldnw l;lay, the father 84 The daughter of Nofretere, the sister of An\:ierkhew the younger (cf. BRUYERE,
of Amennakhte. Rapport DeM. /930, 38 and 56: these texts are from the latter's tomb no. 359).

Nb-nbtw Ramesses IV. In the present instance tERNY renders the determinative
Pn-d-wrt as Jl , so that Ra'ia is possibly the mother; neither of the other
These names are also found on a stone basin in Turin,85 Nebnakhte examples is clear on this point. Two other chief policemen Nebsmen
and Pentwere (together with a Pshedu) being the sons of the couple. occur during the same period, namely the son of Pkhore (cf. O. Cairo
Nebnakhte, the son of Nakthmin, is dated by O. Cairo 25 782, 10 and 25 588*) and the son of Penbasi (Cf. Turin strike papyrus 2, 19 =
vs. 19, of year 3 of Amenmesse, and O. Cairo 25 522, I, 4, probably RAD. 55, 17). I do not see that it is possible to identify these two
of the reign of Siptab. The name occurs several times in this period, ("the Syrian" and "the Nubian" cannot very well be the same person),
but since at least one other Nebnakhte, the son of Penniib, is but one of them may be the Nebsmen of this text. Whether anyone
contemporary (e.g., O. Cairo 25 783, 7 and vs. 3-4) it is impossible to of them is identical with the chief policeman of O. Turin 9753*,
distinguish between them unless the father's name is recorded. For or O. Gardiner 143, vs. 2, of year 2 of Ramesses IX [unpubl.] is not
Nakhtmin cf. O. Cairo 25 583*. The district officer Pentwere, son of certain. For Penpyom cf. O. Brit. Mus. 29 555*, and for the policeman
Nakhtmin, who is mentioned in the will of Naunakhte (Doc. I, 6, 5) Amenkhew O. DeM. 369*. Note that a Nebsmen occurs together
and in O. Gardiner 181 * may belong to a younger generation of the with Penpyom and Amenkhew in O. Cairo 25 588*. For the water-
same family.86 The present Pentwere seems not to be mentioned in carrier Amenkhew cf. O. Colin Camp bell 16*. The last three names
dated ostraca. suggest a date under Ramesses III or in the mid XXth Dynasty,
O. Gardiner 158 [unpubl.] while the first would rather indicate a somewhat earlier period.
No date mid XXth Dyn. ? O. Gardiner 163 : see Hier. Ostr. 58, 3
Names: Nfr-/:I!pw .
O. Gardiner 171 [unpubl.]
Dated: year 2 (?)88 mid XXth Dyn.
The same combination occurs in O. Varille 5*. Since no workman
Names: rml-1st '/mn-pi-/:I'py
I:Iori is mentioned in dated ostraca from the XIXth Dynasty, it may
w'b (in line 12 called SS) 'Imn-/:Itpw
be that our text is to be ascribed to the period of Ramesses III or
one of his successors, when the name was common. For Neferbotpe
For Amenpeba'py cf. O. DeM. 223*, for the scribe Amenbotpe
cf. Hier. Os!r. 58, 3*. The use of the word msr (vs. 1) as well as the
O. Cairo 25362*, and for ~enymin Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*.
prices point to the mid XXth Dynasty.
O. Gardiner 172 [unpubl.]
O. Gardiner 162 [unpubl.]
No date late XXth Dyn.?
No date Ramesses III
No names
Names: rml-ist ffnm-msw
The prices may indicate the later reigns of the XXth Dynasty.
/:Iry-m't}iy Nb-s[mn, son of] R'B (t)
Pn-pi-ym O. Gardiner 181 [unpubl.]
m't}iy 'Imn-b'w Dated: year 7 Ramesses VI/VII
In-mw 'Imn-b'w Names: w'b ~d-ibtwf
For Khnemmose cf. Hier. Os!r. 52, 2*. The chief policeman Neb- In-mw Piy- 'n
smen, son of Ra'ia, occurs also in O. DeM. 37, 8,87 of year 31 of ss'Imn-/:Itpw
Ramesses Ill, and in O. DeM. 401, vs. 6, of a year 2, perhaps of itw Pn-[ti-wrt]
w'b iny-nbtw
85 BRUYERE,Rapport DeM. 1929, 22 = Mert Seger, 230.
/:Im-nlr Nfr-/:Ir
86 Also in O. DeM. 204, vs. 5, of a year 4. Cf. also a Nakhtmin, the son of ss-*d Ifr-Mnw
Pentwere, in Giornale dell'anno 17, A, 1,6 (pI. 8) and in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10053,2,11.
87 CERNY is not certain of the reading. It looks like 04~.
88 tERNY seems not to be certain about the year.

For ~edakhtef cf. O. Berlin lO 665*. The water-carrier P'an is Name: Nfr-I:ztpw
mentioned in the Turin strike papyrus, vs. I, 4 (= RAD. 45, 4), in The name Neferbotpe is too common for any conclusions.
Hier. Ostr. 48, 2, vs. 8, of year 3 of Ramesses IV, and in several other
O. Gardiner 231 [unpubl.]
ostraca of this period. For the scribe Amenl:lOtpe cf. O. Cairo 25 362*,
No date XIXth Dyn.?
and for the district officer Pentwere, the son of Nakhtmin, O. Gardiner
No names
157* (he is well known in the ostraca). For the priest Anynakhte,
The use of the 'piece' may point to the XIXth Dynasty.
probably the same as the w0rkman Anynakhte, cf. O. DeM. 593*, for
Neferbo O. DeM. 213*, and for the draughtsman Harmin O. DeM. 434*. O. Gardiner 238 [unpubl.]
The whole group points unmistakably to the mid XXth Dynasty, and No date ?
the year 7 may therefore be that of Ramses VI or VII. No names
O. Gardiner 183 [unpubl.] O. Gardiner 247 [unpubl.]
No date XIXth Dyn. 89 No date left Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
Names: rmJ-Ist pj-R'-/:ltpw Names: .... . msw
'Imn-m-di.i-hrw-nb rmJ-Ist Mnw-b'w
I know of no other instance of the beautiful name Amenemteherneb Pn-Rnwt, son of Nbt-Mnw
("Amiin is with me every day"), nor any close parallel, either within For Minkhew cf. O. DeM. 241*. Penerniite occurs with his father
the Village or from outside. The name Pra'i).otpe is known from all and other members of his family on Bankes stela no. lO and on the
periods, and no conclusions can be drawn from it. fragment of a base (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, 3). He is
O. Gardiner 190 [unpubl.] mentioned in O. Cairo 25 804, I, 5 and 11, 6, of a year 6, of the mid
No date XXth Dynasty. Whether the iry-spt of Hier. Ostr. 20, 1, 1-2, of a
Ramesses VII
Names: [sms] n t3 /:zwt Sjkt year 5, probably also of the mid XXth Dynasty, is the same person
'n-Mwt (t) appears doubtful. The Penerniite of the XIXth Dynasty 90 is clearly
..... ·b'w another.
Ny-sw-['Imn] O. Gardiner 252 [unpubl.]
In O. Strasbourg H 84 there appear a sms n tj hwt Sike an 'Anmiit No date Ramesses III
and an Amenkhew-and like this ostracon it contains pri~es of coffins Names: ldnw 'Imn-b'w
and other funerary furniture. Since O. Strasbourg H 84 is dated to rmJ-ist ij'[-m-w3st]91
year 7 of Ramesses VII the present text will be of the same year. For the deputy Amenkhew cf. O. DeM. 399*, and for the workman
Nesamiin is also known from the mid XXth Dynasty; he was perhaps Kha'emwese Hier. Ostr. 54,2*.
the son of Amenkhew (cf. O. Cairo 25 597*). The first two persons O. Gardiner 264 + O. Cochrane 92
are not known from other texts. Dated (older text) : year 1 mid XXth Dyn.
O. Gardiner 204 : see Hier. Ostr. 50, 1 (later text): no date
O. Gardiner 222 [unpubl.] No names
No date ? Since the older text, so far as is legible, seems once to contain the
No names words m I:zswt n R'mssw-I:zlf;'-'Iwnw, "in the favour of Ramesses Ill",
O. Gardiner 226 [unpubl.] 90 Cf., e.g., O. DeM. 606.2, 5, and vs. 2.
No date ? 91 The restoration of the name is very probable.
92 O. Cochrane is published by GARDINER, lEA. 3, 1916, 194f. This ostracon is

89 tERN)' in a private letter: "This ostracon is certainly XIXth, but Pra";lOtpe almost completed by O. Gardiner 264. It is a palimpsest, and contains fairly clear
might have lived into the XXth Dynasty". traces of the first text.

and once m I:zswt n 07...., which may be the name of Ramesses IV, For Kha'emniin cf. Hier. Ostr. 58, 3*, and for the water-carrier
this part will date from the mid XXth Dynasty. It seems unlikely Pentwere O. Berlin 1121 *. The latter occurs from year 28 of Ramesses
that the second text is very much later. III (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 71, 1, 2; cf. also vs. 2 and 7) until year 4 of
O. Gardiner 272 [unpubl.] Ramesses V (0. Cairo 25 598, 2). In the Turin strike papyrus (vs. 3,
Dated: year 14 6 = RAD. 46, 10) he is called 'chief water-carrier'.
Ramesses III
Names: 'i-n-ist ...... . O. Gardiner 296 [unpubl.]
his wife Wbbt No date Ramesses III I mid XXth Dyn.
idnw Ifsy-sw-nbf Names: Nb-'/mn
'[mn-b'w Pn-['n]~a
The name Webekht is known as that of the wife of the chief For Nebamun cf. O. Cairo 25 725*, and for Pen'anuke O. DeM. 255*.
workman Neferi).otpe, and of the wife of Nekhemmiit the elder. 93 If the O. Gardiner fragment 3 95 [unpubl.]
first is meant, the ostracon will have to be dated under Merenptai)., No date mid / late XXth Dyn.
the reign of Ramesses 11 being too early. But the last two names Names: m'rjiy Sd-sw-ljnsw
would indicate an even later period. l:Iesysunebef is well known at the ss [Nbw-]m-Mwt
end of the XIXth Dynasty, though not elsewhere called idnw; it is very The policeman Shedsukhonsu occurs only in O. DeM. 672, 3,
probable that he received this position only at the close of his of a year 8, probably of one of the later reigns of the XXth Dynasty.
career. 94 Amenkhew is not known before year 15 of Ramesses III (0. The name itself also suggests this period. There are, e.g., a scribe
DeM. 406, 11). The chief workman of line I was certainly therefore Shedsukhonsu in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 4, 3 and in the Giornale
Nekhemmut, and the reign that of Ramesses Ill. dell'anno 17, B, rt. 3, 16 (pI. 19), an incense-roaster in Pap. Brit. Mus.
o. Gardiner 285 [unpubl.] 10 052, 2, 4 and passim, and two other men of unknown profession
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. in O. Cairo 25 598, 5-6, of year 4 of Ramesses V, and O. Cairo 25 762,
Name: Tnwr-Mntw 6, of the XXIst Dynasty. The scribe Nekhemmut who quarrels with
For Tenromont cf. Hier. Ostr. 85, 2*. his workmen in O. DeM. 36, I, of year 31 of Ramesses III, is
O. Gardiner 286 [unpubl.] possibly the chief workman Nekhemmut the younger before he rose to
No date this office~which may have happened in year 2 of Ramesses IV (cf.,
second half of XIXth Dyn.
Name: Ifwy, son of Ifwy-nfr e.g., O. Cairo 25 562, 8; O. DeM. 433, 10). If the present scribe
Nekhemmiit is the same, the ostracon is to be dated under Ramesses Ill,
For l:Iuy, the son of l:Iuyniife, cf. O. DeM. 50*. He is mentioned
but graff. 1082 mentions a scribe of the temple (ti I:zwt-nlr), the
under Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 782, 21; 25 783, 3-4, both of
brother of 1:16ri, son of the deputy Amenkhew,96 with whom he may
year 3), under Seth6s 11 (0. Cairo 25 512, 8, of year 6), and under
also be identified, and who probably lived later.
Siptai). (0. Cairo 25 519, vs. 5; 25 521, 16, of years 1-2), as well as at
the end of this Dynasty or at the beginning of the next (Hier. Ostr. O. Gardiner fragment 4 [unpubl.]
51, 1, vs. I, 5). No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.?
No names
O. Gardiner 288 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
Names: lj'-m-nwn 95 This indication is used for 140 fragmentary ostraca formerly belonging to the

late Sir Alan Gardiner, and deposited by him at the Institut franc;ais d'Archeologie
in-mw Pn-ti-wrt
orientale in Cairo.
96 Cf. too graff. 305-6. It is worth noting that the workman Nekhemmut of

93 Cf. p. 70, n. 127. O. DeM. 41, vs. 6 (cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*) was the son of Anberkhew. The identity
94 Like Anynakhte; cf. o. DeM. 593*. of neither is certain.

The use of the 'piece' suggests the XIXth or early XXth Dynasty. contemporary references to a Menna as 'workman' or without pro-
O. Gardiner fragment 8 [unpubl.] fession indicate the same person-e.g., Hier. Ostr. 77*, both rt. 2,
No date mid XXth Dyn. in year 17 of Ramesses Ill, and rt. 9, in year 4 of Ramesses IV.
Name: ss-Is:d lfr-Mnlr O. Gardiner fragment 123 [unpubl.]
For the draughtsman I:Iarmin cf. O. DeM. 434*. No date Ramesses III
O. Gardiner fragment 11 [unpubl.] Names: Wsr-m'lt-R'-nbtw
No date ? ['!n-lJr-]b'w (?)
No names For Usima're'nakhte cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*. Khew, if this is
indeed to be read, is the usual shortened form for Anl)erkhew (cf.,
e.g., Hier. Ostr. 67, 3* and O. DeM. 593*). The use of the name
O. Gardiner fragment 22 [unpubl.] without any designation may mean 97 that the text dates from the
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. period before his appointment as chief workman, i.e., not later than
Names: '!Pll'Y year 22 of Ramesses III (cf. O. DeM. 593*).
rmJ-ist Ijlmw
For Ipuy cf. O. DeM. 214*. Khamu is known as a workman from the Hier. Ostr. 16, 2 (= O. Petrie 26)
reign of Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 782, 18 and passim; 25 783, Dated: year 6 Ramesses IV
3 and passim) until the beginning of the following Dynasty (e.g., Hier. Names: (sS} n pl br lfri
Ostr. 26, 3, 2 and 51, 1, vs. 11, 17). ss-Is:d lfri-sri
O. Gardiner fragment 25 [unpubl.] TJ-blsw (t)
No date ? The scribe of the necropolis I:I6ri is well known. He is mentioned
No names from year 23 98 of Ramesses III (Hier. Os!r. 72, 3, vs. 2*) until year 17
O. Gardiner fragment 33 [unpubl.] of Ramesses IX (Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. 1, 8 = pI. 14). The
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn. draughtsman I:Iar-shire is known from year 28 of Ramesses III (Hier.
Name: ss n pl br lfri Os!r. 63, 2, 5) until year 4 of Ramesses IV (Hier. Ostr. 77, 12*); he
For this I:I6ri cf. Hier. Ostr. 16,2*.
O. Gardiner fragment 62 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
I is probably also the man of the same name mentioned frequently in
the duty roster from year 29 to year 2, but without any designation.
He is, moreover, to be identified with the scribe I:Iar-shire, son of the
scribe Amennakhte the son of Ipuy,99 his father having been also a
Name: iry- '1 Pn-pl-ym
draughtsman before he reached the rank of scribe of the necropolis
For this doorkeeper cf. O. Brit. Mus. 29 555*.
(cf. O. DeM. 232*). In the present ostracon, of a year 6, I:Iar-shire is
O. Gardiner fragment 83 [unpubl.] still a draughtsman, while in year 3 of Ramesses V 100 he is called
No date ? 'scribe of the necropolis'; the ostracon will therefore belong to the
No names
O. Gardiner fragment 104 [unpubl.]
9, Since the text is fragmentary, one cannot be certain that the designation was not
No date Ramesses III written in the lost portion.
Name: ss-Is:d Mnnl 98 Possibly even from year 15 (0. Michael. 42, 5 = pI. 66), though only the
The draughtsman Menna occurs in Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, 2, of year 28 title ss is there used, so that another person may be intended.
99 Cf. graff. 886.
of Ramesses Ill, and in O. Ashmolean 1933.810, vs. 4 [unpubl.] and
100 Cf. lEA. 31, 1945, pI. 8: the will of Naunakhte, Doe. I, I, 9 (SS); Doe. I, 6,
Hier. Ostr. 71, 1, vs. 4, both of year 30. It may be that some 3 = pI. 9 (ss n pi br).

reign of Ramesses Of the two remaining persons, Tbese is not be mentioned in O. DeM. 106, vs. 3, as the policeman Sdt (without
datable, while the name P'adjd appears also in Hier. Ostr. 52, 2, 1*, pS).104 The workman Penne is probably to be distinguished from the
O. DeM. 412, 2, of a year 2, and in O. Cairo 25 800*. The first of water-carrier of the same name. He was the son of Khnemmose (0. DeM.
these texts is probably older, but the others belong to the mid XXth 254, 2; O. Brussels E 301, passim; O. Brit. Mus. 8510),105 and in O.
Dynasty. DeM. 204, vs. 3, a certain Pen ne is called the son of Mose,t°6 which
Hier. Ostr. 16,3 (= O. Petrie 3) could be the same, if Mose were here a shortened form of Khnemmose.
Dated: year 4 mid XXth Dyn. All these occurrences of Penne belong to the mid XXth Dynasty, from
Names: rml-1st Pn-'/mn a year 1 (0. DeM. 254) to a year 5 (0. Brit. Mus. 50 744 [unpubl.]).107
m't}sy '/mn-msw Hier. Ostr. 18,5 (= O. Gardiner 39)
The policeman Amenmose occurs in the mid XXth Dynasty, e.g. in Dated: year x + 1 ?
O. Cairo 25 588*, O. IFAO. 1298* and Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, Name: rml-1st Ifwy-nfr
vs. 1,4 102 (to be dated to the 6th year of Ramesses IV). The workman There were several persons of this name, which occurs from the reign
Penamiin is less easily identifiable. The most famous person of this of Ramesses 11 (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 84, 1, of year 40) until the time of
name, the son of the chief workman Baki, lived under the XIXth Ramesses III (in the duty roster only to year 27: O. DeM. 34, 6 and
Dynasty, but a Penamiin is also mentioned in at least two unpublished vs. 9, but again in year 1 of his successor: O. DeM. 160, vs. 4a). It
ostraca (0. Turin 2167 and O. IFAO. 1293), both of which are to be seems impossible to date this ostracon.
dated to the mid XXth Dynasty. It would therefore appear that the
present date, year 4, belongs to one of the successors of Ramesses Ill. I 03 \ Hier. Ostr. 19,3 (= O. Petrie 19)
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
Hier. Ostr. 18,3 (= O. Gardiner 33) Name: rml-1st Wsr-~st
No date mid XXth Dyn. There were certainly other persons of this name in the Village, but
Names: rml-ist Pn-nlwt it seems possible that the dated ostraca in which Usil;1e appears, and
m't}sy Ps-sdt which constitute one long series from year 14 of Ramesses III (see
The policeman Psad is found in Hier. Ostr. 69, 2, 3, of year 2 of O. Berlin 1268*) to year 1 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 160, vs. 6), are
Ramesses V, and, without a title, in O. DeM. 297*, O. Cairo 25 588*, referring to one and the same man. In some graffiti an Usil;1e is called
and O. Cairo 25 532,2, all from the mid XXth Dynasty. He may also the son of the sculptor Amennakhte (graff. 280, 285, 307, 1217, 1297),
but it remains uncertain whether he also is the present man.
101 Whether it also follows that every reference to the 'scribe' I:Iar-shire is to be

dated after the reign of Ramesses IV (e.g., O. DeM. 403, I, of a year 2; the Hier. Ostr. 20, 2 (= O. Gardiner 6)
'dipinto' no. 6 in BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. /933-34, 76, of a year 3; O. DeM. 133, 7, No date XIXth Dyn.?
of a year 4) remains uncertain. It is necessary to bear in mind that the designation
ss is sometimes - and particularly in graffiti and letters - applied to persons who No names
were never professional scribes (cf., e.g., O. Michael. 79, 2 = pI. 42, where a sandal- From the use of the 'piece' this ostracon may belong to the XIXth
maker Maanakhtef is called ss). An important argument in the case of I:Iar-shire is Dynasty.
his title ss n pi br in O. Brit. Mus. 5625, vs. 2 (cf. lEA. 12, 1926, pis. 36 and 41), the
ostracon being dated to a year 4, which is always understood to be of the reign of 104 The article is sometimes omitted and sometimes included in names, the most
Ramesses IV. Is it that the text was not written until some years afterwards, and the famous example being Pra'l:lOtpe (cf. Hier. Ostr. 62, 1*). Cf. also, e.g., GARDlNER,
wrong title therefore used, or does it prove that, for a time at least, I:Iar-shire was Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 26, n. 5; O. Cairo 25 609, vs. I, 1 (Pi-'Imn-nbt for 'Imn-nbt) and
referred to as both scribe and draughtsman? However this may be, I do not believe ibid., rt. 11, 1 (Pi-msw for Msw).
that in a hypothetical year 6 of Ramesses VI (his predecessor not having reigned this 105 Cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, 109, fig. 47.
long) I:Iar-shire could still have been called a 'draughtsman', and the date of the 106 According to DARESSY also in O. Cairo 25 052 (cf. DARESSY, Ostraea (Cat.
present ostracon is therefore fixed. gen.), Index, 105).
102 Cf. MASSART, MDAIK. 15, 1957, 182.
107 O. Brit. Mus. 50 744 mentions, besides workmen of this period, the vizier
103 HELCK, Materialien Ill, 485, dates this ostracon to the end of the XIXth Dynasty,
Neferronpe (11), who held this office under Ramesses IV, V and VI, and possibly
though without producing any proof. even later; cf. HELCK, Verwaltung, 333 ff.

Hier. Ostr. 21, 1 (= O. Petrie 16) through this reign and that following, until year 6 of Ramesses
time of
No date late XIXth ! early XXth Dyn. (Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, VII, 10) 113_an d even later, in the
Names : rml-1st Nb-smn Ramesses V or VJ.!14
'nb-n-niwt '!wnwr
Hier. Ostr. 24, 4 (= O. Gardin er 9)
her daught er W'b
No date late XIXth Dyn.
rml-1st [.{Iwy-]nfr
Names : '!wny
rml-1st S3- W3gyt
'nb-n-niwt B-nl;zsy, his mother
luny Occurs also Hier. Ostr. 51, 1, 11, 10, of the late XIXth - early
For this ostraco n cf. JESHO . 11, 1968, 153ff. and
XXth Dynasty, and in O. DeM. 290, 4, O. Cairo 25 793, 6,
Hier. Ostr. 22, 2 (= O. Gardin er 3) 25 746, 3, of the same period Y5 It may be that luny is a short form
No date early Ramesses III for lunami in, the name of the son of the draugh tsman Maana khtef,
Names : Rwti 116 The name Pshedu was extremely
who had a brothe r called Pshedu.
/:tmww R'-mry commo n in this period.
[Sny-M nw
Hier. Ostr. 26, 4 (= O. Leipzig 1)
Ruti is known from the group of ostraca belonging to the late Dated: year 2 of Ramesses III Ramesses III
XIXth - early XXth Dynast y (and not before), from year 13 of Ramess Names : /:tmty Pt/:t-p3-/:t 'py
III (0. IFAO. 1285 [unpubl.]), from his year 17 (0. DeM. 176, rml-1st Nb-nlr
and from the group of ostraca in Turin (0. Turin 5649; 5651; 108 5677
ss Pn-[t3-]wrt
[unpubl.]) of years 23-4 of the same king. He is the father of ~enna,
who first appears at the end of the reign (0. Cairo 25 242*,
of Hier. Ostr. 26, 5 (= O. Petrie 15)
occurs with the No date ?
year 29).109 The name Ra'mer y is commo n, but
designation 'carpen ter' only in Hier. Ostr. 58, 3* and 86, 3*, and No names
O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E*. ~enymin, who is also a carpen ter (cf.
O. Hier. Ostr. 28, 1 (= O. Petrie 51)
Brussels E 303, 2),110 is known from year 15 111 of Ramess es III No date Ramesses IX ! X
574 Names : '!mn-m -lnt
(0. DeM. 253, vs. 3) until year 2 of his successor (0. IFAO.
[unpubl.]). I;zry-m 'g3y'!m n-m-lpt
ss n 13 snwt Pr-'3 'Imn-b' w
Hier. Ostr. 24, 1 (= O. Gardin er 44)
I;zry-m'g3y 'Imn-w3f:z-sw
No date Ramesses III ! mid XXth Dyn.
ss n p3 br .{Irl
Names : ss n p~ br .{Irl
.{Iwnwr, daught er of B-wsrt
I;zry-m'g3y Mntw-m sw
For the scribe of the necropolis I:I6ri cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*. The III which Mentmo se appears as a member of the same court)
belong to the end
chief policeman Mentm ose occurs in year 6 of Seth6s (Hier. Ostr. n of the XIXth Dynasty. Though l:Iay is still chief workman under Ramesse s Ill, Pneb
Year 6 of SethOs If
Ostr. 77, 2) is not likely to have outlived the XIXth Dynasty by very long.
46,2, vs. 6) 112 and from year 17 of Ramesses III (Hier.
from the accession
would thus be the only possible date, unless Twosre dated her years
of O. DeM. 594 is
of SiptaQ (cf. VON BECKERATH, lEA. 48, 1962, 72, whose dating
Publishe d by SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione I, 169 and 175.
108 not, however, correct), in which case year 6 could also belong to
her reign.
109 cr. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34,
76 ('dipinto ' no. 5), possibly of the reign 113 cr. MAssART , MDAIK. 15, 1957, 173.
of Ramesse s IV. 114 Cf. CERNY, CAH2. vo!. 11, ch. 35,
10 (Pap. Turin 2044 [unpub!.]).
110 However , in O. Berlin 10663, of year
28, a ~enymin is called 'sculptor '. 115 In O. Cairo 25 746, 3 called 'Iwnn.

111 Not year 25, as proved by HELCK, ZDMG. 105, 1955, 33. 116 cr. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1929,
40. On the Hilton Price stela no. 2006
query to this date (cf. Hier. Ostr., p. 14). ted as a boy and
112 CERNY and GARDINER added a (cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, fig. 42 on p. 99) this son is represen
I * and O. DeM. 225,
All the persons occurring in this text (and in Hier. Ostr. 47, called Iuy(nami in ?).

For the scribe of the necropolis I:Iori cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*. The Hier. Ostr. 33, 3 (= O. Gardiner 119)
chief policeman Amenwai).su occurs also in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, No date mid XXth Dyn.
vs. 3, 20 (the house-list),117 of a year 12, probably of Ramesses XI,118 Name: 'Imn-nl)tw, son of RS-ptr f
and in Pap. Brit. Mus. 9997, V, 5 [unpubl.], dated in the 14th and 15th This workman belongs to the group enlisted in the duty roster in
years of what is probably the same reign. His colleague Amenemope the first year of Ramesses IV, and occurs in several ostraca from the
is not, however, known from elsewhere, nor is the scribe of the granary time of that Pharaoh.
of Pharaoh Amenkhew. Amenemone and I:Iunero (the pet name for Hier. Ostr. 36, 1 (= o. Gardiner 36)
I:Iati).or) 119 are too common to furnish any clue. Since Hori is not (Recto) : no date Ramesses VI I VII
mentioned after the reign of Ramesses IX the most probable date for (Edge) : year 7
this ostracon is some time before the end of the Dynasty. Name: rml-ist Sti, son of 'Imn-m-int
Hier. Ostr. 28, 2 (= O. Petrie 17) This is not the fisherman Sety, who was the son of Kha'(i).i)meter
Dated: year 2 of Ramesses V Ramesses V (cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 24, 3, 1-2 and 11; O. DeM. 397, 2), but the
Names: bmww Pi-Mw workman of Turin stela no. Sup. 7358 (= TOSI-RoCCATI, Stele,
his brother Mry-msw no. 50032}--where the chief workman Ani).erkhew is also mentioned. 120
Hier. Ostr. 28, 4 (= o. Petrie 42) Since these names point to the mid XXth Dynasty when only Ramesses
No date late XIXth Dyn. VI and VII may have reigned seven years,121 the text is to be dated
No names surviving under one or other of them.
tERNY and GARDINER (Hier. Ostr., p. 9) date this text "probably Hier. Ostr. 45, 1 (= 0, Petrie 14) 122
not later than Dyn. XIX" on account of the use of the 'piece'. Dated: year 28 Ramesses III
Hier. Ostr. 31, 4 (= O. Petrie 48) Names: ss-~d Mnni
No date Ramesses III ? In-mw Ti-'i
No names Hier. Ostr. 47, 1 (= O. Nash 2 = O. Brit. Mus. 65956) 123
tERNY suggested in a letter that, from the writing, this ostracon Date lost Sethos 11 I Sip tab
may be of the reign of Ramesses Ill. Written in the same hand as Hier. Ostr. 46, 2 (cf. tERNY and
Hier. Ostr. 31, 5 (= O. Gardiner 8) GARDINER, Hier. Ostr., p. 14) and containing roughly the same names
No date Ramesses III ? (e.g., the chief policeman Mentmose, the chief workmen Pneb and I:Iay,
No names the scribes Psiiir and Pentwere), the text clearly belongs either to the
Written in the same hand as the preceding (cf. tERNY and GARDINER, time of Sethos 11 or to that of Siptab. 124
Hier. Ostr., p. 10), and therefore of the same period. Hier. Ostr. SO, 1 (= O. Gardiner 204)
Hier. Ostr. 32, 2 (= O. Petrie 1) No date mid XXth Dyn.
No date XIXth I early XXth Dyn. Names: rml-ist Pn-nlwt
No names sm'yt n 'Imn Sdyt-m-dwit
Since the prices are mainly expressed in khar it may be that the text 120 Cf. lEA, 49, 1963,70.
dates from the XIXth or perhaps the early XXth Dynasty. 121 For the doubtful nature of the seventh year of Ramesses VI cf. lEA. 52,
122 Translation: HELCK, Materialien HI, 499 and THEODORIDES, Acta orientalia
117 cr. PEET, Tomb Robberies, 95. belgica (mai 1963 - juin 1964) = Correspondance d'Orient no, 10 (1966), 189f.
118 Cf. WENTE, Late Ram. Letters, 2, note 4. 123 Translation and discussion: GUILMOT, Acta orientalia belgica (mai 1963 - juin
119 Cf., e.g., the wife of Amenemope of Theban tomb no. 215 (= PORTER-MosS2, 1964) = Correspondance d'Orient no, 10 (1966), 67-78,
l.i, 311). 124 Cf. p. 66, particularly n. 112.

For Penne cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 3*. The name of the woman is not drawn from it. The writing of the text may indicate the reign of
known to me from this period. The chantress of Amiin of the same Ramesses Ill.
name who occurs in the correspondence of Dl).utmose (CERNY, Late
Hier. Ostr. 54, 1 (= O. Gardiner 123)
Ramesside Letters, Index, p. 79) will be another person.
Dated: year 3 XIXth Dyn.
Hier. Ostr. 52, 2 (= O. Gardiner 103) 125 Name: rml-ist lny
No date late XIXth I early XXth Dyn. The name is frequent in the XIXth Dynasty (cf. O. DeM. 50*), not
Names: rml-ist !Jnm-msw only under Ramesses 11 (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 83, 15, of year 40; O. Turin
rml-ist Klsl 5941, vs. 1, of year 47 [unpubl.]), but also under Merenptal). (0. Michael.
The first text on this ostracon is more or less datable from the name 13, 8*), Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 782, vs. 23 and 25 783, vs. 11),
of the scribe Wenniife, who is known from the reign of Ramesses III Seth6s II (e.g., O. Cairo 25 512, 14) and Siptal). (e.g., O. Cairo 25 521~ 9).
(0. Cairo 25 555, 2, of years 13-14, to O. Turin 5651, 5 and 9,126 The Any known from the late XIXth - early XXth Dynasty is the son
of year 24). He is sometimes mentioned together with the chief work- of Nakhy according to O. Cairo 25 796, 11, 20. The name Any is not
man Nekhemmiit the elder (0. Cairo 25 555; graff. 1273) and with attested under Ramesses III and later. 128 The use of the 'piece' also
the scribe of the necropolis ~enl).ikhopshef (graff. 851; 1114). The points to a date in the XIXth Dynasty.
association with the latter strongly suggests the XIXth Dynasty, that
Hier. Ostr. 54, 2 (= O. Gardiner 126)
with the former points to the XXth. 12 7 Since, from the nature of the
No date Ramesses III
material, the second text on this ostracon is not likely to have been
Names: rml-ist Pn-tl-wrt
written very long after the first, it is to be dated to the end of the
XIXth or the early XXth Dynasty. This is confirmed by the names.
The na~e Pentwere is common under the XXth Dynasty (cf. Hier.
The workman Khnemmose is known from the time of Sethos 11 (0. '1, Ostr. 59,4*). Kha'emwese is the name of a workman under Ramesses
Cairo 25 510, 6) until year 24 of Ramesses III (0. Turin 5651, 9 126
III and IV, from year 15 (0. DeM. 253, vs. 2) 129 until year 2 (Hier.
and 5666, 7 [unpubl.]). Kasa is a common name, particularly at the end
Ostr. 73, 1, vs. 11) and even a year 5 (0. Berlin 9897, 4 [unpubl.];
of the XIXth Dynasty (e.g., the sons of Opal).te and of Ra'mose); but
O. Brit. Mus. 50744,10).130 It may be that the doorkeeper Kha'emwese
it is also found from year 15 of Ramesses III and onwards (0. DeM.
is meant (though the designation is rarely omitted), but he too belongs
253, vs. 1; 406, 9) until the end of the reign of Ramesses VI or VII
to the same period-from year 18 (0. Turin 9584, 2*) until year 6
(0. Turin 6361, 3, of a year 7 [unpubl.]), in all probability for different
of Ramesses IV (Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, vs. I, 4).131 The use of
persons. All the arguments, as far as they are decisive, point to the
the word snOw) in line 3-if indeed the reading is correct-points to
end of the XIXth Dynasty or the first years of the XXth.
an early date in the time of Ramesses Ill. For the latest known date
Hier. Ostr. 53, 1 (= O. Gardiner 105) of the use of the 'piece' cf. O. Berlin 1268*.
No date Ramesses Ill? 1, Hier. Ostr. 56, 2 (= O. Nash 3 = O. Brit. Mus. 65 935)
Name: rml-ist 'Imn-m-ipt
No date Ramesses 11 / Merenptal).
The name is too common in all periods for any conclusion to be 11 Names: rml-1st Pj-nb
~mty 'Imn-m-wB
Translation: HELCK, Materialien lII, 341.
Cf. SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione I, 175.
!I Pneb, here called a workman, is very probably the later notorious
127 Nekhemmut the elder is the father of the chief workman Khonsu, and the

grandfather of Nekhemmut the younger. He occurs as a workman at the end of the 1 128 In O. DeM. 164, I, 4, of year 24 of Ramesses lII, Any is certainly a miswriting
XIXth Dynasty and as chief workman from year 12 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 ;or Anynakhte, as is clear from the position in the duty roster.
553, 3) until year 15 (Hier. Ostr. 39, 2, vs. 8) and perhaps even until year 22 (0. DeM. 129 Only Kha· ... remains, but it cannot very well be any other name.
222, IV, 11: 'j-n-[ist] Nb ..... ). For the genealogy cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, 14f. and 130 See p. 65, n. 107.
fig. 10 (the stela from chapel A). 131 Cf. MAssART, MDAIK. IS, 1957, 173.

chief workman. He is mentioned as a simple workman from year 64 It is interesting to note that for some unknown reasons a Neferi)otpe
of Ramesses 11, through the reigns of Merenptai) and Amenmesse, (the father?) replaces a Ra'mery in the duty roster on IV smw 17 of
until the time of Seth6s 11,132 while from year 5 of the last he acted year 25 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. 32, 10), so that for a certain time
as chief of the crew (e.g., O. Cairo 25 542, 13). No coppersmith he did double duty (e.g., O. Colin Campbell 2, of year 25, 11 prt
Amenemuia is known from elsewhere, the name occurring, however, [unpubl.]). Ra'mery, however, reappears in year 27 (0. DeM. 167,6),133
under both Ramesses 11 (Hier. Ostr. 84, 2, of year 40) and Merenptai) and in the position formerly occupied by Neferl).otpe, so that they
(0. Gardiner 197, 7, of year 9 [unpubl.]), as well as in several undated have in effect changed places. It seems impossible to determine which
(Jstraca from this period. of these persons are intended in the present ostracon, the more so since
Hier. Ostr. 57, 1 (= O. Nash 4 = O. Brit. Mus. 65 941) the relationship between them is not indicated. The title w'b is of little
No date XXth Dyn. ? assistance, since more than one Neferl).otpe is called w'b; the office
Names: Pl-R'-I:ztpw may have been hereditary within the family. The carpenter Ra'mery
Nfr-I:ztpw occurs, however, in Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*, in Hier. Ostr. 86, 3*, and in
Pra'i)otpe and Neferi)otpe are both extremely common names in all O. Brooklyn 37 1880 E*. The first of these texts I have dated to
periods. The writing of the text may point to the XXth Dynasty. 'early Ramesses 111', while the other two, which contain versions of the
same transaction, are dated 'late XIXth Dyn.'.
Hier. Ostr. 58, 3 (= O. Gardiner 163)
Kha'emniin may be the second husband of Naunakhte (cf. lEA. 31,
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
1945,47 f.), known from the time of Sip tal). (e.g., O. Cairo 25517, y, 17),
Names: w'b Nfr-I:ztpw
and almost continuously from year 21 of Ramesses III (Pap. Berlin 10
I:zmww R'-mry
496,4) until year 2 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 46, vs. 8). Although the
Ij'-( m-)nwn
range of possibilities is very wide it seems to me that the 'carpenter'
Both Neferi)otpe and Ra'mery are common names, occurring in the
Ra'mery suggests either the end of the XIXth Dynasty or the beginning
same family, whose genealogy can be reconstructed from several
of the XXth.
graffiti (e.g., nos. 61, 774, 885, 889, of a year 20, 1207), a number of
stelae (Cairo 43656 = BRUYERE, ASAE. 25, 1925, 81-2 and pI. I, 2; Hier. Ostr. 59, 1 (= O. Gardiner 91) 134
Louvre CM 19 = former Bibl. Nat. 50 = BRUYERE, Mert Seger, 247, No date Ramesses 11
fig. 124; Hilton Price coll. 2006 = same work, 99, fig. 42; BRUYERE, Names: TJry
Rapport DeM. 1935-40, 11, 120) and some later texts (0. Gardiner 143, 'I:z]wtw 135
vs. 2, of year 2 of Ramesses IX [unpubl.]; O. DeM. 398, 2, of a year 3; Pl-b5kl
Giornale dell'anno 17, A, rt. 1, 5, of year 17 of Ramesses IX). The ....... . mwt
family tree seems to be as follows: The name E'l).owte is known from O. Or. Inst. Chicago 17 007, 16
Ra'mery and 21, of years 35-37 of Ramesses 11 [unpubl.], and from O. DeM.
333, 5 and 8, again of year 37. In both ostraca there also occurs a
I certain Baki, identified in the first as the son of Amenemone, who is

Neferl).otpe Ra'mery
known in several other instances down to the reign of Amenmesse (cf.,
e.g., O. Cairo 25 784, 8, of year 4), and who may be the same as the
present Pbaki 136-though the name was 'Common at that period.


Two weeks earlier NeferJ:!otpe still occupied his place (cf. O. DeM. 653, vs. 8).
The recto contains a receipt of grain etc., but no prices.
135 Probably not AJ:!anakhte, a Middle Kingdom name (cf. R.ANKE, Personennamen I,
44, no. 11).
132 Cf. CERNY, JEA. 15, 1929, 252ff. (Pap. Salt 124). 136 For the use of pi cf. p. 65, n. 104. Pbaki occurs in O. DeM. 328, 1, dated by

Tjaroy appears to be unknown; the name occurs only in the tomb of from year 21 of Ramesses III (Pap. Berlin 10 496, 10) until year 2 of
Sennudjem (Theban tomb no. 1) as that of the father of Rema'.137 Ramesses VI (0. Berlin 12 654, 8).142 Bekenseti is mentioned in
[ ..... ] mut may be Bekenmut (the traces on the facsimile do not rule O. Turin 6628, 3*, of year 19 of Ramesses Ill, as a chantress of Amun.
out this reading); he is mentioned in Hier. Ostr. 84, 16, of year 40 of 'An is unknown apart from these ostraca.
Ramesses 11 (cf. O. DeM. 113*). Hier. Ostr. 61, 2 (= O. Aberdeen 1317)
Hier. Ostr. 59, 4 (= O. Gardiner 66) No date mid XXth Dyn.
No date mid XXth Dyn. Names: rml-1st '/mn-m-lpt
Names: rml-1st Mjj-nbtwj bmww ~nnj
rml-1st Pn-tj-wrt Nbw-(m-)Mwt
Maanakhtef, probably the son of Kha'emnun and Naunakhte, appears Mntw-pj-b'py
in the duty roster in year I of Ramesses IV, as does a workman '/mn-msw
called Pentwere. 138 The latter is the son of Amennakhte, the son of Mentpet1a'py occurs in Pap. Geneva MAR IS 274, vs. Ill, 2, of
Ipuy,139 and is still mentioned under Ramesses IX in the Giornale year 6 of Ramesses IV, and in O. Gardiner 246, 4 [unpubl.J, of two
dell'anno 17, A, rt. 1, 8 (pI. 8). Re may not be the same as the years 2-3, no reign being specified, though from the other names it dates
workman Pentwere, who occurs very frequently from year 14 of from the mid XXth Dynasty. On the Bankes stela no. 10 he is called
Ramesses III onwards (0. Cairo 25555,5). Amennakhte was appointed the son of 1:lay,143 and this l;lay occurs in the same period (cf.
to the position of scribe of the necropolis by vizier To in year 16 O. Gardiner 134*). Nekhemmut is either the later chief workman of
(graff. 1111 and 1143), and called a son of his after him (To-shIre) that name, the son of Khonsu (cf. p. 70, n. 127), before his appointment
-who will thus have been born after year 16. 140 This To-shIre also to this position,144 or his nephew, the son of his brother the ldnw
enters the duty roster at the same time as his brother Pentwere, and Amenkhew (cf. O. DeM. 41, vs. 6). In the former case the text would
it therefore seems improbable that Pentwere was so much older as to date from the reign of Ramesses III or the first years of his successor,
be a workman from year 14. since this Nekhemmut the younger occurs as chief workman at least
from year 4 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 133,7; O. Brit. Mus. 5625,
Hier. Ostr. 60, 5 (= O. Gardiner 136)
vs. 6), and possibly even earlier (0. DeM. 433, 10; O. Cairo 25 562, 8,
No date mid XXth Dyn.
both of a year 2). The other Nekhemmut is mentioned for the first
Names: Bikl-n-wrnwr
'n (f) 141 time among the new members of the duty roster in year 1 of Ramesses
IV,145 and, therefore, possibly younger than his namesake. Since the
!flvty (f)
other names in the ostracon all occur in this later period I would
Bikl-(n-)St! (f)
prefer the latter alternative.
With the exception of I:Iuty the same persons occur in O. Berlin
12 343*, which also contains prices of coffins. Bekenwernero is known Hier. Ostr. 62, 1 (= O. Nims)
No date Ramesses 11
tERNY to the second half of the XIXth Dynasty, to which belongs also the ss-*d Names : ss-~d Pj-R'-btpw (in line 7 : R'-btpw)
Maaninakhtef. mentioned in line 2 (cf. O. DeM. 49*). "his wife" Ti-ist
137 cr. tERNY, Repertoire onomastique, 7. Cr. also Tjar in O. DeM. 220, 3,
Rbt-nw (f)
of the XIXth Dynasty according to tERNY.
138 Cf. tERNY, ZAS. 72, 1936, 116. Tiw-(n-)jny
139 cr. Hier. Ostr. 16,2*.

140 'Little To' has been confused with the vizier, e.g. by EDGERTON in his study 142 Cf. tERNY, CAH 2 ., voI. n, ch. 35, 10.
on the Turin strike papyrus (JNES. 10, 1951, 138), a mistake often repeated 143 cr. tERNY, Egypt. Stelae in the Bankes Collection, pI. 10, and JESHO. 11,
elsewhere. 1968, 150.
141 Not Na'. as given in the publication. Cr. Hier. Ostr. 17, I, I, 13; O.DeM. 570, 144 cr. O. Berlin II 254, 2, of year 19, where he is mentioned without designation.

4 (T'anu); O. Cairo 25 660, 17 O:len'an). 145 It is probably he who is referred to in Pap. Ch. Beatty XVI, vs. 4, of a year

5 (GARDlNER, Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 129 and pI. 71).


The draughtsman Pra'i).otpe, also called Ra'i).otpe, the son of Pay, 146 Hier. Ostr. 65, 2 (= O. Louvre 3263)
No date Ramesses 11
is well known from the time of Ramesses 11 (cf., e.g., O. Gardiner 133,
1*, of year 36, and Hier. Ostr. 84, 17, of year 40). In Theban tomb Names: bmww Pn-nwb
no. 5 he occurs as the 'brother' of Neferronpe, whose wife was called rml-1st ~nni
Tese. 147 Possibly she is the woman mentioned here. Tjaunany, possibly Pennub occurs in Hier. Ostr. 83, 11, of year 40 of Ramesses 11, and
the son of the sculptor ~en of Theban tomb no. 4,148 is not known in several undated ostraca of the XIXth Dynasty, but not in the group
from other ostraca, except O. DeM. 670, I ; for a policeman of this name of ostraca from the time of Amenmesse-though his sons, Nebnakhte,
cf. Hier. Ostr. 66, 1,4 and 8. For the name Rekhnau cf. Pap. Wilbour, Pshedu and Nebnufe are found in this period (cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 779,
A, 82, 15 (Prekhnau). Rekhnau is possibly another writing for 9 and 11, and Rapport DeM. 1948-51, 134). Nowhere other than here
Rekh'anau (cf. RANKE, Personennamen, I, 226, no. 7) or Prekh'anau is the designation 'carpenter' added. The Pennub of Hier. Ostr. 51, 1,
(Hier. Ostr. 39, 2, vs. 5 and 63, 2, 2}-these texts, however, being 11, 8 (late XIXth - early XXth Dynasty) may be another person'. In
from the XXth Dynasty. the case of ~enna it is impossible to distinguish which of the many
men so named is intended. One at least, the son of Bul5:entef, belongs
Hier. Ostr. 62, 3 (= O. Liverpool 13626) to the reign of Amenmesse and later (cf. O. Cairo 25 780, 7), but
No date XXth Dyn.? several men called ~en are known from the time of Ramesses 11, the
No names name having been a fairly common abbreviation of~enna.151
The use of the words mn-'nb (lines 1 and 2) and mrb (line 9)
points to the XXth Dynasty (cf. Part. 11, § 16). Hier. Ostr. 65, 4 (= O. IFAO. 389)
No date Ramesses III
Hier. Ostr. 63, 1 (= O. Colin Camp bell 5 = O. Hunterian Mus., Name: Ijiy, son of Ijwy
Glasgow, D 1925.70) This man is known from year 13 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 555,
No date mid XXth Dyn. 4) until year 29 (Turin strike papyrus, 2, 14 = RAD. 55, 9), and also
Names: Nbw-m-Mwt in a year 3 (0. DeM. 398, 4), but is not found in the duty roster.
Ijrl, son of Ijwy-nfr The use of the word snny (= snlw) points to an early date in the
ss Niby reign of Ramesses III (cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2).
I:Iori, the son of I:Iuyniife, is mentioned from year 10 of Ramesses Hier. Ostr. 67, 3 (= O. Gardiner 68)
Dated: year 31 Ramesses III
III (0. Michael. 1, 4 = pl. 51) until year 4 of Ramesses V (0. Cairo
25 598, 7).149 He is possibly also the I:Iori who occurs in the duty Names: Nfr-br
roster from year 24 until year 2. 'Opatjew is known only from the B3k-n-wrnwr
mid XXth Dynasty.150 For Nekhemmiit cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*. No 'i-n-ist ['In-b r-] b'w
scribe Nakhy is known from elsewhere. ss ' Imn-nbtw
'i-n-ist Ijnsw
146Cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 124. That the reign is that of Ramesses III is clear from the names of
147Cf. CERN)" Repertoire onomastique, 52 (paroi B). The indication 'brother' in the chief workmen Khew (= Ani).erkhew) 152 and Khonsu.
the tombs does not mean that these persons were really brothers, but only that they
belonged to the same generation. Hier. Ostr. 72,1 (= O. Ashmolean Museum 1945.39)
148 Cf. CERN)', op. cit., 44 and 50. No date late XIXth I early XXth Dyn.
149 The verso on this ostracon mentions year 4 (?) of Ramesses V and year 1 of
his successor.
151 The son of Bukentef is himself called Ken on a stela in Stockholm (No. 28 =
150 He occurs in the tomb of the chief workman Anl:Jerkhew (Theban tomb
MOGENSEN, Stl!ies egYPt. au Musee nat. de Stockholm, p. 46). Cf. also O. Berlin 10
no. 359); cf. BRL:YERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, 69. See also Tosl-RoCCATI, Stele, 110 (here
he IS called Aapanefu). The addition 'brother' may indicate that he is of the same
152 Cf. O. DeM. 593*.
age as Anl:Jerkhew.

Names: lfnm-msw Ramesses III (0. Turin 5651, 2 155 and 5666, 7 [unpubl.]). It is doubtful
Rwti whether he is to be identified with the Tenromont of O. Gardiner 127,
Nb-wnf 5, of year 29 [unpubl.], and even more so whether he is the man of
(the house of) Mnn3 the same name who occurs in the will of Naunakhte (Document I, I,
For Khnemmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 52,2*, and for Ruti Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*. 11). An adult career spanning the period from Sethos Il to Ramesses V
In common with the others, the name Menna is known from the late would be rather long, though not impossible; it may be therefore that
XIXth - XXth Dynasty, though recurring under Ramesses III and IV there was a second Tenromont, the son or grandson of the first. The
(e.g., Hier. Ostr. 77, 2 and 9*). It probably belongs to more than one name does not occur in the duty roster.
person (cf. O. Gardiner fragm. lO4*). Nebwenef occurs otherwise only The name Amenembab is fairly common, but one identified as the
in O. DeM. 205, 1, dated by CERNY to the XIXth Dynasty. son of Tenromont occurs in O. DeM. 262, 4. This latter dates
Hier. Ostr. 72,3 (= O. Petrie 4) 153 a year 2, probably of Ramesses IV or one of his successors, and since
Dated: year 23 Ramesses III the same text also mentions a Menna, one would be inclined to date
Names: m'(]3y 'Imn-!J'w the present ostracon also to the mid XXth Dynasty-suggested too by
ss n p3 !Jr 1frl the use of the word mn-'n!J (line 5).
The reign is certain from the mention of the scribe of the necropolis Hier. Ostr. 86, 1 (=0. Brit. Mus. 5633)
Hori. No date late XIXth I early XXth Dyn.
Hier. Ostr. 77 (= O. Or. Inst. Chicago 12073) 154 Names: 'n!J-n-nlwt Wb!Jt
Dated (first part) : year 17 of Ramesses III I:zry-m'(]3y Mntw-msw
(second part): year 4 of Ramesses IV Tnt-nlwt (f)
Names: rml-1st Mnn3 'n!J-n-nlwt M'nwlwl:zwtl
I:zry-m'(]3y Mntw-msw For the chief policeman Mentmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 24,1*. Webekht
ss n p3 br 'Imn-nbtw was the wife of the well known chief workman Neferbotpe (cf. O.
idnw 'Imn-!J'w Prague H 22*), who lived until the reign of Sethos II, but the wife of
Rwt3 Nekhemmiit the elder (cf. O. Gardiner 272*) also bears the same name
s3wty /j'wy (cf. Bankes stela no. 9), as do some other women. No certain dates
..... Pn-p3-ym for Tentne are known to me/ 56 and the apparently foreign name
ss-~d 1fr-sri M'antjubute is without parallel elsewhere. 157

Hier. Ostr. 85, 2 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5643) Hier. Ostr. 86, 2 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5649)
No date No date mid (?) XXth Dyn.
mid XXth Dyn. ?
Names: Tnwr-Mntw Names: 'Imn-msw
Mnn3 'Imn-b'w
'Imn-m-I:zb The names are too common to allow precise dating. According to
tERNY (Grain Prices, 175) the ostracon belongs to the XXth Dynasty,
For Menna cf. Hier. Ostr. 72, 1*. A Tenromont occurs from year 5
of Sethos Il (0. Berlin 11 241,5 [unpubl.]-the reign is virtually certain and this is supported by the name Amenkhew, which may point more
from the mention of the chief workman Pneb) until year 24 of specifically to the middle of that period. 158
155 ef.
SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione 1,175.
156 She occurs in O. IFAO. 1340, 2 [unpubl.J, dated to a year 19, of either
153 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 494. Ramesses 11 or Ill.
154 Translation: THEODORIDES, Acta orientalia belgica (mai 1963 - juin 1964) 157 Could it be a queer writing of Mntw-J:zwti (for Mntw-J:ztpti)?
Correspondance d'Orient no. 10, 1966, 189. 158 HELCK, Materialien Ill, 485 and IV, 618, dates this ostracon to the reign

Hier. Ostr. 86,3 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5644) called Pkhore-the son ofTunero, 161 is frequently mentioned in ostraca
No date late XIXth Dyn. of the mid XXth Dynasty (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 32, 3, 2; 42, 2, 2).
Names: ~mww R'-mry O. Hunterian Mus., Glasgow, D 1925.70: see Hier. Ostr. 63, I
O. Hunterian Mus., Glasgow, D 1925.82: see O. Colin Campbell 16
For the carpenter Ra'mery cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2* and 58, 3*; the O. IFAO. 292: see O. DeM. 105
name Amenemope is common, Pebrypide is rare, occurring only in O. IFAO. 359 162 [unpubl.]
O. Or. Inst. Chicago 17007,8 and passim, of years 35-37 of Ramesses 11 No date ?
[unpubl.], and in Hier. Os!r. 83, 21, of year 40. 159 According to the Name: [rml-]lst lfwy-nfr
Bankes stela no. 2 and Turin stela no. 1609 (= TOSI-RocCATI, Stele, For I:Iuyniife cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 5*.
no. 50069) he was the son of I:Iuy and Tenbasye and the brother of
O. IFAO. 389 : see Hier. Ostr. 65, 4
the chief workman ~aba (of Theban tomb no. 360), who also lived
under Ramesses 11. His coffin, however, is dated to the XXth Dynasty O. IFAO. 548 [unpubl.]
by PORTER-Moss 2 , I. ii, 662. No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
This ostracon contains a partial version of the same transactions as Names: '3-nbtw
in O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, where these same names are found, though ~mww 'Imn-b'w
with the addition of a carpenter Siwadjy. The latter name is known There were at least two persons called 'Onakhte, one known from
from the time of Ramesses Ill, but occurs also in the list of year 40 of the time of Amenmesse (0. Cairo 25 779, passim; 25 783, 4) and
Ramesses 11 (Hier. Ostr. 83, 4), and frequently during the period of during the reigns of Sethos 11 (Pap. Salt 124, 2, 12) and Siptab
Amenmesse, Sethos 11, and Siptab. But nowhere else is his occupation (0. Cairo 25 519, vs. 4 and 25 521, vs. 9; O. Gardiner Ill, 2, of
mentioned, except in O. Berlin 10 626*, which again is inconclusive. year 4 [unpubl.]), and another from year 14 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo
I would suggest, however, that the whole group is to be dated to the 25 703, 2), through the reign of Ramesses IV (graff. 839, of year 1;
end of the the XIXth Dynasty. Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, vs. Ill, 1, of year 6), and later (Pap.
Turin 1907/8, vs. n, 2*, of year 7 of Ramesses VII). It may even be
Hier. Ostr. 86, 4 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5636)
that they are three different people, since the name is absent from the
No date mid XXth Dyn.
duty roster (it occurs, however, in O. DeM. 410, 5*, of year 26, and
Names: rml-1st 'Imn-w' in O. Gardiner 127, 4, of year 29 [unpubl.], as well as in several
in-mw ij3ni', son of Twnwr
ostraca of the years 23-25).
Amenwa' was the son of the draughtsman I:Iori and the brother of
The carpenter Amenkhew is unknown from elsewhere. The name
the draughtsmen I:Iarmin and Nebniife (cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 120;
belongs to the XXth Dynasty and he may therefore pe one of the men
graff. 839 and 1082). He is mentioned in year 1 of Ramesses IV (graff.
referred to without designation under Ramesses III and IV.
839) and in year I of Ramesses VI (0. Brit. Mus. 50 730, 6 [unpubl.]),
as well as in a year 6 of one of these Pharaohs (0. DeM. 434, n, 2* O. IFAO. 764 163 [unpubl.]
and O. Berlin 12 652, 2*).160 The water-carrier Khore-sometimes No date mid XXth Dyn.
Names: '3-n-ist Nb[-m-Mwt]
of Ramesses IV. He goes too far, however, in stating that Amenkhew occurs (only)
161 Cf., however, O. Cairo 25 598, vs. 5 (si Pi-mr ...... ).
in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV, and Amenmose (only) in that of Ramesses IV. 162 This notation indicates the unpublished ostraca of the Institut fran<;ais d'Archeo-
In some instances later reigns are also possible. logie orientale in Cairo, found during the excavations at Deir el-Medina.
159 Another man of this name occurs in O. DeM. 672, 5, of a year 8, possibly
163 According to (:ERNY'S notebook the ostracon consists of two parts with a big
of one of the later Ramessids. gap in between. The connecting fragment appears to have been found, since (:ERNY
160 Possibly also in O. Strasbourg H 84, 2*, of year 7 of Ramesses VII, though the
added some words in pencil in the gap. He did not, however, copy it completely,
text is extremely difficult to read at this point.
perhaps for want of time.

Pl-iry (?) O. IFAO. 1020 [unpubI.]

'gd-rujm No date
Mrwt-'!mn-dwl (1) No names
Tl-l:ifnw O. IFAO. 1237 [unpubI.]
Pr-'l-m-tl-bJt ?
No date
B5ki-ffnsw No names
The chief workman Nekhemmiit may be either 'the elder' or 'the
O. IFAO. 1261 [unpubI.]
younger' (cf. p. 70, n. 127 and O. Gardiner fragm. 3*). The latter is still ?
known in the Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. 9, 2 (pI. 25), of Ramesses No date
No names surviving
IX.164 Bekenkhonsu may be the often mentioned distributor of rations
(cf. O. Desroches 6*), but there were also other people of this name, o. IFAO. 1286 [unpubI.]
e.g., a scribe of Amiin in Pap. Brit. Mus. 9997, I, 2, of years 14-15 No date late XXth Dyn.
of Ramesses XI [unpubI.]. An 'Adjedniidjem, the son of Kharoy, Name: [m'g)ly '!mn-I}tpw
occurs under Ramesses IX (Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. 6, 8 = pI. 23), For the policeman Amenl).otpe cf. O. Berlin 12405*.
and a woman called Meramendwa among the family of Anherkhew O. IFAO. 1298 [unpubI.]
the younger (BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, 38 and 58), in the latter No date mid XXth Dyn.
instance called the wife of the draughtsman l:Iarmin (cf. O. DeM. 434*). Names: ['1-] pJ-1Jw
The names Tl).efnu and Per'oemtl).e are not known to me from m'dJy '!mn-msw
elsewhere. There were several men named Peroy,165 but CERNY'S Ifri, son of Ifwy-nfr
reading is uncertain. [Hr]w-nfr
O. IFAO. 1008 [unpubI.] Mnw-h'w
No date XXth Dyn. For 'Opatje~ cf. Hier. Ostr. 63, 1*, where l:I6ri, the son of l:IuynUfe,
Name: Pn-tl-wrt is also mentioned. The policeman Amenmose is found in Hier. Ostr.
For Pentwere cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*. The most that may be said is 16, 3* , while for Minkhew cf. O. DeM. 241*. All four occur in the
that the name points to the XXth Dynasty. mid XXth Dynasty. [Her]nUfe (probably thus) may be the builder of
O. Cairo 25 597*.
O. IFAO. 1017 [unpubI.]
O. IFAO. 1373 [unpubI.]
No date mid XXth Dyn. ? Ramesses III
Dated: year 24
Names: [{(n]nJ
Names: ss Ifri
'J-n-lst ['!n-I}r-]b'w
For ~enna ef. Hier. Os!r. 65, 2*. This name is appropriate to any
The last name establishes the date beyond dispute.
period, and the same applies to Pkh6re = KhOre; cf. Hier. Ostr. 86,
4*, but also Hier. Ostr. 84, 6, of year 40 of Ramesses 11. In O. Brit. O. IFAO. 1393 [unpubI.]
Mus. 5625 (BLACKMAN, JEA. 12, 1926, pis. 35-36), of year 4 of No date ?
Ramesses IV, both names are found together (rt. 2 and 4); the present No names
ostracon may perhaps date from the same period. O.IFAO. 1397 [unpubI.]
No date mid XXth Dyn.
Name: I}mww Sbk-msw
Cf. also Pap. Abbott 6, 5, of year 16.
This name occurs, without designation, in O. DeM. 398, vs. 5, of a
E.g., Merysakhme, the son of Menna; cf. graff. 445 and CERNY, JNES. 14,

1955, 162f. year 3, in O. Ashmolean Mus. 1949.335, 3, of a year 6 [unpubI.],


and in O. IFAO. 593, vs. 2, of a year 32 [unpubl.]. The period of the Karo is mentioned in the duty roster from the second year of
second instance is uncertain. The year 32 of the last may be of the Ramesses IV (first occurrence: O. DeM. 44, 15). CLERE has identified
reign of either Ramesses Il or Ill, though the second is the more the name Karo with Kenero, both being transcriptions of the Libyan
probable. The appearance of the same name in Hier. Ostr. 25, 1, vs. I, name Kel (cf. BIFAO. 28, 1929, 183-4, n. 1), and this would be
2 and in O. DeM. 94, 4, points to the mid XXth Dynasty, to which all the more probable since a Kenero is said to be the father of
the year 3 of O. DeM. 398 also is to be ascribed. Cf. also O. Cairo l:Iuy and Pashedu, 171 while Karo, son of Simiit, is the father of a son
25588*.166 l:Iuy and a daughter Pashed. l72 This Kenero was not, however, the
O. IFAO. 1402 [unpubl.] son of Simiit, but of l:Iuy, and the two men are not therefore identical,
No date ?
though possibly belonging to the same family. Both their names may
No names very well have been Kel.
O. IFAO. 1501 167 [unpubl.] O. Michaelides 8 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pIs. 60-61)
No date mid XXth Dyn.? No date Ramesses III f mid XXth Dyn.
Name: bmty Mntw-nbtw Names: .t;;.ny-Mnw
The name is very rare, and the Mentnakhte of Hier. Ostr. 48, 2, 8 iny-nbtw
and vs. 1, of year 3 of Ramesses IV, may therefore be the same person. , Imn-nbtw, son of Rs-ptr f
!Jiy, son of (?) !Jwy
O. Leipzig 1: see Hier. Ostr. 26, 4 \ For ~enymin cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*, and for Amennakhte, the son
O. Liverpool 13 626: see Hier. Ostr. 62, 3 of Reshpotref, Hier. Os!r. 33, 3*. Whether l:Iay and J:luy are two
O. Louvre 3263 : see Hier. Ostr. 65, 2 independent persons, or l:Iay is described as the son of l:Iuy (as
transcribed in the publication),173 is not certain. For l:Iay, the son of
O. Metr. Mus. 09. 184.725 + 714 [unpubI.] l:Iuy, cf. Hier. Ostr. 65, 4*; no l:Iuy occurs in the dated ostraca of
No date mid XXth Dyn. the mid XXth Dynasty, which may perhaps confirm the reading with
Name: ['i-n-]lst 'In[-br]-b'w
For this chief workman cf. O. DeM. 593*.
O. Michaelides 10 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pI. 79)
O. Michaelides 6 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pIs. 56-7) 168 XIXth Dyn.?
No date
Dated (recto): year 1 mid XXth Dyn. No names
(verso, Text B) : year 4 The use of the 'piece' may point to the XIXth Dynasty.
Names: .t;;.s
Mnni O. Michaelides 13 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pIs. 46-7)
Kir Dated: year 2 MerenptaQ
The first name, transcribed by tERNY as ~ Ir"
'Kes',169 is only known Names: ss-If-d Nfr-btpw
to me from the Village in O. Brussels E 301, vs. Ill, 14 and 20,170 of
the mid XXth Dynasty. For Menna cf. Hier. Ostr. 72, 1*. bry lryw- 'i ij'-m-trl
166 In O. Michael. 2 (pI. 52), of year 16 of Ramesses Ill, there is mentioned a
water-carrier Sebkmose. who is not perhaps the same.
167 This piece was probably used as a weight.
171 Cf. CLERE, loc. cit. = CERN'\', BIFAO. 27, 1927,202 = BRUYERE, Mert Seger,
168 H. GOED!CKE and E.F. WENTE, Ostraka Michaelides (Wiesbaden, 1962). I have

also used CERN'\"S transcriptions, which sometimes differ from those of the publication. 10 (stela then in possession of the antiquities dealer Mohasseb).
169 Cf. RANKE, Personennamen I, 336, no. 26. The stroke is missing in the 172 Cf. Turin stela 1636 (= Tos!-RoCCAT!, Stele, no. 50012).

publication. 173 In which case the name I:Iay is written either without ~. which would be

170 A not entirely reliable transcription by SPELEERS, Recueil, 48-49. unusual, or, more probably, without the determinative.

R'-msw O. Nash 4: see Hier. Ostr. 57, 1

Pi-M, son of ij~[-nbtw]
O. Nims: see Hier. Ostr. 62, 1
The publication misreads the name of the father of Pashed, who is
certainly the well known l:Iel:makhte, whose name is sometimes O. Or. Inst. Chicago 12073: see Hier. Ostr. 77
shortened to l:Ieb. Pashed, the owner of Theban tomb no. 292, occurs O. Petrie 1: see Hier. Ostr. 32, 2
under Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 779, 3 and passim), Sethos 11
O. Petrie 3: see Hier. Ostr. 16, 3
(Pap. Salt 124, 2, 11; Hier Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 10-11) and Siptab
(0. Cairo 25 520,,5 and passim). O. Petrie 4: see Hier. Ostr. 72, 3
Of the five names, Kha'emtore and Ra'mose do not occur in the O. Petrie 14: see Hier. Ostr. 45, 1
lists of the time of Amenmesse and later, while only Pashed is not
O. Petrie 15: see Hier. Ostr. 26, 5
known before Amenmesse. Since the absence of the first two in the
numerous lists of this period is hard to explain if they were then O. Petrie 16: see Hier. Ostr. 21, 1
still alive, it seems that the ostracon is to be dated earlier, i.e., in the O. Pt:trie 17: see Hier. Ostr. 28, 2
reign of Merenptab.
O. Petrie 19: see Hier. Ostr. 19,3
O. Michaelides 14 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pis. 48-9)
O. Petrie 26: see Hier. Ostr. 16,2
Date: year lost late XIXth Dyn.
Names: Niby (called s§-Ir-d in vs. 3) O. Petrie 42 : see Hier. Ostr. 28, 4
Nfr-J:ttpw O. Petrie 48: see Hier. Ostr. 31, 4
'flt-m-wiw (f)
Ngmt (?) (f) O. Petrie 51 : see Hier. Ostr. 28, 1
O. Prague H 15 [unpubJ.]
For the name Yeyemwau cf. CERNY, lEA. 15, 1929, 248, n. 21. No
No date XIXth Dyn.?
woman called Niidjme, if this is correct, is known from elsewhere.
No names
For a draughtsman Neferbotpe cf. the preceding ostracon. He occurs
From the use of the 'piece' probably of the XIXth Dynasty.
from year 8 of Merenptab (0. DeM. 594, 2) until the reign of Siptab
(e.g., O. Cairo 25 521, 10, of year I; O. Gardiner Ill, 6, of year 4
O. Prague H 21 [unpubJ.]
[unpubJ.]). During the same reigns there occur also instances of the Ramesses Ill/IV
No date
name without any designation, which may indicate another person (cf.,
Names: rml-ist ijri, son of ijwy-nfr
e.g., O. DeM. 621, vs. 11, of year 2 of Merenptab; O. Cairo 25 784,
iry-'i /j'-m-wist
3, of year 3 of Amenmesse; O. Cairo 25 521, 3 and passim, of year 1
For this Hori cf. Hier. Ostr. 63, 1*, and for the doorkeeper
of Siptab); it is impossible to choose between them. To the same period
Kha'emwese Hier. Ostr. 54,2*.
belongs Nakhy, the son of BuJs:entef.

O. Michaelides 28 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pI. 75) O. Prague H 22 [unpubJ.]

No date No date Merenptab
XXth Dyn.?
No names Names: [B-]wrt-nfrt
According to the publication (p. 21) the writing is of the XXth Nb-nfr
Dynasty. 'i-n-ist Nfr-J:tt[pw]
The chief workman Neferbotpe, the son of the chief workman
O. Nash 2: see Hier. Ostr. 47, 1
Nebniife and the husband of Webekht (cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 1*), i.s
O. Nash 3 : see Hier. Ostr. 56, 2 mentioned from year 66 of Ramesses 11 (0. Cairo 25 237, 3) until

year 4 of Amenmesse (0. Cairo 25 784, 2 and passim) and the accession Names: rml-ist Ifr-m-wU
of Sethos 11 (Hier. Ostr. 64, 1, 8-12). In the first years of Sethos 11 m'(jjy .... M
he is dead, having been succeeded by Pneb (cr. Pap. Salt 124, 1, 2). For the name Haremwia cf. O. eerny 5*. The second name seems
Nebniife is an extremely common name under the XIXth Dynasty. In to end in .... nakhte, though I know of no policeman whose name is
the time of Amenmesse there are at least three men who are so called, suitable. Haremwia points to the XIXth Dynasty, but the prices are
viz. the sons of Wadjmose, Penniib and Nakhy. Whether one or more like'those of the XXth; perhaps, therefore, the later l:Iaremwia
another of them is intended here remains uncertain. Though several is meant (cr. Hier. Ostr. 49, 3, 4, of year 20 of Ramesses Ill), in
names compounded with Twer occur in this period I do not know of a which case the date may be year 14 or 24 of Ramesses Ill.
TwernUfe. O. Turin 9584 [unpubl.]
O. Strasbourg H 84 (= 1256) [unpubl.] Dated: year 18 Ramesses III
Dated: year 7 of Ramesses VII 174 Ramesses VII Name: iry- 'j Ij'-m-wjst
Names: ss-/fd Ifri-Mnw For this name cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*; it proves that the. reign is that
rml-ist '!mn-w' (?) of Ramesses Ill.
sms n !J hwt SJkt
O. Turin 9586 [unpubl.]
'nt-Mwt Cf) mid XXth Dyn.
TJ-dit-tJ-wrt No date
Names: I;ry-m'(jjy Sbk-msw
sbti Mry-'Imn-nbtw
m'(jjy ['Imn?-]b'w
Sdy-sri (?) (f)
SJl;ty-nJrt (?) (f) Ifri
Some of the persons here mentioned occur also in o. Gardiner 190*. Sti
in-mw pj-wbd
O. Toronto B 14175 mki-n-Ijnsw
No date ? 'Imn-h'w
No names For a Sebk~ose cf. O. Cairo 25 588*, where Amenkhew also occurs
O. Turin 6628 [unpubl.] (note that there Sebkmose is not qualified as policeman), The policeman
Dated: year 19 Ramesses III Amenkhew is again mentioned in O. DeM. 369*. Both ostraca date
Names: iry-'J '[3- 'J from the mid XXth Dynasty, and to this same period or somewhat
'!mn-m-lpt earlier belong also Usima're'nakhte (0. DeM. 592*; O. Colin Campbell
sm)! n 'Imn mkw-St (f) 16*), Pwakhd (0. DeM. 69*), Seti (Hier. Ostr. 36, 1*) and Bekenkhonsu
For the doorkeeper Tja'o cr. o. Col in Campbell 16*, and for (0. Desroches 6*).
Bekenseti Hier. Ostr. 60, 5*. The name Amenemope occurs frequently
O. Turin 9599 [unpubl.]
under Ramesses Ill.
No date Ramesses III I mid XXth Dyn.
O. Turin 6672 [unpubl.] Name: ss n pj br Ifri
Dated: year (x + ) 4 XXth Dyn.? For this I:I6ri cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*.

O. Turin 9609 [unpubl.]

This ostracon proves definitely that Ramesses VII reigned at least seven years.
174 No date XIXth Dyn. ?
175 Published in Theban Oslraca, now mainly in the Royal Ontario Museum 0/
Archaeology, Toronto, and the Bodleian Library, ed. by A. H. OARDlNER, H. THoMPsoN No names
and 1.0. MILNE (London, 1913), p. 12. The use of the 'piece' may point to the XIXth Dynasty.

o. Turin 9611 [unpubl.] No names

Dated: year 18 Ramesses III A very small fragment.
Names : ~ry-m'giy Mntw-msw O. University College London 176
ss 'Imn-nbtw Dated: year 2 of Sethnakhte Sethnakhte
ss 'b-pt Names: lfs-sw-nbw.f
The reign is undoubtedly that of Ramesses Ill. For Mentmose cf. 'nb-n-niwt lfwnwr
Hier. Ostr. 24, 1*, and for ~he scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy, lfiy, son of Si-WNyt
O. DeM. 232*. The scribe 'Akhpe does not occur many times, but cf. Nwb-m-wsbt (f)
Hier. Ostr. 34, 4, 3, of year 17, O. IFAO. 1030, 3, of year 18 TJ- 'it-mrwt (f)
[unpubl.], and Pap. Berlin 10 496, 16, of year 21.
o. Varille 4 [unpubl.]
O. Turin 9616 [unpubl.] Dated: year 2 mid XXth Dyn.
No date Ramesses III Names: ss [-*d?]lfr-Mnw
Name: lfiy iny-nbtw
For I:Iay cf. O. Cairo 25 655*. . .... . Ist (f)
O. Turin 9618 [unpubl.] fj'w (- ..... ?)
No date late XXth Dyn. ( ..... ?)-b'w
Name: ss fj'-m-~gt ~d-ibtwf
The scribe Kha'emhedje is the son of the scribe of the necropolis [Bw-]*ntwf
I:Iar-shire (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*); he lived at the end of the XXth The draughtsman I:Iarmin is well known (cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*),
Dynasty (cf., e.g., Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. I, 2 = pI. 14, of but not a scribe of this name; perhaps therefore ss is a mistake for
year 17 of Ramesses IX; graff. 1109, of year 18 of Ramesses XI). ss-*d. To the mid XXth Dynasty belong also Anynakhte (cf. O. DeM.
593*) and ~edakhtef (cf. O. Berlin 10 665*), all three occurring in
O. Turin 9753 [unpubl.]
O. Berlin 12 654 [unpubl.] of a year 2, probably of Ramesses VI. 177
Dated: year 5 mid XXth Dyn.
The first fj'w either stands for Anberkhew (cf. Hier. Ostr. 67, 3*),
Names: lfiy
in which case the chief workman may be meant, or else it is the
~ry-m'giy Nb-smn
beginning of a name such as Kha'emnfm or Kha'emwese. The second
For the chief policeman Nebsmen cf. O. Gardiner 162*, and for .... khew is only the end of a name and may represent Anberkhew.
I:Iay O. Cairo 25 665*. In view of the scarcity of ostraca from the To the mid XXth Dynasty belongs also a Bu~entef (e.g., O. Brit. Mus.
early reign of Ramesses III it seems more probable that the year 5 is 50 730, vs. 4, of year I of Ramesses VI [unpubl.]), a namesake of the
of one of his successors. son of Nakhy from the XIXth Dynasty,178 and perhaps the same as
O. Turin 9765 : see O. DeM. 105 the 'brother' of Anberkhew the younger, mentioned in his tomb (no.
O. Turin 9781 + 9801 [unpubl.] 359), where I:Iarmin too occurs (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930,69).
No date XXth Dyn.? I know of no Tese at this period, if this is indeed what is intended.
Name: TJ-bikw (f) O. Varille 5 [unpubl.]
This name is not known to me from dated ostraca. CERNY, Grain No date XXth Dyn.?
Prices, 175 (no. 15) suggests that the text is «very probably XXth
Dynasty», apparently from the writing. [76 Published: SPIEGELBERG, Ancient Egypt, 1914, 106[, and KRI. V, 1·2,
[77 cr. tERN)', CAH2 " vo!. 11, ch, 35,10,
O. Turin 9783 [unpubl.] [78 Cr. Stockholm, stela 28 = MOGENSEN, Steles egypt, au Musee nat, de Stock·
No date ? holm, 45r. He is well known from ostraca, Cr. also Hier. Ostr. 65, 2*.

Names: Ifrl O. Vienne H 2 180

Nfr-~tpw Dated: year 3 mid XXth Dyn.
Both names are extremely common in the XXth Dynasty, and Names: '!mn-Iy'w
NeferQotpe also in the XIXth; no more than a very tentative ascription m'gJy'!mn-Iy'w
to the XXth Dynasty is therefore possible. Cf. O. Gardiner 158*. For Amenkhew cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*, and for the policeman
O. Varille 11 [unpubl.] Amenkhew O. DeM. 369*.
No date XIXth Dyn. ?
Name: TJ-tlyy 180 Published: GOEDlCKE, WZKM. 59/60, \964, pI. 11.
The name is unknown from the ostraca and stelae, but this is not
surprising since it is probably preceded by ~mt, 'female slave'. The use
of the 'piece' points to the XIXth Dynasty.
O. Varille 13 [unpubl.]
Dated: year 3 Merenptal::t/Amenmesse
Name: rml-lst PJ-nb
For Pneb as a workman cf. Hier. Ostr. 56, 2*. The ostracon may
date from the reign of MerenptaQ or that of Amenmesse-or possibly
even from that of Seth6s ll, during which Pneb became chief workman
(though in what year is unknown).
O. Varille 18 [unpubl.]
No date ?
No names
O. Varille 25 [unpubl.J Ramesses 11 I MerenptaQ
No date
Names: ... . m~yw (f)
... . R' (f)
Nfrw (f)
Nji-[-~tpw ?]
A second text on the verso has:
kJry Nfr-~tpw
. PJ-nb, son of Nfr-snwt
For this last cf. Hier. Ostr. 56,2* (also O. Varille 13*). The gardener
NeferQotpe appears not to be known. The woman's name ending in
.... emQeye may be I:lenemheye, quite common during the XIXth
Dynasty, while ..... re' may be Sherere'. To the same period belongs
the name Nofre (e.g., O. DeM. 209, 4, of year 2 of Amenmesse;
O. Varille 26, 9 [unpubl.J, of a year 2, probably-from the occurrence
of the chief workman NeferQotpe-of MerenptaQ or Amenmesse).179
All the names point to a date in the second half of the XIXth Dynasty.
179 Pneb is also mentioned. again without designation.

viziers Nebma're'nakhte, who held office under Ramesses IX and XI

respectively.2 No workman called Maanakhtef is known later than
CHAPTER THREE year 3 of Ramesses V,3 and the papyrus may therefore have to be
dated to the earlier vizierate. The contents, as far as they survive,
PAPYRI seem to be related to those of Pap. DeM. no. 7 verso.

Pap. DeM. no. 23 [unpubJ.] ?

Pap. Ashmolean 1945.95: see the will of Naunakhte A palimpsest, written on one side only and partly illegible. No date,
Pap. Ashmolean 1958.111 [unpubJ.] Ramesses II no names.
This papyrus was formerly in the possession of Sir Alan Gardiner, Pap. Leiden I 352 XIXth Dyn.
and was presented by him to the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 1 The Published in transcription by CERNY, lEA. 23, 1937, 186ff., under
recto contains a text about bee-keepers and is dated to a year 36, the title "Restitution of, and Penalty attaching to, Stolen Property in
which from the writing cannot be other than of the reign of Ramesses lI. Ramesside Times". The text is not dated, but belongs to the XIXth
The verso contains a list of prices. Dynasty.4 Its provenance is unknown, though like the majority of the
Pap. Berlin 10 485 [unpubJ.] ? papyri in the former Anastasi collection it may have come from
Dated: year 3 Memphis. Whether it contains prices or merely weights is not clear.
A short text of only six lines, fragmentarily preserved. Pap. Mallet (= Pap. Louvre no. E 11 006)
Pap. Bulaq X (= Pap. Cairo 58 092) late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
For this text see lESHO. 11, 1968, 137 ff. Published in facsimile by MASPERO, Rec. Trav. 1, 1870, pis. I-IV.s
Col. I, which only contains prices, is dated to the period from year 31
Pap. Cairo 65 739 Ramesses II until year 3, i.e., from the last years of Ramesses III until those of
Published by GARDINER, lEA. 21, 1935, pis. 13-16 and pp. 140-146 Ramesses IV. The text was probably not written at Deir el-Medina,
("A Lawsuit Arising from the Purchase of Two Slaves"). The text is but elsewhere at Thebes.
dated to year 15 of Ramesses n.
The Mayer Papyri A and B (= Pap. Liverpool Nos M 11162 and
Pap. Chester Beatty I verso mid XXth Dyn. M 11186) A: Ramesses Xl
Published by GARDINER, The Library of A. Chester Reatty (London, Published in facsimile with transcriptions and translations by
1931). On the verso some business memoranda are jotted down, one T. E. PE ET (1920). Pap. Mayer A is dated to year 1 of the Wbm-mswt
of which (numbered 'section D' by GARDINER; cf. pI. 27 and § 14) era, i.e., year 19 of Ramesses XI. Pap. Mayer B, a fragment consisting
contains the record of the sale of an ox. The text is dated to a year 4 of one sheet inscribed only on the recto, is of unknown date. Both
of either Ramesses V or one of his successors. texts belong to the tomb robbery papyri.
Pap. DeM. no. 7 [unpubJ.] XXth Dyn. The Will of Naunakhte (= Pap. Ashmolean 1945.95 + .97 and Pap.
This papyrus, like the two following, was found by the French DeM. 2 A+B) Ramesses V
excavators at Deir el-Medina. It contains neither a date nor names. Four documents, published by CERNY, lEA. 31, 1945, pis. VIII-XII.
CERNY places it in the XXth Dynasty on palaeographical grounds. Documents I and IV, which contain some prices, are dated to year 3
Pap. DeM. no. 14 [unpubJ.] Ramesses IX of Ramesses V.
The papyrus has no date, but the verso, of which only three lines
survive, contains a letter to (?) a certain Maanakhtef from one of the 2 Cf. HELCK, Verwaltung, 335f. and 342ff. See also tERN)', BiDr. 19, 1962, 143b.
3 Will of Naunakhte, Doe. J, 3, 2 and IV, 2; cf. Hier. Dstr. 59, 4*'
4 Cf. tERN)', op. eit., 186, n. 2.
5 The letters of this papyrus now in BAKIR, Egyptian Epistolography, pIs. XXVII-
I Cf. tERN)', Prices and Wages, 911.

Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1880 Ramesses III Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1885 vs.
(usually known as the Turin strike papyrus) A facsimile of this text is published by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus
Published in facsimile by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, de Turin, pI. 72. Verso col. I contains the division of the property of
pis. 35-48, and transcribed by GARDINER, Ramesside Administrative the scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy (cf. O. DeM. 232*), and is
Documents, 45-58. The verso contains some memoranda, of which the dated to a year 7, which may be of either Ramesses VI or VII.12
payment to a doctor and the distribution of property by Usibe (RAD. The first line of this col. I is, however, a separate entry, and mentions
47, 15 - 48, 8) contain prices. The date of the text is year 29 of the price of a gJwt given to To, probably the son of Amennakhte
Ramesses Ill. (cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*) who is usually called To-shire. Although the
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1881 Ramesses IX exact date of this separate entry is not specified, it will not have been
A rather long papyrus contammg, m its present state (it is a far removed from the same year 7.
palimpsest), a great variety of texts. 6 Some parts are published in Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1906 + 2047 + 1939 [unpubl.] late XXth Dyn.
facsimile by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, pis. 1-10, but of The verso of this text contains a price of what may be a bed (only
some columns only half the lines are given. Three memoranda contain a few signs are still legible). The papyrus is dated to a year 7 (recto),
pnces: and to three years 7, 8 and 9 (verso). The names, including a scribe
a) a long line in small characters written above cols. I-Ill of the of the mat I:I6ri,13 point to the reign of Ramesses IX or XI, or the
recto; 7 W~m-mswt era.

b) recto col. Ill; Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1907/8 Ramesses VI-VII
c) recto col. IV. Published by me, lEA. 52, 1966, pIs. XVI-XIX. Dated from year 5
The first and last of these texts are dated to a year 7 of a Pharaoh of Ramesses VI to year 7 of Ramesses VII.
whose name is not specified, but who was probably Ramesses IX, Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2003 14 Ramesses XI
since the names mentioned, e.g. the scribes 'Ankhefenkhonsu and Published, except for the beginnings of some lines of col. I, by
Amenbotpe,8 the chief workman I:Iarmose 9 and the chief policeman PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, pI. 91. The occurrence of the
Khonsembab, are known from other documents of his reign. lo name of the scribe Dbutmose 15 shows that the text dates from the
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1883 Ramesses IX very end of the XXth Dynasty, the year 3 in 1. I being therefore of
Published in facsimile by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, pI. 29. either Ramesses XI or the W~m-mswt era.
The verso contains some prices (11.2-4), the text being dated to a Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2077 + 2024 + 2052 [unpubl.]
year 8, probably of Ramesses IX.II The chief workmen Nekhemmut (the No date Ramesses IX
younger; cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*) and I:Iarmose (cf. Pap. Turin 1881*) Names: idnw PJ-'n[-~n]
occur on the recto. ['J-n-]lst Wsr-bps
ss n PJ [br] Ifrl
6 Cf. PEET, Griffith Studies, pis. 10 and 11 (a publica ton of two letters from the SJwty ~31[-g'rt]
papyrus). [ldnw] '[mn-b'w
7 Quoted by CERN)" Prices and Wages, 905 and n. 13; partly translated by PEET,
op. cit., 124f. lry- 'J 'n[ -~tpw ?]
8 Cf. O. Cairo 25 362*. B-n!J'my (f)
9 Known, e.g., from the Giornale dell'anno 17, A, rt. 3, I. Harmose was the son PJ-nbtw-rsy
of the chief workman Ani)erkhew the younger. .
10 Cf. also GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., p. xx. 12 Cf. JEA. 52,1966,91 and n. 4.
11 Cf. PEET, BIFAO. 30, 1930, 490. Year 8 can only belong to the reign of 13 He also occurs in Pap. Turin 1881 *.
~amesses IX - unless Ramesses VII also reigned more than 7 years, which is not 14 Translated, incompletely, by HELCK, Materialien V, 846f.
Impossible. l5 Cf., e.g., CERN)" Late Ramesside Lellers, passim.

Several of these persons are mentioned in the Giornafe deII'anno 17,

of Ramesses IX---e.g., the scribe of the necropolis l:I6ri,16 the deputy
P'an\<en, the woman Tniidjme and the guard ~aydore. The deputy
Amenkhew 17 is not known to me later than a year 7, probably of
Ramesses VII. Usikhopesh, whose title is lost, is probably the chief
workman; cf., e.g., Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2007 (= PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 83 A),
of year 16 of Ramesses IX, and Pap. Abbott 5, 13, of the same year.
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2081 + 2095 [unpubl.] Ramesses IV ?
The verso, col. 11, line 5, contains the price of an 'nb, the first
line of the col. being dated to a year 2. Names on the recto, e.g., those PART 11
of the scribe of the necropolis l:Iar-siJIre 18 and the deputy l:Iay, 19 point
to the mid XXth Dynasty, probably the reign of Ramesses IV. PRICES
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2104 [unpubl.] mid XXth Dyn. ?
This papyrus contains on the recto three columns with the Calendar
of Lucky and Unlucky Days; on the verso at the left are two columns
of accounts (cols. 11 and Ill), and at the right, written at right
angles to the lines of the accounts, a long letter (col. I).
Col. 11 is dated, in line 1, to year 1 of a Pharaoh, whose name is
not specified. The next lines read: "To make known all the money
(bf!), which the scribe Amennakhte gave to the chief of the stable
..... ". This is not sufficient to indicate the reign, since there were
several scribes called Amennakhte; if he was the famous son of Ipuy,
the period may be the mid XXth Dynasty.
Pap. Turin, Giornale
This form of reference is used for the texts published by BOTTI and
PEET under the title If giornale della necropoli di Tebe (Torino, 1928).
The book contains three texts, one of year 13 and one of year 17 of
Ramesses IX, and the third of year 3 of Ramesses X. All three are
composed of several pieces, each of which bears a separate number in
the catalogue of the Turin Museum. For further information the reader
is referred to the publication.
Pap. Vienna no. 34 Ramesses 11
Published in facsimile by BERGMANN, Hieratische und hieratisch-
demotische Texte, pI. I, and dated to a year 13, which from the
writing is of the reign of Ramesses Ipo
16 cr. Hier. Oslr. 16, 2*'
17 Cf. O. DeM. 399*'
18 cr. Hier. Os/r. 16,2*.
19 cr. O. DeM. 146* and O. Gardiner 13S*'
20 cr. tERNY, Prices and Wages, 905.

different. For confirmation one may, however, refer to Hier.

Oslr. 22,2 (probably of the same time), where in line 5
CHAPTER TWO four mats are sold for 2 deben, to which 1/2 sniw will have
been roughly equivalent.
CEREALS No. 5) Hier. OSlr. 65,4 (Ram. Ill). The total of line 6 gives 1 sniw
and I khar 3 as the value together of 5 khar of emmer,
i.e. I khar = 1/4 sniw.
§ 6. Emmer (bdl) Although 1 deben per khar (or 1/4 sniw, which is about the same)
In 1934 tERNY published an article dealing with grain prices during may seem rather cheap, it is in agreement with two dated texts from
the Twentieth Dynasty. I Since then, of course, fresh data have become the later years of Ramesses Ill.
available, and it is also possible now to derive information from other No. 6) Hier. Oslr. 45,1,5 4 (year 28): 1 khar = 1 deben.
texts in which corn is mentioned, though without specific notation of No. 7) O. Cairo 25 242, 6 5 (year 29). In a partly illegible entry we
its price. We shall start with the prices of emmer (bdt), the grain used find: " ...... emmer, 1 khar, §bn sn 3 oip~, makes 1 deben" ,
for making bread. which means either 3 oip~ = 1 deben (as tERNY) or 1 khar =
From the late Nineteenth and early Twentieth Dynasty there are 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 1 or 1 1/3 deben.
five references from which a price can be calculated four times in
sniw and once in deben, though none of them, u~fortunately, IS
From the texts of the mid Twentieth Dynasty, a period including the
completely certain. reigns from Ramesses IV to VII-in which it is also possible, owing
to the difficulty of dating, that one of the texts assigned above to the
No. 1) ? Cairo 25 725 (late XIXth Dyn.). In line 5 a sgy-garment later years of Ramesses III should in fact be placed-we have a series
IS valued at 1 + 5 khar of emmer, while in the next line 2
of prices between 1 1/4 and 2 deben.
sgy-garments are exchanged for a calf at 4 + 2 sniw. The
No. 8) O. Cairo 25 606, 2-3. 6 A kbs-basket filled with emmer =
conclusion would seem to be that 6 khar are equivalent to
2 deben, which would mean, since the usual price of a kbs
1/2 X 6 sniw, i.e. 1 khar = 1/2 sniw.
was 1 deben and its capacity 1/2 khar,7 that the price of
No. 2) O. DeM., Gr. Puits, b 2 (XIXth / early XXth Dyn.). In a
1 khar = 2 deben.
broken text we find: "2 1/2 khar of emmer (the word bdt
No. 9) Pap. Turin 2104, vs. Ill, 10: 4 khar of emmer 8 = 5 deben,
is lost, but the number is written in red) costs 1 sniw", i.e.
1 khar = 2/5 sniw.
i.e. 1 khar = 11/4 deben.
No. 10) O. DeM. 223, 6-7 9 : 1 1/2 khar of emmer = 2 deben, i.e.
No. 3) O. DeM. 552 (XIXth / early XXth Dyn.). In 11. 6-7 two khar
1 khar = 1 1/3 deben.
of emmer and two khar of barley are together valued at
No. 11) O. Cairo 25 585 10 : in line 4 three oip~ of emmer cost
4 deben, 2 which means-assuming both kinds of grain to have
been the same price (for which there are several proofs; cf.
p. 130)--that 1 khar = 1 deben. 3 Cf. p. 103.
No. 4) O. DeM. 553 (early Ram. Ill?). In line 3 a khar of emmer 4 Grain Prices, 174, no. 2.
5 Ibid., no. 3; cf. CERNY'S transcription, BIFAO. 27,1927, 180.
and 4 mats are together valued at 1 snlw. Since 4 mats may 6 This text is vaguely dated above either within the reign of Ramesses III or
have cost 1/2 snlw (cf. O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 5 and pp. slightly later.
155 ff.) there would then remain 1/2 sniw for 1 khar of emmer 7 Cf., e.g., O. DeM. 213, 5; for the price of the kbs, cf. ch. III, § 12.
8 Although the first sign of this word is lost in the original, the restoration bdt is
though with another price for the mats the result would b;
9 Grain Prices, 175, no. 4.
10 Ibid., no. 5. The text is vaguely dated in the XXth Dynasty, but probably
1 Archiv Orientdlni 6, 1934, 173 ff., quoted below as Grain Prices.
2 Cf. p. 102, note 8. belongs to this period.

deben, but in the next line one khar costs 2 deben, i.e. No. 20) Pap. Tl.Jrin 1907/8 (Ram. VII). In four entries 16 the price is
1 khar = 1 1/3 or 2 deben. 4 deben per khar, while in two others 17 an even higher
No. 12) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, col. Ill: 3 khar of emmer = 5 deben, price is mentioned.
i.e. 1 khar = 1 2/3 deben. No. 21) Pap. Turin 1881 18 (year 7 of Ram. IX): 30 khar of emmer
No. 13) O. DeM. 195, 3: 3 khar of emmer = 5 deben, i.e. 1 khar appear to be the equivalent of 80 + 10 (or 20, or 30)
= 1 2/3 deben; in vs. 2 one khar of emmer and a kbs- deben of copper, which means that 1 khar = 3, or 3 1/ 3, or
basket are together valued at 2 deben, which means that 3 2/3 deben.
1 khar = 1 deben. No. 22) Pap. DeM. 14, 2 (Ram. IX): six khar cost 24 deben, i.e.
No. 14) Hier. Ostr. 18, 3 11 : according to the total, the 2 oipe of 1 khar = 4 deben.
emmer in line 7 are valued at 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. No. 23) Pap. DeM. 7, vs. 3 (Ram. IX?): two khar cost 24(?) deben,l9
No. 15) O. Berlin [C], 3 12 : 2 oipe of emmer = 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar i.e. 1 khar = 12 deben.
= 2 deben.
No. 24) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B (year 17 of Ram. IX). In four
16 No. 16) O. Berlin 10 6S5, 3 : 5 khar of emmer and 2 mats = 10 deben, entries, vs. 8, 30 and 39, vs. 9, 22 and 25, the price is
which, since a mat usually costs 1/2 deben, would mean that consistently 4 deben per khar.
the grain is 9 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 1 4/ s deben. No. 25) Pap. Turin 2003, I, 4 20 (year 3 of Ram. XI): one khar of
No. 17) Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 2: 10 khar and 3 1/2 oipe (of emmer costs 2 deben, while in line 7 five and a quarter
emmer, as shown by the red ink) cost, from the total of \ khar cost 10 1/2 deben, i.e. in both instances 1 khar = 2 deben.
line 3, 10 deben, and since it is possible that the small No. 26) O. Berlin 12405,6 21 (late XXth Dyn.): 1 khar = 2 deben.
quantity of 3 1/2 oipe was virtually neglected, 13 this means
that 1 khar = c. 1 deben. There remain four other examples of emmer-prices, which are not
datable with any certainty. One of them may belong to the reign of
No. 18) Hier. Ostr. 36, 1, vs. I, 5 14 : 1 kbs-basket filled with emmer
Ramesses III or the mid Twentieth Dynasty.
= 2 deben, i.e. (see above, no. 8) I khar = 2 deben.

The arrangement of the nos. 8-18 is rather arbitrary, except for the
No. 27) O. Gardiner 238, 5: 1/2 khar 22 of emmer = 1 deben, i.e.
1 khar = 2 deben.
last, since this ostracon marks the end of the period. No conclusions
may therefore be drawn about any gradual rise in the price of emmer, Two of them seem, by comparison with other prices, to belong to
as is clear from the fact that even the first example, no. 8, which could the latter part of the mid Twentieth Dynasty.
still belong to the reign of Ramesses Ill, incorporates the higher price No. 28) Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 8 23 : 1 1/2 khar of emmer = 8 deben, i.e.
of 2 deben per khar. For the time from Ramesses VII onwards , on the 1 khar = 5 1/3 deben.
other hand, the indications of a steep rise in the price are fairly
conclusive, as the following instances show.
would mean I khar = 2 617 deben. However, from the facsimile (pI. XLVI) one
No. 19) O. Cairo 25 588, 7 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 oipe in exchange could as well read 1/4 instead of 3/ 4 , which would give the same price as in line 7.
for 1 deben, i.e. I khar = 4 deben. ls That emmer is meant in both instances is clear from the statement in line I (ef. p. 110).
16 Rt. 11, 7, 11, 12, 18; cf. the text in JEA. 52, 1966, pI. XVI and XVI A.
17 Rt. n, 16: 8 dehen per khar; rt. I, 15: 13/ 4 khar for 16 deben. If however,
II Ibid., no. 7. Like CERNY I would suppose that the deleted '"one" In line 6 3/4 khar is reckoned for I khar, as it is elsewhere (cf. lEA. 52, 1966, p. 93), then there
was originally reckoned into the total. again the price is 8 dehen per khar.
12 Ibid., no. 6.
IS Cf. PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. IX = Griffith Studies, pI. 11,6-8.
13 See also p. 268, no. 12. 19 Written ~ II1 ~ at the end of the line, i.e. with room for 24.
14 Dated to a year 7, which may be of either Ramesses VI or VII, though if it 20 Grain Prices, 175, no. i2.
is of the latter there is a sharp contrast with the price in no. 20 below; cf. p. 125, note 69. 21 Ibid., no. 11.

IS Grain Prices, 175, no. 9. Only this price is mentioned, but in CERNY'S transcrip- 22 Although the text is not quite clear this reading seems the most probable.
tion of the text 11. 5-6 runs '"13/ 4 khar in exchange for 5 deben of copper", which 23 Grain Prices, no. 13.

No. 29) Hier. Ostr. 57, 1 vs. 1-2: 3 oipif of emI\ler m exchange tor false impression of accuracy and exactitude 27 as compared with the real
5 deben of copper, i.e. 1 khar = 6 2/3 deben. uncertainty in dating most of the texts.
The fourth undatable emmer-price could equally well belong to the
early part of the mid Twentieth Dynasty as to its end, but other prices § 7. The Emmer Prices and the Season
in the same text point to the latter alternative.
It is of some importance to consider whether there are any indications
No. 30) O. Gardiner 172, 4: 2 oipif = 1 (sc. deben), i.e. 1 khar = of a seasonal fluctuation in the emmer-prices, whether, that is, the
2 deben. prices are higher before than after the harvest, which took place in
These thirty examples may be compared briefly with emmer-prices the months of April and May. Some of the thirty texts quoted above
from other places and earlier periods. In Pap. Cairo 58 071, of the are in fact dated to a specific month and day in the reign of a Pharaoh,
fourth year of Amenophis 11 24 we find (vs. 4) that 7 1/2 khar of emmer who mayor may not be mentioned, and in order to convert the Egyptian
is valued at 11/2 sniw (or sn'), and since (according to vs. 4-5) date into the corresponding one of the Julian calendar we shall
4 deben of copper = 1/2 sniw (sn'), the price of 1 khar of emmer is here follow the chronological table drawn up by HORNUNG in his
I 3/ 5 deben of copper. In Pap. Cairo 58 056, from Abusir and of Untersuchungen zur Chronologie und Geschichte des neuen Reiches. 28 The
Nineteenth Dynasty date, 25 80 deben of copper are equated with 80 khar point of departure is the day of accession of Ramesses IV, i.e. the
of emmer, which means that 1 khar = I deben. As a third example one day following the death of Ramesses Ill, namely III smw 15, for which
may refer to Pap. Berlin 9784 of year 27 of Amenophis 111,26 where HORNUNG has calculated the 17th of April, 1153 B.C. as the most

(in line 7) 6 khar of barley and 8 khar of emmer are said to cost probable date. Even if the year is not absolutely correct, the deviation
4 sniw (sn'). Since at that period the .!lID was equivalent to 8 1/3 deben can only be small and will not greatly affect any calculation of the
of copper, the price of barley and emmer, assuming their value to have season.
been the same, was about 2 deben per khar. Starting from this point we may arrive at the following approximate
From these three 'outside' instances one should conclude no more dates:
than that a price of I to 2 deben of copper per khar may be considered No. 6) Hier. Ostr. 45, 1 (l khar = 1 deben)
as normal. ~ndications of a somewhat higher level at the end of the Dated: IV smw 10 of year 28 of Ramesses III = May 13
Nineteenth bynasty (nos. I and 4, both 1/2 snlw = 2 1/ 2-3 deben) are No. 7) O. Cairo 25 242 (1 khar = 1 or 11/3 deben)
not altogether conclusive, since another text (no. 3) of about the same Dated: IV 3bt 20 of year 29 of Ramesses III = September 24
time gives a lower price of 1 deben, which seems also to be the normal No. 16) O. Berlin 10 665 (l khar = 1 4/5 deben)
value of emmer in the reign of Ramesses III (nos. 5, 6 and 7). During Dated: III 3bt 22 of a year 1, mid XXth Dyn. (± 1140) =
the following period the prices fluctuate between 1 and 2 deben, until August/September
at the end of the middle phase of the Twentieth Dynasty (Ramesses VII) No. 18) Hier. Os!r. 36, I (l khar = 2 deben)
a sharp rise brings them to 8 and even 12 deben per khar, while at the
end of the Dynasty the normal upper level of 2 deben again prevails.
These results are generally in agreement with the conclusions drawn
by tERNY in his much-quoted article. tERNY even produced a graphic 27 N0te, e.g., that his nos. 2 and 3 in the graph (p. 176) are in fact only four

diagram of these prices, but it seems to me that this might create a months apart, which would produce a far steeper line than indicated. In my opinion
some lower prices are likely to belong between nos. 2 and 3.
28 Table on pp. 108-9. It is of some importance whether HORNUNG is right in taking

24 Cf. Prices and Wages, 911. note 29. This papyrus was formerly known as Pap. 1290 B.c. as the first year of Ramesses 11, or whether RowToN is more correct in
Bulaq XII. accepting the higher date of 1304 B.c. (CAH 2 • vol. I, ch. VI, p. 19). However. a
25 Grain Prices, 173, no. 1. difference of 14 years. together with minor differences in the lengths of succeeding
26 Published by GARDINER, ZAS. 43, 1906, 27ff. Cf. also THEODORIDES, RIDA. reigns, produces only small deviations of a few days, which do not materially influence
15, 1968,61 ff. conclusions as to the season.

Dated: III smw 2 of year 7 29 of Ramesses VI or VII to assume a scribal error is hardly possible, since the price of barley
(± 1130) = end March in rt. 11, 16 is also abnormally high.
No. 19) O. Cairo 25 588 (1 khar = 4 deben)
Dated between 11 prt and 11 smw of a year 2, mid XXth §8. Barley (it)
Dyn. (± 1130) = between November and March. Barley was the principal grain used for brewing beer in ancient
No. 21) Pap. Turin 1881 (l khar = 3, or 3 1/ 3, or 3 2/3 deben) Egypt, and for some reason which now escapes us the prices of
Dated: IV Jot of y~ar 7 of Ramesses IX (± 1120) = early commodities are sometimes expressed in terms of khar and oip~ of
September barley, although the consumption of emmer was certainly greater, the
No. 24) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B (l khar = 4 de ben) workmen of the Village, for instance, having received more emmer
Dated: I prt 3-11 of year 17 of Ramesses IX (± 1110) monthly than barley.34 One cannot in fact ignore the possibility
= September/October mentioned above that where the price is merely expressed in khar, written
No. 25) Pap. Turin 2003 (1 khar = 2 deben) in black, corn generally rather than barley may be intended (in spite
Dated: I Jljt 20 of year 3 of Ramesses XI (± 1096) = of the black ink), but since there is no proof, we shall treat the khar-
May/June prices below as barley-prices.
All the prices in these dated texts are in agreement with the usual In the ostraca and papyri when real barley is meant, and not barley
price in the relevant period. Unfortunately, one only, no. 18, dates from as a unit of value, the word is written it-m-it, "barley as barley", which
the harvest-time or perhaps just before, but its price, which is normal, makes the distinction easy. We shall therefore consider first the real
cannot indicate anything. The various entries of no. 19 are not dated barley prices, and reserve the khar-prices, from which the value of the
separately, so that no conclusion is possible. The only text from which grain itself can be calculated, to the following section.
we may look for significant information is Pap. Turin 1907/8 (no. 20) The series begins with four examples from the Nineteenth Dynasty.
of the reign of Ramesses VII,30 since here at least three entries No. 1) Pap. Ashmolean 1958.111 (year 36 of Ram. 1I): vs. 15 states
from two consecutive years are dated. that 8 khar of corn (ss) and 12 bundles of vegetables
Rt. n, 7 (l khar = 4 deben). Dated: I Jll! 10, year 4 = June (c. 10th) together cost 8 sniw, and since in vs. 18 twelve bundles are
Rt. n, 16 (l khar = 8 deben). Dated: n prt 20,31 year 4 = mid valued at 4 snlw there remains 4 snlw for the corn. The black
November ink indicates that it is barley, the price of which is then
Rt. 11, 18 (l khar = 4 deben). Dated: I or 11 smw 5, year 5 32 = I khar = 1/2 snlw.
February or March No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 56,2,4-5 (Ram. 11 / Merenpta!:t) : 2 oip~ of barley
tERN\' attempted to explain the high price of rt. 11, 16 by its date and 2 oip~ (for a pair of sandals) = 1/2 sniw, i.e. 1 khar
following the Inundation, but logically the price of 11, 18 would then = 1/2 sniw.
have to be higher still, since this entry is later in the agricultural No. 3) O. DeM. 215, 4 (year 1 of Seth6s 11 / Sipta!:t): I khar of
year.33 I can suggest no reasonable explanation of this problem, and barley 35 = 3 sniw (?).
No. 4) O. Cairo 25 543, 6 (late XIXth Dyn.?): in this abnormal
29 The verso is not dated, but while the first part of the recto is dated to x jar 3, text 36 one reads: "silver as silver, 1 deben, makes 21 (or 25) 37
line 8 contains the date III srnw (day lost). This is probably the same date as that
oip~", which if the siIver:copper ratio is 1:60 means that I
mentioned on the edge of the ostracon, namely III srnw 2 of a year 7, and one may
assume that the verso also refers to this day. khar = ± 10 (± 12) deben of copper.
30 Grain Prices, 177f.

31 Cf. lEA. 52, 1966,87, note hh.

34 Prices and Wages, 917[f. and below, p. 460.
32 Ibid., note ii. That the month has to be I or Il srnw is certain from the next
35 According to CERNY'S transcription, the signs for barley are uncertain and ft
entry, which mentions III srnw 3. is lost. Since the price is also unusual there is ample room for doubt.
33 CERNY did not refer to this date, since he failed to recognize that only I or II 36 Cf. p. 102, note 6.
37 Uncertain; cf. CERNY'S transcription.
srnw are possible.

The last two prices seem extraordinarily high, and one would be No. 14) O. DeM. 411, 2: 2 khar of barley = 5 deben, i.e. 1 khar =
inclined to doubt their correctness or to assume some unusual 2 1/2 deben.
circumstances, particularly when comparing them with the succeeding No. 15) O. Turin 9781 + 9801,5: 46 1 khar 47 of barley = 5 deben.
examples from the same period. Whether they can be explained in The remaining instances all date from the second half of the
relation to the particular period in the agricultural year will be
Twentieth Dynasty.
considered below.
No. 16) Pap. Turin 1907/8 48 (Ram. VII): in four entries the price
No. 5) O. DeM., Gr. Puil.s, a, 2 (XIXth/early XXth Dyn.) : 2 khar of barley is 8 deben per khar, but higher prices also
of barley = 1 sniw, i.e. 1 khar = 112 sniw. OCCUr.
No. 6) O. Michael. 14,2-3 (late XIXth Dyn.) : 1 khar of barley and No. 17) Pap. DeM. 7, vs. 8 50 (Ram. IX ?): "1 oiptr 51 of barley as
3 hin of fat 38 = 1 sniw, which if the three hin are valued barley makes 1 deben", i.e. 1 khar = 4 deben.
at 1/2 sniw 39 would mean: 1 khar = 1/2 sniw. No. 18) Pap. Turin 1881 (year 7 of Ram. IX): in the line over
No. 7) O. DeM. 552,6-7 40 (XIXth/early XXth Dyn.): 2 khar of cols. I-Ill we read that 1 kittr of fine gold is equivalent
emmer and 2 khar of barley = 4 deben, which if barley and to 5 khar, 4 kittr of silver to 6 khar, and 20 deben of copper
emmer are of the same value means: 1 khar = 1 deben. to 5 khar,52 which means that I khar 53 = 4 deben of
No. 8) O. Gardiner fragm. 123, 5 (Ram. Ill): 2 oiptr of barley copper.
= 1 (sc. deben), i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. No. 19) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 29 54 (year 17 of Ram. IX) :
No. 9) Hier. Ostr. 19, 3, 3 (Ram. III / mid XXth Dyn.): "2 kbs- 2 khar of barley = 7 deben, i.e. I khar = 3 1/2 deben.
baskets filled with barley as barley, makes 4 deben"; as No. 20) Pap. Turin 2003, I, 5 55 (year 3 of Ram. XI): 1 khar of
stated above,41 1 kbs costs 1 deben and contains 112 khar, barley = 2 deben.
i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben.
No. 10) O. Cairo 25 606, 3_442 (Ram. III / mid XXth Dyn.): 1
kbs-basket filled with barley, makes 2 deben", i.e. 1 khar =
46 Grain Prices, 175, no. 15.
2 deben. 47 Thus (:ERN), : for "one" the original text has only a short, thick, oblique stroke,
No. 11) O. Gardiner 296, 1 (Ram. III / mid XXth Dyn.): 2 khar which might also stand for "one oipe'", though I khar appears more probable; the
of barley = 5 (sc. deben), i.e. 1 khar = 2 1/2 deben. sign for khar is missing.
48 Grain Prices, 175, no. 16; cf. emmer, no. 20, above.
No. 12) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, col. III 43 (mid XXth Dyn.): "barley a~ 49 Rt. II, 12: 8 2/ 3 deben per khar; rt. n, 16: 24 (!) deben per khar: note that
barley, khar, 44 makes 2 (sc. deben)", i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. in the latter entry the price of emmer too is extraordinarily high. In rt. I, 14 a
No. 13) O. Berlin [C], 2_3 45 (mid XXth Dyn.): 21/2 khar of price of barley may also be mentioned. There 3/ 4 oipe is valued at 2 deben, which
would mean \0 2/ 3 deben per khar, unless 3/ 4 oipe is reckoned as I khar (cf. p. 115,
barley = 6 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 2 2/5 deben. note 17), in which case I khar is again 8 deben.
50 Cf. emmer, no. 23, above.
The next two instances are not datable, but it may be that they 51 Written exceptionally ~.,o, it-rn-it. The number is I (not.), but since the word
belong here, as the prices appear to indicate. oipe is specifically used (and not the usual writing ft) I take it that I oipe IS meant
and not 1 khar.
52 From these data (:ERN), calculated the ratio between gold, silver and copper
38 The transcription of GOEDICKE and WENTE does not make sense: read ~?t at the end of the Twentieth Dynasty; cf. Prices and Wages, 905f., and above, p. 106.
instead of !:: i>1 (see the facsimile). 53 Since the type of grain is not mentioned, barley will be meant.
39 Cf. § 104 below. 54 Giornaie, pI. 41; cf. Grain Prices, 176, no. 17, and above, emmer, no. 24. In the
40 Cf. em mer, no. 3, above. same papyrus, vs. 4, 24 = pI. 34 (of the first months of year 17) we find the strange
41 P. 1l3. entry iw 11 + 3/ 4 + [/8 ss iri.n dbn 850, "entered 11 7/8 (x of] corn, makes
42 Cf. emmer, no. 8, above. 850 deben". It is clear that the unit with which the corn is measured cannot be the
43 Ibid., no. 12. khar, since one unit costs c. 711/2 deben - more than twenty times the value found
44 Sic! One khar is certainly meant. above. I cannot suggest what may be the explanation of this entry.
45 Grain Prices, 175, no. 14; cf. above, emmer, no. 15. 55 Cr. Grain Prices, 176, no. 19, and above, em mer, no. 25.


No. 21) O. Berlin 12405, 6 56 (late XXth Dyn.): 4 khar of barley For the sake of clarity we shall identify these examples by letters.
= 8 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. a) Hier. Ostr. 20, 2 (XIXth Dyn. ?). In 11. 7-8 a large irgs-basket
No. 22) O. Gardiner 172, 8 57 (late XXth Dyn.?): I oipe of barley costs 1 3/4 khaT and an '*w (whatever that may be) 1 oip~, and
= 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 4 deben. the two are valued together at 2 sniw, i.e. 1 khaT = 1 sniw.
No. 23) Pap. Mayer A, 9, 16-17 (year 2 of Repeating of Births): b) O. Turin 9609 (XIXth Dyn. ?). The beginning of line 7 is lost, but
3 khar of barley for 2 kit~ of silver, 58 i.e. (at a silver:copper from what remains it appears that an object valued at 11/2 khaT
ratio of 1:60) 12 deoen of copper, which means 1 khar = costs 1 sniw, i.e. 1 khaT = 2/3 sniw.
4 deben. c) O. Gardiner 286 (second half of XIXth Dyn.). Three bJiw-bags
No. 24) O. IFAO. 1286, 3 (late XXth Dyn.): "(barley) as barley, are exchanged for a dnit-basket, a mat, and a combined mndm
2 khar, makes 2 (+ x) 59 deben " , i.e. 1 khar = 1-2 deben + n*r, all valued together at 2 1/2 khar. The dnit is said to
(probably 2 deben). cost 1/2 (sniw), and the other two entries are valued at 11/4 and
1/4 khaT, which means that 1 khar is equal to 1/2 snlw.
The conclusions that may be drawn from these twenty-four barley
d) O. DeM. 50 (late XIXth Dyn.). In 11. 3-4 a mat and a kbs-basket
prices agree with those from the emmer prices, as far as the Twentieth
are valued together at 2 Oip~,61 and a piece of rope at 1 oip~,
Dynasty is concerned. One recognizes a steady price of 2 deben under
making in all 1/2 sniw, i.e. 1 khar = 2/3 sniw. This is shown
Ramesses Ill, a rise afterwards, a period of inflation in the reign of
by the total of 3 1/2 sniw, made up of 3 sniw + 1 hin (= 1/6 sniw)
Ramesses VII and immediately following, and a return to lower prices
at the end of the Dynasty-although the low prices seem then to have
+ 2 oip~, which means that 2 oip~ = 1/3 sniw.
e) O. Cairo 25 572 (late XIXth Dyn.). Unless the deleted line vs. 11
been less constant than those of emmer. The situation during the
was intended to add anything, the total of vs. 14 (4 1/2 sniw +
Nineteenth Dynasty appears, however, confusing (cf. nos. 1-7), very
1 hin) is the equivalent of 3 1/2 sniw + 9 oip~, which means
high prices occurring side by side with lower ones. 60 Whether seasonal
that 1 1h sniw = 9 oip~, or 1 khar = c. 1/2 snlw. If in the same
fluctuation may be involved will be considered below. In the following
text the last uncertain sign of rt. 4 means 2 oip~, then the 2 sniw
section we shall find indications of an analogous situation when barley
of the total (rt. 9) are the equivalent of 1 sniw + 8 oip~, i.e.
is used as unit of value, and as in the case of emmer I am inclined to
1 khar = 1/2 snlw. A third indication of this value is found by
see in the barley prices also some proof of inflation at the end of the
comparison of vs. 5 (4 mats = 1/2 snlw) with rt. 6 (1 mat =
Nineteenth Dynasty, although less obviously than during the reign
1 oip~), i.e. I khar = 1/2 snlw.
of Ramesses VII and his successors.
Rt. 3, however, states that 2 oip~ of barley as barley (+)
3 oip~ (of emmer) 62 (+?) 1 mat = 1/2 snlw, and if the mat is
§9. Barley as a Unit of Value
again valued at 1 oip~ (of barley), then 3 oip~ of barley + 3 oip~
When grain is used as a unit of value the type of grain is never of emmer = 1/2 sniw, which-given approximately the same value
expressed, but only khar and oip~ are mentioned. In these instances for either grain-means that I khar = 1/3 snlw. Such reasoning
the value of the khar has always to be calculated, since by the very is, however, so full of uncertainties, that it cannot outweigh the
nature of the entries the price of the grain is never indicated. three other instances.
f) Hier. Ostr. 86, 3 and O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E (late XIXth Dyn.).
56 Cr. Grain Prices, 176, no. 18, and above, emmer, no. 26. Since both texts relate to the same transaction it would appear
57 Cr. above, emmer, no. 30. that the 'nb, which according to the first costs 2 deben, is also
58 Cf. PEET, Pap. Mayer, 15; tERNY, Prices and Wages, 913, note 35; BAER,
JARCE. I, 1962,37, note 79. the one valued in the Brooklyn ostracon at 1 khaT, and that
59 X may be either 0, I, or 2. consequently 1 khar = 2 deben.
60 There is one piece of evidence that in earlier times the 'normal' price of barley
was also, like that of emmer, 2 deben per khar, namely Pap. Berlin 9784, 7 (year 27 61 The same price, 2 oipe, appears for two khs-baskets in line 5.
of Amenophis IIJ); cf. p. 116. 62 3 oipe, written in red ink.

g) Hier. Ostr. 54, 2, 3-4 (Ram. Ill). A quantity of wood is valued between the khar and the snlw is, however, less clear. While bearing
at 1 snlw, and-if my interpretation is correct-the counter-value in mind that the Egyptians were less exact in these matters than one
of this, consisting of I pair of sandals, I beam (siy) , and I kbs- would expect, the values of 1/2 sniw (c and e) and 1/3 sniw (d) would
basket, is 10 oip~, so 1 khar = 2/5 snlw. seem to be more or less equal to 2 deben, while even allowing a ratio
h) O. Cairo 25 602 (Ram. Ill?). The total (verso) is 25 1 / 2 deben, of 4 deben of copper to I snlw the khar appears in b C/3 snlw) to be
which is obtained by adding together 24 deben 1 hin of rnrht and the equivalent of 2 2/3 deben. Example a, which is not readily datable,
2 oip~, and since 1 hin of rnrl:zt usually costs 1 / ~ deben (see below) provides an even higher value of at least 4 deben.
this means that 24 1/2 deben + 2 oipe = 25 1/2 deben, i.e. I khar = The conclusion must surely be that, except at the end of the
2 deben. Nineteenth Dynasty, one is entitled to reckon 1 khar as equal to 2 deben,
i) Hier. Ostr. 72, 3 (year 23 of Ram. Ill). The hire of a donkey when the khar is used as unit of value. 67 Whether this may also have
from I prt 24 until IV prt 15, i.e. for a period of 80 days, costs been the case in circumstances where the value of an actual khar of
20 deben (vs. 1). But HELCK (Materialien Ill, 495ff.) has pointed barley was higher than 2 deben-in other words, whether the khar as
out from O. DeM. 69, 2 (mid XXth Dyn.) that the daily rent for a unit had a fixed value, quite independent of the fluctuation of grain
a donkey was probably 1/2 oip~(see also line 7). Combining these prices-cannot be proved owing to the absence of texts in which barley
the result would be: 1 khar = 2 deben. as grain and as a unit occur together. 68 A possible indication that
j) Pap. Turin 1880 (the Turin strike pap., dated in year 29 of such was the case may be seen in example rn, since here the khar is
Ram. IJI). The total of vs. 5, 12 gives 22 deben of copper, the equivalent of 2 deben, while we know that during the reign of
obtained by adding 20 1/ 2 63 deben and 4 oip~, which would mean Ramesses VII the price of barley rose to 8, and even to 24 de ben
that I khar = 1 1/2 deben. If, however, the curious sign in line 7 per khar (cf. no. 16), though it should be noted that these exceptional
indicates that for some reason no price was reckoned for this barley prices do not, like example rn, belong to the seventh year.
entry, then the total is 20 deben + 4 oip~, meaning that 1 khar Shortly afterwards, however, in the reign of Ramesses IX, prices of 4
= 2 deben. and 3 1/2 deben per khar are mentioned, which are still double the
k) .0. DeM. 195 64 (mid XXth Dyn.). The total of line 6 amounts present 2 deben or nearly SO,69 and I should therefore prefer, albeit
to 10 1/2 deben of copper, while from the text it appears that _ with some hesitation, to see in example rn a suggestion that the khar as
1/2 deben is equivalent to 1 oip~ (the price of 1 hin of fat), i.e. a unit was not in fact influenced by the real barley prices of the year,
1 khar = 2 deben. and was therefore purely a unit of account.
I) O. Berlin 10655 65 (mid XXth Dyn.). The total of vs. 3 amounts
§ 10. The Barley Prices and the Season
again to 10 1/2 deben,66 obtained by adding 10 deben (rt. 5-
vs. I) and 1 oip~, i.e. I khar = 2 deben. We shall now attempt to establish the season of the various price-
m) O. Strasbourg H 84 (year 7 of Ram. VII). The total in line 13 quotations for barley, so far as dates are mentioned, in order to see
gives 83 deben, while all the entries together amount to 82 deben whether high or low prices may be in this way explained. The same
and 2 oip~ of barley (line 9), which means that 2 oip~ = I deben, method will be followed as for the emmer prices above.
i.e. I khar = 2 deben.
67 Thus also CERNY ; cL p. Ill.
In comparing these data one sees that the value of one khar when 68 The only instance known to me is O. DeM. 215, where in line 5 a kbs is
used as standard of value, is the equivalent of 2 deben. The relation valued at the usual price of 1/2 khar, while the barley itself (line 4) costs 3 sniw per
khar. though the reading is not completely beyond doubt (cL p. 119. note 35). If,
63 1/2 deben is questionable for the price in line 7; GARDINER transcribes ~. however, it is correct, this ostracon constitutes a proof of our hypothesis.
Elsewhere a §bd costs I or 2 deben (see p. 383). 69 It may here be useful to draw attention to the low emmer price of no. 18,

64 CL emmer, no. 13, above. which is dated to a year 7 of either Ramesses VI or VII. If the latter reign is intended
65 CL emmer, no. 16, above. there are then two instances in which the grain price was low during the very years
66 The publication has 15, but see the facsimile. which are supposed to have been a period of inflation.

No. 3) O. DeM. 215 (1 khar = 3 sniw ?) exceptionally high, the ordinary prices at the end of the Nineteenth
Dated: 11 smw 30 of a year 1 of either Sethos 11 or Siptab Dynasty were also well above the normal level of 2 deben per khar.
(± 1200) = mid April Of barley used as a unit of value we possess four examples where
No. 6) O. Michael. 14 (1 khar = 1/2 sniw) dates are mentioned.
Dated: III or IV jot 29, late XIXth Dyn. (± 1190) = mid i) Hier. Ostr. 72, 3 (1 khar = 2 deben)
September or mid October Dated: I prt 24 to IV prt 15 of year 23 of Ram. III
No. 19) Pap. Turin, Giornalc 17 B 70 (1 khar = 3 1/2 deben) October 30 - January 19
Dated: I prt 3 of year 17 of Ram. IX (± 1110) = end of j) Pap. Turin 1880 (1 khar = 1 1/2 or 2 deben)
September Dated: IV jot 30 of year 29 of Ram. III = October 5
No. 20) Pap. Turin 2003 71 (1 khar = 2 deben) I) O. Berlin 10 665 73 (1 khar = 2 deben)
Dated: I jot 20 of year 3 of Ram. XI (± 1095) May/ Dated: III jot 22 of a year I, mid XXth Dyn. (± 1140)
June August/September
No. 16) Pap. Turin 1907/8 m) O. Strasbourg H 84 (1 khar = 2 deben)
The significant data from this text are like those for Dated: 11 smw 16 of year 7 of Ram. VII = mid March
emmer 72 :
If example j in fact would contain the unusual price of 1 1/2 deben,74
Rt. 11, 8 (1 khar = 8 deben). Dated: I jot 10, year 4
= June (c. 10th) the cheapness of the barley cannot in this case be explained by the
Rt. 11, 16 (1 khar = 24 deben !). Dated: 11 prt 20, year 4 season, since there appears to be no reason for an exceptionally low
= mid November
price in October. 75 As for m, it is clear that its 'normal' price does
Rt. 11, 18 (1 khar = 8 deben). Dated: I or 11 smw 5, not reflect the season, since this would require a high one. The
year 5 = February or March contrast with the data obtained from Pap. Turin 1907/8 must surely
strengthen our conclusion 76 that, when used as measure of value, the
If the value of 1/2 snlw may be equated with 2 deben, nos. 6 and khar was regarded as the equivalent of 2 deben, whatever the true
20 both correspond to what is expected, 2 deben being the 'normal' price of barley at the appropriate season.
price. The rise in the prices during the mid Twentieth Dynasty does
not appear to be the result of seasonal fluctuations (nos. 16 and 19), § 11. Emmer and Barley Prices Compared
and, as we have seen with the emmer prices, the exceptionally high In some texts both the price of emmer and that of barley are
value in Pap. Turin 1907/8, rt. 11, 16 remains unexplained. The high mentioned or can be calculated, and it may therefore be useful to
price in no. 3 (3 snlw per khar) may, however, be due to the season, compare these in order to see if there was any difference and, if so, of
since mid April is just in the middle of the harvest-time, and so perhaps what kind. By studying prices from a single text one may exclude the
before any new barley was available. Whether the other high prices of possible unknown influence of any peculiar circumstance that may be
this period (nos. 4 and a, and to a lesser degree also b) might be involved in comparing prices from different texts though from the same
explained in the same way remains unknown, since these are not period.
dated; it would, however, be very remarkable if all four belonged to Some of the instances cited here do not occur in the lists above,
the harvest-time, since this is so seldom encountered in other periods. since the actual price of the grain is not stated, although conclusions
It therefore seems more probable that, even if the price of 3 sniw was as to the relative value are possible.

73 Idem, p. 117.
74 Idem, p. 124.
70 cr.emmer, no. 24, above. 75 Cf. the normal price of emmer (I to 1 1/3 deben per khar) in September of the
71 Idem, no. 25. same year; p. 113, no. 7, above.
72 Idem, p. 118. 76 cr. p. 125.
I) Hier. Ostr. 28, 4, 4 (late XIXth Dyn.): 3 kbs-baskets and
X) Pap. Turin 1907/8 83 (Ram. VI-VII): the normal prices are
1 1/2 khar of emmer (clearly the contents of the baskets) are
1 khar of emmer = 4 deben, 1 khar of barley = 8 deben.
valued at 3 khar (sc. of barley}--i.e., since a kbs contains
emmer = 1/2 X barley
1/2 khar, I 1/2 khar of emmer cost I 1/2 khar of barley.
Entry rt. 11, 16 (em mer = 8 deben, barley = 24 deben)
emmer = barley
emmer = 1/3 X barley
11) O. DeM. 552, 6_7 77 (XIXth/early XXth Dyn.): 2 khar of
Entry rt. I, 15 (emmer = 8 deben, barley = ± 8 deben)
emmer and 2 khar of barley = 4 deben. Since nothing more
em mer = barley
is said it seems probable that: emmer = barley
XI) Pap. DeM. 7, vs. 84 (Ram. IX ?): I khar of emmer = 12 (?)
Ill) O. University Coil., rt. 7~vs. 3 (year 2 of Sethnakhte): I khar
deben, 1 khar of barley = 4 deben. emmer' = 3 x barley
of emmer and I oipe and I oipe (both apparently barley) = XII) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B, vs, 8 85 (year 17 of Ram. IX):
I 1/2 khar (sc. of barley). emmer = barley
1 khar of emmer = 4 deben, 1 khar of barley = 3 1/2 deben.
IV) O. DeM. 213, 3-4 (Ram. III/IV): I 1/2 khar of emmer = I 1/2
emmer :f. barley
khar (sc. of barley), and 1 khar of barley = I khar (sc. of X!II) Pap. Turin 2003, 1 86 (year 3 of Ram. XI) : I khar of emmer =
barley). emmer = barley 2 deben, as also 1 khar of barley. emmer = barley
V) O. Cairo 25 606, 2_4 78 (Ram. III/mid XXth Dyn.): a kbs- XIV) O. Berlin 12 405, 6 87 (late XXth Dyn.): 1 khar of emmer
basket filled with emmer = 2 deben, the same price as for a = 2 deben, the same price as for I khar of barley.
kbs-basket filled with barley. emmer = barley
em mer = barley
VI) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, col. III 79 (mid XXth Dyn.): I khar of XV) O. Gardiner 172 88 (late XXth Dyn.?): 1 khar of emmer
emmer = I 2/3 deben, while 1 khar of barley = 2 deben. If, = 2 deben, 1 khar of barley = 4 deben.
as so often, the small fraction 1/3 is here neglected, then: emmer = 1/2 x barley
emmer = barley (?)
VII) O. DeM. 195 80 (mid XXth Dyn.) : it appears from line 3 that From these fifteen instances it may be seen that the prices of emmer
and barley were as a rule the same, or almost so, allowing for the
I khar of emmer = I 2/3 deben, but from vs. 2 that it was
2 deben, while from the total it can be calculated that I khar
Egyptian neglect of small fractions. In three instances only (nos. VIII,
X and XV) was the price of barley distinctly higher,89 while in one
of barley (as a unit) = 2 deben. For the neglect of 1/3 see
(no. XII) it was slightly lower than that of emmer. No. XI, where
above. emmer = barley (?)
VIII) O. Berlin [C], 2_3 81 (mid XXth Dyn.): I khar of emmer = emmer seems to be no less than three times as expensive as barley, is
doubtful, the marked difference being perhaps the result of an error,
2 deben, I khar of barley = 2 2/5 deben emmer +- barley
either on the part of the writer or in our reading. It is noticeable that
IX) O. Berlin 10 665 82 (mid XXth Dyn.): I khar of emmer =
when the difference in price is small (nos. VI, VII, VIII and IX) it is
I 4/5 deben, while from the total it appears that I khar of
always emmer which is the cheaper. Again one may cite in particular
barley (as a unit) = 2 deben. Neglecting the fraction:
Pap. Turin 1907/8, where barley is in most cases double the value of
emmer = barley

83 Idem, no. 20 and no. 16.

84 Idem, no. 23 and no. 17.
85 Idem, no. 24 and no. 19.
77 Cf. emmer, no. 3, barley, no. 7, above. 86 Idem, no. 25 and no. 20.
78 Idem, no. 8 and no. 10.
87 Idem, no. 26 and no. 21.
79 Idem, no. 12 and no. 12.
88 Idem, no. 30 and no. 22.
80 Idem, no. 13 and no. k.
89 Note that there seems to have been a difference throughout the time of Ra-
81 Idem, no. IS and no. 13.
messes III and shortly afterwards (cf. Table I), and that here too the emmer is the
82 Idem, no. 16 and no. I. cheaper.

emmer, and once three times as expensive, while in one entry the price
Emmer Barley Barley as a unit
is more or less equal.
The conclusion will be that either the prices of barley and emmer are XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 3) O. DeM. 552 7) O. DeM. 552
Id. Id.
equal, or emmer is somewhat cheaper,9o the obvious exceptions being early Ram. Ill? 4) O. DeM. 553
unexplained. Whether the lower price of emmer is due to the higher 1/2 S.

rations distributed monthly to the workmen,91 or whether it is in Ram. III 5) H.O. 65, 4
'/. s.
accordance with prices thf0ughout the country is a question which Ram. III g) H.O. 54,2
cannot be answered for want of information. '/, s.
Ram. Ill? h) O. Cairo 25 602
2 d.
TABLE I Ram. III 8) O. Gard. fragm. 123
2 d.
Emmer yr. 23, Ram. III i) H.O. 72, 3
Barley Barley as a unit
2 d.
yr. 36. Ram. II yr. 28, Ram. ill 6) H.O. 45, I
I) P. Ashm. 1958.111
1/, s.
Ram. II/Mer. yr, 29, Ram. III 7) O. Cairo 25 242 j) P. Tur. 1880
2) H.O. 56,2
I - I 1/, d. I 1/, - 2 d.
1/, s.
yr. I, Seth. II/Sipt. Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 9) H.O. 19,3
3) O. DeM. 215
2 d.
3 s.?
XIXth Dyn.? Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 8) O. Cairo 25 606 10) O. Cairo 25 606
a) H.O. 20, 2
2 d. 2 d.
I s. Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.
XIXth Dyn.? 11) O. Gard. 296
b) O. Tur. 9609
2 '/, d.
'/3 s. mid XXth Dyn. 9) P. Tur. 2104
2nd half XIXth Dyn.
c) O. Gard. 286
I '/4 d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. 10) O. DeM. 223
late XIXth Dyn. ? 4) O. Cairo 25 543
I 1/3 d.
± 10-12 d.? XXth Dyn.? 11) O. Cairo 25585
late XIXth Dyn. \) O. Cairo 25 725
1/, s.
1'/3 - 2 d.
late XIXth Dyn. mid XXth Dyn. 12) H.O. 50, I 12) H.O. 50, I
d) O. DeM. 50 1 2
/, d. 2 d.
'/3 s. mid XXth Dyn. 13) O. DeM. 195 k) O. DeM. 195
late XIXth Dyn.
e) O. Cairo 25 572 I- I 2/3 d. 2 d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. 14) H.O. 18, 3
late XIXth Dyn.
f) H.O. 86, 3+0. 2 d.
Brook!. 37.1880 E.
2 d. mid XXth Dyn. 15) O. Berlin [C] 13) O. Berlin [C]
late XIXth Dyn.
6) O. Michael. 14 2 d. 2 'I, d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. 16) O. Berlin 10665 I) O. Berlin 10 665
XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 5) O. DeM. Gr. P. a 1 4 /, d. 2 d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. \7) P. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D
XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 2) O. DeM. Gr. P. b Id.
'/, s. mid XXth Dyn.? 14) O. DeM. 411
2 '/, d.
mid XXth Dyn.? 27) O. Gard. 238
90 Note that in the XIth Dynasty 2 khar of barley is the equivalent of 3 khar of
2 d.
emmer (cf. JAMES, The l:fe~anakhte Papers, III, 8 = pI. 8 and p. 46), and that the
yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII 18) H.O. 36, I
same ratio occurs in year 49 of Sheshonq III (Pap. Brooklyn 16.205, col. 4, 4 =
2 d.
PARKER, A Saite Oracle Papyrus, pI. 19 and p. 51), whereas in the Persian and Greek
mid XXth Dyn. 19) O. Cairo 25 588
periods the ratio is reversed (cf. MALlNINE, Kemi XI, 1950, 14f.).
91 Prices and Wages, 917, and p. 460.
4 d.

Emmer Barley Barley as a unit

mid XXth Dyn. ? 15)0. Tur. 9781+9801 CHAPTER THREE

5 d.
Ram. VII 20) P. Tur. 19()7(8 16) P. Tur. 1907/8
4 d. 8 d.
yr. 7. Ram. VII m) O. Strasbourg H 84
2 d.
§ 12. kbs, 'grain basket'
mid XXth Oyn.? 28) H.O. 86. 2
Since the grain basket has been mentioned several times above, it
5 '/3 d.
mid XXth Oyn.? 29) H.O. 57, I seems appropriate to commence this chapter with it. The word kbs
6 '/3 d. occurs almost exclusively in ostraca. 1 Besides the normal written form
Ram. IX 22) P. DeM. 14
4 d.
vile 'Er lA we sometimes also find with metathesis ul'B'd <!A(frequently;
Ram. IX? 23) P. OeM. 7 17) P. DeM. 7 cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 8 and 86, 3, 3) and defectively VI'EnA
12 d.? 4 d. (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 58, 3, 7 and 62, 1, 9). Other variants are vddcA
yr. 7, Ram. IX 21) P. Tur. 1881 18) P. Tur. 1881
(0. DeM. 233, 5) and VdPA (0. DeM. 299, 6).
3 - 3 '/3 - 3 '/3 d. 4 d.
yr. 17, Ram. IX 24) Giorn. 17 B 19) Giorn. 17 B The word kbs is translated by the Wb. (V, 118,9-10) as 'geflochtener
4 d. 3 Il, d. Korb'. That this is nearly correct is indicated by the word nbd, 'coiled?
yr. 3, Ram. XI 25) P. Tur. 2003 20) P. Tur. 2003
which precedes it in many instances. 3 One, unfortunately very dubious
2 d. 2 d.
late XXth Dyn. 26) O. Berlin 12 405 21) O. Berlin 12405 text, O. Gardiner fragm. 104, 3, seems to have dhri VI~ 2, lri.n A:,
2 d. 2 d. which may mean "2 kbs-baskets ofleather, makes 1/2 khar".4 Since this
late XXth Dyn.? 30) O. Gard. 172 22) O. Gard. 172
seems to be the only instance where this material is mentioned it
2 d. 4 d.
yr. 2, Rep. of Births 23) P. Mayer A remains dubious. S Moreover, a price of 1/4 khar per kbs would be
4 d. exceptional.
late XXth Dyn. 24) O. IFAO. 1286
The capacity of the kbs was always 2 oipi', as indicated above. 6
2 d.
The exact shape of the object is uncertain. Possibly the well known grain
basket, which is seen in so many pictures of agricultural scenes,7 is
meant, but KEIMER 8 thought that this was the lIJY (Wb. I, 122, 12).
However, it would not be the only instance of a word for a common
object in the workmen's village differing from that used for it by the
rest of the Egyptians.

1 In Pap. Harris I, 18b, IS it is found as a container for fruit.

2 For nbd, see § 13.
3 HELCK, Beziehungen, 572, no. 248, translates it as 'FuBschemel', and connects it

with fti!l~ . Although the connection may be correct, the translation is not. Nowhere,
so far as I know, is it anything other than a container, while the footstool is invariably
called hdml.
4 It is also possible that what CERNY hesitantly read as ki... was in fact the

beginning of the word msti (see § 151).

5 In the Cairo Museum there are kept the remains of a leather grain-sack (lnv.

t~o. 31 609: cf. WRESZINSKI, AI/as I. pI. 97a, fig. 2).

6 P. 113. Proof of this is found in O. DeM. 2\3, 5 and Hier. Oslr. 28, 4, 4.
7 Cf., e.g., WRESZINSKI, Atlas 1,14; 19a; 112. In a satirical scene, Rapporl DeM.

/930, frontispiece.
s OL2. 30. 1927.84.
sc The price of a kbs is mentioned in no less than 27 instances (see
~ Table I1). Most of them are clear in themselves, but some require an
5 ""'.§
explanation. The addition of '3 in both entries of no. 4 explains the
- high price. In no. 14 two full (mb) baskets are valued at 1 snlw. Since
M +
usually 1 khar (the contents of two baskets) cost 1/2 sniw it may be
::: .~
assumed that the kbs also cost 1/2 sniw, i.e. 1/4 snlw each. No. 17
-<:: ~~
remains doubtful since the facsimile in the publication by GOEDlCKE
~ =J and WENTE (pI. 60) is faint. CERN\' transcribed it in his notebook,
~ ~

,., ,., in contrast to the publication, as kbs [1] iri.n dbn 2, but possibly two
-c ""
instead of one kbs were mentioned, which would make the price accord
'" '"
with all the other instances. Another possibility is that the kbs was
filled with barley (for another example, cf. p. 120), in which case the
price is better omitted (see below). However, nothing is stated about
this matter.
No. 21 is doubtful again. There remains only ~Je-A-II~II::: (sic!).
Since the context is also only partly legible it is possible that the price
was 'six' (i.e., de ben) , and that the second 'two' is only repeating the
number of the baskets. However, the price of 3 deben each would
constitute an exception.
C'. C'. C' • ". . The last no. (27) is undated. One would be inclined to ascribe it to
.: .:
;>, ;>,
..c a Cl
the Nineteenth Dynasty, since the price is expressed in khar. However,
" ~ the fact that most prices stated in khar are earlier than those in
x 8x
~ 0::
d ;>,
d deben,9 however striking this may be, may be quite coincidental. We
Cl Cl
-5 -5 shall see below that some texts definitely dated later than Ramesses III
x ~
contain khar prices, while on the other hand, deben prices occur even
d d
.:;>, ~ ~
Cl Cl Cl Cl "Cl'"
during the Nineteenth Dynasty.
~ ~~ ~
-5 ..c ..c -5
~ ~ ~ x ;» We have raised above the question of whether the khar, when used
XXX X a. a a aa
1l 1l 1l in connection with baskets, was really meant to express a price and
.E" ,.!l ,.!l ,.!l 0:: " "
0:: 0:: " "
0:: 0:: "..
not a capacity.lo Even if one is inclined to doubt this in some
instances (e.g., nos. 2 and 3), it follows from instances such as nos. 7
and 10, and above all no. 15, that also the value and not only the
capacity was 1/2 khar. I see no reason why this should not be so in
.... ~
the other instances as well.
0. III From the Table it appears that the value of a kbs-basket was 1 de ben
throughout, which is equal to 1/2 khar or 1/4 sniw. The only real

9 Doubtful with noS. is and 16.

10 Pp. 109f.
II If for the Egyptians 1/4 snlw could be equal to I deben and to 1/2 khar, which
seems to be the inference to be drawn from the data of this Table, the value of
I snlw here is reckoned at 4 deben instead of 5 or 6 as calculated above (pp. 107 f.). As

~xception, no. 17 being too doubtful, is no. 11, where twice a price of The word nbd is also used with other words than baskets. The most
/ 4 k~ar occ~rs. I can offer no explanation for this exception. important one is that indicating the coiffure of women. In the Story
. I did n~2t ~nc1ude in~tances in which a kbs filled with grain is valued of the Two Brothers there occurs a passage,19 for instance, which tells
In deb~n In the serIes, since I have used these above to calculate us that the younger brother came home and found his sister-in-law,
th.e prIce of the grains. In some instances 13 a kbs is valued together hms hr nbd.s, which is usually translated as "while she was sitting
with other commodities, mostly also baskets; these will be studied and d~ing 'her hair". Clearly this is correct, but does not explain what
below. Here, too, I shall assume a price of 1 deben per kbs. exactly she was doing.
The only instance left aside until now is Hier . Os!r.65
," 4 4 wh~"",re From the verb nbd is derived a substantive, written as 'T~ , which is
we find the word kbs followed by the word 'two' written in red ink sometimes translated as 'tress' and in other instances as 'braid'.20
~ence ~eaning "2 [khar of emmer]". It seems improbable that here: A special expression is wnb pi nbd,21 usually rendered as 'to put on
l~ the time of Ramesses Ill, such a high price should occur for a a wig'. 22 Again, though this may be its general meaning, it does not
SIngle basket. Possibly the number of kbs meant is 'four', since that seem to render exactly what is meant by nbd.
number would be required to contain the 2 khar of emmer of the Another passage in the Story of the Two Brothers 23 says that a girl
preceding line. was fleeing for the sea, but an 's-tree took her nbd m snty and
brought it to Egypt. In most translations we find here 'braid', 'Flechte',
§ 13. nbd, bnd and skr while the German scholars in particular seem to have had the impression
The word indicating the manufacture of baskets, which is used for that the girl was wearing pigtails like those worn by so many German
all different kinds of these, is nbd. Usually it is translated with 'to girls. A study of Egyptian women's hair styles,24 shows, however that
plait'.14 In one instance it is used for a bed 15 and once even for a during the New Kingdom most women wore their hair in two broad
diiw-garment. In its Coptic form N OyBT it is rendered as 'to weave' 17 tresses flowing down to the shoulders on both sides of the head. The
which seems to fit the latter instance, but looks to be impossible for tresses themselves mayor may not have consisted of small plaits
basketry. including only a few hairs, but it seems improbable that it was to
The main prob~em here is that Egyptian baskets are never plaited. these plaits that the word nbd referred.
Mostly the techlllque used for them is coiling, while twining is also There may be a simple explanation, namely that nbd has the basic
used for some bags and mats, and different forms of matting are meaning of 'to wind around', 'to twist'. With baskets this would mean
18 'to coil', with hair 'to curl', and as a substantive 'curl'. Indeed, the
known. !he. latter technique is much akin to weaving, so that one
would be mchned to suggest that this is the meaning of nbd were it general impression created by Egyptian women's coiffures is that of a
not for the fact that it occurs seldom for actual baskets, in co~trast to mass of curls; and the meaning 'curl' would also fit the above
the usual technique of coiling. mentioned passage in the Story of the Two Brothers where a curly
lock of the girl's hair, possibly of her wig, is taken away.

stated the~e, the, difficulty may not have existed in the Egyptian mind, since for him 19 Pap. d'Orbiney, 2, 10. See also, e.g., Pap. Anastasi Ill, 3, 2-3.
I hm (= /6 smw) apparently could be more or less the same as 1/4 sniw The con- 20 E.g., Pap. Koller, 2, 9; NAVILLE, Totenbuch, 172, 11 (= BUDGE, Book of the
clusIOn that /4 sniw is e~ual to I deben can also be drawn, although less 'clearly so,
Dead, 445, 14); the litany of Re', 53 (NAVILLE, Lo litanie du solei!, pI. 5 = PiANKoFF,
fro~ th~ prices of other kmds of basketry which shall be studied below. The Litany of Re, 26 and pI. 6). Cf. Coptic N H BT€.
13 Hler.Ostr. 19, 3, 3; 36, I, vs. J, 5; O. DeM. 195, vs. 2; O. Cairo 25 606, 2-4. 21 Pap. Harris 500, 6, I; Pap. d'Orb., 5, 2. .. .
14 Hler. Ostr. 20, 2, 5-6; 24, 4,3; 54, 1,9; O. DeM. 51, 6. 22 Note that WILSON, ANET., 24b, translates it with 'curls', explammg m a note
Wb. n, 246, 4 and 9. that the wig of the woman's festive attire is meant. In the love-song of Pap. Hams 500
15 Pap. Salt 124,2, 19. the girl says to her lover that she will wnb her nbd 'in a moment'. This would be
16 O. DeM. \31, vs. I (ndb for nbd). impossible if the complicated hairstyle was meant, but qUIte posSIble m the case of
:: CRUM, Copt. Diet., 222b. Cf. also ERICHSEN, Demot. Glossar, 215. a wig.
Cf. SINGER, HOLMYARD and HALL, History of Technology I, cf. 16 (by G.M. 23 Pap. d'Orh., 10,7.
CROW FOOT) and LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 132. 24 Cf. Mme. GAUTHIER-LAURENT, Melanges Maspero I, 673ff.
138 PRICES 139

A third use of nbd fits this latter explanation. In the Ritual of from the O.K. and renders it as 'Stiibe kriimmen\34 but it occurs
Embalmment 25 there occurs a passage where hands and feet are said also with wreaths (mbw) at least in one literary text,35 and several
to be nbd m 'it nw ssr, "wrapped in linen".26 The same basic meaning times in ostraca. Once it is found metaphorically for the Nine Bows
appears also, though used metaphorically, in the expression nbdw kd under the feet of Pharaoh,36 probably referring to their arms. It is this
used for foreign peoples,27 which is correctly rendered by WILSO~ 2~ word hnd which occurs once with reference to a skr'-basket 37 and
with "those twisted of nature". once ;0 a pallet,38 though it should be noted here that in another
More difficulties are presented by passages in Urkunden IV 29 where text 39 a skr' is referred to as nbd.
doors are described, which are adorned in some way with copper. The The word skr' or skr 40 may be related to the Semitic verb '::lIU, 'to lay
verb n~d here used is translated by the Wb. 30 with 'beschlagen sein', crosswise', while CERNY connects it 41 with the Coptic word '9 K1A ,
but thIS seems too far removed from the basic meaning of 'to wind which CRUM translates 42 as 'curl'. If indeed 'curl' (and not 'plait')
around'. Th,e sam~ use of nbd is also found with reference to flagstaffs,31 is what is meant, there appears to be a contradiction between these
and there to WInd around' looks to be appropriate. FAULKNER two connections. On the one hand bnd may mean 'to twine', which
translates 32 nbd, when used for doors, with 'to band', and it is indeed would be likely if skr was by its nature a basket the technique of
possible that strips of copper were fastened around the doors though making which was 'to lay crosswise'. On the other hand, skr could
the technique is not clear to me. ' not in that case possess the same basic meaning as '9K1A, if this was
So much looks certain, that nbd means 'to coil' when used with 'curl'. The latter would agree rather with what we have found in the
referenc~ to b~sketry, as this was in fact the technique used in making case of nbd. I am inclined to doubt CRUM'S translation, but fear that
baske.ts I~ anc~ent Egypt. Afterwards, it will have been interpreted as I have insufficient material to support this opinion. However that may
meanIng makIng baskets', and when in the Roman period plaiting be, it seems to me that bnd cannot mean anything other than 'twined'.
became the usual technique for this the word was retained as the Its rare occurrence corresponds too well with the scarcity of twined
Cop tic NOyBT proves. ' basketry-though this was in point of fact found in ancient Egypt-for
There remains, however, the problem of the two texts mentioned at us to doubt the likelihood of this.
the beginning of this section in which nbd is used for a bed and for a That a skr' was in one instance referred to as nbd is no reason to
ga~ment: For the former the explanation may be that the stringing was doubt that by nature it was, at least originally, a basket made by
tWIsted In order to give more elasticity. For the use of nbd for a dilw placing the fibres crosswise. Just as nbd is used in Coptic for plaited
I ca~not offe: a satisfying explanation, though we may suggest that a baskets, since it was understood to be the word denoting the making
spe.CIal techmque, not of weaving, but of cutting the dress, was meant, of baskets in general, the word skr' may have been used for baskets
WhICh may have made the impression of something being wound of a particular shape, which were originally always twined, but
around. What exactly it could have been, however, I do not know. afterwards occasionally coiled.
. Ap~rt from nbd there occasionally Occurs another word for the way Summarizing the above, it would appear that nbd with reference to
In WhICh baskets were made, namely bnd, which may be related to the baskets should be translated as 'coiled' and bnd as 'twined', while skr'
Cop tic '9 W NT, translated with 'to plait'.33 The Wb. knows bnd only was a basket of a particular shape.

~: Pap. Bulaq Ill, 3,15 (= SAUNERON, Rituel d'embaumement, 9, line I). 34 Wh. 11, 312,15.
27 See also CAMINOS, Literary Fragments, pI. 7, fragm. 4, and p. 21. 0; Pap. Sallier IV, vs. 15,6; ef. CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 363.
E.g., Urk. IV, 84, 3; 613, 16. Cf. Wb. 11, 247, 5, with references. 36 Pap. Anastasi 11, 2, 7; cf. CAMINOS, op. cit., 42.
28 ANET., 374a.
37 O. IFAO. 1017, vs. I.
29 Urk. IV, 168,5; 387, 3; 766, I; 1709, 16. 38 Ibid., vs. 6.
30 Wb. 11, 247, I.
39 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 5, 17.
31 Belegstellen to Wb. 11, 247, 2.
40 See §25.
32 Cone. Diet., 130. 41 In a private letter of 10.11.1964.
33 CRUM, Copt. Diet., 572b. 42 Copt. Diet., 556b.

§ 14. dnlt


The second type of basket of which a large number of price ""
quotations is known is called 2: 40 C ~. It was used as a container for "+
incense, fruit and suchlike (cf., e.g., Pap. Harris I, 19a, 2; 36a, IO; N ~ ~
... ""~~"'"
Urk. IV, 770, 8; Med. Habu HI, 133-134). Several times it is referred <2
E ....
to as nbd, 'coiled', or as srn', which may mean either that it was made 1· :§ ~


of 'sedge', or, more probably, that it was of 'thin' or 'fine' material. 43 ~

::: :"'" ('f") N N

In two instances (0. Turin 9609, 5 and O. DeM. 423, 3) a dnit is said
to belong to a woman.
""~ , . "",. , ""'""'"'"
.,~.~~.~.~~~~ ..;
-<:, "''""" I"
A special kind of this basket was described as bt or (0. Cairo 25 1111- ' •
585, 6; 25 624, I, 6; O. Michael. 6, vs. 5 = pI. 56; Hier. Ostr. 32,
1, 2; 61, 3, vs. 16; O. DeM. 420, 2; 673, 5). bt is also used with
reference to other baskets, e.g., O. DeM. 304, 3 (lr ksb [sic] sw
" V)v)v)N':--
<0:1' CNt""iN_

~.:: m nbd, "as for the kbs-basket which you made, it is bt of

$ ~

.~ ~+
1:0" ::;,
I~I" i~

coiling") and O. Gardiner 151, 5 (krJ;t bt.d), as well as to mats (0. ... I . . ____ .+ ..·: :
- {j
Cairo 25 619, vs. 3),44 and once to a d31w-garment (0. Cairo 25 612, 1
4).45 From the determinative::; 46 it appears that a special kind of .~ ~~~

technique is meant,47 more or less in contrast to n" and srn'. The

prices of a dnit bt.ti seem to be lower than the usual price (see below).
All in all one would be inclined to regard the verb bt as a word "-I ,..,c ,..,c . d,.., ,..,
C ;.,C
~ ~ Cl Cl ~ Cl Cl Cl
describing a technique producing an object of rough. quality or « ,..,
c .s:: .s:: Cl
;., ..c:..c.<:

appearance, which may be related to the M.K. verb btt (Wb. Ill,
E- Cl X
- X
.<: X X X X
403, 2), meaning 'to pluck' (e.g., flax); cf. also Cop tic ~AT€ (CRUM, X >, X g. g, '"'E C C g,
Copt. Diet., 629a). >1.
"- C
~ ~S
'" Cl Cl
Cl Cl -Cl
..c. >.. C.c
- - --
0 >, ..c: ~~
13-5 ..c ..c
The shape of the dnlt is unknown: From the prices, which are
t:: ..c ....
>< . . . . .
sometimes quite high as compared to those of the kbs, though in other ~ '" X X _0> 6
ro 6 6 6
~ ~ ~
6 '" '" "'0>
.- .... 6",
Cl:! ._
~ c -
::E N X
X ~~~I:(~ ~SS 6 ~ ". ". ". ~ 6
N M N r--:-.;
43 CERNY, Hier. lnscr . ...... Tut"ankhamun, 10, note 3, states that srn', When used ,..,~ ,..,
!i, ~~
for garments, means 'thin', and not 'of Upper-Egyptian cloth', as it is usually
translated. This seems to be also correct when it is used for baskets, although
'sedge' would perhaps be a suitable material for them (cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg.
Materia/s, 131). In one instance (Hier. Ostr. 57, 2, 11, 2 and 5) a distinction seems ~
to be made between a 'smooth' (n") and a 'fine' (srn') dnit. Since both words are .... V')

used also for garments the parallel strengthens the suggestion that in the case of c:i .;
baskets srn' means 'fine' or 'thin'.
~ '"'>:: + 0.
44 Cf. line 4: n" tm3, and lines 8 and 10: srn' tml. - @r-"9 11 ~
45 In lines 3-4 srn' dliw and bt dliw after eachother. 0.. .ri-.::t-D ":V1o- :; -"\0
46 In some instances, however, determined by TT. ~M ~ ~~i~ ~~~ ~ ~~ ~~~~
~ -.0"': ..f5 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~oo~~~
47 Wb. Ill, 359, 7, supposes hesitantly that bti, determined by the sign for rope, ~ ~ ~ ~ 0:: ':J:: o..~ . M cS v) ~~~ ~~a;~:Q-6""
means 'bark'. Similarly, HELCK, Materialien V, 917, bottom, for the present bul.

~ ~
- ~ :g~~~~-.::t ~ ~bo ~~NotN~~
.5 ci c o · ci i:i .5 0 ~ '"
~ ~ ~
::E.5 U '.5
This btl of the Wb. might be meant in O. Michael. 6, vs. 4 (note that it follows
an entry with 'sycamore'), but probably an abbreviated form of br is intended; cf.
.fi C
'§ 'E ~ c5 .~ ~ b .~
~ ~ <: ~ .~ ~ -< ~ ~ <C C ~
~ 0": ~ E- ~OuuCl~ ~ ClO:::~u::E==E-O==~::E
Who Ill, 385, 13 and Drogenll'b. 415 f. A dlill'-garment of bark would be most strange, cici:ii"
at least in Egypt.
- N ('f")
-- -.----- --
\Of'-. 000\0-
N ------------
instances equally low, it would seem to have been of various sizes,
a third group, where the low price may be explained as being due to
possibly also of varying quality. The word dnlt had several meanings,
the quality. Whether this is also correct for the other two groups I do
e.g., 'dam' or 'dyke', 'share', and 'registry of real property' (cf. Wb.
not know. The different prices may also be a result of differences in
V, 465ff.), which may all be mutually related (cf. HAYES, Ostraka and
size. 50 It is clear that from this Table no conclusion concerning the
Name Stones, 40 f.). Whether this is also the case with the present word
fluctuation of prices may be drawn.
remains uncertain. A relation to the dnlt which is determined as a vessel
One text mentioning the word dnl has been intentionally omitted.
of bronze or stone (Wb. V, 467, 9-10) is possible. But all this offers
no solution for the problem as to its shape.
It is O. Gardiner 183 vs. (XIXth Oyn.). Here the word dni, qt: ~ I, s::
which according to the determinative does not indicate a basket, occurs
As for the prices, only a few instances in Table III require comment.
twice (lines 1 and 2). It is written the same as the dni which HA ~ES
The price of 1/4 oipi! in no. 5 is far from certain, since a dot is all
(Ostraka and Name Stones, 40) translates as 'section', 'area', and which
that is left and there is no trace of~. The price of no. 7 is equally
denotes a unit of measure and not an object. Nevertheless, there occurs
uncertain, since according to CERNY's notebook originally only 1 dnit
in line 2-3 the entry: "72 dni irw (sic) 4 deben of silver". In the
was mentioned, the other two strokes having been added afterwards,
ostraca from the tomb of Senmiit dnl is used to indicate the work
and the price itself is partly broken off, only the signs for 'two' being
done on a wall, 5 dni being probably a day's work. If the dni here
left. In no. 9 the number of dnit is missing, while it is not completely
under discussion means the same, it may be the work of 14 to 15 days,
certain that line 7 contains the price, since the word deben is missing.
which is valued at 4 deben of silver or 240 deben of copper. This
Nevertheless, it seems probable at least that the value of one dnlt was
would imply wages of over 16 deben of copper a day. The explanation
stated. In no. 10 where the pUblication states the price (l deben)
is very uncertain, however.
between brackets, there may originally have been more than one
stroke. Whether the exceptionally high price of no. 18 is correct I
have not been able to check. § 15. kr/:It

The nos. 23 and 24 are not very clear. In the former the value of Another container for fruit is the kr/:It; cf., e.g., Pap. Anastasi IV,
1 dnlt (called nb[d]?) is stated together with that of 6 other baskets 7, 5 and 14, 6; Pap. Harris I, 40a, IS. For different ways of writing
called b'w. It seems impossible to read this word as ~ , while further the word, namely either as k/:It or even as kM, cf. JEOL. 19, 1965-66,
the number 'six' would also be inexplicable in that case. For the 447. The addition of nbd, 'coiled', points to some kind of basketry, as
b'w-basket see below, §22. The price of the dnlt is clearly very low, does the use of the qualification bt.ti, 'rough', in O. Gardiner 151, 5. 51
whatever the value of the six b'w was. The last no. also states a very The Wb. (V, 135, 11-12) states that the object is used "als ein
low price. Mats usually cost at least I oipi! or 1/2 deben each, which Hausgeriit" and "als Mass", which fits the meaning of 'basket'. Possibly
would leave us with a value of I deben for 3 dnit This may there is some connection between the present word and the word kr/:It
constitute further proof that bt should be translated with 'rough'. written with the plant determinative 52 (cf. Wb., loco cit., 10, and CAMI-
On studying the Table one can distinguish two groups of prices, NOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 158), although the exact meaning of the latter is
namely one of 2 or 3 deben or 1/2 snlw 49 per dnlt, and one of 5 deben equally unknown. Both words may have been derived from a verb
or 1 snlw, with only no. 16 with a price of 4 deben in between, while meaning 'to bind', 'to entwine', or suchlike. There is, however, no
no. 18, if correct, is an obvious exception. Nos. 17, 22 and 24 form connection that we know of with the word krt, which is also sometimes
written as khrt or kht but always determined with the wood sign. 53
The writing 'as k/:Irt ~~y have been influenced by the kr/:It here under
48 Note that the total in vs. 3 is too high when the figures in the publication are
added together.
49 There is a possibility that in Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 1 (XIXth Dyn.?) a dnit-basket
50 No. 6, however, although described as 'j, 'large', costs only 2 deben.
was also meant by the lost word for basket. In that case here, too, the price was 51 Cf. p. 140.
1/2 sniw each (4 at 2 sniw). 52 E.g., Pap. Harris I, 21a, 7; O. DeM. 551, vs. 3.
53 Cf. JEOL. 19. 1965-66, 447f.

discussion. The nature of th'IS woo d en object remains completely seems very large nbbt are known to be cheap, so that as much as
unknown. 54 1-2 deben are probably left for the krbt.
The word ~rbt is never used, so far as I know, before the Twentieth The data are insufficient for the establishment of any price-
Dynasty, which ma~ or may not provide a clue as to its shape when fluctuations. All we are able to say is that the krbt is somewhat more
the basketry of Delr el-Medina is studied. For the time being the expensive that the kbs and less so than the dnit, though whether this
shape of the krbt remains unknown. may be due to quality or to size remains uncertain.

TABLE IV § 16. m(t)rbt, 'strainer' or 'sieve'

Two words for types of basketry objects, one written as ~ e oft, 5 7
the other as .}. G oA or ~~,q, 58 both indicate, according to the Wb.
khar deben (11,112,10 and 174, 15), one and the same object. Definite proof of
their identity is found in the word kjt-mrbt (Hier. Ostr. 86, 1, 5),
I) Hier. Oslr. 53. I,~ Ram. III?
2 ?
I nbd which is elsewhere written kjt-mtrbt (Wb. V, 94, 3-4). Moreover, both
2) O. Cairo 25 602, 5 Ram. III?
3) O. Cairo 25 682, vs. I
2 words never occur in one text. O. DeM. 102, an extensive list of fibre
Ram. III? 2 written as kiJI
4) Hier. OSlr. 19,3, 5 Ram. IIJ/mid XXth Dyn. 2" a)
articles, mentions only mtrbt (line 6), and so does Hier. Ostr. 87, 2.
written as kM
5) Hier. OSlr. 50, I, 9 mid XXth Dyn. I written as kiJI Probably mtrbt is the earlier form. It occurs exclusively in texts of
vs. I
6) O. Berlin 10 665,
vs. 2 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn. I,
I the Nineteenth and early Twentieth Dynasties, while at least some of
7) O. Gardiner 151,5 mid XXth Dyn. 1/.
the occurrences of mrbt belong to the mid Twentieth Dynasty. This
8) Hier. OSlr. 26, 5, 5
" 3/4 written as kiJt agrees with t"e conclusion that mrbt and not mtrbt survived in
9) O. Gardiner 141,2 ? 4"a) nbd Demotic texts (ERICHSEN, Demot. Glossar, 169) and probably also in
a) See commentary. the Coptic word M PWZ€ (CRUM, Capt. Diet., 184a), although in the
latter instance the object is said to be of metal, like kjt-mrbt in Hier.
The price of the krbt fluctuates between I and 2 deben b t 6b Ostr. 86, I, 5 and kjt-mtrbt in Pap. Ebers, 66, 19. 59 The present object,
d 7' T ' u nos. however, was made throughout of basketry, as indicated by its
an m able IV, expressed in khar, both contain a krht to th
value of. onl~ 1/2 deben, which is explained in the latter in~tance b; determinative and by qualifications such as nbd (0. Cairo 25 677,
the q.uahficatIo~ 'ro~gh'. In no. 6b nothing is said about the quality, vs. 5; Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 10) and sm' (0. DeM. 318, 10).
but sm.ce t~ere IS a dIfference in price between this and the krht of the Both ERICHSEN and CRUM translate the Demotic and Coptic word
precedmg Ime the same may be the case . 55 The pr'Ice 0 f th e fi'Irst entry with some reserv:ltions as 'strainer'. If we suppose that in earlier times
o no. I appears to be ~bo:e normal, 2 khar being usually equivalent the object, when made of metal, was called kjt-m(t)rbt, and m(t)rbt
to 4 deben: ~hether. thIS dIfference is due to some particular qual it y when made of fibres, and that the addition kjt was due to its
formerly' mdlcated characteristic shape in metal-the word kjt meaning 'vagina'-then
. m the first words of the en try, now I ost 'IS it may be argued that the well-known type of metal strainer 60 provides
un~ertam. N~. 4 IS a doubtful price, since it is possible that ano~her
object .precedmg the krb~ (~nd now lost in the text) was included in
th~ pnce of 2 deben. ThIS IS almost certainly so in no 9 h 31 57 The feminine ending is mostly dropped.
'stIcks' ( hbt) 5 6 ' . ,were In Hier. Oslr. 65, I, 6 and O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 6 (without (1); the parallel
n. are mentIOned before the krbt , for though the number 58

----- text to the latter, Hier. Oslr. 86, 3, 5, has 'j, G ft·
59 Cf. Wb. Med. I, 413. ~0
54 Cf. tERN)', lEA. 31, 1945, 38. 60 Cf. SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, fig. 52 (p. 84) and CARTER, The Tomb of
55 Note that the price of the more expensl've k r.1
h IS expressed in deben and TUI-ankh-Amen nI, pI. 65A - described on p. 61 as an object used in the process
t hat of the cheaper one in khar; see p. 520. of brewing. For a picture of this strainer in the hand of Queen Nefertiti, cf. DAVIES,
56 Cf. § 139.
The Rock Tombs of El Amarna n, pI. 32.
146 PRICES 147

suggestive support for this translation. If m( I) rbt is indeed 'strainer' No. 6) O. Gardiner 151, 3: I mrb = 2 oip~, which is the equivalent
or 'sieve', it is in all probablility the object of which several examples of 1 deben.
have been discovered at Thebes and elsewhere. 61 No. 7) Hier. Ostr. 28,2, 10: nbd mrb 1 = 1 oip~, i.e. 1/2 deben.

TABLE V The prices are lower than those of the krbt, which would be
m(tjrbt expected for a simple fibre strainer. Converted into deben prices nos. 1,
3 and 6 amount to 1 deben, and nos. 5 and 7 to 1/2 deben, while
snhr khar dehen
only one (slightly uncertain) example, no. 2, amounts to about 2 deben.
I) O. Gardiner fragm. 4. I, 3 XIXth;early XXth Dyn."
2) Hier. Ostr. 24, 4. 3
'I, This does not constitute evidence for a fluctuation in price.
late XIXth Dyn. 1/2 ?
3) O. DeM. 51, 6 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 1/4
4) Hier. Ostr. 65, 4, 5, Ram. III I § 17. mndm and n~r
5) Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, 9 XXth Dyn.?
These two quite common words are usually found together. ~r,
6) O. Gardiner 151, 3 mid XXth Dyn. ,I, also written ng5 65 or ng5r,66 is known as a word for 'sieve'; cf. Wb.
7) Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 10 yr. 2, Ram. V
'I. 11, 344, 11, and Wb. Med. I, 486f., but the combination of n~r with
mndm is so frequent that HELCK'S suggestion 67 that the n~r is here
int~nded to be the lid of the mndm seems very plausible. The difference
Most of the instances in which the price of a m (t) rbt is mentioned
require some explanation, as follows: between the n~r and the m(l)r!Jt, which we have supposed to be a
'strainer',68 will then have been that the m(t)r!Jt was concave and the
No. I) O. Gardiner fragm. 4, I, 3: 2 mtrbt for I khar, i.e. 1 mtrht nkr flat. The mndm alone occurs as a basket for fruit in the Eighteenth
= 1/2 khar. Since in this text, as usual, the kbs also costs Dynasty (Urk. IV,
762, 5 and 763, 8), the oldest occurrence in any
1/2 khar, which is equal to I deben, it may be said that context being apparently Eloquent Peasant B 1, 133.
I mtrbt = I deben.
No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 24, 4, 3: from the total, I kbs '5 and 1 mtrht
cost 1 sniw. The price of a normal kbs is 1/4 snlw, but in TABLE VI

O. Prague H 15 two large ones are 1/2 and 1/3 sniw

respectively.63 If on this basis one reckons 1/2 snlw for the
kbs there will remain 1/2 sniw also for the mtrht. sniw khar

No. 3) O. DeM. 51, 6: 1 mtrbt and 1 kbs for 1/2 sni~, i.e. 1 mtrht
= 1/4 sniw. • I) Hie'.. Oslr. 54, 1,8 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. 1

2) o. Gardiner 286, 5 2nd half of XIXth Dyn. ' I.

No. 4) Hier. Ostr. 65, 4, 5: 1 mrbt (=) I (khar, of emmer, according 3) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 6 late XIXth Dyn. "I .
to the red ink), and from the total it appears that 1 khar = 4) O. Michael. 14, 4 (= pI. 48) late XIXth Dyn. 'I. ?
1/4 snlw. 64 5) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 4 Ram. Ill? 'I.
6) Hier. OSlr. 53, 1,6 Ram. Ill? 1/.
No. 5) Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, 9: I mat and 1 mrb = 1 deben. The 7) P. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 8 (= RAD. 47, 18) yr. 29, Ram. III 'I.
normal price of a mat is 1/2 deben, i.e. 1 mrbt = 1/2 deben. 8) O. DeM. 213, 7 Ram. IIIIIV 'I.

61 Cf. CARNARVON-CARTER, Five Years' Exploration at Thebes, pI. 22, 2, k and

I, and p. 31; PEET-WOOLLEY, The City of Akhenaten, I, pI. 22, 2 and p. 74 (now Brit. 65 Hier. Ostr. 61, 3, vs. 4 and passim.
Mus. no. 55 130). 66 O. DeM. 423,4.
63 Cf. Table 11, p. 132.
67 Materialien V, 917.
64 See p. 113, no. 5.
68 Cr. the preceding section.

Prices of the mngm and n~r are known in the following instances: pair would be 1/2 deben, which is equal to 1/4 khar, the
No. I) ~ier. C?st:-. 5~, 1,8: nbd mngm 2 + n~r 2 + skr 1 = 1/2 (snlw). usual price of a mngm + n~r.
Smce It IS difficult to fix a price for the skr (see § 25) the No. 10) O. IFAO. 1402, 3 (of unknown date): 1 mngm = 2 oip~
:alue of the two units mngm-n~r remains uncertain; possibly of barley, which is well above normal.
It was about 1/4 snlw, i.e. about 1/8 snlw for each. No. 11) O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, vs. 3 (late XIXth Dyn.). The text
No. 2) O. Ga~diner 286, 5: sm' 69 mngm 1 + n~r 1 = 1 oip~. is not clear, but the entry means either that 1 mndt (cf.
No. 3) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 6: nbd mm/m 1 + n~r 1 = 1 oip~. no. 9) + 1 ngr = 2 khar, which would be very expensive,
In the same ostracon, vs. 8 : nbd n~r 3 and 30 handfuls of or, more probably, that the total includes the value of the
swy 70 = 1/2 snlw. It seems probable that in this case each preceding commodities, 3 bundles of vegetables and one
n~~ contained 10 handfuls and cost, with contents, 1/6 snlw, pair of fowl. The latter suggestion gives prices for the
which, though the price of swy is completely unknown, might basketry which are less in contrast with what is usual, since
mean about 1/8 snlw per n~r. the vegetables and fowl together could hardly have cost less
No. 4) O. Michael. 14, 4 (= pI. 48): a pair of sandals and 1 mndm than 1 1/2 khar, leaving at most 1/2 khar for the mngm +
+ 1 n~r = 1/2 (snlw).71 If the sandals were cheap they ~ill n~r.
have cost at least 1/4 snlw, though usually they were more No. 12) O. Gardiner 231,3 (XIXth Dyn.?). Only the first signs are
expensive; 3/8 snlw would be a reasonable guess thus leaving left, which certainly contain the word mngm; the word n~r
1/8 snlw for the basketry. ' is possibly lost in the lacuna following. The price of these
No. 5) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 4: 1 mngm + 1 n~r = 1 oip~. two (?) pieces together appears to be 1 sniw, though 1/2 snlw
No. 6) Hier. Ostr. 53, 1, 6: 3 n~r + 1 mngm = 2 oip~. If each is also possible: CERNY'S transcription reads:::: =,, which
object cost 1/2 oip~, the price of the mngm-n~r was 1 oip~. does not seem quite correct.
No. 7) Pap. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 8 (= RAD. 47, 18): 1 mndm + 1 nkr = These four examples undermine confidence in the validity of the
1 oip~. - .
conclusion reached above that the combination of mngm-n~r always
No. 8) O. DeM. 213, 7: 1 mngm + 1 n~r = 1 oip~. costs 1 oip~, though it is none the less clear that the objects were cheap
The data derived from these eight instances are shown in Table VI as compared with other kinds of basketry.
and though ~everal. entries are caJculated and subject to incertainty:
~he ~eneral picture IS clear: the combination of mngm-n~r costs 1 oip~, § 18. lrgs/lr~s
I.e. /2 deben or 1/8 snlw.
For the different writings of this word (irgs, lr~s, l~s, irs) which
Four other instances, each doubtful in some respect, give higher seems not to be known outside the ostraca and is not noted in the
Wb., cf. JEOL. 19, 1965-66, 446. Its occurrence in O. DeM. 102 and
No. 9) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, 10 (mid XXth Dyn.). Although the text O. DeM. 229, two lists of basketry, and the qualification nbd in
~eems to say "1 mndt (!) and 1 '~rf, 2 " makes 1 deben " , O. DeM. 261, 2-3 and Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, 7, confirm that is was of
It may be that mndt = mngm 72 and '~rf = 'its n~r'. 73 this genre. 74 Some indication as to its nature may be provided by
The price of 1 deben is above normal when 2 ' means O. Cairo 25 678, 2, if indeed the abbreviated form irs represents lr~s.
'2 pieces', but if it would mean '2 pairs' the price of each The ~entence runs, "a fine mat, makes 1 irs", which might suggest
that in this case an ir~s was made out of a mat.
69 'thin'; cf. p. 140, note 43.
70 Possibly 'hay'; cf. HELCK, op. cit., 807.
~: SO CERN'\' (~), instead of what stands in the publication (:); see the facsimile.
73 The same wrItmg occurs in O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, vs. 3 (no. 11). 74 If the word was of Semitic origin it may have been derived from the verb
These readmgs are discussed in JEOL. 19, 1965-66, 447.
b~" , 'to bind'.

TABLE VII No. 2) Lady Franklyn Hier. Inscr., 5 (mid XXth Dyn,): ., ..
irgs / ir~s J'tt-l..~IAiri.n 4 (dbn).
The second instance, though the signs are partly 10st,78 cannot well
khor deben
be anything other than the present word. The price of 4 deben proves
I) Hier. Os!r. 20, 2, 7 XIXth Oyn.? 1 3/. that the 'nbr was a fairly expensive object, something like the dnit.
'$ (= 1 3/. sniw?)
2) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, 9 XIXth Oyn.? 3
3) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 1-2 Ram. Ill? 2
4) Hier. Os!r. 63, I, I, 7 mid XXth Oyn. 1 '/2 §20. kskst
Another rare word for some kind of basketry object is kskst.
There are four instances in which a price is mentioned. Of these That it is made of basketry is clear both from the determinative A and
nos. 2 and 4 (see Table VII) give a price of 3 deben, the latter by from the qualification nbd in O. Berlin 12343, vs. 5_6,79 and that it is a
calculation, and no. 3 a price of 2 deben, whereas no. I (a large lrgs) container is shown by Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052, 3, 20 and 4, 4, where
indicates the exceptionally high price of 1 3/4 snlw (calculated from the a kskst is said to be "full of gold". The word is clearly an iterative
total; cf. pp. 122ff.), i.e., about 7 to 8 deben. If, however, the khar is form of ks, 'to bow', 'to bend' (Wb. V, 139, 7 ff.), but the verb ksks
reckoned to be equivalent to 2 deben, the price would be only slightly itself is known only with the meaning 'to dance' (Wb. V, 141-142),
above normal (3 1/2 deben). The data are of course insufficient to like the Coptic6oc6c(cf. CRUM, Copt. Diet., 832b)-though the form
justify any conclusion.
KOCKcseems to have kept the original sense of 'to entwine' (CRUM,
§ 19. 'nbr Copt. Diet., 121b).
Two prices of a kskst are known:
An unknown type of basketry, the only occurrence of which apart
from the present two instances 75 seems to be Eloquent Peasant B I, No. I) O. Berlin 12343, vs. 5-6 (mid XXth Dyn.): nbd kskst 80 (l?)
115. In his commentary to this text VOGELSANG (p. 106) proposed = 4 (deben).

that it should be read instead as 'nb, but since 'nbr is now no longer No. 2) O. DeM. 146, 7 (late XXth Dyn.): kskst 1 = 3 deben.
a hapax legomenon there seems to be no need to do so; nor is there The only conclusion that might be drawn from this is that the kskst
any more reason to follow the Wb. (I, 192, 5) in dOUbting the 'was probably rather large, since it was also expensive, and this would
correctness of its reading. The nature of the 'nbr is completely unknown, agree with the sense of Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052,3,20, where the accused
the word being possibly of foreign origin. 76 It is worth noting, however, is induced by 'examination' to exaggerate the theft and so speaks of
that. both texts mentioned hereafter contain lists of funerary equip-
ment. 77 ~ (even) "a kskst full of gold".

The two occurrences of the word are: §21. 'r~, 'sack' (?)
No. I) O. Gardiner 139, 4 (mid XXth Dyn.): pi::~ 1~ ].~IA ,, There are some words about which it is to be doubted whether they
(irl.n) dbn 4. indicate basketry, or whether they are used, either in some cases or
always, to indicate containers made of some other material. The first
75 Unless it is found in O. Cairo 25 553, vs. 2, in the phrase transcribed by of these is the 'rk, also sporadically written '~r (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 87,
CERNY as \\'-;;;,:, l~ \.~ lA, and/or in O. DeM. 589, 4, where SAUNERON
reads bibr for what may be .j.:: =IA .
2, 5-6). The Wb. ~alls it a 'measure for fruit' (Wb. I, 213, 8), but PEET
76 A bold guess would be that 'nbr was derived from '-n-br (cf. '-n-b'w, §22),
and that br was the origin whence the Cop tic 81 P derived (cf. CRUM. Copt. Diet.,
41 b f.). See also the suggestion by SETHE (Die Bau- und Denkmalsteine, SPA w., 78 The faint traces on the facsimile may very well be 'n.
1933, 888f.) that o.lIcf.fJa(JTpo~ was derived from '-n-B5st, 'vessel of the goddess Bast'. 79 Also Hier. Os!r. 58, 3, 5, where the word is written ksksr. W ~. .
77 In both texts the I;tp (see §24) is mentioned either before or after 'nbr, but whether
80 Although the upper part of the group is lost, leaving only .....:: ~;; , there IS
there is any connection remains uncertain.
little doubt that kskst is meant.

states. 81 that th"IS IS on Iy a denved

. meaning. In Hier Ostr 87 2 't . The most obvious conclusion is that the value of an 'rlf, when made
m~ntlOned among o.ther kinds of basketry,82 while' in the e'ntr Y I i~ of basketry, was about I deben or 1/2 khar (nos, I, 2 and 6), but
Hler. Ostr. 44, 4,.4 It appears to be an object made of some kin of that, when the price was 1/2 sniw, i,e. at least 2 deben, the material
fibre. Moreover, It seems that the word is derived from th bd, k was leather, as explicitly stated in no. 5 (though there filled with
'to w'In d aroun d' ,wh"Ich may POInt to basket ever r .' barley, so that the value of the 'rlf itself was somewhat less than
o n the other hand, in O. DeM 299 3 an ry.
83 . " ' rk'IS sa!'d to be made of 1/2 snlw). This is probable in the case of no. 3,86 but uncertain (yet
Iea th er, as IS probably alsJ the 'k r wh'IC h IS : part of h' . not impossible) for no, 4.
O. Edinburgh 916, vs. 8.84 In Pa
'k f '1 . .
H . a c anot In
p. arns I, 13b, 12, there occurs an A very doubtful instance may be Hier, Ostr. 20, 2, 7-8 (XIXth Dyn, ?),
r. W0 .SIh'ver, but It IS doubtful
. whether this is the same k'In d 0 f object
. where an object the exact writing of which is uncertain is valued at
elg ~ng up all the. eVidence it would seem to me that 'basket' i' I oip~, i.e. 1/4 sniw, tERNY and GARDINER tentatively transcribe the
1 speCificl a translatIOn.
I Perhaps
e 'sack' is b tt er, 85' . coulds
SInce thiS word as Ll~ _% (?), but the determinative is almost lost. The object
a so app y to eather containers. The difference bet 'k d is mentioned in connection with the basket irgs, so that 'lfr for 'rlf
leather mstl remains obscure, however. ween r. an the seems not improbable, and in this case the price would be as low as
in nos, I and 2 above.
§22, b'w
The word b'w indicates different kinds of instruments, tools and
sniw khar deben weapons; cf. Wb. Ill, 243. In two instances in price ostraca it seems
I) O. DeM. 49, 3-4 Ram. III to denote a basket, according to its determinative ft. In one other
2) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, vs. 13-14 XIXth Dyn.?
' 12
instance, however, it is a bronze vessel, 87 stated to be used "to pour
3) O. Gardiner 231, 4-5
' 12
XIXth Dyn.? '12 ? water over the hands". Apart from the two examples with prices I do
4) Hier. Os/r. 52, 2, vs. A, 12 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. '/2 not know of a single certain instance 88 of b'w with the meaning of
5) O. DeM. 299, 3-4 lateXIXth/earlyXXth. Dyn.? ' 12 dlJr; full of barley
6) P. Turin 200 3, I, 11
yr. 3, Ram. IX basket. 89
(= PLEYTE-ROSSI, pI. 91) 'I. 4 for 3 deben In O. Brit. Mus, 29 555, 12 (XIXth Dyn,?) the word is written
=S'\.A The first signs are meant to be:::, lit. 'a piece Of,90 which
the scribe botched. The price of this b'w is 1/2 (deben) , In Hier. Ostr.
I Of
th'theI six examples
' in Table VIII only no . 3 nee d s any commentary 36, 1, vs, I, 11 91 (year 7 of Ram. VI or VII) one dnlt-basket and six
n I~ mstl an~ 3 '~If are together valued at 2 snlw, and althou h b'w are together valued at 3 (deben), which leaves a price of less than
;he pnce ,of ~ mstl vanes considerably it may be assumed that 1/ ~ 1/2 deben for each b'w, since the cheapest known dnit costs at least
tor each rlf IS not unreasonable. 2 smw
1 deben,
There are possibly another two occurrences of the price of a b'w.
81 Tomb Robberies 167 note 88
82 " .
Note, however its absence fr th r
83 In O. Gardine: 231 4-5 threeo~k a e Ists of basketry in 0., DeM. 102 and 229.
8b Cr. note 83 above.
87 Giornale dell'anno 17 A, vs. 4, 7 (= pI. 46). Cf. also '-n-b'w (§ 156),
msti is sometimes said to 'be made of iea:: m(entlOned together with a msti, Since the 88 In O. Michael. 7, 2a (= pI. 62) '-n-b'w occurs after some basketry articles, but
for the 'rk here er see § 151) the same probably holds true
without a determinative. That it is a basket here, too, is only probable, In O. Cairo 25
84 Cf.'JEA.,'19, 1933, pI. 28 and p, 172. Wb I 2 " 624, I, 7 and 18 '-n-b'w is determined with the wood sign,
the determinative for wood a d t I . " 13, 9, transcnbes thiS word with 89 Cr., however, O. DeM. 434, n, 2, which reads b'w 4. In spite of its deter-
. , n rans ates It as 'Teil d W ' '
cnptIon with 't
is to be preferred I ,es agens. Even If the trans- mination with the wood sign the use of bt,tf (cr. p. 140) may point to basketry.
seems strange that in O. DeM 318 o~ pa ;eograPhlcal grounds, as I think it is, it 90 Cf. tERN'\', BIFAO. 27, 1927, 180, note 5. For '-n in Demotic and Coptic
followed by the word ht 'w d" , an vs. 10, there should occur a word 'rk
85 ~, 00. • . ( HI) er. SPIEGELBERG, ZA'S. 37, 1899, 27.
So PEET, Pap. Mayer A, 2, 4. 91 Cf. p. 142,

In O. Cairo [154], 3 92 a careless scribe wrote :;:' :::::: 1 (or 5?). This as sm' n nw/:z, which definitely plvves that sm' indicates not the material
may mean '-n [-[l"w], though '-n [-sod], 'log', is equally possible. In the but the technique.
other instance, Hier. Ostr. 59, 4, 8 (mid XXth Dyn.), the entry begins A special kind of mat is called 'n (e.g., O. DeM. 51, 5). This word,
with the signs9~, the rest being lost up to " ... 2 (?), makes 1 deben". which seems to be absent in the Wb., should be distinguished from
Since I do not know of any other priced item the name of which 'nb, which again indicates material 97 and is found in Pap. Harris I,
begins with b' it seems possible that the basket here under discussion 65b, 7 and 72, 11 and in Pap. Gurob, vs. la, 2 (= RAD. 17, 3). In
is meant. In the somewhat large gap between h' and the number Pap. Harris I, 19b, 2, 'nb is determined with::, possibly under the
more than the mere name of the basket is lost: while the numbe: influence of on, but certainly as an error for the plant determinative.
itself is doubtful. However, there seems to be a slight possibility that The word 'n, on the other hand, is used for several objects. Some
2 b'w cost I deben, implying a price of 1/2 deben for each. references are: tm5 ' (0. DeM. 293, 5); tm5 'n (Hier. Ostr. 18, 5, 5;
The only conclusion which can be drawn from these data is that O. DeM. 295, 5); isbwt 'n.ti (0. Cerny 1, 3; O. DeM. 402, 7);
th~ bOw-basket was most likely very cheap. iSW(?)98 'n (0. DeM. 285, 7); iptgr.ti 'n.ti (Hier. Ostr. 50,1, vs. 1_2).99
The determinative is mostly ~, var. ~, but also «:> (clearly derived
§23. tm5, 'mat' and sgr, 'pallet' from 'n, 'beautiful'), twice followed by <t (0. DeM. 51, 5 and 285, 7)
To the categories of objects dealt with in this chapter also belongs derived from 'n, 'baboon'; in the latter instance it is also followed
the mat, a common object in every Egyptian household and therefore by the wood sign (derived from 'n, 'wooden tablet'?). All this points
frequently mentioned in the texts. In several instances it is said to be to uncertainty on the part of the scribes. From the most usual
sm', which may mean either 'fine' or 'made of sedge'. Above 93 I have determinative ~ it would appear to be an in,?ication of a particular
decided on the former meaning when used for a dnit-basket, and there technique used for all these objects. 100 Prof. CERNY has suggested to
are reasons strengthening this suggestion here. In other instances mats me either the meaning 'ornamented' (because of the eye determinative)
are described as rdmt (e.g., Pap. Harris I, 53a, 14; O. Cairo 25 572, or 'mended'. The latter seems more probable/o l , since the prices of
vs. 5; O. DeM. 31, 3), this being a definite indication of the material the isbwt ' are certainly not above normal (cf. §36), although this
as rdmt probably is the Cyperus esculentus L. 94 If, parallel to this, on~ may be the case with the mat of O. DeM. 51, 5 (see below).
is inclined to interpret the word sm' also as an indication of the Some of the twenty-two instances in which the price of a mat is
material, there are further instances in which mats are stated to be of mentioned (see Table IX) require some explanation. In nos. 2 and 5
swy (cf. O. Cairo 25 678, 41-42; O. DeM. 123, vs. 1). HELCK a tm5 is valued together with a kbs. The usual price for a kbs is
suggests 95 that swy means 'hay', and although it is difficult to imagine
a m~t made of hay, it may be that the Egyptian term is not completely 97 For 'nb, halfa-grass, cf. KEIMER, OLZ. 30, 1929, 146ff.
98 I doubt whether the word isw is correct here. It is not the word is, 'tamarisk
eqUIvalent to ours and that in this case 'dried grass' is a better wood', since this is always written with ~ in ostraca. One is tempted to suppose an
rendering. However that may be, it is clear that swy, like rdmt, erroneous writing for isbwt, but another solution may be suggested. In Hier. Ostr.
indicates the material. Now in the entry quoted, O. DeM. 123, vs. 1, lIS, I, II we find the word sbiw, which tERNY and PEET (JEA. 13, 1927, 38) took for
a writing of sbJ, 'door'. If this is correct, the same word may be meant in O. DeM.
a mat is referred to as sm' m swy, and in the next line another one 285 and in O. Gardiner 226, 4, where what is left is only .... Gc.- ('nw). However,
the word for door is elsewhere in the ostraca always, as far as I know, written with
the star, so that it would seem to me that the instances of sbiw are rather errors for
92 Of unknown date. isbwt. Note that in Hier. Ostr. lIS, I, II it follows the word for footstool.
93 P. 140. 99 In a private letter Prof. CERNY mentioned to me another example with msti
94 Cf. KEIMER, OLZ. 30, 1929, 145ff. which I am unable to find.
95 Materialien V, 807.
lOO That it cannot possibly be any kind of material appears from O. DeM. 293,

96 For mats of grass, cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 136 f. In several instances 5: rdmt tmJ 'n.ti.
we find the expression WJt-swy 'runner' (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 56, 1, 4; O. Cairo 25 677 101 'n occurs also in the J:l.elf.anakhte Papers, Ill, 6, where a corn measure (ipt)

vs. 6; O. Berlin 10 631, 9). swy cannot mean 'straw', as this is rendered with dhJ or rII'; is said to be 'ntC::: ~......,) m IJnt kmt. lAMES (p. 46 and 49, note 13) translates it with
and there is a clear difference between them (cf. O. DeM. 131,2-3). . "decked with black hide", but 'mended' seems to fit better.

1/2 khar, which in no. 2 leaves 1/2 khar for 2 mats, i.e. oip~ per
mat. In no. 5, however, another entry (line 5) has the unusual price
of I oip~ per kbs, so that again the value of the mat may be 1 Ol'p~.
In no. 7, the only example described as 'nw, the price of 1/2 sniw for
] a mat is higher than normal, being the equivalent of at least 2 deben,
N " "
~~ but the same price occurs again in no. 1, described as rdmt, so that
+ + ~~
N _
the value of no. 7 cannot be taken as any proof for the translation of
] ~


'nw as 'ornamented'.
In no. 10 the value is expressed, judging from the use of red ink, in
khar of em mer. Since 1/4 khar is the usual price this entry constitutes
further proof for the equality in value of barley and emmer. The
exceptional price in no. 11 remains inexplicable. The first price in no. 14

is written, as usual, as /Cb., 'one oip~', but the other as ,Cb I. Although
this seems at first sight to mean 'one khar', I think that it is simply
an error for 1 oip~, since I khar is III the preceding line correctly
written as A I.
In no. 17b the transcription by tERNY and GARDINER states the
price to be 7 deben, though with a query. However, 9 would seem
more probable in comparison with the other two mat prices in the same
text. Moreover, the transcription seems to me uncertain on comparing
-". the other signs for 'seven' in the facsimile with the present one, while
the sign is not unlikely to stand for 'nine'.
The price of no. 18 is calculated from the total in line 3, in which
/ .is included an equally exceptionally high price of 2 oip~ for a mngm. 102
Even if 2 khar is above the normal price for a mat, there seems to be
no reason to doubt its correctness. Nos. 20, 21 and 22 are discussed
above. 103 Since all three are used to calculate other prices, it would be
methodologically incorrect to reverse the argument here. l04
On studying these prices 1/4 khar or 1/2 deben appears to be found
most frequently (in IS out of 25 instances), to which may be added
the price of 1/8 sniw in nos. 6b and 22. In five instances I deben is
found, three of them in one ostracon, and in four others the price is
higher, being either 2 deben or 1/2 sniw, or, once, 4 deben. The higher
prices are not correlated with any indication as to any special quality
t'-' .
'" on
or material, any more than that there is a possibility to explain them
<'\ ;. <'\
or. by current market trends. The highest of all, namely no. 11 (4 deben),
~ Qj V')

2 ~-5~
u .-
..: :2 0"

Cf. p. 149.
Cf. pp. 146. 142 and 112.
o ~OO 104 In the light of these prices it is clear that in Hier. Osrr. 18, 5, 5 the transcription

of the last sign should be Ft (and not 40), The scribe forgot the numeral.

belongs to the reign of Ramesses Ill, which certainly was not a boom so that the translation with 'pallet' would be not too farfetched. Since
period. We shall have to resign ourselves to not being able to explain the price of the combination srir-tmJ exceeds the average value of two
these price differences. tmJ, it would seem that the quality of a srir was better than that of an
ordinary mat, as one would expect.
The word tml sometimes occurs together with other words for
basketry, but frequently in combination with the word stjr, the meaning TABLE X
of which is not completely clear. Of course it is derived from the verb
stjr, 'to lie down', 'to pass the night', but that does not explain what sgr + Imf

object is meant. The Wb. (IV, 392, 11) seems to see no problem here
snilf khar deben
and translates it as 'bed', but for this piece of furniture the inhabitants ,
I) O. DeM. 49. 4 Ram. 11
of the Village used the word /:I'tl (see § 32). CERNY translates 105 the /2
7 /2
combination tml-stjr as 'mat and blanket'. 106 Neither of these 2) o. Michael. 14, 8 (= pI. 48) late XIXth Dyn. 1/2
translations seems to me to be quite satisfactory. 3) O. Prague H 15.4 XIXth Dyn. o '/
3 hill
early Ram. lIP 'I 0
The material of which the stjr is made seems in most instances to 4) O. DeM. 553. 5 '2'

5) O. DeM. 183.5 Ram. 1Il? '/2

be basketry. This is apparent from the use of the determinative A- and (emmer)
from the occurrence of srir in lists of baskets such as O. DeM. 102. 6) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 2-3 Ram. lIP 2
7) O. Berlin 10 665, 7 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn. 2
In two texts, O. Berlin 14 260, 7 and O. Cairo 25 677, vs. 2, the
8) O. Brit. Mus. 50 736, vs. 2 yr. 4. mid XXth Dyn. o 2
srir is said to be made of rwy, 'straw',107 while in O. IFAO. 1017, vs. 6 9) O. Gardiner 139.8-10 mid XXth Dyn. J

a srir is said to be bnd, 'twined', 'twisted'. lOB Moreover, the sdr and 10) O. Michael. 6, vs. 6 (= pI. 57) yr. 1. mid XXth Dyn. 3
4 3gr alone!

the tml belong together, since the former is nearly always me;tioned
together with the latter-tml, on the other hand, frequently occurs There are nine occurrences of a price of the combination and one
without stjr-and twice a text even says "srir and its (!) tmJ" (0. in which a srir alone is valued (see Table X). For no. 2 the publication
DeM. 183, 5 and O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 2-3). / by GOEDICKE and WENTE transcribes in the case of both entries 2 oipe
However, one badly preserved text, O. DeM. 344, seems to state (:) in stead of 1/2 snlw ~ =), but see the facsimile; moreover, 2 oipe
that seven skins are made into a srir, while the latter word is here would have been written Ft:, the khar sign being seldom forgotten. In
also determined with the skin sign. Even more puzzling is O. DeM. 183, no. 4 the price is added to that of 3 hin of fat, together coming to
5, where we find a "srir n ~,~ (and) its tmJ". The word lrw looks 1 snlw. Since 2 hin of fat can be assumed to be the equivalent of 1/2
as though it were the name of some kind of wood, 109 but, whereas snlw (see § 104), there remains 1/2 snlw for the two articles of basketry
the substitution of basketry with skins is possible, I fail to see how together. For no. 5, the explanation of which presents considerable
wood could have been used. difficulties, see above. No. 9 is rather illegible: CERNY notes that both
In spite of these two occurrences it seems to me that usually the sdr and tmJ are followed by badly written additions, which I cannot
srir was a 'sleeping-mat', which was used on the top of another mat, i~terpret. 11 0 In no. 10 again the transcription is not quite correct, '40'
105 Prices and Wages, 913. being a mistake for Ft .
106 In O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 2 and O. Berlin 10 665, 7 sgr is determined with l!' , The price of tmJ + srir is fairly constant; seven out of the ten
which may have been the reason for this translation. These are, so far as I know, the
only instances. instam:es give either 1/2 snlw or 2 deben, which is about the same.
107 Possibly this is also what is meant in the somewhat illegible entry in O. Gar- One price, no. 5, is very low, the more so since it is expressed in khar
diner 139, vs. 9. of emmer, which during the reign of Ramesses III was sometimes cheaper
108 See p. 139.

109 HELCK, Materialien V, 919, suggests the reading "for making a mat", but I fail
than barley. It is to be noted that this is the text of which the translation
to see how this can be combined with the word sgr. For irwt as a kind of tree(?)
cf. Wh. I, 114, 16. 110 For a guess, see p. 158, note 107.

presents difficulties. The two instances of a price of 3/4 khar are also TABLE XI

below normal, but the first, no. 9, may perhaps be explained by the
illegible addition, and in the other a sgr alone is valued. If a mat of
I oipe is added the total price (I khar, i.e. 2 deben) would be in sniU' khor deben
agreement with the seven other instances.
1 3. i}IP n 'm'm n" 6 1 hill
vs. 5
yr. 36. Ram. 11 i}lpn ..... . .... = 1 hin
§24. ~tp
I) O. Gardiner 133. vs. 11
Ram. III IV 1/. i}lp n m;wl 1 = 1 oipl'
2) O. DeM. 231.4
Another well-known article of basketry is the ~tp, which occurs mid XXth Dyn. o
11I .
3) Hier. OSlr. 85. 2, 3
mid XXth Dyn. 1/, 2 i}lp for 1 "ehen
frequently in Pap. Harris I. In this text it is clearly meant to indicate 4) O. Gardiner 139.3
i}lp iri.n 2 (?)
5) L. Frank!. Hier. Inser., 6 mid XXth Dyn. 2"
a container, hence a basket. However, the original meaning of the
hieroglyph ~tp (.b) is 'a loaf on a reed mat", 111 and it is probable
that in the New Kingdom the meaning 'mat' was still retained. As is apparent from Table XI the few available .data are full of
Therefore HELCK 112 translates the word as 'mat' rather than basket, queries. No. 1 is discussed above; it remains u~certam whether 6. ~tp
but I do not think that this is correct in our price ostraca. In the all valued at 1 hin in the second passage, smce the relevant signs
will of Naunakhte (Document 11, vs. 10 and 11) there occurs twice were , 117 1 5 t h
are lost. In no. 2 the ~tp is called n mlwt, 'new. n no. e
the word ~tp, written once with the wood sign and once with the number of ~tp does not appear to be written, so far, at least, ~s the
basket sign. The first object is also explicitly stated to be made of facsimile is legible. To suppose that 'one' was intended would give an
wood. In spite of this CERNY supposes in his commentary 113 that both unusually high price, but any other guess is equally unfo~nded;
words indicate the same kind of container, the difference being due to The prices of nos. 2-4 are more or less in agreement,. smce /4 khar
the material. If that is correct, the ~tp cannot be a mat. is equivalent to 1/2 deben, each being the lowest possible pnce that
The only texts which add something to our knowledge are O. Varille 13, could be expressed in this way. This proves that the ~tp, whatever
5-6 and O. Gardiner 133, vs. 5. In the latter six ~tp n 'm'm n" type of basket it may have been, was very cheap, an~ so perhaps
(;::; S\s. ........ ~e 'U I 01f """) are mentioned. Since 'm'm is 'mud' 114 this may / c.orrespondingly small. Whether the extremely low ~nce of ~o. 1
mean that these objects were '(covered with) a smooth layer of mud', reflects either quality or size, or is proof of a lower ~nce level m the
which brings to mind the basket found by BRUYERE in the Eastern time of Ramesses 11, cannot be determined; more eVlde~ce would .be
necropolis of Deir el-Medina and described by him as "confectionne required to support the latter conclusion. The question will be studied
non plus en vannerie mais en cartonnage stuque et peint".u 5 If
cartonnage was the material used for this kind of basket it is obvious
why the Egyptian scribe was at a loss as to the determinative, neither
§25. §kr
wood nor basketry being quite correct.
One kind of basketry presents special difficulties. It is i~dicated by
In O. Varille 13, 5-6, there is mentioned a ~tp with the qualification
the word §kr and determined with Ft, and occurs several tlf~es among
k~t 1 n §ndt ~r 'tf, "with one k~t C:r~o_) of acacia wood on its
other kinds of basketry (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 5-6; O. Cairo 25 619,
body". The difficulty is that we do not know what a k~t might be.
That the kr~t-basket is what was meant, as I have thought previously,116 5a). Since it is also said to be nbd, 'coiled' (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 5,
now seems to me less probable. 17 and 6, 12) or bnd (0. IFAO. 1017, vs. 1),118 there ca~ be no
doubt about its nature. The word is not listed in the Wb., which does,
111 GARDINER, Grammar 3 , 501 (R 4). however, mention a particular form of it, namely §kr' (Wb ..I~, 550,.8).
112 Materialien V, 920.
113 lEA. 31,1945.39.
This may be either a variant or even a more complete wntmg of skr,
114 Cf. GARDINER, Dnom. I, 10· fT.
115 Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 56. 117 Cf., e.g., lEA. 49, 1963, 34.
116 lEDL. 19, 1965-66,447. 118 All three written as skr'.

or it may mean 'a large Skr'. For a parallel for the unusual position of is referring throughout to skrw of basketry cannot be excluded. The
the word 'i ('::) before the determinative, cf. O. Michael. 10, II, I price of 2 oipi! (with the sack?) which is mentioned for the skr (.-) in
(pI. 79), where we find ~ G"!"A, which can only mean mtrb srit. rt. 7 may be too low for a s~r. The price of 6 deben mentioned in rt. 6
There is, however, a greater problem still with regard to the skr, represents the value of the sky' together with an unknown number of
namely its confusion with the word s~r or sgr, designating a fairly hin of mr/:l and is unusable. I am unable to draw any well founded
common object made of wood. The Wb. 119 connects the latter with conclusion from all this.
.,lTV and translates it as 'verschhessbarer Kasten1'. That this bears any With the exception of this doubtful text there are six instances 120
relation to the present skr is not likely, but even the Egyptians in which the price of a skr is given (see Table XII). For no. I cf. p. 148,
themselves sometimes mixed up the two words, so that it becomes no. I. No. 2 is misread in the publication (pikir instead of skr, and
hard to decide which one is meant. So, e.g., in O. DeM. 223, vs. 4, 2 oipe instead of 1/2 snlw); the text states that 1 khar of emmer and a
which has s~r (with Ll ), although it is determined with Ft , while on the skr together cost 1/2 snlw. It was calculated above 121 that in this text
other hand in Hier. Ostr. 54, I, 10 a wooden object skr (with =-) is 1 khar of barley cost 1/2 sniw, which proves that the price of emmer
mentioned determined with the wood sign. In O. Cairo 25 800, I, 5 a sgr was lower than that of barley-of which there are other examples. 122
with Ft occurs, which is said to be made of wood. In my opinion the The price of the skr will therefore be about 1/4 sniw or less.
determinative is decisive in most instances-where found, also the No. 4 has the variant sky'. The price is low, since 1 oipi! is the
qualification-to solve the question of what kind of object is meant. equivalent of 1/2 deben, which seems to contradict the suggestion that
In one text, however, the confusion is so great that I see no way sky' was 'a large skr'. In no. 5, although the writing is s~r (with Ll),
out. In O. IFAO 1017 (mid XXth Dyn.?) two persons are said to the reference is certainly to a skr, from both the determinative and the
exchange some objects, one of them being called [~enlna. Since the price; in fact it is the making of a skr that is valued, but the price
name of the other is lost with the beginning of the text we do not of the material was in all probability included.
know who gave the objects to whom. For the sake of clarity we shall
call them A and B. A is said to have given to B (rdlt nj) "in exchange TABLE XII

for a pair(?) of coffin(s?) (' n wt), which he (B) carved (s'nb)": a

dnlt-basket, some hin of mr/:l (the number is lost) and a skr' (determined
with ft ). The text continues: "given to him in exchange for the sniw khar deben
.!J.!.'i\.u\\.~,~ (sic). I gave to him (lw.l /:Ir art nj) 2 oipi! in a sack
1) Hier. Os/r. 54, 1, 8 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. 'I. ? 2 mnqm + 2 nl,r + 1 skr =
(biiw)". The problem is: who are 'him' and 'I' in this sentence. If it 'I, (sniw)
refers to a different transaction from the first one and 'I' again is A, 2) O. Michael. 14,3-4 late XIXth Dyn. 'I. ?
and 'him' is B, then B probably made the skr (= s~r?; made of (= pI. 48)
3) O. DeM. 556, 7 Ram. III 1
wood?) just as the coffin(s), and this would strengthen the supposition 4) O. Cairo 25 602, 4 Ram. Ill? ' I. skr'
that skr (= s~r) and skr' are different objects. However, vs. I mentions 5) O. DeM. 223, vs. 4-5 mid XXth Dyn. 1 bikw-qrt m pi sl,r Un\' n.f: db" i
6) Hier. Os/r. 36, 1, vs. I, 8 yr. 7, Ram. VIIVII 1
2 skr' (without any determinative, but said to be hnd 'twined' hence
basketry), while vs. 3 states "given to him in exchan~e for th~ other
(pi ky) rul.Ll)\.~'''''''''' etc.". Since parts of the ostracon have disappeared
From the Table it is apparent that the skr (or skr') is a cheap
the connection between the entries is not clear. The possibility that, in
object, its usual price being 1 deben (= 1/4 sniw). Its exact nature
spite of all the determinatives and different ways of writing, the text
120 In Hier. Os!r. 20, 2, 5-6 too many commodities are valued together for any

119 Wb. IV, 550, I and 10. The word written as s*s
(Wb., loco cit., 3) should also conclusion to be drawn as to the price of the skr.
121 Cf. p. 120, no. 6.
be read as s*r, since it occurs according to the Belegstellen in O. Petrie 17 6 =
Hier. Os!r. 28, 2, 6. ' 122 Cf.p.130.

remains obscure, since no text provides any clue. We have tried

above 123 to show that the word skr is connected with ~::lt' and '9 KI.h.,
and has the same basic meaning as I;nd. Since only 'hamper' -like CHAPTER FOUR
coffins and bags are of twined work 124 it may be that ,<;kr was a
basketry bag. ANIMALS
123 See §13.
124 Cf. LVCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 132. §26. 'nI;, 'small cattle'
The word 'nl; is usually translated as 'goat', but while this may be
correct for older periods, it is noticeable, as HELCK has pointed out,1
that in Pap. Harris I it is the only word that appears as an indication
for small cattle. The same is indeed true of the ostraca, from which
both sr, 'sheep', and the older generic word 'wt, 'small cattle', are
almost completely absent, 2 and it would therefore appear that from
the Nineteenth Dynasty the word 'nl; replaced the older 'wl as the
generic term for 'small cattle', 3 at least in the spoken language.
Most of the twenty-two instances of 'nb-prices (Table XIII) are clear.
In no. 4 the editors have again made the mistake of reading 1/2 khar
(the sign for khar being missing) where 1/2 snlw is meant. The meaning
of no. 16 is doubtful, since it is not clear where the entries begin or
end. One might understand 4 that the 300 (bundles of?) firewood
mention~d after the 13/ 4 khar are also exchanged against the three
'nI;, but nowhere is there a price for firewood,s so that it would be
·impossible to calculate the value of the small cattle. If, however, one
takes the 13 / 4 khar as the value, this means that each animal costs
7/12 khar-i.e., about 1/2 khar (of emmer, according to line 1), which

would be in agreement with the usual price of the 'nI;, since emmer in
this text costs 4 deben per khar. Only if 300 bundles ·of firewood are
assumed to have cost no more than 1/2 khar or 2 de ben (which is not
impossible), can the price of the 'nl; be otherwise kept within the ordinary
range, being then 3/ 4 khar, i.e., 3 deben per 'nb. It seems on the whole
impossible to decide between the two alternatives.

1 Materialien Ill, 488 .

.2 Among the non-literary ostraca I know of sr only from Hier. Ostr. 81, 7, where
it occurs in a technical list of types of cattle, and is clearly used in contrast to the
preceding 'nbw, which in this case has still the older meaning 'goats'.
3 The Wh. seems to have understood something similar, since it translates 'nb

(1,205, 11) as 'Ziege? (oder allgemeines Wort fiir Kleinvieh?)'.

4 As HELCK, Materialien Ill, 490.
5 There is one exception, but there the firewood is measured in 'ass-loads'; see p. 450.

TABLE XIII six 'wt are valued at 3 snlw, i.e., 1/2 snlw each, and since the snlw
(or whatever the proper transliteration of 11.1<=> may be at this period)
'nh was then the equivalent of 8 1/3 deben, this means that they cost about
4 deben each. GARDINER could not, unfortunately, decipher the signs
sniw khar deben
immediately following 'wt, which could perhaps indicate a particular
I) O. Berlin 10 626, 14 XIXth Dyn. 2 kind of animal, and therefore explain the highness of the price as
2) Hier. Oslr. 86, 3, 4 }
late XIXth Dyn.
} the same 'nb
compared with those from later periods. It seems in any c~se too
O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 4 I
3) O. DeM. 50,6 late XIXth Dyn. 1'/, (= I snlw)
doubtful an instance to cite in support of any theory that in the
4) O. Michael. 14, 8 late XIXth Dyn. ' /, Eighteenth Dynasty prices were relatively high, the more so in that
5) Hier. OSlr. 58, 3, vs. 5 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 3 this seems to contradict the data relating to grain 8-though one should
6) O. DeM. 73, vs. 3

7) Hier. OSIr. 72, 3, 4

yr. 20, Ram. III
yr. 23, Ram. III
also compare the cattle prices below (p. 176).

8) O. Gardiner 252, 6 I
vs. 4 §27. '3, 'donkey'
Ram. III
vs. 6 1'/, The word '3, 'donkey', occurs frequently in the texts from Deir
vs. 7 3 'j
9) Hier. OSlr. 31, 4, 10-11
el-Medina, and considerable numbers of ostraca were used to record
Ram. Ill? 2
10) O. DeM. 183,2 Ram~ Ill? 2
disputes about donkeys,9 which the workmen hired one from another,
(emmer) either to carry water from the river or from some well in the
11) P. Turin 2081 + 2095, vs. n, 5 Ram. IV? 3/.
12) Hier. OSlr. 85, 2, 7
neighbourhood, or to cart wood for cooking.lo Sometimes a donkey
mid XXth Dyn.? I
13) O. Michael. 28, 5 XXth Dyn.? 2
died during the work, and the hirer had then to replace it, while in
14) Hier. OSlr. 61,2,5 mid XXth Dyn. 3 other instances donkeys were sold, and in either case the price of the
15) Hier. Oslr. 86, 4, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 2
O. Cairo 25 588, 4-5
animal is mentioned, providing us with most of the data below.
16) yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. 7/12 ? cc. commentar y
(emmer) / Whether a male or a female donkey is meant is sometimes difficult
17) O. Berlin [C], 3 mid XXth Dyn. 2 two instances' to. determine. Instances where it is called p3, p3y, or t3, t3y present
18) O. Berlin 14 365, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2
19) O. Berlin 14260,5
no problem, but where these words are absent only the manner of
mid XXth Dyn. }1/2
20) O. Gardiner 151,4 mid XXth Dyn. 4 writing can be of help. One would expect of course '3 to be the male,
21) P. DeM. 14,2 Ram. IX 5 and '3t the female donkey, but in several cases '3t is used when the
22) O. Gardiner 172, II late XXth Dyn. ? 5 article or the possessive pronoun shows that a male is meant, and
there are also examples of the reverse. It is therefore doubtful whether,
It appears from the Table that the value of small cattle fluctuated for instance, '3t in O. Varille 25, 9 and O. Berlin 12 405, 3 is a she-
betwe~n 1 and 3 deben, with signs of a rise towards the end of the donkey, and '3 in O. Gardiner fragm. 3, 4 a male animal, though it is
Twent~eth Dynasty, That the variations in price are not in the main a clear on the other hand that w' '3t in Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, 3 and 6 refers
reflectl~n of. the economic situation is shown by O. Gardiner 252 (no. 8), to a male, as witness line 7.
where m a smgle text four 'now are valued respectively at 1 1 1/ 2 d
3d b h' . ' 2, an In Pap. Vienna 34, 6 the signs for '3 are followed by ~, which is
.e en, t IS difference being due clearly to size 6 and/or quality of the
One further price for small cattle may be compared with those 8 Cf. p. 116.
9 Cf. HELCK, Materialien Ill, 492 ff.
tabulated above. In Pap. Berlin 9784, 8 7 , of the Eighteenth Dynasty, 10 Particular workmen were responsible for this transport, namely the 'water-

carriers' ar.d the 'wood-cutters', who seem with the fishermen and the gardeners to
have been classed as smdt (cf. RAD. 46, 7) or smdt (n) bnr (cf. JANSSEN, Ship's Logs, 23).
6 The last 'nb is called '3. These people probably lived outside the walls of the Village; cf. BRUYERE, Rapport
7 Cf. GARDINER, ZA·S. 43, 1906,28. The text dates from year 27 of Amenophis rn. DeM. 1934-5, Ill, 17.
as the price. Thus, this instance may point to a rather early
also found in both instances in Pap. Turin 1881 (see below, no. 10),
date for the depreciation of silver. I 2
though this time preceding '31 and following 11". I I The group ~ is
No. 3) Since the first part is slightly damaged, the exact date of
discussed by GARDINER in Onomastica n, 258* tT., where he quotes
this ostracon is uncertain. 13 It contains the record of a
some other instances in which it undoubtedly means 'female', and the
legal proceeding concerning a donkey, which is exchanged
same will here be the case.
for two pieces of cloth but valued in deben. The donkey
is called ply! '3l (!).
" No. 4) The text contains a dispute about a hired donkey that had
died. The owner states that he bought it for 40 deben,
snlw deben which he claims from the man who was using the animal
1) P. Vienna 34. 6 yr. 13. Ram.II 25 fem. 2 '/2 kill' of silver when it died.
2) O. Varille 25, 9 Ram. II/Merenptal) 7 fem.? No. 5) A bill of sale for a donkey, paid for in different commodi-
3) O. Turin 6672,2-3 yr. 14.24. Ram. liP 26 m.
ties making a total of 27 deben; the rest of the text records a
4) O. Berlin 1121, vs. 1-3 yr. 28, Ram. JII 40 m.
5) Hier. Os/r. 45, 1, 6 yr. 28, Ram. III 27 m. dispute about the donkey.14
6) O. DeM. 62, 3 yr. 28. Ram. III 3D? m. No. 6) As ALLAM 15 has recognized, this ostracon contains a bill
7) O. Edgerton 1, 2 Ram. JII 20 fem. of sale for a donkey, the price, now barely legible, being
8) O. Gardiner, 181. 3-5 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 30 m.
9) O. Gard. fragm. 3. 4 mid/late XXth Dyn. 30 ? in line 3. The facsmile suggests '30', with any possible units
10) P. Turin 1881 = PL.-R .. X.
yr, 7, Ram. IX 30
and the word deben lost in the lacuna.
No. 7) Another dispute about a donkey, for which on this occasion
11) P. DeM. 7, vs. I Ram. IX? 30 m.
(2) O. Berlin 12 405, 3 late XXlh Dyn. 40 fern.? 20 deben is said to have been paid.
No. 8) Yet another dispute, in front of the ~nbl sqmyw. An oath
is sworn promising the repayment of "the 10 deben of
Since most of the donkey-prices require some explanation it will be copper for the donkey, < completing? > its 30 deben"-a
convenient to discuss them aiL word such as that added in brackets being necessary to
No. 1) There is a gap in the papyrus in front of the number 'one',
make the text intelligible, since it seemf. unlikely that the
10 deben are to be added to "its 30 deben". In vs. 1, which
so that 'two' would also be possible, though this seems
is the following line, an ox valued at 20 deben is said to
unlikely in relation to the price. This value is expressed in
kite of silver, 2 1/2 being the equivalent of 25 deben of have been handed over in the presence of some officials
who may have constituted the ~nbt, and this strengthens the
copper, since at this period the silver:copper ratio was still
supposition that the debtor has handed over 20 deben
No. 2) Since part of the ostracon is broken away, it is uncertain
already and is now adding another lOin order to pay for
whether a female donkey is in fact meant, though the word the donkey in full.
is clearly written '3t. A price of 7 snlw would correspond No. 9) A donkey is one of the items which are being paid for an
either with 35 deben or with 58 1/3 deben of copper, ox.
depending upon the ratio between silver and copper in the No. 10) A female donkey is bought for 30 deben, 20 of which are
period of the text. The latter indeed seems rather high by provided immediately in the form of two vessels. The
comparison with the other donkey-prices, whereas 35 deben
12 cr. p. 107.
of copper, although still high, would be more acceptable 13 Cr. ALLAM, lEA. 53, 1967,48.
14 cr. AlLAM, Orientalia 36, 1967, 417r.
15 BiOr. 24,1967,16.
11 'it ~ in Hier. Ostr. 47. 1, vs. 11.

reason for this transaction is not quite clear; perhaps the

chariot by Amenteynakhte .... 3 [deben]". The loss at the beginning
donkey was meant to replace one stolen.
of each line may be quite considerable, and there is thus some reason
In another text in the same papyrus (Pap. Turin 1881),
to doubt whether 3 deben (of silver, as is clear from elsewhere in the
also published by PEET,16 there is again a reference to a
text) was really the price of the animal. If, on the other hand, 3 kiti'
she-ass, this time with its foal, the two being offered in
could possibly be read, it would be a normal price, this being the
payment for a quantity of grain the value of which is put
equivalent of 30 deben of copper-but the photograph is clear and
at 80 deben. The other party will not, however, accept the
shows only the co of deben, without a trace of a t above (~) as
offer, and a further sum is therefore added to it-either
required for kiti'. If 3 deben of silver was really intended here, the :ery
10,20, or 30 deben (the text is illegible here). If what was
high price might conceivably be explained by the type of ammal
written originally was 30 deben, the donkeys would then
involved-whatever one is to understand by a 'chariot-donkey'.
have been valued at 50 deben together, which seems a high
The second instance is found in O. Berlin 1268 (year 14 of Ramesses
price, though not beyond all bounds. Since, however, the
Ill). The first lines refer to the "Record of the money for the female
whole transaction seems rather curious-the 80 deben
donkey of Usibe, which the water-carrier Usibenakhte bought from the
appear to be due as payment for an original loan of 10
workman Usibe", 18 after which follow two columns of objects, the first
khar of emmer, to which has been added two years' interest,
without prices, and the second, which probably gave them, now so
thus tripling the debt 17_ it is possible that the two animals
damaged that almost all are lost. The last line contains a reckoning:
were priced above their actual value. This would be so if
"total, silver, 2 deben, 1 snlw and 1 khar", but it is by no means
only 20 deben had to be paid in addition, and a fortiori certain that this is the price of the donkey. If it were, the animal
if the amount was as little as 10 deben, the price then would have been quite unbelievably expensive, the total amounting to
being put at 60 or 70 deben. In view of the difficulties in about 127 deben of copper (with the khar at 2 deben). Although there
explaining the text, I prefer not to include the price in the is no means of proving that this is not correct, the significance of the
Table. In the last sentence there is a reference to a male total seems to me too uncertain to incorporate in the Table. No
donkey, and one is inclined to wonder whether this animal / explanation for an excessively high price can be found in the text so
was the form in which the remaining 30 deben (if that is far it is preserved. 19
the meaning) were handed over. If so, this would represent The third instance is in O. DeM. 73, the verso of which is interpreted
another 'normal' price for a donkey. by HELCK (Materialien III, 499) as specifying the price of a d~nkey
No. 11) The relevant sentence runs "the (ps) donkey which he killed mentioned on the recto. It seems, however, that he has made a mistake
makes 30 deben", the signs for 'makes' and 'deben' being in construing the first line of the verso, namely "given to him r gbS ps
written twice by a scribal error. In the next line there is wt", since without a resumptive pronoun r gbS cannot very well refer
mention of the price of a killed 'no
(the actual figure is back to the donkey on the recto. Moreover, in the following line we
lost), and in vs. 3 of the theft of some emmer, the theft find "copper, 8 1/2 deben; again, copper, 5 deben", which certainly
itself being the subject of the recto. indicates two amounts of copper (HELCK omitted "again" in his
No. 12) This is a simple price, followed by that of an ox. (translation}-and since the word iri.n is missing the 8 1/ 2 deben are
Three possible references to donkey-prices require some explanation. not the price of the coffin, but actual copper produced as part of its
In O. Cairo 25 543, which is also difficult in other ways, there occurs price. Nor is the total of the verso (25 1/2 deben) at all decisive, since
(lines 4-5) the sentence "given in exchange for the female donkey of a
18 Cf. p. 504.
19 Although from the price one would be apt to expect the sale .of an ox (ef.
16Griffith Studies, pI. 11. Table XV), and the wording of the text resembles the formula used With the sale of
1780 deben for 30 khar would be not impossible as a price, though rather low by cattle (cf. pp. 503 f.), the words tJ '3t in line 2 are quite clearly written. To alter them, as
comparison with the usual 4 deben per khar in the time of Ramesses IX; cf. above, Table I. being due to a scribal error, seems to me unwarrantable.

this could equally well be the value of a coffin as of a donkey, and TABLE xv
there is thus no reason to follow HELCK in combining the recto and
verso. sniw deben
From the Table it is apparent that the price of a donkey oscillates
between 25 and 40 deben. There is no proof that it became higher after 1) O. Prague H 22. vs. 4 Merenptal) 6
2) o. DeM. 302, 3 late XIXth Dyn.? 6
the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty, nor does there seem to be any late XIXth Dyn. 4 calf
3) O. Cairo 25 725. 6
difference between the price of a male and that of a female. So far as 4) O. DeM. 700, 2-3 XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 6 male
one can see the price is determined by the quality of the animals and 5) O. Berlin 1268. vs. 6-10 yr. 14, Ram. III 120 bull
6) O. Turin 9611. vs. 3-5 yr. 18, Ram. III 110 male
the particular situation of the seller and buyer. The prices of O. Cairo yr. 19. Ram. III 45 male
7) O. Turin 6628. 2-8
25 543 and O. Berlin 1268, if they are really to be understood as 8) O. IFAO. 1373, 3-vs. 4 yr. 24, Ram. III 141 male
donkey-prices, may be due to exceptional circumstances. 9) O. DeM. 56, 3-4 yr. 25, Ram. III 50 male
10) O. Cairo 25 684, 5 Ram. lll? 100
11) O. Gardiner 247. 2 Ram. lll/mid XXth Dyn. 100 male
§28. Cattle 4 100 il;
12) O. Turin 95?9. 5 Ram. lll/mid XXth Dyn. lOO? 1/.1
In most of the instances where cattle occur in the ostraca the word Ram. III/mid XXth Dyn. 127 male
13) Hier. Os/r. 24. 1. 1-5
is written only as an ideogram, so that its reading remains in doubt. 14) O.DeM. 113, 1-9 120 male
yr. I. Ram. IV? 40 small
However, when written phonetically it seems in every case to be lb, 3
15) Hier. OSlr. 77. 9 yr. 4, Ram. IV 30 young
which is used both for the male animal (e.g., Pap. Turin 2077 etc., 6) 44 male
~6) O. Vienna H 2, I-vs. 2 yr. 3, mid XXth Dyn.
and for the female (Pap. Ch. Beatty 1, vs. D, 2; 20 Hier Ostr. 33, 2, 17) Hier. Oslr. 16,3, I-vs. 2 yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn. 50 male
120 male
2 and vs. 2).21 In some of the instances noted below it is possible 1-3
18) P. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 2 yr. 4. mid XXth Dyn. 20 i/.r. female
from the masculine article to see that an ox is meant, but whether yr. 5, mid XXth Dyn. 120
19) O. Turin 9753, 3
this is so when the article is not written is open to question. In only 20) O. DeM. 655, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 20
20 male
one case is the animal called a bull, k3 (0. Berlin 1268, vs. 6). 2i) O. Gardiner 181, vs. I yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII
22) Hier. Oslr. 86, 2, I-vs. I mid (?) XXth Dyn. 119 male
In three examples a calf is valued, namely O. Cairo 25 725, 6, where 23) I). Gardiner fragm. 3, 1-6 mid/late XXth Dyn. 47 male
the animal is called b~s, Hie/". Ostr. 77, 9, where it is called i~ wM, 6 20 lit. male
24) P. Turin 2077 etc., Ram. IX male
'a young ox', and O. DeM. 113, 3, where we find ib sri, 'a small ox'. vs. 5-6 40?
25) O. Berlin 12405,3 late XXth Dyn. 30
The sex of all three is unknown, though the first is most probably 26) P. Brit. Mus. 10053, vs. 3, 13 yr. 9, Ram. XI 60 5 kill' of gold
male since it is said to be w' n b~s.
Several of the cattle-prices occur in records of sales, e.g., O. Turin Only a few instances in Table XV require some commentary. No. 4
6628, O. IFAO. 1373, Hie/". Ostr. 24, 1,22 which is not surprising, since occurs in a broken ostracon, and it is therefore not quite certain that
cattle were relatively expensive, so that one might expect a change of the price of 6 sniw in line 3 relates to the male animal mentioned in
ownership to be noted down rather more often than in the case of
line 2.
cheaper commodities.
No. 6 is not quite clear. The text of the recto mentions no animal,
though it may be lost in line 2, of which only half is left. The value
of the commodities mentioned in vs. 3 is 57 deben, to which in vs. 4
20 i~ -=; for this expression, cf. p. 168. is added another 35 I! 2 deben, "together 92 I! 2" (the 2 is lost), while
21 Cf. also O. Turin 9599, 4 and 5, where i~ is used without the article, so that the
gender cannot be established.
a 'remainder' in vs. 5 is 17 1/2 deben, so that the total value was
22 These instances can be recognized in the Table by the fact that the two lines 110 deben. That this was the price for an ox may perhaps be deduced
cited are not consecutive. In the first we find something like "given to N in exchange from the next lines: "the court sentenced him for me to the food which
for the ox", after which follows a list of commodities, the value of which is then added
up in the last line; cL e.g., Hier. Ostr. 86,2.
his ox ate (while it was) with me", and if there is indeed any

connection between this sentence and what precedes it, which at least is possible that the man who sold the ox knew that the gold was
is possible, then 110 deben will be the price of the animal. stolen, and as a 'receiver' he would not of course pay the real value
No. 10 occurs on a small piece of an ostracon, and although the for it-in which case 5 kit~ of gold, i.e. 60 de ben of copper, would
price itself is clear, the numbers preceding and following it are not so, not be a genuine price. There is, however, no hint in the text that the
owing to the condition of the remainder of the text. theft was known to the seller of the ox.
In no. Il, a poorly legible text, there appears to be a word written One further reference to the sale of an ox should here be mentioned.
between the words pi il.z and n 100, and whether the n is what remains In O. DeM. 194 (of the XXth Dyn.?) several objects are listed, each
of iri.n is not clear from CERNY'S transcription, since he was unable with its price, the second column then reading: "I said: give (sell) an
to read the signs in between. However, the price itself seems certain. ox, (but) you did not give (sell) it". The value of the commodities in
In no. 12 the first price is clearly written, and the second is at least the first column is 89 deben, but this was presumably not considered
probable according to my collation. enough by the seller, since he refused the transaction. As usual nothing
In no. 13 the publication does not transcribe the word lb, but the is known of the circumstances, and even the names of the persons
facsimile seems to me in favour of this interpretation, and the price of involved are not mentioned. One can only say that a price of 89 deben
127 1eben suits it well. would be unusual, since 100 deben is the lowest known figure in
No. 20 is not altogether beyond doubt, since the ostracon is broken, instances where the animal is valued at more than 50. 24
with 20 written at the very end of the line, so that another number From a comparison of the prices in Table XV it appears that there
from 1 to 9 might perhaps be lost. Since 20 deben is not without are two series. One ranges from 20 to 50 deben, and embraces the few
parallel this seems, however, to be the most probable price. prices for young cattle (nos. 3, 14b and 15), while the other goes from
In no. 23 the name of the commodity is lost, but its value is 47 100 (nos. 10, 11 and 12) up to 141 (no. 8). There seems no possible
deben. The formula here used: hrw pn inl pi ..... (n) X n (for In) Y, way of explaining this difference. It is not connected with the sex of
occurs only twice elsewhere, namely in O. Vienna H 2 and in Hier. the animals (which, so far as indicated, were mostly male) since oxen
Ostr. 16, 3, both of them records of the sale of an ox, and slightly are valued both at 20 deben (nos. 21 and 24) and at 100 or more-though
different formulae in which the word inl, 'to sell', is also used, e.g. it may be noted that no cow is included among the more expensive
in O. Turin 6628 and Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, again relate to ox-prices. 23 / ~nimals. Nor does it seem to have anything to do with their age, since
It therefore seems probable at least that O. Gardiner fragm. 3 too there are many animals that are not described as young but are still
contains the price of an ox. comparatively cheap. The young cattle in fact belong all three to the
In no. 24, where the papyrus is not very legible, the first price seems cheaper group, though no. 14b at 40 deben is rather high in it. Nor
to me certain, although in the sentence "this ox, copper deben 20" again is there any indication whatever of fluctuation in the prices of
the word iri.n is omitted. The second price, however, remains in doubt. oxen,2s high and low prices being found at all periods, the highest
I read "the ox of Pnekhteresy ..... 40; total, copper, 60 1/2 deben ", occurring in year 24 of Ramesses III (no. 8), which was certainly
but the first part of all the lines is lost, so that it is uncertain whether
the 40 or the 60 1/2 deben is meant as the price of the ox, though the
24 In Hier. Oslr. 31,4. 5 (Ramesses HI?) there occurs an obscure entry which runs:
former seems the more probable. nty pi ~ D 1,;, dbn 2, it being perfectly clear that 2 deben of copper cannot be the
In no. 25 the price itself seems to have been quite clear to CERNY, price of an ox. The context provides no clue and there seems also to be an omission,
though I am unable to read it from a photograph of the ostracon. possibly <n> pi i~(?). The i~ in question is clearly known to the auth?r, since
the artde is used, but the only suggestion that I am able to offer is that ..01", is here
The meaning of no. 26 is difficult to assess. It occurs in the record the determinative of ~(in place of D, as sometimes with metal vessels), and that
of the thieves' trial, where a man confesses that a further 5 kit~ of a copper object is meant; cf. O. Cairo 25 677, 12, which according to the determinative
gold were stolen, and given in exchange for (payed for) an ox. Now it mentions a vessel. One would be inclined to suggest a weight in the form of an ox
(cf., e.g., HAYES, Seepter H, 220), but this is perhaps too speculative.
25 The opposite conclusion as reached by HELCK (Materialien Ill, 289) is based
23 See p. 504. on too little evidence, some of it incorrectly arranged.

not a period of inflation, while under Ramesses VI or VII (no. 21) an ox

Sheshonq,29 line 14, where we read: "10 oxen, making in silver 5 30
is sold for the lowest value of 20 deben. The only possible explanation
deben". This would mean that each ox cost 1 / 2 deben of silver, which
would seem to be that the price was largely determined by the quality
will have been the equivalent of 30 deben of copper, a low but not
of the cattle, as indeed was concluded above in the case of donkeys.
impossible price. 31
It may be worthwhile to compare these data with a few examples
known from the Eighteenth Dynasty at Kahun. 26
§29 . .mw, 'pig'
a) Pap. Gurob H, 1, 6-7 (year 33 of Amenophis Ill) : 1 head of cattle Only one of the words for 'pig' seems to occur in the texts from the
for 8 sniw; 27 Village, namely .mw. This is always translated simply as 'pig', though
b) Pap. Berlin 9784, 17 (year 2 of Amenophis IV): 1 cow for the Coptic equivalent €'!}o is rendered as 'sow' by CRUM (Copt. Diet.,
1/2 deben (of silver); 63),32 and from the five examples of pig-prices in the ostraca it is
c) Pap. Berlin 9785, 6 and 11 (year 4 of Amenophis IV): 2 cows impossible to determine whether a sow or a boar is meant. The
(idt) 28 for 16 sniw; occurrence of these five prices shows that the animal was not so rare
d) ibId., 11-12: 2 calves (blJst) for 1 deben (of silver). as is sometimes assumed,3 3 although in fact these are almost the only
references in the ostraca as a whole.
Since according to indications in the same text the value of a ~lt:I was
1/12 deben of silver, and since at the time the silver:copper ratio was
1: 100, it appears that the animals in examples a) and c) cost 66 2/3 deben
of copper, the cow in b) 50 deben, and the calves in d) also 50 deben
each. It is noticeable that the value of the one cow in b) is equal to sniw deben

that of the calves in d), while the cows in c) are more expensive. 1) o. terny 5, vs. 2 XIXth Dyn. 1 2 for 2 sniw
Whether a cow or an ox is meant in a) cannot be deduced from the 2) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 13 late XIXth Dyn. 1/2 2 for 1 sniw
writing with an ideogram. 3) O. Michael. 14, vs. 4 late XIXth Dyn. 1/2
4)"0. DeM. 73, vs. 3 yr. 20, Ram. /lI 5
Comparing these prices with those from the late Nineteenth and 5) O. Berlin 12 405, 6 late XXth Dyn. 7
Twentieth Dynasties we find that the latter are distinctly lower, 50 deben
for a calf or 66 2/3 for a full-grown cow being unknown in later times. The
reason is not easy to understand. Differences in the kind of cattle a The small number of instances does not permit conclusions as to the
lowering of the price level, or local circumstances (the earlier pri~es price-level, and the most that can really be said is that no. I with
are from Middle Egypt) might be involved, and further alternative I snlw is more or less equal to no. 4 with 5 deben. The reading of the
explanations could be suggested, but without any proof. However, the texts presents no difficulties except in the case of no. 3, where the
fact already mentioned above Cp. 167) that in these texts the price of e
publication as usual transcribes; /2 khar) where 1/2 (snlw) is to be
small cattle was also relatively high might point to a difference in price
29 Cf. BLACKMAN, JEA. 27, 1941, pIs. X-XII.
A price from a later period is to be found in the famous stela of 30 For som.e reason BLACK MAN doubted this number and read tentatively 2 (see
op. cit., 90, note 59).
31 If the number is to be read 2, each ox costs only 12 deben, which s,~ems

26 Published by GARDINER, ZAS. 43, 1906; Pap. Gurob II is also in GRIFFITH

32 Cf. also demotic i& (ERICHSEN, Demo!. Glossar, 44). But the use of .131 ~ in
Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob, pI. 39. Cf. also THEoDoRIDEs RIDA. 15 1968'
39-104. ' " Pap. Cairo 58 071 (= Pap. Bulaq XII; cf. SPIEGELBERG, Rec. Trav. IS, 1893, 142f.) is
27 The transliteration of ~/r:, in this period is of course doubtful.
against such a translation in pharaolllc contexts.
28 For ~ cf. GARDlNER, Onom. n, 258* ff. 33 Cf., e.g., DAWSON. JRAS. 1928, 599. For the greater importance of the pig
ef. HELCK. Materialien Ill, 509.

read. The meaning of the last lines on the verso of this ostracon remains in Beni Hasan 11, pI. 4. wnsw were sometimes tamed, as appears from
doubtful, owing to a lacuna, and it is not clear whether in fact 2 portions Pap. Anastasi IV, 13, 1-2, where a small one is said to be "in the
of a pig are valued at 3 oipe-or indeed what exactly is meant by house", and to accompany the author as a guard against his wild
"2 portions". No. 5 is now illegible, but seems to have been much brothers.
clearer when CERNY transcribed it. The price of the wns in O. Berlin 12 652 is 1 deben, which seems
rather low. This may perhaps have been due to the youngness of the
§ 30. ipdw, 'fowl' animal.
There are only three instances in which the price of birds is
indicated. In none of them is the kind of bird specified, all three
using only the general word ipdw. 34 That the birds were cheap can
be seen from Table XVII, and the price is therefore indicated twice in
oipe and in the third instance as a quarter of a deben, this being the only
text in which to my knowledge it occurs. Although 1/4 deben is the equiv-
alent of 2 oipe, and not of one, it seems to me pointless to lay stress on
the difference in price between nos. 2 and 3, since in either case the
lowest price that could be expressed is used. That the price of no. 1 is
only half that of no. 3 appears to be accidental, and due merely to
the fact that two birds were available. One may here compare the use
of the halfpenny or the Dutch cent.



khar deben

I) O. DeM. 556 Ram. III I;

,8 2 for I oipf
2) Hier. Os!r. 86, 4, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 1/.
3) O. Gardiner 151, 3-4 mid XXth Dyn. I;

The rarety of fowl in price-ostraca is certainly no proof that birds

were rare in the Village. Their very cheapness was probably the reason
for their being so seldom sold.

§ 31. wns, 'jackal'

In one instance, O. Berlin 12 652, vs. 4 (a year 6 of the mid XXth
Dyn.), the price of a jackal is mentioned, with the addition "said to
be one year (old)". That wns means 'jackal' is clear from the picture

34 For the meaning 'ducks' cf. JEA. 38, 1952, 128.


holds true for the second bed in this text, althoug h here only
of wood are mentio ned.
CHAP TER FIVE In one text. O. DeM. 428, 4, we fmd the sentence "I filled (m~.i)
for him one bed, makes I khar". The same express ion occurs
O. Michae l. 13, vs. 4-5 (pI. 47), where we read: "He filled for
one bed with thread" .6 From the latter words it appear s that what
§ 32. b'd, 'bed' meant is the matting 7 and not 'inlay work', as the word m~ also
be transla ted. Mattin g will also be meant in O. Cairo 25 612,
The bed was by nature a commo n object in the workm en's houses. 2 (h'ti
mh m ..... ) and in Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 4, where a ~'ti m~ costs
The excava tions have yielded several origina l objects of this kind
BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, II, 45 f. and figs. 81 and 92).
(cf. 25 deben, as against anothe r one in the next line, simply called b'ti,
They which costs 12 deben. Whethe r differences in price in other instanc
are all of the angareb type, which is the usual type of bed in modern es
are to be explain ed by the presenc e or absence of matting
Egypt, made of a straigh t wooden frame with four straigh t legs seems
I and
provide d with matting for 'spring s'. 2 doubtfu l, howeve r.
That it is this object that was called b't! was proved by GRAF TABLE XVJll
CALICE (L·fs. 52, 1914, 130).3 There exists some doubt, howeve
r, as
to the correct reading of the word. We usually find writing s such h't!
as \
-+OQ _, or variant s, but in some texts the word occurs as
~~~ . sniw khar deben
CERNY seems to read this as bty' (Hier. Inscr. .... Tut'ankhamun,
Index, p. 20). The overwh elming majorit y of writing s contrad icts 1) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555.5 XIXth Dyn.? 15
this 2) Hier. Ostr 24, 4, 5 late XIXth Dyn. a woman's bed
reading , while a graphic transpo sition of the ~ from the second positio 3
n 3) Hier. Ostr. 53. 1, I. 1·6 Ram. Ill? 6 a woman's bed
to the last square above ~ is easily explain ed by aesthet ic conside
ra- 4) O. Berlin 1268,
v,. 9
yr. 14, Ram. III
tions. Hence I prefer to adhere to the usual reading b'ti. 4 / 10 15
It can be argued that O. Brookl yn 37.1880 E, 8-11 mentio ns 5) O. Turin 6628,4 yr. 19, Ram. JII 15
the 6) O. Gardiner 162, 10 Ram. Jll 15
pieces of wood used for the constru ction of a bed,5 since it enumer
ates 7) O. Gardiner 142, vs. 3 Ram. III IS
two quantit ies of 5 pieces of wood each, as well as one piece 8) O. IFAO. 1373, vs. 3 yr. 24. Ram. JII 10+x
of 9) O. Cairo 25 242. 5
sycamo re wood (bt nhi), and one piece of mn*-w ood, 12 pieces yr. 29, Ram III 12
in all. 10) Hier. Ostr. 24, I, 3 Ram. JII/mid XXth Dyn. 12
Howev er, in the openin g lines of the same text (and in its paralle 11) O. DeM. 579,4
l, Ram. Ill/IV 20
Hier. Ostr. 86, 3) there occurs the price of a bed, consist ing of 20 pieces 12) O. DeM. 1086, vs. 6 Ram. Ill/IV 20
of lsy-wood, one piece of mn*-w ood and (in Hier. Ostr. 86, 3 only) 13) O. Brit. Mus. 50737,2- 7 mid XXth Dyn. 19
one vs. 3 15 small
piece of acacia wood, but also of a kbs-bas ket with barley and 14) O. Berlin 12 343, vs. 4 mid XXth Dyn.
three 20
bundle s of vegetables. Since the two latter items are clearly 15) O. Gardiner fragm. 8, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 20 large
not 16) O. Berlin [Cl, 2-4
materia ls for making a bed, and hence aJJ these commo dities represe mid XXth Oyn. 17"
nt 7 12
nothing other than the exchan ge value, it would seem that the 17) O. Gardiner 171'8 mid XXth Oyn.
same 15
1~) Hier. Os!r. 18, 3, 3 mid XXth Oyn. 18

6 O. DeM. 107 6 mentions a hdmli' (footstool) mb m nli't. tERN)', lEA. 31,

For beds see BAKER, Furniture, 142f.
1945 39 note 1 t~kes this as proof that hdmw was a box, here

Cf. Pap. Salt 124, 2, 19 = lEA. 15, 1929, pI. 44: ~t·ti nbd; cf. pp. "filled with thread':'
but ;ud~i.!g by ~he use of the same expression mb for beds it
136 and 138. seems to me that It
3 See also GARDINER, Onom. I, 67f.
4 Cf. also the cuneiform transcription palJatum (lEA. 11, 1925,238 , means also "with a matting of thread".
no. 10). 7 For a picture of manufac turing the
matting of a bed cf. DAVIES, The Tomb of
5 Remains of the same entry in Hier. Ostr. 86, 3, 7.
Menkheperrasonb etc., pI. 30.

sniw khaT dehen

(e.g., O. DeM. 49, 2; O. Cairo [181], 2) and a If.nlw (Hier. Os!r. 59.
4, 6),11 always with prices below the normal. 12
19) Hi('/". OSlr 50. I. 4 mid XXth Dyn. 20
20) o. Berlin 12 652, vs. 2 yr. 6, mid XXth Dyn.
The price of no. 8 is uncertain since the ostracon is broken; only 10
4 25 miJ is visible. Of the two beds of no. 14 the first is said to be 'small'.
21) Hier. Ostr. 86. 2, mid(,') XXth Dyn.
5 12 The second is more expensive, probably because it is adorned with
22) o. DeM. 105,2 mid(") XXth Dyn. 25
23) Hier. OSlr. 85, 2, 3 mid XXth Dyn?
ebony. The bed of no. 15 is described as 'large'. In no. 16 a number
24) Hier. OSlr. 28, I, vs. I Ram.IXiX 15 of different commodities constitute the value of one bed, valued
25) O. DeM. 146,4 late XXth Dyn. 20 according to the text at 10 deben, while the actual value, when the
26) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 4-5 late XXth Dyn? 20? 2 for 34 deben + 6 aeben
27) P Turin 1906etc., vs. 11, 15 yr. 7, late XXth Dyn. 15
items are added, is 13 deben. Moreover, there is stated to be a
for the wood?
28) P. Berlin 10485, 3 yr. 3, ? 20 'remainder' (wqJ) of 4 deben, so that the total price will have been
29) O. DeM. 194, I, 2 XXth Dyn.? 20 17 deben. The difference in price of the two beds in no. 21 is explained
30) O. Varille 18, 3 ? 25
31) O. DeM. 428, 4 Ram. IIlIIV
I for "filling" I bed
32) Hier. OSlr. 65, 4, 2-6 Ram. III
In O. Gardiner 172, vs. 4-5 (nos. 26 and 34) the price of two beds,
I '/. a small bed (its wood?)
33) Hier. OSlr. %, 4, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2 ';,2 for the wood 34 deben, is followed by the words nJywJ .... ht iri.n dbn 6. The word
34) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 5 late XXth Dyn.? 3 for the wood; 6 deben fo ht has been added afterwards between the lines and was possibly preceded
2 bed, by another word now lost. It would thus appear that the wood for
35) O. Varille 13,2-3 yr. 3, Merenptal)l Amenmesse c. 5 recompense for makmg
a woman's bed
two beds cost 6 deben, 3 deben each, so that the total price of the
36) Hier. OSlr. 24, 4, 6 late XIXth Dyn. 1'/2 for the decoration of a beds may have been 20 deben each.
woman's bed No. 27 is not quite certain; only parts of the name of the object are
left, namely the ending ..... L .. This could well be the word b'ti, but
there is room for doubt. In no. 35 four different articles of basketry,
Several more instances of Table XVIII require comment. In Hier. namely a large kbs, a mat, a n~r and a mnqm, are said to have been
Ostr. 24, 4 (nos. 2 and 36) two woman's beds are mentioned. In the given for the mtnw of a woman's bed. Together these may be valued
second entry the price is not that of the bed itself, which would be / at about 5 deben, which is far below the value of a bed. Therefore
extre~ely cheap (l 1/2 khar), but that of its decoration (SS).8 In two ~tnw will not indicate the price of the object itself but rather the
other lllstances (nos. 32 and 33) not the price of the bed but that of 'recompense' for making it. 13 mtnw occurs several times in the ostraca,
its wood or its manufacture will have been meant. The latter text e.g. with reference to the making of a ~bn (Hier. Ostr. 56, 2, 2) or a
says b'.tl m. ht 1 dbn 2 1/ 2, This again would be unusually cheap for rhdt (Hier. Ostr. 67, 3, 2-4). An unequivocal use of the word can be
the object itself. The expression m ht occurs also in no. 32, where a found in O. DeM. 233, 3-4, where a workman is stated to give a
small bed-with the qualification ink sw m ht, "it belongs to me as regards number of commodities to a colleague r t3 mtnw of the qbJt which he
th~ wo~d"9--costs only I sniw and I khar of emmer,lO, together varnished. 14 Here obviously not the construction of the object but its
1 /4 smw, which is cheap even for a small bed. The words m ht are embellishment is rewarded.
also found with reference to other wooden objects such as a ~offin There are two instances of what appears to be a price presenting

11 Since the whole of this ostracon deals with the price of a If;niw, which is at
least. 20 deben (see p. 191), it is clear that the 2 deben of this entry cannot refer
to the price of a ~niw, but rather to that of its material.
8 Although BRCYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 45, states that the beds which
12 See, however, O. Berlin 12 343 vs. (no. 14), where of both beds there is said:
he ~ound ::vere ?ever painted it is very probably that this was not always so.
ink SII' m bt, apparently without much influence on the price.
Cf. CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 180, note 6, for ink sw, a common expression in
13 For mtml"(t) , cr. CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 31.
these ostraca.
14 For the expression ir sw m mr~ '3t, see p. 245.
10 cr. pp. 103 and 113.

difficulties. On the verso of O. Berlin 12 405 tERNY noticed (vs. 2) §33. krk(r), 'couch'
the entry /.I'ti 2 iri.n 7. This would be most unusual. However,
In one price-ostracon, O. Gardiner 158, 6 (mid XXth Dyn.?) there
since the ink of the text seems to have almost disappeared since
is mentioned a wooden object called 'i:' -=>I~ n srjr, which seems to be
tERNY transcribed it, I have been unable to identify these words in
a particular kind of bed or couch. The same word, written with the
the photograph. Particularly what is read by tERNY as 'two' does not
determinative of wood, is found, e.g., in O. Vienna HI, 6. 18 It is
appear to me to be so. If, however, he was correct, the 7 deben may
certainly an abbreviated writing for krkr, which occurs, e.g., in O. DeM.
not have been the price of the beds, but either the recompense for
434, 11, 4 and O. Cairo 25 679, 12. krkr is translated in Wb.,
their construction or the price of the wood.
Belegstellen V, 136,6 19 as 'bed' on account of Urk. IV, 667, 2, where
The first column in Hier. Ostr. 52, 2, vs. A (late XIXthjearly XXth
a I:z'ti "like a krkr of this foe" is referred to. In O. Cairo 25 679, 12-13
Dyn.) contains a list of items exchanged for a bed. Some of them are
a large krkr is called n sbtiw. All this points to a foreign type of
together valued at 4 1j 2 khar (i.e., c. 9 deben), one mtrb (1 to 1 1 j 2 deben),
couch, and it is probable that the word itself is also foreign. Whether
and 'the wood' (for the bed?), which may come to something like
krkr is the origin of the Coptic 6;\,06 (CRUM, Capt. Diet., 815a)
12 deben + the wood. This price, however, is too hypothetical to be
included in the Table. Even more uncertain is Hier. Ostr. 86, 3, 1-4 seems to me doubtful.
The price of the krk, 2 deben, shows it to be a far simpler object
(= O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 1_3),15 since in it several pieces of wood
are mentioned about the value of which nothing is known. than the /:I'tl.
Prices of beds fluctuate between 12 and 25 deben, with only one
§ 34. hdmw, 'footstool'
instance of 10 de ben (no. 23). Whether this fluctuation is a result of
the quality 16 remains uncertain. No marked difference can be found The word hdmw, which occurs frequently in the ostraca, is usually
between women's beds (nos. 2 and 3) and other kinds, though the size translated as 'footstool' (e.g., Wb. 11, 505, 17-18). It is derived from
(cf. nos. 14a and 15) may have had some influence on the price. As it the Semitic 0"1;' , which has the same meaning. However, tERNY
is to be expected in the case of manufactured objects, there is no pointed out (lEA. 31, 1945, 39, note I) that in fact hdmw is a box.20
clear indication of any regular price fluctuation during the period, The Semitic word 0"1;' is, as he notices after GUNN, always joined to
although at least two out of three more expensive beds (nos. 21a and / C'''l." which corresponds with the Egyptian expression hdmw rdwy. 21
22) date from the mid Twentieth Dynasty, while during the reign of So it appears that hdmw by itself may mean only 'box'. Proof of a
Ramesses III 15 deben was the usual price. difference between hdmw and hdmw rdwy is found in O. IFAO. 1020,
Only in one instance, O. Cairo 25 242, 5 (year 29 of Ramesses Ill) 7-8, where we find both used after eachother. In most price-ostraca
are the four legs of a bed valued, namely at 3 oipl!, i.e., I 1j2 deben. hdmw occurs without rdwy, so that here the box will have been meant,
Another text, O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 10 (late XIXth Dyn.) states that the but since there is perhaps no fundamental difference in shape between
wooden mrt (~.::..) of a bed costs 2 oipl!, i.e., 1 deben. Since mrt the two objects 22 and since as a footstool it occurs several times
means 'board' (Wb. 11, 108, 2) probably the footboard of the bed is together with If:niw (see next §) we shall discuss them both together
meant. 17 there.
As for the gender of the word, although it is usually written hdmw,
there are sufficient instances of hdmt to suggest that in fact it is

15 We are struck by the fact that in the first text one item (a piece of acacia
18 C~. GOEDICKE, WZKM. 59/60, 1964, pI. I.
wood of I cubit) occurs, which is not found in the other. 1.9 The original translation 'Stab' is here altered IQ 'Bett'.
16 For the difference between a 'matted' bed and another kind in no. 21 see above.
20 For CERNY'S proof of this, O. DeM. 107,6, see p. 181, note 6.
17 The word mryt, 'river bank', may have influenced this meaning. For a bed
21 InO. Berlin 11260, 3: ru<>\.\
with a footboard, cf., e.g., the miniature models of beds in BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 22 The footstool from the tomb of Kha' (SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, 122,
1934-35, 11, 132. fig. 73, and the bed of Kha' (SCHIAPARELLI. La tomba intatta, p. 121, fig. 106) is definitely not a box, so that at least sometimes there exists a considerable
fig. \04). difference between them.

feminine. The ending .ti of bs.ti in Pap. Turin 2104, vs. Ill, 3 would The text of no. 11 is partly lost, so that only the word hdmw before
seem to prove this. On the other hand, there are also instances of the the lacuna and ...... c after it are left. Whether it was a box or a
article pi occurring before hdmw (e.g., O. DeM. 105, 3; 255, 1; footstool is uncertain, as is also the question of whether the low price
O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, vs. 10), so that we must conclude that the can be explained by a qualification in the original text.
gender varied. One might suggest that O. DeM. 255 contains another price. Here
the object is said to have been made by Merimose, while in the next
-:-ABLE XIX two lines two amounts of deben are mentioned, together coming to
15 deben. However, these are not stated explicitly to be the price of
hdmw the hdmw, and since the price would be abnormally high for it I prefer
khar deben to leave this instance aside as too doubtful. 2 5
The value of the hdmw fluctuates between 2 and 3 deben, with some
I) O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E. vs. 10 late XIXth Dyn. I 1/, to 2? I small hdmw for ,
exceptions. Nos 2 and particularly 10 are more expensive, while nos. 3a
bundles of vegetable,
2) O. DeM. 592. 3·4 Ram. I11lmid XXth Dyn. 5 (and 3b ?) and 11 are cheaper. These differences are not explained in
3) P. Turin 2104, vs. Ill, 4 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn.?
I ~s./i the texts. Like the beds, the hdmw are not as manufactured objects
I; ?
-4 .
very suitable for indicating price fluctuations due to the time element,
4) O. Gardiner fragm. 8, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 1 'I,
5) O. Brit. Mus. 50736, vs. 1 yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn,? 2 although if a boom round about the reign of Ramesses VII was
6) O. DeM. 105,3 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 2 pJ hdmw rdwy established no. 8 could be used in support of the argument. The quality
7) O. Gardiner 158,5 mid XXth Dyn.? 2 11, 2 hdmw for 5 dehn
will suffice to explain the price difference, however.
8) Hier Os/r. 36, I, 7 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 3
9) O. Gardiner fragm. 3, 5 mid/late XXth Dyn. 2 hdmw rdwy
10) Giornale 17 B, vs. 9,16 (= pi: 43) yr. 17, Ram. IX 10 hdmw rdwy § 35. Ifniw, 'seat'
11) P. Berlin 10 485, 4 yr. 3, ? I
The Egyptian language as used by the necropolis workmen included
two words for 'seat', namely If.niw and isbwt. The latter, indicating a
No. 1 in Table XIX is valued at 3 bundles of vegetables, which will folding-stool, will be discussed in the next section. But what exactly
be something like 1 1/2 to 2 deben. The first hdmw of no. 3 is referred was a Ifniw?
to as i rj ~ q::. The same word-not mentioned in the Wb.-written GARDINER (Onom. I, 67 f.), although translating /f.nlw by 'palanquin',
in a slightly different way, occurs in the broken text of Hier. Ostr. 49, admits that it could also be 'arm-chair'. 26 In the light of what will
2, 8, where a man is said to open 'it' (probably some kind of box or follow here, and in view of its position between b'ti and hdmw rdwy
shrine, in which stood the three statues mentioned in the preceding in the University College Writing-board it seems to me to be certain
line) "it being bs"Y One is inclined to suppose that hs means 'closed'. that even there it is not palanquin but a seat. That in the ostraca of
The verb may be related to the Demotic bsjs (ERICHSEN, Demot. the workmen's Village no palanquins should occur, being a typical
Glossar, 332), which has the same meaning and appears to be the object for kings and high officials,27 is obvious. So If.niw in the price-
origin from which is derived the Coptic 2wC (CRUM, Copt. Diet., 710a). ostraca must be 'seat'. The question is, what kind of seat it was.
It may also be connected with hsi, 'cord' (Wb. Ill, 166,4), so that its GARDINER's translation of Ifnlw as 'arm-chair' does not seem to me
exact translation should be 'closed with a string'. 24 quite correct. It was prompted by its relation to the verb, 'to

25 For this ostracon see p. 290.

23 IJs may also occur in O. Gardiner fragm. 30, 4, but the preceding word(s) is 26 In its third meaning, 'shrine', it is determined with L-I. Cf., e.g., Giornale
(are) lost. dell'anno 17 B, 4, 2 (= BOTTl-PEET, pI. 20) and Pap. Leopold 11, 2, 3 (= lEA. 22,
24 The same translation seems probable for ERICHSEN'S first example (I Kh. 6, 1936, pI. 13). For this word, cf. §57.
19) where a door of a tomb is IJsjs. We are reminded here of the way in which the 27 VANDIER, Manuel IV, 354, states that the palanquin had gone out of use for

door of Tut'ankhamun's tomb was closed. officials in the New Kingdom, it being used exclusively by the king.

embrace'; but as far as I know no arm-chair is ever found to have lattice bracing is replaced by grille-work. 36 Both lattice-work and
been used by Egyptian commoners of the New Kingdom, either in grille-work occur also below the seats of a number of more
pictures or as an actual object,28 although chairs with a back but magnificent chairs.
without arms are very numerous. Chairs with arms seem to have been 2) Stools with crossed supports, which are mostly, though not always,
used exclusively as royal seats.29 folding-stools. On them see the next section.
On the other hand, most seats, even those found in the excavations 3) Stools with carved legs, either turned or carved like lions' feet. 37
at the Village, have no back at all, 30 let alone arms. The seats which 4) Simple working-stools, either three- or four-legged and with a
occur during the New Kingdom either as actual objects or in pictures mat~ed or a wooden seat. 38
can be divided into the following categories: 31 For all these different types, type B 2 excepted, there seems to have
A. Chairs. been only one word, /fnlw, so that the generic term 'seat' seems to be
1) The usual type for this period is a chair with a slanting back- the best translation. Since the idea of 'to embrace' is not derived from
rest, which forms an open triangle with the vertical bracing the presence of arms, it may possibly have been suggested by the
member and the seat. 32 curv~d shape of the seat, consisting either of a single or a double
2) The chair with a straight back and a broad, low seat. Although cove. However, some of the above types, particularly A 2 and 3 and
less common, it was by no means rare. 33 B 4, usually or sometimes have straight seats. But since no other
3) What may be called kitchen chairs. Two examples of this type word for seat occurs in the ostraca it is possible that /fnlw was also
are found in the Eastern necropolis of Deir el-Medina,34 one used for these types. We do not know, admittedly, of any example
with a low seat. of type A 1 or Bland 3 from the Village, but on the other hand
there also seems to be no other word for seat in literary or religious
B. Stools. texts from the New Kingdom, while there at least one would expect
1) The most usual type is the simple, elegant stool with lattice-work a name for these common objects if one existed.
rungs between the legs. This type was found in the tomb of That ~nlw designates not only a stool but also a chair is proved
Tut'ankhamiin as ell as in that of Kha', while it occurs frequently by Hier. Ostr. 24, I, 3-4, where we read ot /fniw iw tly! mryt
in wall pictures. 35 A fairly rare sub-type is the stool in which the C~qq~l) br 't.s. The word mryt is the same as mrt which occurs in
connection with a bed, where it indicates the footbC'ard (see p. 184).
The '/ 39 of the mryt may be the upright supporting stiles of the back,
28 Cf. NORA SCOTT, BMMA. 24, 1965-66, 135f. in which case we have a description here of the chair with the
29 Apart from the well known throne of Tut'ankhamiin I point to the two chairs
slanting back-rest (type A I). In another text, O. Cairo 25 800, Il, 4,
depicted in the tomb of l;iuy (DAVIES, The Tomb of /fuy, pI. 24), which were a
tribute to the Pharaoh, and to the arm-chairs from the tomb of Yuia and Tjuia a ~niw is described as sriw 'If Here the 't of the ~niw itself is
(Cairo nos. 51 Ill-51 113; QUIBELL, The Tomb of Yuia and Thuia, pis. 32-43), which meant,40 not that of the back, so that it will indicate a stool or
definitely came from the palace.
30 In the pictures there are depicted also chairs with a very low back; cf., e.g.,
chair with a low seat. 41 The high price (30 deben) may point to a chair.
WRESZINSKI, Atlas I, 258 and passim; DAVIES, The Tomb of Two Officials, pI. 21.
So far as I know no actual objects of this kind have survived. 36 E.g., in a stool from the tomb of Tut'ankhamiin: BAKER, Furniture, colour

31 For a discussion of chairs under the New Kingdom, cf. BAKER, Furniture, pI. VII.
127ff. See also NORA Scon, Our Egyptian Furniture, BMMA. 24, 1965-66, 129ff. 37 Numerous examples of this occur in BAKER, Furniture, e.g., figs. 201-203 and

32 Several examples of this are found in BAKER, Furniture. See also SCHIAPARELLI, 207-208 .
La tomba inlatta, 113, fig. 93. . 38 See BRUYERE, Rapporl DeM. 1934-35, I1, 48, fig. 21.

33 See, e.g., BAKER, Furniture, figs. 182-184. 39 Probably 't is here used for 'wt, like in other instances.

34 BRuYERE,Rapport DeM. 1934-35, I1, 48, fig. 21 = BAKER, Furnilure, fig. 214. 40 'I (or '\I.t) may be synonymous with Q'w; cf. VANDERSLEYEN, RdE. 19, 1967,

35 See BAKER, Furniture, figs. 100 and 101 (Tut'ankhamiin), and 154 (Kha'; cf. 131, who points to parallel passages in Pap. Anastasi V, 23, 5 and Pap. Lansing 5, 3.
also SCHIAPARELLI. La tomba intatta, 97). In DAVIES, Two Ramesside Tombs, pI. 36. 41 The word 't is also used in an obscure entry about an 'fdl, O. Berlin 14 214.

we find several types of seats together. vs. 14; 'idt iw.s Qr 't.s, as well as with reference to a Qlp-basket, O. Varille 13.

TABLE XX however, lines 2 and 3 are partly lost the connection of the sentences
remains uncertain.
kniw The price of no. 5 presents some difficulty. In the ostracon it is
said that a number of commodities, enumerated each with its own
price, are given "in exchange for a seat", but since line 10 is broken off
I Hier. OSlr. 52. 2. vs. A. 8 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 3 the total of 20 deben, although approximately correct, is not quite
2) o. DeM. 195,2 mid XXth Dyn. 15
3) O. DeM. 105,5 mid(?) XXth Dyn.
certain. That the two prices of the verso should be included in it,
o . Cairo 25 800, 11,
1,4 II however, seems certain beyond doubt. 42
4) 4.5 mid XXth Dyn.
30 ~nlw srlw 'If In no. 14, which is one of the entries of no. 5, we find the words
5) Hier. Os!r. 59, 4, 4 • vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 20(?)
pj ~niw m bt (see p. 183, note 11), from which it is clearly apparent
6) O. Gardiner fragm. 3, 4 mid/late XXth Dyn. 12
7) O. DeM. 146, 3 late XXth Dyn. 15 2 for 30 deben that the wood only, and not the seat itself is meant.
8) O. Berlin [D], 2 XXth Dyn.? 20 In one instance, O. Gardiner 134, vs. 2, we find the words knlw J,
9) P. Berlin 10 485, 4 yr. 3, ? 20
bt gswt 1, iri.n 10 (dbn). One might interpret this as the price 'of one
~nlw and one gJwt combined, but in that case it would be far below
~nlw + hdmw the usual prices for these articles since a gJwt alone usually costs
10) O. Col. Campb. 16, 5 Ram. III 35 10 deben. It seems more probable that the seat was mentioned without
11) Hier. Osrr. 24, I, 9-4 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 15
any price 43 and that 10 deben here, too, is the price for a gJwt.44 The
12) O. Berlin 14214, 3-4 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 20
13) O. Berlin 11 260, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 13 for the decoration? use of the word bt before g5wt-not before ~nlw--confirms this
14) Hier. Osrr. 59, 4, 6 mid XXth Dyn. 2 wood for I ~nlw
As is apparent from Table XX the price of seats varies from 11 to
30 deben (both occurring in one text !), but is usually 15 deben
In some instances (nos. 10-13 in Table XX) a ~nlw is valued together (4 instances) or 20 deben (5 instances), that is, about the same as the
with its footstool. Although, as we have seen, the price of a hdmw price of a bed. Whether the more expensive ~niw in no. 4 was a chair,
was 2 to 3 deben, the combination ~niw+ hdmw rdyw is not valued 'or even whether this was the case in all instances of 20 deben, while
substantially higher than the ~niw by itself. No. 10 is the only one those costing 15 deben were 'stools, is uncertain. The first supposition
with a higher price, while nos. 11 and 12 are normal. In no. 12 a appears attractive, whereas the second is very doubtful, since in
woman is sentenced to a payment of 20 deben "for the kniw and its Hier. Ostr. 24, 1 the ~niw, which, as we were able to infer from its
footstool". Later on, as the text informs us, she was sent~nced again, description, is a chair, costs, together with its footstool, only 15 deben.
now to a fine of 30 deben. It is not certain that the 20 deben were in
Together with beds the seats appear to be the most valuable articles
fact the price of the seat, but I would interpret the text-of which
of furniture evidently found in most, if not all houses of the Village.
the beginning is lost-in such a way that the woman had at first to
pay only for the object; failing to do so, she was sentenced to a
§ 36. isbwt, 'folding-stool'
heavier fine. So 20 and not 30 de ben was the price of the seat.
No. 13 may also state the value of a seat and footstool-the latter The second word for seat is isbwt, which also occurs several times
word here being written with two signs for sandals instead of those in the ostraca. It appears in the Egyptian language around the time of
for legs-though it seems more probable that their decoration (ss-kd)
is meant, which is referred to at the beginning of the text. Si~ce,
42 I fail to see how HELCK, Malerialien V, 910, could have arrived at "more

than 16 deben".
43 T1-!e same holds true for a door in vs. I.

5-6 : pJ I;lp kl;l J n sndt I;r 'If, "the I;lp-basket with one kl;l of acacia wood on its body" 44 On the recto of this text a ~niw is said to cost 5 deben, but since here the

(cf. p. 160). word ~niw is determined by CJ probably not a seat was meant. See §57.

Amarna and is also found a designation for a throne. 45 Probably it TABLE XXI

was derived from the Akkadian u§bu with the same meaning. 46 In the
workmen's language, however, it was used slightly differently.47
CAMINOS devoted a lengthy note to it (Late-Eg. Mise., 266ff.), which sn;w khar deben
is only partly relevant to the object in question here. He quotes one
1) Hier. Om. 54, 1,9 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. 1/. I coiled kbs + I isbw = 1/2 snil,
important reference, viz. DA VIES, Amarna VI, pI. 30 (Tomb of Ay), yr. 6, Sethos I1/Siptal) 3
2) O. DeM. 260, 6
where a boy is stated to say to his comrade: "Look, the ishw! and the 3) O. DeM. 553, 9 early Ram. Ill? I a woman's isbr
sack ('' etc. Now, we see depicted between the boys a folding-stool, 4) O. Cairo 25 800, I:, 7-8 mid XXth Dyn. 30 a large isbw + a footstool

while one of them is holding a sack over it. 5) O. Cairo 25 588, 12 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. '11
If this does not suffice to identify the isb~vt as a folding-stool, there 6) Hier. OSlr. 57, 1,6 XXth Dyn.? 8 I isbwl(?) made of isy-wood
is an entry in O. Vienna HI, 6,48 reading: "an isbwt with duck's head 7) O. IFAO. 1020, vs. 1 " 4-8 I isbw exchanged for: \ kbs +
I dnil + I Imf
legs (~rw n spdw rdwy). On studying the furniture of the period it
appears that sometimes folding-stools have legs carved in the shape of
duck's heads,49 which never is found to be the case with any other or c, 1 deben, which seems extremely low even for a roughly made
kind of furniture. This does not mean that every folding-stool has duck's object of this kind, The price of no, 2, 3 khar, will be something like
heads; in point of fact, most do not. 50 But the meaning of lsbwt is 6 deben, while that of no. 3, a woman's isbt, is I sniw or c, 5 deben.
certain. No, 4 is described as a large ('s) isbw bry hdmw rdwy, "with a
As for the gender of the word, most texts write isbw, some however, footstool under it",52 In no. 5 the price of 1 oipi! (of emmer, as
isbt, while Pap. Harris I, 75, 9 has isbwt. But even when written as everywhere alse in this text), which is the equivalent of 1 deben, again
ishw the gender is feminine judging from the article (Hier. Ostr. 53, 1, is extremely low, No. 6 is far from certain, since of the word isbwt, if
vs. 2; O. IFAO. 1020, vs. 1) or from its qualifications (0. Cerny 1, 3 that is what is intended, only ", bwt is left. 53 The lsbwt(?) is said to
and O. DeM. 402, 7, both with ·n.ti). In Hier. Ostr. 49, 2, 5 an isbt be made of bt lsy. This isy will be a not unusual writing for isr,
is called ~lS.ti, which means 'inlaid', pointing to a type of decoration 'tamarisk',54 This kind of wood is also used in one instance for a
found in the finer examples, namely an inlay of ebony (in this text) coffin (0. Turin 9599, 2) that is very expensive, so that one is inclined
and/or ivory. 51 to suppose that use of lsy-wood was responsible for its price. In the
Many of the prices of folding-stools in Table XXI present some present instance the price is also rather high.
difficulty. No. 1 reckons together the value of a kbs-basket and of an In no. 7 a folding-stool is exchanged for three articles of basketry,
isbw, stated to be 1/2 sniw. Since the kbs usually costs 1/2 khar or namely a kbs, a dnit and a tmS. The value of the kbs is c. 1 deben,
1/4 snlw, this would mean a price for the folding-stool of only 1/4 snlw that of the dnit 3 to 5 deben, and that of the mat I to 2 deben, hence
together between 4 and 8 deben.
45 Cf., e.g., Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. B, 7, where it is said of the Pharaoh:

"whilst thou sittest on the isb»·t of Pre'''. See also JEQUIER, BIFAO. 19, 1922, 219.
51 For this use of bry cf. O. Cerny I, 3, which mentions an isbw 'n.ti (,mended',
46 Cf. WARD, Orienlalia, 32, 1963,418.

47 Whether this was usually so in colloquial Egyptian I do not know.

cf. p. 155) bry hn. For hn, a box, and its possible connection with hr, which is used
48 These words were not recognized by GOEDICKE, WZKM. 59/60, pI. I. He left for a footstool, cf. lEA. 31, 1945,39.
the first half of the line a blank. 53 CERN), and GARDlNER transcribe it as ~I)\,.J(';:.., with a query above J
49 Cf. HERMANN, ZA·S. 68, 1932, 86ff. and the comment 'prob.' above the m. The scanty remaining traces in the facsimile
50 Among the folding-stools from the excavations at Deir el-Medina there is one
indeed seem to point to m rather than to s, but since there is no word known ending
e~ample with duck's head legs: BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, pI. V, 3, and one with ... mbwt the reading lsbwt seems more probable. So too, HELCK, Marerialien V,
without: Rapport DeM. 1928, 67, fig. 33. See also, e.g., KAISER, Agyptisc!zes Museum 910. For a possible reading sbiw, cf. p. 155, note 98.
54 ef. KEIMER, Garlenpjlanzen, 155!'. HELCK, loCo cit., translates this as 'aus altem
Berlin, nos. 643 and 644.
51 E.g., Brit. Mus. nos. 2477 and 29284, and SCHIAPARELLl, La tomba intat/a, 114,
Holz', but this would have been written as isw, not isy. Moreover, what is the
fig. 94. meaning of 'old wood'?

The price in Hier. Ostr. 54, 2, 2-3 cannot be established, since here point. If, however, it is connected with'e", 'straight', 'smooth', ~nd
a headrest (wrs) together with an isbw are exchanged for some items its derivative ";e"~ 'plain', this might point to an object charactenzed
about the price of which not enough is known. A doubtful instance by a plain surfa~e. Now we have seen that the word *niw was
occurs in O. Gardiner 226,4 (of unknown date), where we find qc-- probably used for seat because of its curved surface. By analogy msr
'nw 1, iri.n A 1. For the combination isbwt 'n.ti see p. 193, note 52 may have been used for a table.
above; for the possibility of a door (sbiw) being meant-which would Even though tables from ancient Egypt are less numerous than seats,
explain the masculine form 'nw-, see p. 155, note 98. The low price there are many pictures which testify their rather frequent use, and at
(I khar, i.e. the equivalent of 2 deben) may be explained by the word least some actual objects have survived. 56 BAKER suggests as one of
'nw, which indicates that it was of poor quality. the reasons for their relative rarity that "the simple tables intended to
From the Table it is apparent that the price of folding-stools varied receive offerings for the dead person were of necessity placed outside
from I to 30 deben. Such a wide range seems suspicious, since there the inner burial chamber and consequently have desintegrated or were
would appear to be not much scope for variety in the quality of the destroyed long ago", whereas the seats and beds were placed inside
object. Even if we were to ascribe the expensiveness of no. 4 (in the the burial chamber and have survived. Since from some wall pictures
sam~ text a *niH' also costs 30 deben) to unusually high quality 55 we know that tables together with beds and seats were carried in
there still remain four out of seven prices ranging from 4 to 8 deben. funeral processions 57 this suggestion may be correct.
Two instances of I deben (nos. I and 5) mayor may not both be due In fact all ancient Egyptian tables are rather small, and there is no
to exceptional circumstances not mentioned in the text. Although this difference in principle between them and the stands on which vases etc.
argumentation smacks of the German adagium "wenn die Tatsachen were placed. 58 Dining tables to seat a number of persons were quite
nicht stimmen mit der Theorie, urn so schlimmer fUr die Tatsachen", unknown. Since, as we have seen, small tables were frequently used,
I fail to see any other solution to explain the fact that, where a *niw there is no reason why they should have been absent from the Village,
costs at least 11 deben, an isbwt is sold for 1 deben-unless (and I have although no actual objects appear to have been found there. 59
no evidence to support this) the word isbwt was also used for a very
simple object, e.g., the stool of the workmen mentioned above as
type B 4 (cf. p. 189). msr
§ 37. msr deben

The word msr, written as "j]..!.U].~ --, with variants such as 1) Hier. Ostr. 19, 3, 7 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 15
)..w.\.= __ (0. Gardiner 158, vs. 1) and !.~L) ___ (0. DeM. 105, 2) O. Cerny 1, 5 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.
3) Hier. Ostr. 33, 3, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 15
3) or j1\.mlQc".- (0. Gardiner 134, vs. 1) so far as I know occurs 4) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, 5 mid XXth Dyn. 15
only in price-ostraca. It is not mentioned in the Wb. Its occurrence 5) O. Gardiner 171,6-7 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. 15
6) O. Gardiner 158, vs. 1 mid XXth Dyn.? 7
among articles of furniture (0. DeM. 105; O. Gardiner 134) is an mid(?) XXth Dyn. 20
7) O. DeM. 105. 3
indication that it designates some article of furniture too, which 8) O. Gardiner 134, vs. 1 mid XXth Dyn. 11 or 12 for the manufacture only
seems to be confirmed by its prices.
HELCK (Materialien V, 912) connects msr with the Semitic verb
56 Cf. BAKER, Furniture, 150ff.
.,.,~, 'to wind', but I fail to see to what kind of furniture this could 57 Cf., e.g., DAVIES, The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose, pis. 26-27.
58 Whether the light tables and stands of reed construction were also known
'J as msr seems doubtful. msr is always determined with the wood sign, and sometimes
55 I prefer to leave aside at this stage in our study the possibility that this may explicitly qualified as 'wooden' (ut), but this may not be conclusive. For the light
be due to a boom. The series of prices of isbwt is not long enough and the dating tables cf., e.g., SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, figs. 101-102.
59 The wooden tables from the tomb of Kha' (SCHIAPARELLI, op. cit., fig. 100)
of no. 4 too vague to allow of any conclusion. Moreover, in the same text another
/f;niw is unusually cheap (11 deben). I date from the XVIIlth Dynasty and are not from the workmen's village.


Of the eight instances listed in Table XXII (all those of the word
msr known to me) no. 2 was read by tERNY as [Sj~]ir, but
price points much rather to [mis1ir, which from the traces seems equally
possible. No. 5 tERNY transcribed tentatively as misitlr , but even
this is correct it will have been the same object. The numbe r of
msr here is lost, but it can hardly have been anything other than WOO DEN CONT AINE RS
'one'. Why the price of no. 6 is so low is not stated, but it may
due to size or quality. In no. 8 the price is followed by lw ink sw m
"it belongs to me as regards the wood".60 This probab ly means §38. idt
only the manufa cture, not the material of the msr is valued -the Althou gh called i4t under the Old Kingdom, the usual writing in
begins with the words "the carpentry which he did for me"-s o that the ostraca is with 0.. The idt is a box, but its exact shape
the is
total value of the msr could again be 15 deben. 61 unknow n. The 31 'fdt with lids in Pap. Harris I, 13 b, 11, which were
The most frequent msr price is 15 deben, that is, slightly less than made of silver, weighed only 74.4 deben, i.e., 2 2/s deben or c.
that of an average bed or seat, which, as was said above, easily places grammes each; so they were rather small. MONTE T states 1 that during
it into the same group ofobjec ts. 62 Only in one instance, O. DeM. the Old Kingdo m small boxes were called 'f4t, while larger ones were
is the price higher. It is interesting to note that in this text a designated hn, but JEQUIER 2 seems to suggest that 'fdt was also used
costs 25 deben and a seat 20 de ben , which is also above the normal for larger boxes. The stone box of Pap. Westcar 9, 4 again points
. to
Whethe r this was due to special circumstances or to a boom remain small dimensions. In Hier. Ostr. 75, 9 an idt is said to contain papyri,
unknow n, since unfortu nately it has been impossible to date this ostraco which also points to a small object. 3
more accurately. That the low price of no. 6 (7 deben) implies The 'fdt prices confirm these suggestions as to its size, since they
this particu lar table was not a woode n object but made of reed appears never exceed 3 deben. Since good wood was rare in Egypt, definite
to be incorrect since it is explicitly qualified as bt. more so than the material for basketry, it is of import ance to note
/ that the value of an idt is the same as or lower than that of
a dnlt
60 See p. 182. or an irgs, which are the most expensive baskets.
61 However, see the beds in O. Berlin 12 343, vs. 3-4, where the same
words occur Of the eleven instances listed in Table XXIII, no. 2 contains the
but the prices are normal.
62 Boxes, which also occur together with qualification lw.s hr 't.s, lit. "while she is on her body", the meanin
furniture, are always cheaper than a msr. g
of which is obscure to me. 4 No. 3 is not altogether beyond doubt;
word is partly lost, and what remains looks like ~'5\.;:;". I would
suggest a reading ~a....;;.., i.e., a combin ation of 'f4t and 'fdt
below, no.lO). Ahypo thehca l writing~i;;';;", which is palaeographica
possible, would be against the norm of beginning a word like this with
the group ~. In no. 5 the word after 'fdt is lost, but it was perhap
an indication of the particular kind of wood, as in no. 6, where

I Scenes de la vie privee, 309.

2 BIFAO. 19, 1922, 60f.
3 I would tentatively suggest that the small box which is found
La /Omba in tatla , 123, fig. 107, lower right hand corner, may
be an jdt. Cf. also
BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 57, fig. 29. Most of the boxes
from the tomb
of Kha' seem too large or too ornately decorate d to be valued at 3
deben or less.
4 cr. p. 189, note 41.

TABLE XXIII (Q~4cf{~), as other boxes sometimes are, though this seems to be
:tdt In contrast with other boxes the glwt occurs several times in lists
of furniture such as Hier. Ostr. 24, I, O. Gardiner 134 vs. and O. DeM.
105. This may mean that it is a larger object than all other boxes,
I) Hier. Ostr. 31, 5. 7 Ram. Ill" 2 more like a chest than a box, but there are many types of chests and
2) o. Berlin 14214. vs. 14-15 Ram. I1I/mid XXth Dyn. 3 ht,.s ~r tt.s
3) O. Berlin 1I 260. 4 mid XXth Dyn. I
I know of no exact indication as to what type is meant. There is
4) O. Berlin 12343. vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2 definitely insufficient evidence for us to suggest that glwt designates
5) Hier. Ostr. 36. I. 8 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 2 the chest with legs, like a small cabinet in appearance. 5
6) O. Gardiner fragm. 3. 5-6 mid/late XXth Dyn. 3
7) O. Turin 9618. II late XXth Dyn. I .fr;
In some instances a glwt is referred to as s~b (Pap. Harris I, 71a, 4;
8) O. DeM. 194.1. 4 XXth Dyn." 2 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 6, 11), a word also used with other boxes
9) O. Cairo 25 771, vs. I XXth Dyn." 3 such as a dbt (0. Berlin 12 343, vs. 2) or a mns (Pap. Harris I, 15b,
10) O. Turin 9783. I ? 2
11) O. Gardiner 171. 8-9 yr. 2? mid XXth Dyn. 3 uncertain!
10). Si.Gce s~b is also used for stone, PE ET 6 supposed it to mean
'stuccoed', while LEFEBVRE 7 translated it (Horus and Seth, 13, 6) as
'plastered'.8 Probably a glwt s~b was a box covered with gesso. That
tree sign survived at the end. No. 7 is qualified as 'small', which a glwt could be plastered does not, however, solve the problem, since
explains the low price. No. 10 is written ~'?~...- (cf. no. 3). Whether other boxes could be plastered as well.
no. 11 in fact contains the price of an 'idt seems doubtful, the text,
as transcribed by CERNY, having bt ~C [5cqq .. l. I cannot suggest TABLE XXIV

any better reading than 'Idt for what looks like 'tbwf, especially since
it is also a wooden object, but what tpwy means I have no idea.
It is notable that all prices of 'idt are in deben and belong to the deben
Twentieth Dynasty, though the object itself had a much longer history.
I) O. "IFAO. 1373. vs. 2 yr. 24. Ram. III 5+x 2 g5wt for 10+ x deben
The same, however, is more or less true for all kinds of furniture, and Ram. Ill? 10
2) Hier. Ostr. 31.4,9
this may therefore be incidentaL The usual price was 2 to 3 deben, 3) Hier. Ostr. 24. I, 3 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 10
no. 7 (l deben) being described as 'small', and no. 3 being doubtfuL 4) L. Franklyn Hier. Inscr., 10 mid XXth Dyn. 10
5) O. Gardiner 134, vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 10
6) O. Berlin 10 665, 5 - vs. 3 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn. 10 1/2
§39. gJwt 7) O. DeM. 105,5 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 10 gdw
8) P. Turin 1885, vs. I. I yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII 10 gNt isy (?)
The type of box called glwt occurs fairly frequently in the ostraca. 9) P. Turin 1907/8, I1I, I yr. 5, Ram. VII 20
Usually the word is written Q].ft1\..;;.. or 7i.l~L...... In O. Berlin 10 655, 10) P. Berlin 10485.3 yr. 3, ? 10

5 it occurs with the determinative of the falling wall (see also Pap. Brit.
Mus. 10 068, 6, 11), which is derived from the verb gJW (Wb. V, 153,
13). In O. DeM. 105, 5 we find a peculiar writing, namely!.].e ........ The price of no. 1 in Table XXIV is uncertain: CERNY saw n just
That the same object was meant is proved by the identity of griw where the text breaks off, but '20' cannot be excluded. In no. 5, where
a ~niw and a wooden glwt are mentioned one after the other, I take
(Wb. V, 181, 6) with gJit (Wb. V, 150, 1 fO and by the different
ways of writing gJwt in the will of Naunakhte (JEA. 31, 1945, 38). the price, 10 deben, to refer only to the gJwt (see above, p. 191).
A gJwt is used as a container for silver (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 5,
5 See BAKER, Furniture, 91 f. and figs. 106-108.
6 and 14) or garments (Pap. Mayer B, 13; even for 35 items !). So it 6 Tomb Robberies, 101, note 25.
was of a larger type than the 'id!, which is confirmed by its higher 7 Romans et contes, 198.
8 Cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 205 f. For plastered walls, cL Admonitions, 11, 3.
price. In O. Cairo 25 612, 3 it is indicated as if it were a footstool

The price of no. 6 is misread in the publication, the facsimile showing of furniture, but elsewhere it occurs among boxes, chests, etc. The
clearly 10 1/2 and not 15. 9 No. 8 is called g5wt qr,,+CI:, , but the price, usually 2 to 3 deben, points either to smallness of size or to
transcription of the latter word, very faint in the original, is not beyond roughness of quality. A connection between s~r/sgr andW KI)\., as was
doubt. It might indeed be an unusual writing for isy = isr, 'tamarisk supposed in the case of skr, is of course out of question. The Wb. 12
(wood)'.10 c0nnects it with the Semitic verb 'lti 'to close'; HELCK 13 with the
The price of the g5wt is fairly constant at 10 deben. The exceptions Akkadian sigaru. These connections, however, remain hypothetical and
are no. I (uncertain) and no. 9, no. 6 being only slightly over; for do not enlighten us as regards the nature of the object. 14 The qualifica-
no. 9 I can offer no explanation. From the consistency of the prices r
tion li ~ in O. Gardiner 172, vs. 7, if this is understood as a variant
one might perhaps deduce that the g5wt was an object without much of bs, 'closed with a string',15 may point in the direction of a type of
variety. box. However, O. Varille 13, 8 reads s~w n ur~~~, which looks like
's~r of a singer', and I see no reason for emendating it into a form
§40. s~r/sgr of bs, 'closed'.
Above we discussed a type of basketry called skr (§25) and stated In D. Michael. 71, 8 (= pI. 69) a sgr is described as mh m ht. In view
that it was sometimes confused with a wooden object called s~r or of the use of mb for 'matting' for a bed, this expressi~n ~ay signify
sgr. The alternation ~!g is quite usual in the ostraca (cf., e.g., lr~s!lrgs, the closing of the opening of the sgr with wood, or putting a lid on
§ 18), while k never alternates with g, so that s~r/sgr certainly indicates the box or suchlike, though the more likely explanation is that sgr
a different object from skr. There occur, however, what appear to be here is used to indicate a container for wood.
very oddly mixed forms of these words. Although unable to solve the problem as regards its nature I have
Usually the word under discussion is written as JlJ. ].Ll1~1--- or provisionally included s~r/sgr under the heading 'wooden containers',
.ill],~ ].':;"I~' In a somewhat careless text, O. DeM. 105, which also
for which reason it is treated in this chapter.
displays some unusual variants for the names of articles of furniture. The following numbers in Table XXV require some explanation.
the writing ill ~lA\].'-' definitely indicates the present object, as does No. la lists a doubtful price, since over the stroke for 'one' there is
probably also lll]./lc.- in O. Varille 13, 8 and Hier. Os!r. 19, 3, 8. / a sign which mayor may not mean 1/ 2, If the price is 11/2 khar it
and .ill],Ll].......... in O. Berlin II 260,5. The writing .ill],~LI].~I"'- in would be double that of the other s~r in the same text; therefore,
the Turin strike papyrus, vs. 5, II is even more markedly deviant, while I khar seems to be more probable. In no. 6 the standard of value in
in the same text, vs. 5, 16, what is tentatively transcribed by GARDlNER which the prices are expressed is not mentioned. In such cases usually
as nb5r may also be in fact s~r or sgr. the deben of copper is meant, but vs. I says" .... 1 irl.n M 87".
Confused writings are found in O. Cairo 25 800, I, 5, where a Nevertheless, 'silver' looks to be impossible, so that bd may mean
wooden object sgr is determined with A, and in Hier. Os!r. 54, I, 10. 'price'. Whether no. 8 contains in fact a price is not quite certain;
possible only '2 s~w' is meant, but all other entries in this ostracon
where another wooden object is called skr, like the basket, but is
contain prices, while in the preceding line the word irl.n, the usual
determined with __ . In both instances the use of bt proves that not a
indication that a price is meant, is missing after msr.
basket but the present container was meant. 11 The difficulties of
In no. 15 a s~r is exchanged for I khar of barley and 2 bundles of
O. IFAO. 1017 are discussed above (p. 162).
As for the nature of s~r/sgr, I am unable to offer any suggestion.
In some texts, such as O. DeM. 105, it appears to be a particular kind
12 Wb. IV, 550, 10; cf. also ibid., 1 and 3 (which contains a mistaken reading

for s~r in Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 6).

9 Cf. p. 124, no. I. 13 Beziehungen, 571, no. 230. Cf. BiOr. 23, 1966,27, however.

10 Cf. p. 193. 14 S.i~K·, determined with the wood sign, in Pap. Harris I, 13a, 8 indicates part

11 In O. Berlin 14 214, vs. 11 a s/v determined with the wood sign occurs in a list of a column and will be another word.
15 See p. 186.
of types of basketry.

TABLE XXV giwt, and more like the 'fdt, though with wider variations. From the
frequency of the prices it appears to have been a common object which
may have been present in most houses.
snilr khar dehen
§41. dbt
6 I?
I) Hier. Ostr. 65. 2. 8 Ram. 11 3/4- }(<r
Although the name of this type of box is written as oJ.;!... with
la 'I. variants in the price ostraca,17 the correct writing will have been dbt.
2) O. Varille 13. 8 yr. 3. Merenptah/Amenmesse 1 I. S«1t" n /.Is.\'
3) Hier. Ostr. 54. I. IO yr. 3. XIXth Dyn. /2
Both writings are used alternatively in the will of Naunakhte (cf.
J skr (sic)
4) O. Gardiner fragm. 4. I. I XIXth'early XXth Dyn? 1/
'2 s«r lEA. 31, 1945,38). As for the basic meaning, tERNY (loc. cit.) tentatively
5) O. Gardiner 142. vs. I Ram. III 5 s«r suggested 'cage'. 18 In two instances in which something is said of its
vs. 2 5
6) O. Cairo 25 655.
vs. 3
Ram. III
} .igr use, however, it is clearly a box. In Pap. Lansing, 5, 5 ff. the dbt 19
11 2 st«r (sic)
seems to contain the tools of a carpenter, while in an inscription from
7) P. Turin 1880. vs. 5. 16(= RAD. 48) yr. 29, Ram. III
2 s« 'r the tomb of Tut'ankhamiin 20 it is said to contain garments. Therefore
8) Hier. Ostr. 19. 3. 8 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 2? .f!<1I" the translation with 'cage' does not seem to be plausible, though
9) O. Gardiner 288, vs. 2 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. I .fgr CAMINOS' 'tool-box' 21 is again too specific. The db! will have been
la) O. Berlin 14214. vs. S Ram. lII/mid XXth Dyn. 3 s«r
11) O. Berlin 11 260,5 mid XXth Dyn. 2
used in different ways, so that a non-committal rendering with 'box'
12) O. Cerny 20, 12 mid XXth Dyn. 2 skr!< (sic) seems the best solution. 22
13) O. Gardiner 134, vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2 s!<r In Hier. Ostr. 65,2,2-3 there is mentioned a miwg of a dbt. 23 Since
14) O. Cairo 2S 800, I, S mid XXth Dyn. 2 sgr (A)
IS) Hier. Ostr. 61, 2, vs. 2-S mid XXth Dyn. c. 3
miwg is a carrying-pole, its combination with a box is quite possible,
16) O. DeM. lOS, 4 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 3 sg; I sg(r) + I the more so if dbt could indeed also indicate a cage. In O. Berlin 12
hdmll" = S debe 343, vs. 2 the dbt is described as s~l;, 'plastered' ;24 in Pap. Turin
17) Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 6 yr. 2, Ram.V 2 s!<r
18) Hier. Ostr. 36, I, vs. I, 3 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 2
2104, vs. 11, 11 it is said to be I;bsw (1JPe~), possibly 'with a lid'.
19) Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, 6 XXth Dyn.? I "Cl sgr; 2 for 3 debe n O. Turin 9618, 10 gives in addition to db! the word wnmtt,25 which
20) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 7 late XXth Dyn.? I '/4? s!<r /.Is occurs also with miwg (0. DeM. 434, I, 4; O. Berlin 10 626, vs. 7).
While a carrying-pole for the right hand may eventually appear to be
vegetables. 1 khar of barley cost at least 2 deben, while a bundle of
vegetables was valued at 1/2 deben, together probably coming to 3 deben
for the s~r. No. 16 adds the value of a footstool and a sgr, together 17 O. Brussels E 6339, 7 has DJ ::' . . . . .
~ (--for bt).
1B This may be defended on the basis of the determinative ft, e.g., O. DeM. 569,
coming to 5 deben. Since in the preceding line a footstool costs 2 deben,
I and 4.
the price of the sgr will have been 3 deben. 19 Here written the same as in O. Brussels E 6339, but with the wood sign also

The last price, no. 20, is not absolutely clear, /~ being written over added. The block sign is derived from gbt, 'brick' (cf. tERNY, JEA. 31, 1945, 38).
the dot of A I.. This .. '*'
itself means that the value is expressed in 20 tERNY, Hier. Inscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, no. 46 and pp. 7f.

21 Late-Eg. Mise., 384f.

khar of barley,16 as usual, but whether 5 oipi! or only 1 khar IS 22 See also VANDIER, Pap. Jumi/hac, 73f. In O. DeM. 569, !ff. '-[n-)tbw (sic)

meant, the dot being an original error, is uncertain. seems to indicate a fairly large box or basket since it contains various kinds of loaves
and suchlike.
The prices of s~rlsgr vary between 1 deben or even 1 oipi! (no. 2) 23 Note that dbt and mlwg as separate objects are mentioned one immediately
and 5 deben (nos. 5 and 6a), being in Il10st instances 2 deben. This after the other in Hier. Ostr. 85, I, 14; here, as in two instances in the will of
difference points to a variety either in shape or quality. Clearly the Naunakhte, dbt is determined with the basket sign.
24 Cf. p. 199. From this instance, as well as from that from the tomb of Tut'an-
s~rlsgr, if it was a kind of box, was altogether different from the
khamiin, it is apparent that GOEDICKE'S suggestion (JARCE. 7, 1968, 128) that
dbt would mean 'work-bench', or even 'sawing-post', cannot be correct.
16 See p. 110, note 44. 25 Prooably not imntt, despite the writing~: ~with ~-.

possible, I fail to see what dbt wnmtt could mean. The only suggestion made either of wood or of fibres. 26 Instructive in this respect is the
I have to offer is that a dbt with a carrying-pole (for the right series of entries in O. Cairo 25 677, vs. 12-14. The first one runs:
hand?) is implied. ht n fly sri ([ly with the wood sign); the second: ht n fly (with f\ );
the third: fly sri VJY with f\ ). While in the second entry A seems to be
TABLE XXVI incorrect, the last one clearly refers to a kind of basketry.
Sometimes the material of a fly is fairly expensive, as, for example,
dbl in Pap. Harris I, 34a, 13 and 71a, 5 : mry-wood and ebony.27 mry-wood,
which is possibly red wood of a foreign tree-either the cedar or the
khar deben
cypress~is also used for the fly in the Giornale dell'anno 17B, vs. 9, 9. 28
I) O. Berlin 12 343, vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 8 slfb We find it used also for other boxes (Pap. Harris I, 64c, 3: glwt and
2) O. Cerny 20, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 8 fly), for a coffin (0. Cairo 25 504, n, 8-9) and for a statue (Pap.
3) Hier Oslr. 33, 3, 2-3 mid XXth Dyn. 10
4) P. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 11 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn. ? 10 bbsw
Brit. Mus. 10 053, vs. 4, 20), for example.
5) O. Gardiner 158, 4 mid XXth Dyn. ? 2 1•
/2 2 for 5 deben
6) O. Turin 9618, 10 late XXth Dyn. 7 wnmtt TABLE XXVII
7) Hier. OSlr. 57, 1,2 XXth Dyn.? 10
8) O. Brussels E 6339, 7 ? 1/
'2 uncertain
9) O. Gardiner 252, 11 Ram. III 1 uncertain

sniu.! khar deben

Table XXVI includes seven clear instances, of which only no. 5 has I) O. DeM. 553, 11 early Ram. Ill? 1
4 10
a very low price (and prices in this particular text are generally low, 2) Hier. Oslr. 31, 5, Ram. JII?
5 IS
except for that of a coffin). The last two nos. are uncertain. No. 9 is 6
3) Hier. Oslr. 18, 3, 4 mid XXth Dyn.
only partly legible, owing to a lacuna between dbt and the words 4) O. Berlin 12343, vs. 5 mid XXth Dyn. 2
" ... , } iri.n dbn }", and it seems that a reason for the exceptional 5) P. Turin, Giornale 17B, vs. 9, 9 yr. 17. Ram. IX 5 n mry
(= pI. 42)
price may have been given. No. 8 mentions 2 dbt nt ht, which are valued /
? 3{ determined with ft
6) O. Gardiner 141, 3 /4
at 1 khar, i.e. about 2 deben, which is far out of line.
Six out of the seven clear instances show that 7 to 10 deben was the
usual price for a dbt. This means that it was not a particularly cheap The exact size and shape of the fly, whether a box or a basket, are
object, being far more expensive than either a s~r or an idt, although unknown. It may be the shrine-shaped chest (cf. note 27), though
somewhat less than a glwt. The fact that it is once referred to as boxes with a gabled top like that from the tomb of Senniidjem
'plastered' (no. 1) suggests that it was something more than a common (BAKER, Furniture, colour pI. IX) or with a round top may have been
object for rough work, like a carpenter's tool-box. It seems likely that designated with the same name. The wide variety of prices, from 2 to
the high price relates to its quality and decoration rather than to its 15 deben, may point to a variety in size and quality, but no more can be
size, since it was carried on a pole. said of it.

§42. fly
Another word the meaning of which seems to vary between basket 26 A curious writing is found in O. Gardiner 141, 3, where it is introduced by
and wooden container is f3y. Usually determined by the wood sign bf, but determined by fl· .
One is reminded here of the pair of shrine-shaped chests of dark reddlsh~brown
and several times described as ht, 'wooden', it is also in some instances wood inlaid with strips of ivory and ebony from the tomb of Tut'ankhamun; cf.
determined as basketry, particularly in Pap. Harris I (18a, 16; 19a, 7; BAKER, Furniture, 95 and fig. 118.
28 BUTTI-PEET, pI. 42.
etc.). Therefore one is led to suppose that the same type of object is

§43. bs §44. lpt, 'corn-measure'

The word J~~'1~h-, which does not occur in the Wb., is known to The lpt is a wooden container shaped thus: CD, and used as a corn-
me only from price ostraca. CERNY 29 connected it with the Coptic measure, its capacity being 40 hin, i.e. 19.22 litres. 32 From this object
BHC€ (CRUM, Capt. Diet., 44b), meaning 'pail', 'well-bucket'. Such the oipe measure received its name. It is several times depicted in wall
an object could well have been made of wood. In some instances bs paintings 33 and was always made of wood. 34
is determined with ~ as well, but this may be due to the influence of There are four instances of a price:
the name of the god Bes. CRUM (Capt. Diet., loco cit.) connects BHC€
with the Greek f3f)atS', but possibly the latter word was derived from No. 1) O. Gardiner fragm. 62, 4 (Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.): 1
wooden lpt makes 2 (deben).
the Egyptian.
The only text which may help us in the identification of the object No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, vs. 1-2 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 wooden lpt,
strong and (or: though?) mended (' 35 makes 1 oipe.
is no. 5 of Table XXVIII, which reads: ' n(?) bs n cj3rj3; but I am
No. 3) O. Turin 9586, vs. 6 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 lpt makes 2 deben.
unable to explain these words. Nor do I know of any real object in a
No. 4) O. Cairo 25 588, 8 (a year 2, mid XXth Dyn.): 2 oipe (of
museum or .from an excavation which is likely to have been called a
'pail'. In the well known painting of a shadUf in the tomb of Ipuy 30 emmer) in exchange for the 3pt.
the receptable is coloured a reddish brown, which probably indicates The last word, though written }\.oo,~, will also mean the object under
that it was made of pottery.31 discussion. The text in which it occurs contains other unusual writings.
The price of no. 4 is 2 deben (1 khar in this text costs 4 deben) ,
TABLE XXVIII which is the same as that of nos. 1 and 3. That in the second instance
it is cheaper will be due to the fact that it is mended, although, as the
bs seller states, still strong!
khar deben
§45. mhn
1) Hier. OSlr. 65, 2, vs. 3-4 Ram. II 1
2) O. IFAO. 1017, vs. 4·5 mid XXth Dyn.? 2? see commentary Yet another wooden container is the mhn. This word is sometimes
3) O. Gardiiler 139, 3 mid XXth Dyn. ' /2 2 for 1 deben written with L.l and in other instances with __ or even with Q ,36 but
4) O. Berlin 11 260, 6 mid XXth Dyn. 3 all these writings are usually taken to indicate the same object. In
5) O. Berlin 12652, vs. 3 yr. 6, mid XXth Dyn. 2 • n(?) bs n g,g'
6) O. Cairo [182], 3-4 ? '/2 1;1 nh bs 2 iri.n dbn I some instances it is said to be used for grain,37 but elsewhere for
wooden shafts (of spears?) 38 or logs.39 In Hier. Ostr. 26, 5, 4 an

Of the prices in Table XXVIII no. 2 is rather doubtful. In exchange

32 For an ipt that was too small, namely only 38 hin, cf. Hier. Ostr. 34, 4.
for a bs it lists a pair of sandals, of a value of 2 deben, but since the 33 E.g., WRESZINSKI, Atlas 1,243; 261; 296. The corn-measure in ASAE. 40, 1940,
ostracon is broken it may be that more commodities were involved in pI. 13 b, which measures only 9 hin, will be Coptic.
34 In Hier. Ostr. 62, I, vs. 4, a piece of sycamore wood (bt n nh) is said to be made
this transaction. No. 6 states the object to be made of nh, 'sycamore
into an lpt.
wood'. 35 Cf. p. 155.

All in all the prices point to a cheap and hence-if in fact a pail is 36 In Hier. Ostr. 26, 5, 4 said, in spite of this determinative, to be of wood.

meant-probably rather large but rough object. Hence il, this and other similar instances this determinative seems to indicate not
so much the material or the shape as the fact that is a container; it will be the result
of confusion with the word mhr.
29 In a private letter, of 10-1-1964. 37 Pap. Geneva D191, vs. 3 = CERNY, Late Ram. Letters, 58, 12; Hier. Ostr.

30 Theban Tomb no. 217; cf. DAVIES, Two Ramess. Tombs, pI. 29. Also in tomb 75,7.
no. 49 (NeferJ:!otpe); cf. DAVIES, The Tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes, pI. 46. 38 CAMINOS, Lit. Fragments, pI. 11, 10; cf. p. 34.

31 The same holds true for the wash basin, op. cit., pI. 28. 39 O. Michael. 7, I (= pI. 62): m/:l m bt.
'inlaid' (mbwt) specimen is mentioned, the price unfortunately being
lost. In O. Michael. 13, 6 (pI. 46) a mhn is described as ss, 'painted',
and in O. Michael. 48, vs. 1 (pI. 72) it is said to be made of mnlf-wood. 40 CHAPTER SEVEN
All this presents insufficient material for us to identify the object.
In three instances a price is mentioned: TOMB EQUIPMENT
No. 1) Hier. Ostr. 18, 3, 5 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 wooden mhn
makes 3 deben. §46. Coffins
No. 2) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 6 (late XXth Dyn.1): 1 wooden mhn The Egyptian language used in the texts of Deir el-Medina includes
makes 3 deben. four different words for coffin, namely wt, swbt, mn-'nb and gbJt, the
No. 3) O. Turin 9618, 12 (late XXth Dyn.): 1 wooden mhn makes exact meaning of which is not simple and clear-cut. In order to put
l(?) deben. the problem as clearly as possible these words as well as the
In the third instance the price itself is very doubtful. The two other archaeological evidence will be discussed in this section, while we shall
ones of 3 deben each make it clear that the mhn is not in fact cheap, turn only afterwards to the objects themselves and their prices.
though it is less expensive than a gJwt or a dbt. It may have been a The French excavators of Deir el-Medina found a great many
rather rough, though not too small chest, since it was used for grain. coffins, but unfortunately most of them are undatable. So for instance
those from the second chamber of Tomb no. 366,1 which are attributed
40 An unknown kind of wood; ef. Drogenwb. 248f. and LORET, Flore
, 62. by BRUYERE 2 either to descendants of Neferronpe, which would mean
that they date from the late Nineteenth Dynasty, or to priests of the
Saite period. On the other hand, the coffins found in the Eastern
necropolis 3 belonged to the Eighteenth Dynasty.4 They testify that in
this period two types were used, namely the anthropoid, mummiform
/ chest and the rectangular box-shaped type. 5 Since the latter disappeared
during the Nineteenth Dynasty 6 it is unlikely that we shall find its
name in the price-ostraca.
Another group of coffins found intact is that of Setau and his
family, 7 being simple Osirid chests; but they, too, date from the
Eighteenth Dynasty.
The only complete, unopened tomb discovered by the French excava-
tors is the tomb of SennUfe (no. 1159),8 opened in February 1928. It
contained, among other things, two mummies, that of Senniife himself
and that of his wife Nefertiti. Both were lying in a single mummy-
shaped coffin, while Senniife's mummy was moreover covered with a

1 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, 108ff.

2 Op. cit., 111.
3 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 24ff.
4 Op. cit., 6ff.
5 See, e.g., op. cit., figs. 11 and 14.
6 HAYES, Scepter n, 414.
7 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 102ff. and pI. 10.
8 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1928, 4Off.

painted cartonnage mask. 9 However, Senniife may also have belonged one being mummiform (Cairo Exh. no. 2002) and the inner one
to the Eighteenth Dynasty,10 since his name appears to be unknown depicting his hair and beard as he wore these during lifetime. 18
in later ostraca. No scientific description of the objects of Tomb no. 1 which remained
Another intact tomb was excavated in 1906 by SCHIAPARELLI. It is in Cairo was ever published. 19 Senniidjem himself possessed one coffin
the tomb of the architect Kha', the contents of which have been with two lids (Cairo Exh, no. 2001), the outer one being mummiform,
transferred to the Museo Egizio at Turin. 11 In it were also found two the inner one representing him with naked upper body and a long,
mummies, that of Kha' and that of his wife Merit. The former lay in white skirt. The lids and the lower part together were contained in a
a mummiform coffin, which was placed in a second one of the same type, larger sarcophagus of the naos-like type,20 to which also belonged a
the whole being placed in a box-shaped chest. There was no mask large sledge. 21
covering the head of the mummy itself. His wife, however, lay in a Another member of the same family also buried in the tomb was
single mummiform coffin, also placed in a box-shaped chest, but she Tamake, the wife of Khonsu and daughter-in-law of Senniidjem. Her
wore a mask covering her head and the upper part of her breast. 12 coffins are now in Berlin. The outer one represents her as mummy,
This tomb again dates from the Eighteenth Dynasty, since Kha' died the inner one again as she was in real life. 22 The same is true of the
under the reign of Amenophis IIIY coffins of Ese (Cairo Exh. no. 2000), who also belonged to the family.
Yet another tomb found intact is that of Senniidjem (no. I), the From the excavations at Deir el-Medina there are some other
contents of which are now for the greater part in the Cairo Museum, instances of coffins representing living persons. BRUYERE refers to
the remainder being scattered all over the world. 14 The tomb was fragments of an anthropoid woman's coffin of the Ramessid period
discovered and opened by MASPERO in 1886. Unfortunately we possess which "repn':sentait la defunte couchee, en toilette d'epoque", 23 and
no adequate contemporary description of its contents. 15 The mummies elsewhere mentions a fragment of a coffin "qui devait representer un
and coffins of Senniidjem's wife Ineferti, and-partly-those of his homme en costume civil, robe blanche plissee". 24 The latter was found
son Khonsu are now in New York.!6 Ineferti possessed two anthropoid in Tomb no. 357 of Dl:lUtl).imaktef, dating from the Nineteenth
coffins, one fitting into the other, and underneath, covering the head Dynasty.25 A third example may have been noted from pit no. 1454 26
of the mummy, a car tonnage mask. This time there is a clear difference / at the north side of Qurnet Mura'i, but BRUYERE'S description is not
between the coffins, except for a slight difference in size, in that the quite clear.
outer coffin represents the lady as a mummy, while on the inner Turning now to the pictures on the tomb walls we should first say
coffin she appears as she was in real life, clad in a long, white that the necropolis of Deir el-Medina offers very scanty material for
robe.! 7 Khonsu, the son, also possessed two coffins and a mask, and the study of daily life, most of the paintings being of a religious
here again the same difference between the coffins is found, the outer nature. One important exception is the decoration of the tomb of

18 For the inner coffin, cf. op. cit., fig. 265.

19 They are exhibited in room 17 of the Cairo Museum. For a brief survey of the
9 For a description of Senniife's coffin, cf. op. cit., 48 ff.; for his mask, 52; see
literature, cf. PORTER-Moss 2, I. i, 4 ff. Since these notes refer only to publications
also pIs. 4 and 5. Nefertiti's coffin is described on pp. 60ff.; see pI. 9.
lOOp. cit., 73. they are of necessity incomplete.
20 For this type, cf. BONNET, Reallexikon, 659 ff.
11 Published by SCHlAPARELLI, La tomba intatta dell'architetto Cha.
21 According to TODA (op. cit., 151) two sledges were placed in a corner of the
12 Op. cit., 17ff.

13 Op. cit., 188ff.

tomb and not under the sarcophagi.
22 Ausf. Verz., 174 (Berlin nos. 10 832 and 10 859). For the inner coffin, see also
14 The objects are known to be present in Moscow, Copenhagen, Berlin and
VALDEMAR SCHMIDT, Sarkofager, Mumiekister etc. (K0benhavn, 1919), fig. 732.
23 Rapport DeM. 1927, 90.
15 The description by TODA (a French translation in ASAE. 20, 1920, 147ff.) is
24 Rapport DeM. 1929,77.
disappointingly summary.
2' See p. 45.
16 HAYES, Seepter 11, 414ff.
26 Rapport DeM. 1948-51, 100.
17 Op. cit., fig. 264.

Ipuy (Tomb no. 217). Here we find depicted on the northern wall 2c that it indicates the anthropoid coffin.34 The problem here is whether
from left to right: first the catafalque of Ipuy 28 resting on a boat, both the mummy-shaped type and that representing the body as it was
then two anthropoid coffins, both bearded. 29 the left one of which is during its lifetime were referred to by this word, or whether the
slightly larger than its companion, and on the right a mummy-mask. latter type h:ld a different name. The box-shaped type, which fell into
All four objects are having the finishing touches put to them by the disuse after the Eighteenth Dynasty, will not be mentioned in any
different artisans, the larger coffin being in the process of being price-text, all of which date from later periods.
painted, while a carpenter is at work with a chisel on the The second word for coffin may be swbt. Originally meaning 'egg',
smaller one. Above the mask are depicted two scenes, one of a it is translated by the Wb. 35 as 'Name des innersten Sarges'.36 In the
sycamore the wood of which was used for the coffins being felled, the light of what has been stated above one might suppose, however, that
other showing a pot of glue used for glueing together the layers of it indicated the mummy-mask instead of a coffin. The original meaning
cloth which constituted the mask. 3D Since the tomb of Ipuy can be of 'egg' seems appropriate for both, though more so for the mask.
dated to the late Nineteenth Dynasty, this picture is of importance for However, the identity of the process of making wt and swbt,37 while
the interpretation of the names of coffins in the price-texts. 31 on the other hand that of making cartonnage masks was altogether
From this archaeological material we are able to infer that four different from that of wooden coffins,38 together with the fact that
different objects were used for the burial of the workmen, namely a in at least one instance a swbt was more expensive than its wt,39 make it
mummy-mask covering the head of the mummy; usually two coffins, very improbable that a mask was meant. 40 That the inner coffin was
both of them anthropoid, though sometimes with the difference that indicated by a different name from the outer one-or ones 41_,
the inner one represents a living person, while the outer one is although both appear usually to have differred only in size, will be the
mummy-shaped; and around all this, in some instances, a sarcophagus. result of a difference in religious meaning. To what extent the
The latter may be absent, however-possibly even in most cases, incidental difference in appearance 42-the representation of either a
especially in that of poorer persons. mumtfly or a living person-was responsible for a special name
How are these data to be related to the four words for 'coffin' originating for the innermost coffin 43 remains uncertain. In this respect
found in the texts? By far the most frequently used is wt, which is
practically always determined with the wood sign and is several times . 34 See, e.g., WINLOCK, lEA. 10, 1924, 239, note 2. WINLOCK points out that
explicitly described as bt, 'wooden'.32 In one text, not from Deir lVl originally means 'covering', the first anthropoid coffins having been "looked upon
el-Medina, wt is determined with the picture of a mummY,33 confirming simply as an 'envelope' or 'covering'''.
35 Wb. IV, 74, 4.
36 PEET, Tomb Robberies, translates it as 'shell' (e.g., Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 054, 2,

16). Why elsewhere he preferred the translation 'shroud' (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052,
27 See DAVIES, Two Ramesside Tombs, pI. 36, lower register. I, 18), despite the fact that it is said to be made of gold and silver, is not clear.
28 It does not appear to be his sarcophagus, since the object is almost square and For SIf~1f as a garment cf. p. 290.
too high for that; the workman is unable to reach its top. Whether it is supposed to 37 Cf., e.g., Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 13ff. (= pI. 41).

contain a sarcophagus is uncertain, but not probable. 38 See the scene depicting the glue-pot in the tomb of Ipuy (p. 212).

29 DAVIES, op. cit., 70, suggests that one of them, despite the beard, belonged to 39 Hier. Oslr. 59, I, vs. I. Usually the sw~1 is cheaper; ef. Table XXXIV.

Ipuy's wife, but it seems far more likely that both were meant for himself. DAVIES seems 40 Note, however, that so far as I know the language of the ostraea included

to have overlooked the slight difference in size. no word for 'mummy-mask'. Although in religious texts it may be indicated by lp, it
30 Cf. DA VIES, loco eit. seems improbable that no special name existed for an object that was so usual in
31 The same group of objects is depicted in other Theban tombs of an earlier the Village. That it does not appear in the texts is the more strange as all the other
date; see, e.g., the tomb of Menkheper (no. 79): WRESZINSKI, Alias I, pI. 257, kinds of funerary objects are mentioned.
where we find two anthropoid coffins on funerary beds, as well as a box-shaped one 41 Combinatior.s of two lVI and one SlV~!I are by no means rare; cf., e.g., Hier.

and a mummy-mask. Oslr. 60, 5 and O. Varille 4.

32 The only exception known to me is O. Brussels E 305, vs. 2-3, where lVI, 42 Whether the particular appearance of the inner coffin of Senniidjem and his

written ~\J\.,,},,"," referred to as n ·5t. family was usual for his time is uncertain. I do not know of any other instance apart
33 Cairo no. 42 155 = LEGRAIN, Slalues et slaluettes 11, 22 (a statue of Beken- from those mentioned above.
khonsu): ~~~. 43 Sarcophagi representing a living person were not rare during the Nineteenth

it seems significant that the word swlJt appears not to occur previous to same as that of wt; though not actually proving our interpretation, at
the middle or even the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty, the period to least this does not contradict it. 55
which can also be dated the burial of Senniidjem and his family as The fourth name of a coffin, db]t, is translated by the Wb. as
well as all other instances of inner coffins representing living persons. 'Schrein' or 'Sarg'. PEET took it to be the outer coffin,56 but without
The third word in this series is mn-'nb, 44 occurring, so far as I know, indicating whether he thought it to be of a different type fr~m the wt,
only in ostraca. The Wb. 45 translates it with the colourless word while WINLOCK 57 rendered it as 'sarcophagus'. The latter mterpreta-
'Sarg'. In spite of its writing with;;;:! c'!:l 46 it may originally have had tion is indicated by the writing with = 58 or ~ ,59 and the fact that
the meaning of 'place of life' (MANWNZ).47 The object seems to have in some instances the db]t was made of stone (/1 inr) 6°-though it was
been made consistently of wood. 48 also a wooden chest according to its determinative and references to
On comparing the first lines of two related texts, namely Hier. the painting of it. 61 That it does not occur very frequently in the
Ostr. 60, 5 and O. Berlin 12 343, we find that the former mentions ostraca-far less so than the wt-but on the other hand appears usual
with regard to a certain lady 'An the wt '], which is decorated for for the expensive burials which were robbed at the en~ of the
20 deben,49 while in the Berlin ostracon the mn-'nb for the same lady Twentieth Dynasty,62 is also consistent with its interpretatIOn as a
is decorated for the same price. Since in these two texts there occur sarcophagus.
more instances of persons with the same names, it seems likely that
they also relate partly to the same objects, in which case the 'large' §47. wt
wt will be identical with the mn-'nb. Our conclusion is that mn-'nb On studying the prices of these coffins one soon realizes that there
refers to one of the outer coffins, otherwise called wt ']. Besides this
are different categories of prices. Except for those stating the value of
large wt there was also a small one (sri),50 a set of coffins sometimes, the object itself, which is sometimes said to be. decorated 63 and,
as was said above, being composed of two wt and one sw/:lt,51 although though l~ss frequently so, to be varnished 64-W hlCh means that the
in other instances only one wt and its sw/:lt are mentioned. 52 Although
the word sri may in some instances indicate size only,53 the expression 55 Wb. V, 561, 8 ff.
wt sri clearly means not only a 'small' wt but also 'the smaller', that 56 Tomb Robberies, 39 (Pap. Abbott 4, 3) and passim.
/57 lEA. 10, 1924,239; followed by GARDlNER, lEA. 22,1936, 179.
is, the inner one, 54 and wt '] 'the larger', that is, the outer one.
58 Hier. Ostr. 72, 1,3; O. terny 20, 4.
Now the latter was also called mn-'nb. The price level of mn-'nb is the 59 O. DeM. 233, 4 and 10.
60 E.g., Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 054,2, 15. _
61 O. Cairo 25 521, 3a and 10; O. Gardiner 133,4; O. Cerny 20, 4. . .
Dynasty; cf. SCHMIDT, Sarkofager, figs. 646, 647 and 649. All of these are stone 62 Note that in O. Cairo 25 521 the gbil of the chief workman ~neb IS palnt~d
chests and are not from Deir el-Medina. by workmen during their working-hours, probably against the regulatIOns. Pneb Will
44 O. Berlin 12 343, 2: pi. have possessed more expensive tomb equipme~t than usual; his. tomb, . prob~bly the
45 Wb. n, 63, I. southernmost of the necropolis of Deir el-Medina, IS also more Impressive than most
46 Hier. Ostr. 85, 2, 5; O. Cairo 25 242, 4. others. The equipment may have been something like that found In the tomb of
47 Cf. CRUM, COpl. Diel., 525b. For compounds withMAN-, cf. STEINDORFF,
Senniidjem. ., , ., d
Lehrbueh der koplisehen Grammalik, § 113. 63 Either ss or ss-(m- )~d. Whether the latter means 'sculptunng or carving an
48 E.g., O. Berlin 14 366, 2; Hier. Oslr. 62, 3, 2. the former 'painting', or whether both terms are used indlscnmlnately for both kinds
49 For this price, cf. p. 224, note 92. of work is not quite clear, though a difference seems unlikely. Note that. Hler. Oslr.
50 Cf., e.g., O. Berlin 1268, 11-13, where are mentioned pi wt 'i, pi wt sri and 60, 5, 1 say~ ni ss, where its parallel, O. Berlin 12 343, I has ni s~-~d.. In GlOrna!e 17 B,
liyj SW~I one after eachother. The expressions 11'1 'i and wt sri occur by themselves vs. 8 (= pis. 40-41) we find the same alternative use: the wt 'i IS said to be ss-~d, the
in several instances. 11'1 sri and the sw~t ss (~~). The translation with 'decoratIOn' may come very near
51 See note 41. to what the Egyptian scribe meant (see further Table. XXXI). Wood-carVing .o? ~
52 O. Gardiner 134; O. Gardiner 190; O. Strasbourg H 84. 11'/, however, is called bjk-~mww. In some instances painting IS mentIOned explicitly,
53 So probably SW~I sri in Hier. Oslr. 21, 1, vs. 4. cf. O. Gardiner 183, 3-4 and O. Michael. 14, vs. 3-4 (= pI. 49), and the ClfcumstantJal
54 There is no instance in which wl sri may stand for SW~/, so that it appears description of the work on coffins in Giornale 1713, vs. 8. .
that the Egyptians made a clear distinction where usually we see only a small 64 in" (m) mrh: O. Gardiner 183, 3; Hier. Oslr. 21, 1, -vs. 3; O. Tunn 9599, 3.
difference in size. See also Hier. O;lr. 54, 4, vs. 1, though from the context it may be suggested that

wt is sold in a finished state-there are also other texts mentioning

the price of the wood used for its manufacture,6 5 while others again
list prices of its decoration and of its construction. Ostraca listing the
E prices for the decoration of the wt usually mention other funerary
.S objects as weB, such as swbt or ytlt; (see §§49 and 51). They can be
...... ."
-,< •
recognized by their opening formulae, e.g., n5 ss-~d rdyt n A n (for
E $ :-- :-- ~.:""'
..:... :s
';;; .~ .~
':- ':-
in) B (0. Strasbourg H 84), n5 ss-~d Ur.; nf (0. Gardiner 151 vs.), or
"" ~ := :=

r rdyt n5 ssw nti m-di A (Lady Franklyn Hier. Inscr., 4), in other
" or. instances abbreviated to n5 ss A (0. Gardiner 134) or n A (Hier. Ostr.
""~" ~

60, 5), once even simply to ss A (0. Gardiner 139). In a few instances
... only one combined price for the decoration of one or two wtw and the
-'< - corresponding swbt is stated .
+ On recognizing the difference between the notion of the price of the
'~ V')
on "
+ coffin and that of its decoration one is tempted to conclude that in
some other instances of low prices also not the finished coffin but its
". decoration or construction is valued, even though there is no explicit
,: ,: ,: