Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
16
An Attachment Perspective
on Coping With Existential
Concerns
Phillip R. Shaver and Mario Mikulincer
291
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/13748-016
Meaning, Mortality, and Choice: The Social Psychology of Existential Concerns,
edited by P. R. Shaver and M. Mikulincer
Copyright 2012 American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
293
but unreliably so, placing the needy person on a partial reinforcement schedule that rewards exaggeration and persistence in proximity-seeking attempts
because these efforts sometimes succeed (Ainsworth et al., 1978). In contrast, people who score high on avoidant attachment tend to use deactivating
strategies: trying not to seek proximity to others when threatened, denying
attachment needs, and avoiding closeness and interdependence in relationships. These strategies develop in relationships with attachment figures who
disapprove of and punish frequent bids for closeness and expressions of need
(Ainsworth et al., 1978).
In short, each attachment strategy has a major regulatory goal (insisting
on proximity to an attachment figure or on self-reliance) that goes along with
particular cognitive and affective processes that facilitate goal attainment.
These strategies affect the formation and maintenance of close relationships
as well as the experience, regulation, and expression of negative emotions,
such as anxiety, anger, or sadness (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007a). Moreover,
the strategies affect the ways in which people experience and cope with
threatening events, including existential threatsthe focus of the following
sections of this chapter.
Attachment Orientations and Coping With
Existential Concerns
We propose that the attachment system was designed, or selected,
by evolution as a regulatory device for dealing with all kinds of stressors and
threats, including existential concerns about annihilation or death, which
Bowlby (1982) discussed in relation to the threat of predation in early humans
environment of adaptation. Because of the way the attachment system is
constructed, external or internal (symbolic) threats to ones sense of continued existence, lifes predictability and meaning, social connectedness,
or freedom and autonomy automatically activate the goal of approaching
an attachment figure and obtaining protection and support. If this strategy
regularly evokes the desired responses from sensitive attachment figures,
a person learns how to cope with existential threats and restore feelings
of safety, continuity, meaning, relatedness, and autonomy. Unfortunately,
unresponsive, unsupportive attachment figures and the attachment insecurities they arouse can leave a person vulnerable to anxieties about mortality, meaninglessness, isolation, and lack of freedom, causing him or her to
adopt less constructive ways of coping with these existential concerns. In
subsequent sections, we review studies of attachment-system activation and
attachment-related individual differences in responses to each of the four
major existential concerns.
294 shaver and mikulincer
Mortality Concerns
As reviewed in several other chapters in this volume (Chapters 1, 3,
4, 5, 6, and 10), awareness of ones mortality is a major cause of existential
anxiety, one that automatically activates psychological defenses. According
to attachment theory, making mortality salient also activates the attachment
system and energizes a persons attempts to attain care, protection, and safety.
This means that a sense of attachment security should be an effective terror
management mechanism that restores a persons sense of value and continuity, rendering other symbolic defenses less necessary. In contrast, lack of
available, responsive, and sensitive attachment figures may cause people to
rely on other forms of defense against death anxiety.
Death Awareness and Attachment-System Activation
In a study of the mental accessibility of attachment-related representations, Mikulincer et al. (2000) found that even preconscious reminders of
death can automatically activate the attachment system. They (Mikulincer
et al., 2000, Study 3) subliminally exposed participants to the word death or a
neutral word for 22 ms in each of several trials and found that words related
to attachment security (e.g., love, hug, closeness) became more available for
processing (as indicated by faster reaction times in a lexical decision task)
following the death prime. The word death had no effect on the mental availability of attachment-unrelated positive or neutral words.
There is also evidence that conscious death reminders cause a person
to think of seeking proximity to a close other (see Mikulincer, Florian, &
Hirschberger, 2003, for a review). For example, experimentally heightened
mortality salience is associated with greater psychological commitment to a
romantic partner (Florian, Mikulincer, & Hirschberger, 2002), a heightened
desire for emotional intimacy with a romantic partner (even if he or she
has recently complained or been critical; Hirschberger, Florian, & Mikulincer, 2003), and a heightened preference for sitting near other people in
a group discussion context, rather than sitting alone, even if this seating
preference exposes ones worldviews to potential attack (Wisman & Koole,
2003), something people often avoid when mortality has been made salient
(see Chapters 3 and 4, this volume).
Attachment-Related Differences in Managing Death Anxiety
Attachment-related individual differences are moderators of the effects
of mortality salience. For example, Mikulincer and Florian (2000) and
Mikulincer, Florian, and Tolmacz (1990) found that attachment security
is associated with lower levels of death-related thoughts and fear of death
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295
measured by self-report scales, projective tests (narrative responses to Thematic Apperception Test [TAT] cards), and cognitive tasks (completion
of death-related word fragments). In contrast, attachment anxiety is associated with heightened fear of death, as measured by both self-reports and
TAT responses, and with greater accessibility of death-related thoughts even
when no death reminder is present. Attachment-related avoidance is related
to lower self-reported fear of death but with a higher level of death-related
thoughts and anxiety in TAT responses. That is, avoidant individuals tend
to suppress death concerns and exhibit dissociation between their conscious
and unconscious thoughts about death.
Secure and insecure people differ in the way they manage concerns
related to death. Although seeking support for ones cultural worldview
has been considered the normative defense against existential threats (see
Chapter 1, this volume), there is evidence that this response is more characteristic of insecure than of secure individuals. For example, experimentally
induced death reminders produced more severe judgments and punishments
of moral transgressors only among insecurely attached people, whether anxious
or avoidant (Mikulincer & Florian, 2000). People scoring higher on secure
attachment did not recommend harsher punishments for transgressors following a mortality salience manipulation. In contrast, they reacted to mortality salience with heightened proximity seeking, a more intense desire for
intimacy in close relationships (Mikulincer & Florian, 2000), and greater
willingness to engage in social interactions (TaubmanBen-Ari, Findler, &
Mikulincer, 2002). These studies imply that even when mortality is made
salient, secure individuals maintain their sense of security and engage in generally prosocial activities, even if these are partially defensive in nature. In
contrast, defensively hostile, reality-distorting reactions to mortality seem
to result from recurrent failures of attachment figures to accomplish their
protective, supportive, anxiety-buffering functions.
Concerns About Lifes Meaning
The perception of coherence and meaning in life is crucial for maintaining emotional balance (see Chapters 7 and 8,this volume), and people often
react defensively when their sense of meaning is threatened or is shattered
by life circumstances (see Chapters 8, 10, and 11, this volume). From the
standpoint of attachment theory, we would expect threats to ones sense of
meaning, like any other serious threat to ones welfare, to trigger a search for
comfort, love, and reassurance from attachment figures. As a result, the availability of supportive attachment figures, in actuality or in ones mind, and
the resulting sense of attachment security, should contribute to maintaining
a solid sense of lifes coherence, value, and meaning. In contrast, attachment
296 shaver and mikulincer
297
Sullivan, & Lorentz, 2008). Similarly, Lambert et al. (2010) reported that
perceived closeness to family members and support from them was associated
with greater meaning in life among young adults, even when self-esteem, feelings of autonomy and competence, and social desirability were statistically
controlled. Moreover, implicit priming of relational closeness increased the
perception of lifes meaning when participants were in a bad mood (Hicks
& King, 2009). In contrast, experimental manipulations of rejection, social
exclusion, and loneliness (which are related to attachment insecurity) reduce
peoples sense that life is meaningful (e.g., Hicks, Schlegel, & King, 2010;
Stillman et al., 2009; Williams, 2007).
Mikulincer and Shaver (2005) reported a preliminary study that examined the association between attachment insecurities and perception of lifes
meaning. Participants who had previously completed a self-report attachment measure were primed with representations of either a security provider
(thinking about a supportive other) or a person who did not serve attachment functions. They then completed a self-report measure of the extent
to which they perceived the world as understandable and life as making
sense (Antonovsky, 1987). Lower scores on attachment anxiety and avoidance (i.e., greater attachment security) were associated with higher levels of
meaning and coherence in life. Moreover, compared with neutral priming,
security priming increased the sense of meaning and coherence even among
dispositionally insecure participants.
More research is needed on the extent to which attachment security
helps people find meaning in religious faith (see Chapter 8, this volume),
engage in generative activities such as caring for offspring or teaching a new
generation (Chapter 9), or enjoy moments of happiness (Chapter 7). Future
research should determine whether attachment insecurity leaves people
vulnerable to threats of meaninglessness; causes them to follow less constructive paths to meaning, such as political terrorism (Chapter 11) or disruptive
religious fundamentalism (Chapter 8); or encourages self-destructive tendencies that may end in suicide (Chapter 18).
Isolation Concerns
Experiences of disapproval, criticism, rejection, betrayal, social exclusion,
separation, loss of significant others, and loneliness can lead to aggression,
social withdrawal, and even suicide (see Chapters 17 and 18, this volume).
According to attachment theory, these kinds of experiences erode felt security
and automatically activate the attachment system and attachment-related
defenses. When sensitive and responsive attachment figures are available, felt
security is heightened, one feels stably connected to others, and the threat
of isolation is removed. In contrast, lack of security-enhancing attachment
298 shaver and mikulincer
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attachment-anxious individuals react to temporary separations from a romantic partner, or to divorce, with excessive rumination, catastrophizing, and
distress, avoidant individuals emotionally, cognitively, and behaviorally distance themselves from their partner and suppress tendencies to vocalize their
distress (e.g., Birnbaum, Orr, Mikulincer, & Florian, 1997; Davis, Shaver, &
Vernon, 2003; J. Feeney, 1998). Similar findings have been obtained in studies
in which mere thoughts of hypothetical or actual separation were aroused
(e.g., Meyer, Olivier, & Roth, 2005).
The distortion of attachment-system activation produced by anxious
attachment was observed by Mikulincer, Florian, Birnbaum, and Malishkevich (2002), who found that anxiously attached people mentally equated
separation with death. Participants were asked to imagine being separated
from a loved partner and then to perform a word completion task that measured accessibility of death-related thoughts. Those who scored higher on
attachment anxiety reacted to separation reminders with more death-related
thoughts. This may help to explain why anxious individuals tend to experience
intense distress following separations.
A conceptually similar pattern of results was reported by Hart, Shaver,
and Goldenberg (2005), who examined defensive reactions to separation and
reminders of death. Undergraduates were asked to think about their own
death, separation from a close relationship partner, or a control theme and
then to report their attitudes toward the writer of a pro-American essay. People who scored relatively high on attachment anxiety rated the pro-American
writer more favorably not only in the death conditionthe typical defensive
reaction to mortality salience (see Chapter 1, this volume)but also in the
separation condition. In other words, anxious individuals exhibited the same
defensive reaction to reminders of death and separation.
In a pair of experimental studies, Fraley and Shaver (1997) asked participants to write about whatever thoughts and feelings they experienced
while also trying not to think about their romantic partner leaving them
for someone else. Anxious individuals were less able to suppress separationrelated thoughts, as indicated by more frequent thoughts of loss following the
suppression task and higher skin conductance during the task. In contrast,
more avoidant people showed less frequent thoughts of loss following the
suppression task and lower skin conductance during the task. Gillath, Bunge,
Shaver, Wendelken, and Mikulincer (2005) documented related differences
in patterns of brain activation (using functional magnetic resonance imaging) when people were thinking about breakups and losses or attempting to
suppress such thoughts.
In a recent laboratory experiment, Cassidy, Shaver, Mikulincer, and Lavy
(2009) examined the ways in which attachment insecurities shape cognitive
and emotional reactions to episodes of rejection, criticism, or betrayal in
300 shaver and mikulincer
close relationships and explored whether security priming could reduce these
reactions. Participants wrote a description of an incident in which a close
relationship partner criticized, disapproved, rejected, or ostracized them.
They then completed a short computerized task in which they were repeatedly exposed subliminally (for 22 ms) to either a security-enhancing prime
word (love, secure, affection) or a neutral prime (lamp, staple, building). Immediately after the priming trials, participants were asked to think again about
the hurtful event they had described and to rate how they would react to
such an event if it happened in the future: how rejected they would feel, how
they would feel about themselves, and how they would react to these events.
In the neutral priming condition, the findings fit well with previous correlational studies of attachment-related differences in response to isolationrelated threats. Avoidance was associated with less negative appraisals of
the relational threat, less intense feelings of rejection, less crying, and more
defensive or hostile reactions; attachment anxiety was associated with more
intense feelings of rejection, more crying, and more negative emotions. These
typical findings were dramatically reduced in size (most approached zero) in
the security-priming condition. In other words, security priming reduced the
tendency of avoidant people to dismiss relational threats and distance themselves from a hurtful partner and the tendency of anxious people to intensify
distress and ruminate.
Concerns About Freedom and Autonomy
As with the other existential threats discussed so far, threats to freedom
and autonomy should activate the attachment system, along with characteristic affect-regulation strategies related to different attachment orientations.
According to attachment theory, the sense of attachment security allows
people to tolerate necessary separations from attachment figures and to use
them, when they are present or held warmly in mind, as secure bases from
which to explore the world, acquire new skills, and eventually operate autonomously with confidence that support will be available if needed. In contrast,
insecurity causes people to adopt either an overly cautious and dependent
stance (in the case of anxiously attached people) or to compulsively pursue
self-reliance (in the case of avoidant people).
Unfortunately, there is little research on attachment-system activation
following actual or imagined threats to the sense of personal freedom and
autonomy. However, research has shown that more secure people tend to
engage in more relaxed and confident exploration and learning of new activities and ideas and that security priming supports exploration (e.g., Green &
Campbell, 2000; Mikulincer, 1997). In the domain of career choice, it has
been found that adolescents with more supportive parents or friends have
an attachment perspective
301
distorting and socially damaging defenses. A host of studies have shown that
people who have developed dispositional attachment security deal effectively with the fact of mortality, the need for meaning, and the challenges
of freedom and independence. Moreover, they deal with these threats while
remaining relatively open, optimistic, internally integrated, and well-connected
socially. We had space here to focus on only a few examples, but there are
other relevant and important studies of attachment security and honesty,
authenticity, and creativity (e.g., Gillath, Sesko, Shaver, & Chun, 2010;
Mikulincer, Shaver, & Rom, 2011). Overall, a coherent body of research
indicates that people who are treated well by others, beginning early in life,
find life engaging, enjoyable, and meaningful.
Because research on adult attachment has grown up under the strong influence of prior research on infantparent attachment, existential concerns that
emerge later in development have not been systematically tackled by attachment researchers. There are many indications, however, that if we consider adult
attachment research in the context of theories and bodies of research regarding
existential concerns, the two lines of research are compatible and have a great
deal to offer each other. For scientists as well as nonscientists, realizing that
there is more to explore, more to learn, and numerous engaging and supportive
companions with whom to share these activities goes a long way toward fending
off existential anxieties and providing life with enriched meaning.
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