Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Edited
by
Stephen Quirke
51
.1
SIA P U B L I S H I N G
1991
Nacterlands Instituut
vsor ket Nabije Oosten
Laidan - Nodarland
SIA Publishing
Contents
Preface
Janine
Bourriau
Kingdom
Collier
C i r c u m s t a n t i a l l y a d v e r b i a l ? the c i r c u m s t a n t i a l
sdm(.f)lsdm.n(.f)
reconsidered
Detlef F r a n k e
T h e career of K h n u m h o t e p III of Beni H a s a n and the so-called
" d e c l i n e of the n o m a r c h s "
James
K.Hoffmeier
Kingdom
Quirke
Vernus
Preface
In April 1988 Darwin College Cambridge hosted an Egyptological
colloquium on Middle Kingdom studies under the title "the
Residence and the Regions", organised by Janine Bourriau. The
gathering of specialists provided a forum for discussion of many
points highlighted by the exhibition "Pharaohs and M o r t a l s "
mounted by Janine at the Fitzwilliam Museum. Since that double
triumph three years ago Janine has retired from her position as
Keeper of Antiquities at the Fitzwilliam Museum; in a small way
the papers that join hers in this volume testify to her energetic
role in Egyptology and her untiring assistance to colleagues of
whatever station. As editor and as a student who benefited and
continues to benefit from her guidance I take the opportunity of
this publication to offer on behalf of the others attending the
colloquium and contributing to this volume joint best wishes for a
long and bright future in promoting our subject and assisting
colleagues.
The editor and contributors owe a particular debt of thanks to
Arabella Binney and to Alan May for their generous subvention of
this v o l u m e .
The contributors to this volume include five of the speakers from
the 1988 colloquium as well as the organiser herself. In addition
research fellows Dr.Mark Collier of Corpus Christi Cambridge and
Dr.Richard Parkinson of University College Oxford have added
articles on language and literature, two areas of Middle Kingdom
studies not covered by the original colloquium. The final product
forms it is hoped some fitting tribute to the industry of Janine
Bourriau.
Stephen Quirke
April 1991
by Janine Bourriau
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature VolJ. The Old and Middle Kingdoms (Los Angeles,
1975), 58.
^ The bibliography is extensive, and the L together with the most recent issues of the PEB provides
the most convenient access to iL
3 The starting point for this paper was a lecture delivered at Emory University in Atlanta,at a
conference on "A Sense of Place: Regional Art and Archaeology of First Intermediate Period and Middle
Kingdom Egypt" in October 1990. It was organised by Dr. Gay Robins and the University Museum of
Art and Archaeology in conjunction with a loan exhibition, "Beyond the Pyramids. Egyptian Regional
Art from the Museo Egizio, Turin". I should like to take this opportunity to thank Gay Robins for
inviting me to give the lecture and to benefit from the discussions which took place.
Janine Bourriau
beginning of the XII to the early XIII Dynasty, for the practical reason that this has
been the focus of the most recent research and therefore provides the fullest and most
reliable data.
When considering burial customs we always have to accept that the tangible
remains are not the whole story, even in those rare cases where the burial is found
intact. The preparation of the body, the procession to the tomb, words spoken, rites
carried out at the entrance or inside the burial chamber: all these activities leave little or
no trace and yet may have been considered essential in ensuring safe passage through
death to the afterlife.
Establishing which changes in society may be reflected in changes in burial
customs is full of pitfalls. Until recently it was argued, following Moret's classic
exposition, that the adoption for non-royal burials of Coffin Texts (derived ultimately
from the funeral liturgy of the Kings of the Old Kingdom), together with the inclusion
of some items of royal regalia among the painted "Frise d'Objets" on rectangular
coffins, and the modelling of them on anthropoid ones, should be understood in terms
of the growth of the individual's political power at the expense of that of the King.The
breakdown of order, combined with the famines of the early First Intermediate Period,
had (it was argued) undermined faith in the King's power to maintain the divinely
ordered sequence of the seasons and the institutions of public life, and as a
consequence undermined also the belief in his control over the afterlife. This led to
"democratization" of the afterlife, in which the individual, independent of any King,
sought his own deification through identification with Osiris, using rites and prayers
previously restricted to Royalty.
A re-dating of Coffin Texts to the Middle Kingdom, rather than the First
Intermediate Period, that is to a time when the monarchy was strong, not weak, has
prompted a reappraisal. These changes are now thought to be an expression only of
the private person's desire to claim identity with Osiris after death, rather than an
attempt to usurp the privileges of living Kings. It is significant that only images of or
for the use of the dead adopt royal attributes: sceptres, crowns, garments, titles and
modes of address. They continue to be the exclusive preserve of royalty in sculpture
representing the living. Yet if the earlier hypothesis grew out of a preoccupation with
the relationship between the individual and the state, there is implicit in the new one a
modern assumption about the separation of the spiritual from the political side of life, a
division without meaning in Ancient Egypt. There is no doubt that the change in burial
customs did occur, that it was very profound, and that it reflects an equally deep change
in men's views of their relationship to the King, both in this life and in the afterlife. If
this change took place in the Middle Kingdom rather than the First Intermediate Period,
then it is in the society of that time that explanations must be sought
4
However, H.O. Willems, Chests of Life (Leiden, 1988), 14Iff; 238-244 and bibliograhy there cited,
interprets the ornamentation on "standard class" coffins as an "account of the ceremonies on the day of
burial". This paper owes a great deal to Willems' careful analysis of Middle Kingdom coffins, as will
be seen from the numerous citations to this work which follow.
A. Moret, "L'Accession de la Plbe Egyptienne aux droits Religieux et Politiques sous le Moyen
Empire" in Recueil d'tudes gyptologiques 8 (1922), 331-360; also H.Kees, Totenglauben und
Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten gypter (Leipzig, 1926), 164-9.
6 Willems op.cit., passim but especially 244-249. Not all scholars would agree to this redating, see J.
Hoffmeier and bibliography cited in this volume.
5
Willems opxit., 161, suggests that coffin painters did occasionally travel and cites a coffin from Beni
Hasan whose decoration matches very closely coffins from Bersheh. The art historical analysis such as
W.K.Simpson has begun for stelae in Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of
Dynasties 12 and 13 (New Haven and Philadelphia, 1974) has not yet been embarked upon for coffin
decoration.
8 See for example the fragments of an unprovenanced coffin in the Fitzwilliam Museum, E.W.66a,b.
J.Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals. Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom (Cambridge, 1988) Cat.no.67.
It has been assigned to Asyut and to the reign of Amenemhet II on the evidence of the owner's name,
Wepwawetemhet, and the pattern of three vertical text columns between the panels and four vertical text
columns at each end of the long sides. The design is unique to Asyut. The alignment in the published
photograph should be corrected. The two pieces belong side by side with a gap the width of one panel
and two vertical text columns between them.
Willems op.cit., 239.
9
Janine Bourriau
the import on shape alone, and many excavation reports provide no other
information.
Centres within these regions - places like Asyut, Aswan, Bersheh, Beni Hasan,
and Gebelein - were immemorially ancient Nome capitals or cult centres, inheritors of
local traditions going backiperhaps even beyond the Unification under Mens. In
addition to these places there were three significant urban centres: the Residence, Iit3wy, probably to be identified with Lisht; Thebes, the centre of the administration of
the Southern part of Egypt and the heartland of the XI and XII Dynasties; and finally
Abydos, centre of pilgrimage, the burial place of Osiris. Much of the history of the first
part of the Middle Kingdom, up till the end of the reign of Senwosret HI, can be seen in
terms of the interplay between on the one hand these three cities, dominated by the
activities of the King and his officials, and on the other the provincial centres controlled
by dynasties of Nomarchs and their dependents.
Why did Amenemhat I choose to establish what was in effect a new capital city,
a new royal Residence at It-t3wy, between Memphis and the Fayum, ignoring
Memphis itself? It may have been because his own reign was not secure, if we accept at
face value the Instructions he left for his son Senwosret I, which tell him:
10
1 0
This is a problem encountered in establishing the distribution of storage vessels of Marl C fabric,
made of a clay from the Memphis-Fayum region, into Middle Egypt, Nubia and the Delta, bypassing
Upper Egypt; see J.Bourriau, "Nubians in Egypt during the Middle and New Kingdoms" to be
published by the British Museum.
Lichtheim opxit., 136; S. Quirke in Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, Cat.no.60.
W.CHayes, "Horemkha'uef of Nekhen and his Trip to It-towe" in JEA 33 (1947), 3-11.
1 1
1 2
The region around the Residence, from Dahshur in the North to and including
the Fayum, was a focus for royal activity throughout the XII and XIII Dynasties. Here
the kings were buried: there are Pyramids of Amenemhet II, Amenemhet III and
Senwosret III at Dahshur, Senwosret I and Amenemhet I at Lisht, Senwosret II at
Lahun, and Amenemhet III again at Hawara. To the cemeteries around the Pyramid
complexes came the great officials of the state, the vizirs and treasurers, desiring to be
buried close to the King they served. In this way they had access, by favour of the
King, to all the resources of the royal workshops. Sinuhe describes the favours
showered on him by Senwosret I, "A stone Pyramid was built for me in the midst of
the Pyramids. The masons who build tombs constructed it. A master draughtsman
designed it. A master sculptor carved in it. The overseers of construction in the
Necropolis busied themselves with it. All the equipment that is placed in a tomb shaft
was supplied. Mortuary priests were given me. A funerary domain was made for me. It
had fields and a garden in the right place as is done for a Companion of the first
rank." The attraction of such patronage in this world and the next must have been
great: it was sufficient to cause the successor of Khnumhotep II to abandon his
unfinished tomb at Beni Hasan in favour of a mastaba at Dahshur, close to the Pyramid
of Amenemhet III.
We can perhaps assume that such burials of the highest officials and their
families, i.e. of those people closest to the King, would have been the first to respond
to change. In the early XII Dynasty each King moved his mortuary complex to a new
site, and whilst retaining the Royal Pyramid as centrepiece, rearranged the elements of
Mortuary Temple, Valley Temple, subsidiary Pyramids and private mastabas. Such
architectural innovation and experiment would have provided a climate encouraging to
changes in burial rites and equipment It is significant that the two most popular designlayouts for the external decoration of "standard class" coffins, Willems' layouts of
types IV and VI, may originate in the cemeteries around the Residence. Two Lisht
coffins are among his earliest sources for type IVaa, and type VI is thought to derive
from the decoration on the royal sarcophagi of Senwosret II and III and Amenemhet HI
at Lahun and Dahshur.
Similarly, in pottery studies Dorothea Arnold has recently shown that the
Riqqeh-Lahun-Harageh corpus thought to be characteristic of Dynasty X I I originated
at Lisht in the second half of the reign of Senwosret I . Given the different ceramic
traditions prevailing in Egypt in the early XII Dynasty, it is possible to chart the spread
of this "Residence" pottery tradition as it reached the rest of Egypt and Nubia. It is
significant that it arrives in Nubia before it appears at Thebes and becomes dominant
throughout the country only in the late XTJ Dynasty. Until then the degree to which it is
present on a provincial site can be used as one indication of the strength of contacts
between that site and the Residence.
Thebes had a different history in the Middle Kingdom, in so far as we know it.
It is rich in private and royal funerary monuments from the XI dynasty until the reign of
Senwosret I; thereafter, fewer monuments survive. The obvious interpretation is that
13
14
15
16
17
18
1 5
1 6
1 7
1 8
Janine Bourriau
private cemeteries become more modest, earlier cliff tombs are re-used and simple
shafts without superstructures dug, until the mid-XIII Dynasty when the centre of royal
power shifts southwards again. However, there is an exceptional amount of
unpublished evidence of this date, especially from the Metropolitan Museum of Art
excavations at Thebes, which may change this picture radically.
Abydos was the sacred city, home of Osiris and the site of his tomb, identified
in the Middle Kingdom with the tomb of King Djer of the First Dynasty. The Abydos
necropolis was continuously used for the burials of people who lived locally or who
were attached to the site's numerous shrines, but in the course of the XU Dynasty it
became increasingly important to be commemorated there, regardless of where you
were buried. People wished to dwell near the god in the same way as they might wish
to be buried or commemorated close to the royal tomb enclosure. Statues, offering
tables and stelae were set up in small chapels. These might belong to families, or to
groups of people whose work drew them together, and as officials passed up and down
the river secure in the stability of a unified country, we may imagine them calling in at
Abydos to arrange for a commemoration to be left for them and their families, patrons
or proteges at the Terrace of the Great God.
Hundreds of stelae were the product of this piety; publication and analysis of
this rich documentation is one of the most important recent advances in Egyptology,
giving us all the more reason to regret that so few of these stelae can be restored to the
monument from which they were extracted and so related to others of the same date or
family group. Nor, with very few exceptions, can they be related to the contents of
the extensive cemeteries of shaft tombs at Abydos. If we could relate burial equipment
and stelae as we can begin to relate sculpture and stelae, Egyptian archaeology would
be immensely enriched.
The regional styles that can be observed in the early Middle Kingdom were not
static, either in themselves or in their relationship to each other. As the XII Dynasty
progresses, a general increase in wealth is apparent, judging simply by the quality of
the raw materials used in private and royal monuments. Wood gives way to stone in
sculpture in the round, and modest burials contain gold and hard stone jewellery and
amulets. With this wealth comes a shift of resources away from the provinces
towards the Fayum region, around the Residence. This is most clearly seen in Middle
Egypt, at sites like Meir, Beni Hasan, Bersheh and AsyuL They had all ceased to exist
by the reign of Amenemhet III, whereas the main period of use of the Harageh, Lisht
North and Dahshur cemeteries came in the late XII to XI Dynasties.
19
20
21
22
23
24
1 9
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
2 9
Janine Bourriau
10
at Saqqara, Bersheh, Meir, Beni Hasan and Lisht than at Asyut and (not suprisingly,
given the distance involved and the strength of local craft traditions) Thebes. Too little
has survived from other Upper Egyptian sites for comparisons to be useful.
Nevertheless it would seem that local traditions in coffin decoration were more
tenacious at some places than at others. The relationship of the site to the Residence
may be a factor, not just in terms of distance but also in terms of the degree of contact
with the King and his officials. However, until the early XII Dynasty coffin types used
in the cemeteries at Lisht are published and can be compared with those from the great
cemeteries in Middle Egypt, the situation cannot be completely understood.
The strength of local styles also varied from craft to craft: compare for example,
the evolution of pottery style with coffin typology. Dorothea Arnold has shown how
the classic Middle Kingdom pottery repertoire was a creation of the Lisht potters in the
second half of the reign of Senwosret I . She has also shown how types-of the First
Intermediate period continued to circulate longer at Asyut and Beni Hasan than at
Sedment or Gurob. This phenomenon may explain why Seidlmayer, in his seriation
of the Beni Hasan tombs, placed those groups with classic XII Dynasty pottery in his
latest level, Level HI, dated by him to the reigns of Amenemhet II-Senwosret I I . The
pottery from Beni Hasan has a character all its own, and moreover, includes shapes
circulating in Upper Egypt as well as examples of the "Residence style". The potters
whose workshops were immortalised in the Beni Hasan tomb paintings produced a
funerary pottery altogether more idiosyncratic in style and technology than the products
of the coffin makers. This may also have been true at Bersheh and Meir,but the
evidence for the first site is unpublished and for the second lost. The evidence suggests
at present that the new pottery style contemporary with the type IVaa coffins,
introduced at the end of the reign of Senwosret I, was, unlike the coffins, confined at
first to the cemeteries in the immediate vicinity of the Residence, i.e. Lisht itself and
Riqqeh.
It is the reign of Senwosret III which introduces the final phase of the Middle
Kingdom. We can see changes in that reign which go far beyond burial customs and
touch all aspects of the material culture, language and institutions of society.
Such a profound cultural change did not come about simply through the King's
political will, as the culmination of Senwosret Ill's policy of centralisation of power,
but seems to be more deep seated and unselfconscious. Stephen Quirke has argued that
Senwosret Ill's concern to re-define the boundaries of Egypt may have been the
catalyst for this profound social change. He fixed the southern border at Semna, and
cut a channel through the rocks of the First Cataract so that, for the first time, the Nile
was navigable even at low water from the Second Cataract to the Mediterranean. The
effect of this on communications with Nubia is easy to see. Two examples may
suffice: the soldiers of the garrison of the late XTJ Dynasty at Buhen were buried with
33
34
35
36
37
38
3 3
The coffins from Lisht South and Lisht North are currently being prepared for publication by James
Allen of the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
See note 18 above.
Willems op.cit., 144, n.333.
16 SJ.Seidlmayer, Grberfelder aus dem Obergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich, (Heidelberg,
1990), 233. This book reached me too late to be fully incorporated into the present paper.
37 LBourriau, Umm el Ga'ab. Pottery from the Nile Valley before the Arab Conquest (Cambridge,
1981), 60-63.
Cemetery A at Riqqeh began in the reign of Amenemhet II, Arnold op.cit., 143, n.329.
3 4
3 5
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40
41
42
43
44
45
46
4 0
4 1
4 2
4
4 4
4
4 6
^exlands Insfctum
%5or het Nabije Oester
12
Janine Bourriau
depicted on them; faience model offerings of food and pottery; female figurines. At the
same time we begin to find a style of writing of funerary inscriptions which uses
mutilated hieroglyphs.
There is evidence that at least some of these changes spread out to the rest of
Egypt from the cemeteries close to the Residence and the royal funerary complexes
nearby. At the end of the XII Dynasty, the multiplicity of temples dedicated to the
mortuary cults of Middle Kingdom Kings was sufficient to ensure the presence in this
area of large staffs of priests, funerary scribes, and their dependent officials; here was
the perfect setting for new rites of burial to appear and to spread.
If we use the refinements in pottery dating now available from Lisht and apply
them to a few key groups from the region, where the association of pottery, objects and
(sometimes) coffin is reasonably secure, we may be able to establish when this change
took place. I am aware of the great danger in extracting individual groups from a mass
of archaeological material in this way, which is to generalise from a small and possibly
unrepresentative sample of data. I have, however, chosen either groups which have
already been used by others to establish the character of Middle Kingdom burials or
well dated groups from the most recent work at Dahshur and Lisht by Dorothea and
Dieter Arnold. (A list and brief discussion of the groups is given at the end of the
paper). What they show is that a change in the selection of objects for burial coincides
with the evolution of pottery types dateable to the late XH" to early XHI Dynasties. The
starting point jeems to be the reign of Amenemhet in and the end, in this region, the
advanced XII Dynasty. If we add three well dated groups from Abydos and Thebes
the chronological picture is similar, but there is also some evidence to suggest that the
changes occurred a little later at these centres.
Most cemeteries of the mid-late XII Dynasty produced funerary statuettes in
hard stones, representing the deceased as a wrapped mummy or wearing a long cloak.
The name and title may be given, with or without the offering formula and other
prayers, or the figure may be uninscribed. Such figures are sometimes placed in
model coffins, and are found in offering chapels at Abydos as well as in tombs
generally. It is consistent with what we know of Ancient Egyptians to assume a
multiplicity of purposes for these figures. The statuette could function as an additional
representation of the wrapped body of the deceased in funeral rites, and as a stand-in
for it in the offering cult, or in the afterlife if the real body were destroyed. The
statuettes seem to have evolved from the mummy figures placed in model funerary
boats, illustrating belief in the posthumous pilgrimage to Abydos.
The next step in the development of these statuettes is the application to them of
the shabti text, and this seems to have happened first in the Memphis-Fayum area. The
47
48
49
50
51
4 7
Kemp and Merrillees op.cit., passim; B. Williams in Sarapis 3 (1975-6), 41-55; C. Liliquist in
Sarapis 5 (1979), 27-8.
See above, notes 18 and 40.
^ Abydos B13; the burial of Renseneb in Carter's tomb 25 in the Asasif at Thebes; and the objects
from the Ramesseum tomb no.5. See tomb list.
50 W.M.F. Ptrie, G.A. Wainwright and E. Mackay, The Labyrinth, Gerzeh and Mazguneh (London,
1912), pl.xxx, two examples from Hawara dating from the reign of Amenemhet III; Bourriau op.cit.,
Cat.no.82, from Diospolis Parva, W38.
H. Frankfort in JEA 14 (1928), 239-40, pl.XXII,3.
4 8
5 1
13
52
earliest examples are from Lisht. The text is an old spell, first known amongst Coffin
Texts from Meir and El Bersheh. It is in the form of a legal contract, and sets out to
provide the deceased with exemption from his duty to help maintain the irrigation
system in the afterlife, by appointing the shabti as his substitute. This undoubtedly
reflects the practice of a society in which the great division lay, as it still does in Egypt,
between those who carry out manual work and those who do not. With the addition of
this text the shabti figure has acquired a very specific function, but it did not thereby
lose any of its earlier significance. Shabtis are still found, sometimes in miniature
coffins, in offering deposits, or they may be represented in relief sculpture on stelae
or in shrines.
When it appears on the statuettes, the text uses mutilated hieroglyphs in which
the legs of the signs representing birds, human beings, animals and reptiles have been
removed. The reason for this we know, since the practice also occurs in earlier
compilations, such as the Pyramid Texts: it is to prevent the power of the beings
represented by the hieroglyphs from doing harm to the newly dead, as vulnerable (in
Egyptian thinking) as the newly born to malign influence. The earliest burial group
known to me to contain the script is the burial of the princess Neferu-ptah, daughter of
Amenemhet III. From the late XII Dynasty onward, at Lisht, Dahshur and Hawara,
this mutilated script was used for objects placed close to the body in burial. The
tradition spread to Abydos and Thebes, the latest known example being the coffin
of one of the most important kings of the Theban seventeenth Dynasty, NubkheperreInyotef.
The wands and rods with their associated collections of magical figures, which
appear in late Middle Kingdom burials anywhere in Egypt, can be paralleled by objects
from domestic contexts at Kahun, a town dating from the reign of Senwosret II to the
XIII Dynasty. Unfortunately the archaeological sequence at Kahun is unknown, so
for most of the finds precise dates cannot be given. Nevertheless, the context is
interesting in providing general support for the date of these objects and illustrating
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
5 2
H.D. Schneider, Shabtis I (Leiden, 1977), 182. For Lisht 453 in which the shabti of Ameny was
found, see tomb list below.
53 Ibid., 46-7. To this discussion should be added Willems' comments on the dating of the relevant
coffins, B2L, BIP, p.75-7 and M47C, p.97.
54 See shabtis of Bener and Wahneferhotep from Lisht, in tomb list.
55 P.Vernus,"Une Formule des shaouabtis sur un pseudo-naos de la XHIe Dynastie" in Revue
d'Egyptologie 26 (1974), 101-114.
56 P.Lacau,"Suppressions et modifications de signes dans les textes funraires" in ZS 51 (1914), 164.
57 N. Farag and Z. Iskander, The Discovery ofNeferwptah (Cairo, 1971), 48-58.
58 Abydos B13,dateable to Dynasty XIII, see tomb list.
59 Carter and Carnarvon tomb 25, which has a terminus post quern of the reign of Amenemhet IV; see
tomb list.
60 in the British Museum, see H.E.Winlock,"The Tombs of the Kings of the Seventeenth Dynasty at
Thebes" in JEA X (1924), pl.XIV.
W.M.F.Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara (London, 1890), pLVHI.
62 The meagre information in the reports has been painstakingly examined in Kemp and Merrillees,
op.cit., 57-102.
6 1
Janine Bourriau
14
63
how devices perhaps long used to protect the living, were being adopted into burial
practices. The idea that the newly born and the newly dead required the same magical
protection against the natural forces of disease and decay, the supernatural powers of
the night and of the desert and the unquiet dead was hardly an innovation. The
kinship between some spells among the Coffin Texts and the medico-magical papyri,
such as those in the Ramesseum find, shows this very well. Nevertheless the notion
seems to have found new expression at this time in the Memphis-Fayum region.
The female figurines which also appear at this time cannot on present evidence
be thought to originate in a particular region; sundry types were in circulation and
represent local variants. The model food offerings and miniature cups made of
faience, perhaps in origin a replacement for wooden tomb models, do seem to be more
popular in the Memphis-Fayum region than in Upper Egypt but that may be a distortion
due to an imbalance in the sources available to us.
From the mid-XII Dynasty onwards, after the reign of Senwosret IU, changes
in the decoration of coffins also occurred, coinciding with this change in the burial
goods. Firstly the trend towards standardisation in exterior decoration becomes even
more marked, as the local workshops of Bersheh, Beni Hasan, Asyut and Meir cease to
operate. Willems shows clearly how his type VI coffin becomes the most common type
throughout Egypt after the reign of Senwosret III. Secondly the frequency of interior
decoration with Frise d'Objets and Coffin Texts shows a corresponding steep decline
after the end of his reign. Isolated examples appear until well into the Xffl Dynasty
but they are special cases: burials of the royal family and their household; ofSsnb-nf,
a chief lector priest at Lisht; and of officials close to the King. Moreover, the
coffins are not "standard class" coffins, but either "court" types or "deviants". The
few examples imply that access to the texts was much more restricted in the late Middle
Kingdom and this contrasts sharply with the situation in the early XII Dynasty, when
coffins from Aswan, Abusir, Bersheh, Beni Hasan, Gebelein, Sedment, Saqqara, and
Thebes, all carry Coffin Texts.
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
6 3
Altenmller, see note 74 below, makes their primary function to protect living women and children
clear.
4 Evidence to confirm this from other settlements in the region is lacking so far. The earliest levels
above water at Kom Rabi'a at Memphis, curreny being excavated by the Egypt Exploration Society,
are late XII Dynasty (personal observation). It is doubtful that any site in the valley, such as Kom
Rabi'a, can produce the range of objects in organic materials that have come from Kahun.
Bourriau opxit., 110-127.
66 Stephen Quirke, personal communication.
6 CPinch, "Childbirth and Female Figurines at Deir el-Medina and el-Amarna" in Orientalia 52
(1983), 405-414.
6^ Willems lists three exterior decoration layout types, IVaa, IVba and VI, which occur during, and (in
the case of IVba and VI) begin shortly before, the reign of Senwosret III and continue later. 20 coffins
with these types of exterior decoration also carry the latest type of interior decoration, Willems' type 2,
which includes Coffin Texts. Of these, none is certainly later than the reign of Senwosret III.
At Dahshur, see coffins DalC-Da8x in Willems op.cit., 22-3.
LiLi.Willems op.cit.,2A,\05; G. Lapp in SAK 13 (1986), 135-147.
T6C and TlOC.Willems op.cit.,\\l\ Berlev in JEA 60 (1974), 106-113.
72 Willems op.cit., List 1, for definitions of these terms.
Examples from these sites all carry Willems' type I layout of exterior decoration, which dies out
after the reign of Amenemhet I; p.127 with chronological table p.121.
6 5
6 9
7 0
7 1
7 3
15
75
76
7 4
H.AItenmiiller, Die Apotropaia und die Gtter Mittelgyptens, Diss. Munich, 1965. vols.I, U; id.,
in SAK 13 (1986), 1-27.
75 See tomb list below.
76 Quirke in Bourriau op.cit., Cat.no.41.
16
Janine Bourriau
less costly, and so a "goodly burial in the west", with its promise of eternal life,
available to many more individuals. Fewer burials were furnished with both inner and
outer coffins and fewer coffins had interior as well as exterior decoration; instead of
specially made tomb models, what was placed in the tomb was amulets and magical
figurines used in daily life, together with standard pottery vessels and food offerings. It
is noticeable at Lisht North, for example, that there were many more burials of the late
Xll-Xm Dynasties than of the early XII Dynasty and to judge by their inscriptions,
these were not individuals of high rank; such people had moved away to set up their
"dwelling" close to the King they served or, more often, his successor.
The political process which marked the end of the Middle Kingdom was the
reduction in the area controlled by the Pharaoh from the Residence at It-t3wy,
culminating in the removal of the royal household to Thebes. This event must have
been traumatic when it took place; nevertheless the evidence does not show, to date,
that a correspondingly sudden or even very profound cultural change followed it. In
Northern Egypt, the burial traditions of the late Middle Kingdom continue; the separate
culture of the Eastern Delta flourishes until the period of the Hyksos wars. At the great
mortuary temples of the XII Dynasty Kings at Lisht and Dahshur, one can observe,
from the mid-XIII Dynasty onwards, an invasion of first, tomb shafts, then houses and
grain silos into the sacred precincts. However, the contents of those houses and shafts
show a steady evolution, not an abrupt change from the familiar types of the XII
Dynasty itself. It is the advent of the XVIII Dynasty which introduces the next major
cultural phase.
TOMB LIST
7 7
Lisht South
Wahneferhotep Group. Shabti and model coffin , both inscribed using the mutilated
script, associated with pottery of the late XIII Dynasty.
Closed group. Date: Advanced XJJJ Dynasty or later.
78
79
80
81
82
Bener Group. Shabti and model coffin , both inscribed using the mutilated script,
associated with pottery of the late XH-early XIII Dynasty.
Closed group. Date: Late XII - early XI Dynasty.
83
7 7
There are undoubtedly many other relevant groups from Lisht, but they must await full publication
of the cemeteries around the North and South Pyramids. I have selected groups referred to in Kemp and
Merrillees (see note 16 above), two recently published closed groups from Lisht South, and Senebtisi,
because her burial is a constant source of reference.
Schneider, opxit., 183. Type HIB, text version IIIA, fig.6.
79 P.Dorman in Arnold op.cit., 147-149.
Arnold op.cit., 37-40.
Schneider opxit., 183.Type HIA, text version ITIA, fig.6.
Dorman in Arnold op.cit., 147-149.
Arnold op.cit., 34-37.
7 8
8 0
8 1
8 2
8 3
17
Lisht North
Tomb 315. Faience hippopotamus; lion from a magic rod; squatting man holding an
offering table ; with pottery of Amenemhet III or a little later. The pottery included
carinated cups, which do not occur in the early XII Dynasty corpus at Lisht South
but do appear at Dahshur in the cemetery around the Pyramid of Amenemhet UP and
in late XII Dynasty stratified levels at Memphis, Kom Rabi'a.
No information on number of burials. Date: Late XII Dynasty
94
85
86
87
88
39
90
91
Tomb 453. An elaborate shaft tomb which contained remains of two burials, judging
by the presence of two skulls and of 3 inlaid eyes from coffins. There were
fragments of an anthropoid coffin; faience figurines of women; model food; magical
figurines of a cat and a jerboa; a scarab and shabti of the same man, Ameny written
using the mutilated script; and pottery, including hemispherical cups with an index of
150, fragments of Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware, and the neck of a wine j a r of Lisht South
type shown on fig.70, no.67.
The pottery is not consistent with a single period of use but nothing is earlier than the
late XII Dynasty.
Date: Late XU Dynasty onwards.
92
93
94
95
96
91
Senebtisi.
This burial does not contain any of the grave goods whose date of
introduction I am seeking to establish but it is a key burial for the period. Now dated by
the pottery to the reign of Amenemhet III or a little later. The coffins support this
date.lt is a point insufficiently stressed in the discussion of the date of the burial of
Senebtisi that her coffins do not employ the mutilated scriptThis sets it apart from that
of Neferu-ptah which it otherwise closely resembles.
98
99
E.Riefstahl, "An enigmatic faiencefigure"in Miscellanea Wilbouriana I (New York, 1972), 137143.
85 pace Riefstahl.
86 Information from tomb card, by courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
R.Engelbach, Harageh (London, 1923), pLXXXIV, 10B-10P.
Arnold op.cit., 125-134.
89 Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung", see note 39 above, fig.6,no.l2.
90 Personal observation.
91 Kemp and Merillees op.cit., 167.
92 See note 86 above.
93 G.T.Martin, Egyptian administrative and private name seals, principally of the Middle Kingdom and
Second Intermediate Period (Oxford, 1971), 21, nos. 195,196.
9 Schneider op.cit, 182, type IIIA, text version IIC, fig.6.
95 Shown clearly in a photograph.
96 Arnold op.cit. At Lisht South this type comes in cluster 3, on fig.76, from a deposit dated to
Senwosret Ill-early Amenemhet HI.
B. Williams in Sarapis 3 (1975-1976), 41-55; C. Liliquist in Sarapis 5 (1979), 27-8; A. Mace and
H.E. Winlock, The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht (New York, 1916), passim.
98 Arnold op.cit., 37, n.114. Her observation is confirmed by comparison made by the author, of a
new drawing of the Senebtisi marl C jar, now in the Oriental Institute in Chicago, with the Dahshur
example of the late X" Dynasty cited by Dorothea Arnold.
99 Willems op.cit., 104-5.
8 7
8 8
9 7
Janine Bourriau
18
Closed Deposit. Date: Late Amenemhet DI.
100
Harageh
Cemetery A No.77.
Contained 3 burials in 2 chambers. Listed in Kemp's seriation
in a cluster around tomb 91, which has a terminus post quern of Senwosret III. It
contained a faience hippopotamus and a faience vase, pLXIV, 10,12.
Date: Late XTJ Dynasty or later.
m
102
Cemetery A No.55.
2 burials in 1 chamber. Pottery includes a wine jar of type 4 If
with an aperture index which places it in Arnold's cluster 3 , belonging to the period
between the reign of Senwosret II and the end of the XII Dynasty .The tomb also
contained a faience dwarf, pl.XIV,9 and "ivory hands", not illustrated. These are
presumably ivory clappers such as those found in the Ramesseum tomb, see below.
Date: Dynasty XII, Senwosret II or later.
1 0 3
104
Cemetery A NoS6.
Contained 10 burials in 3 chambers. In addition to pottery, the
group included a faience dog figurine, pl.XIV,8; a "rough" hippopotamus and
fragments of a headrest. If we can consider a deposit with so many burials as a single
g r o u p , the pottery includes a hemispherical cup of approx.index 140, dated by
Arnold to the advanced XIII Dynasty, and a carinated cup, a type which does not
107
occur before the reign of Amenemhet in.
Date: Advanced XIII Dynasty.
105
106
108
110
1 U U
I am selecting those groups listed in Kemp and Merrillees, 175. It is not possible to discuss
Kemp's seriation here, but in my view problems lie in his reliance on the accuracy of the typing of
pottery by Engelbach and in the assumptions made in reducing the original corpus to a size suitable for
the seriation technique.
Engelbach, op.cit., pLLVIII.
Ibid.
Arnold op.cit., fig.76, p.143.
Engelbach op.cit., pLLVIII.
105 Kemp in Kemp and Merrillees, opxit., 31, seriated the pottery in tombs with single chambers not
known to contain more than one body, and found that the results compared well enough with the
seriation from multi-burial groups to suggest there was no significant distortion. This surprising
observation needs further testing on other cemeteries.
Arnold op.cit., 141. It is dangerous, of course, to use a type drawing rather than a drawing of the
actual vessel to measure the vessel index, because the validity of any conclusions depends on the
accuracy of the typing which cannot, in this case, be checked since the whereabouts of this cup are
unknown. It is also dangerous to place too much weight on the evidence of a single cup, Arnold
opxit., 141. All that can be done is to suggest probabilities in the light of the evidence which remains.
See notes 89 and 90 above.
Engelbach opxit., pl.LVIII.
See notes 89,90 above.
Arnold opxit., 141.
1 0 1
1 0 3
1 0 4
1 0 7
1 0 8
1 0 9
1 1 0
19
ul
Cemetery A No.ll2.
A single burial in one chamber. Group of faience figurines on
pl.XIV.l. Among the pottery is a wine jar, 41m, which belongs to Arnold's cluster 3,
of the period from the reign of Senwosret II to the end of the XII Dynasty.
Closed Deposit. Date: Late XU Dynasty.
112
11
115
Cemetery S No.644.
Shaft with two chambers; no bodies recorded. A full list of
contents is provided by Kemp and Merrillees. Assuming this is a homogeneous
deposit, they argue in favour of placing it at the late end of the Harageh sequence. The
pottery includes two hemispherical cups with indices of 163 and 130 respectively,
suggesting an advanced XIII Dynasty date, with which the Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware
and kohl pots agree.
Date: Advanced XIU Dynasty.
116
1 1 7
Hawara
Tomb 58.
Intact burial in a pit containing the coffin of a woman, Sitrenenutet. There
was a female figurine in wood with a model bed; a scarab; a model storage jar of wood;
and a faience model of a pigeon. The pottery consisted of a water jar and two
hemispherical cups with indices of 165 and 175, dateable to the end of the reign of
Amenemhet III.
118
119
1 1
1 1 5
Janine Bourriau
20
box with the name of Amenemhet IV, and in the south chamber were a magic wand and
an ivory crocodile. The pottery, shown in the publication on pl.LII, appears entirely
consistent with the date of the box. The hemispherical cup has an index of approx.162.
The pottery group as a whole shows how the classic XII Dynasty style which
originated at Lisht had by now reached Thebes. Except for one Upper Egyptian type,
pl.Ln,2 J5, all the pottery can be paralleled in the Harageh/Lisht/Dahshur corpus.
Date: Late XH-early XIII Dynasty, after reign of Amenemhet IV.
121
Ramesseum group. Shaft with three chambers. At the bottom of the shaft a group of
objects was found scattered around a box of papyri, within an area of 2 square feet.
The papyri had suffered only natural decay and had not been disturbed beyond their
original displacement into the shaft, and this suggests that the objects had undergone a
similar fate. There are strong links between the objects in style, function and date, all of
which suggests that we are dealing with a homogeneous group. This consists of 3
female figurines of faience and limestone; a paddle doll of painted wood; a wooden
statuette of a woman wearing a Bes-Aha mask and carrying snake wands; model cups
of faience; a model cucumber, a fragment of a large magic rod in ivory; fragments of
3 ivory wands; a pair of clappers; an ivory object of unknown use; faience figurines of
two baboons and a standing lion; an ivory djed pillar, and a cobra wand. The papyri
have been dated to the mid-Xni Dynasty and the objects are entirely consistent with that
date. It is worth stressing that with the exception of the cobra wand and the statuette of
the woman carrying wands.the objects are typical of a late Middle Kingdom burial.
They have been considered to be an exceptional group, composed of instruments of
magic used with the magical texts among the papyri. Their function within the rites of
protective magic, with the exception of the model food and vases, is unquestioned but
they are unremarkable within the general context of burial groups of the late XII to
Xni Dynasties.
Date: Mid-XUJ Dynasty.
122
123
124
125
Abydos
Cemetery B No.13.
The deposit contained the two shabtis of Renseneb with a
text inscribed in the mutilated script, and pottery of advanced XHI Dynasty date.
Date: Advanced XUJ Dynasty.
126
1 2 1
127
iE. Quibell, The Ramesseum (London, 1898) 3, pl.III; Kemp and Merrillees, op.cit., 166.
1 The detailed list given in Kemp and Merrillees, op.cit., 166, is not repeated here.
* ^ This class offigurineis to be dated to the late Middle Kingdom according to information provided
by Dorothea Arnold.
Wrongly identified by Kemp and Merillees as a handle.
Bourriau op.cit., 110-111, Cat.nos.62, 100.
T.Peet, Cemeteries of Abydos II (London, 1914), 57-8, 113, pl.XIII,3; Bourriau op.cit.,
Cat.no.83, 135a.
* Schneider op.cit., 183-4, type IIIC, text version IIIA.
2 2
1 2 4
1 2 5
1 2 6
2 7
Circumstantially
adverbial?
reconsidered*
by M a r k Collier
0. Introduction
The work of Professor H.J. Polotsky has had a profound impact on the study
of Middle Egyptian grammar, particularly the study of the syntax of the verb . It is now
over a quarter of a century since Polotsky published his discovery of the circumstantial
sdm(.f)/sdm.n(.f) in Middle Egyptian . Based on their ability to occur in environments
where simple adverbial expressions such as prepositional phrases are to be found,
Polotsky developed a syntactic analysis of the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) as
adverbial forms of the verb - an analysis which has become widely accepted.
However, in recent work I have put forward the case that, at least in certain
environments where the circumstantial sdjn(.f)lsdjn.n(.f) occur, such an analysis leads
to serious difficulties which do not arise if the circumstantial sdm(.f)lsdtn.n(.f) are
analysed simply as verbal verb-forms . In this paper, it is argued that the verbal
analysis of the circumstantial s(hn(.f)lsdjn.n(.f) can account satisfactorily for the overall
syntactic distribution of these forms in Middle Egyptian in the following seven
1
* I am grateful to Janine Bourriau and Stephen Quirke for inviting me to contribute to this volume,
even though I was not able to attend the 1988 Colloquium, and to Harry Smith for comments on a
draft of this paper. The research was supported by Research Fellowships from The British Academy and
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. For reasons of space, philological and grammatical notes and
references have been kept to a minimum.
For Middle Egyptian, see particularly: Etudes de syntaxe copte (Cairo, 1944), part III; 'Egyptian
tenses', conveniently in Collected papers (Jerusalem, 1971), 71-96; 'Les transpositions du verbe en
gyptien classique', Israel Oriental Studies 6 (1976), 1-50 (Transpositions').
Polotsky, 'Egyptian tenses', originally published in The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities,
Vol. II.5 (1965), 1-25. As Polotsky notes (41), Erman had earlier proposed a circumstantial form of
the sdm(.f) restricted to the iwf sdm.f pattern (g. Gr? 343).
3 The fully developed position is to be found in Transpositions', section 3. In this paper Polotsky also
proposed a circumstantial form of the prospective sdi(.f) (3.6). However, this form does not share the
particular distribution of the circumstantial sdjn(.f)/sd/n.n(.f) and is not discussed here.
M.A. Collier, 'The circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) as verbal verb-forms in Middle Egyptian', JEA
76 (1990) 73-85; id. A grammatical analysis of sentences with iw in Middle Egyptian (University of
London PhD thesis, 1989), revised version forthcoming as Verbal syntax in Middle Egyptian .
This analysis is intended to cover the occurrence of the circumstantial sdjn(f)/sdm.n(.f) in all Middle
Egyptian source genres. However, the exemplification focuses primarily on literary Middle Egyptian.
1
21
Mark Collier
6
affirmative environments in which they have been securely identified , and thus
compares favourably with Polotsky's adverbial analysis of the circumstantial
sdjn(.f)lsdjn.n(-fP'
1. After initial particles
2. After converters
3. Virtual' relative clauses
4. After auxiliaries
5. Adjunct/focus position
6. Coordination
7. Control
The central claim of the verbal analysis is that the bare circumstantial
sdjn(.f)lsdjn.n(.f) (i.e. the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n(.f)
without introductory
expression), and indeed the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare
pseudo-verbal construction, are unconverted, i.e. non-transposed, patterns. This can
best be seen in the sentence with adverbial predicate . The clause forms of this pattern
can be classed :
8
10
" Other possible occurrences after ir (cf most recently E. Doret, The narrative verbal system of Old and
Middle Egyptian (Geneva, 1986), 22 with fn 77) and after the negation n (cf F. Kammerzell GM 102
(1988), 46-50) are more contentious and are not discussed here.
7 This paper presents an overview of the verbal analysis of the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n(.fl. For
many of the sections below, details of particular analyses (where these differ significantly from the
Polotskyan tradition), full exemplification and comparisons with the Polotskyan tradition are to be
found in papers noted in the references below. To supply full supporting references, it has been
necessary to refer to a number of papers either in press or in MS form at the time of writing.
8 The term 'bare' is intended to indicate the basic syntactic formation considered apart from any
syntactically active introductory expression. Although it does not affect the syntactic status of the
pattern (cf the brief discussion of the relationship between syntax and morphology in section 4), the
morphological form of the pronominal subject with the sentence with adverbial predicate and pseudoverbal construction depends on the local morphological environment in which it occurs. After
auxiliaries the pronoun suffixes to the auxiliary (EG 37, 117.2, 323), after most initial particles
(excepting smwn, cf EG 241) the pronoun cliticizes to the initial particle (EG 44.2, 119, 324),
whereas converters allow a complex intermixing of the two (EG 44.2, 200, 223). In 'virtual'
relative clause, adjunct, coordination and en vedette usage, the auxiliary W is required to 'support' the
pronominal subject (EG 117, 323). However, Iw clearly does not behave as a syntactic converter or
initializer in this usage but as morphological support. The terminology adopted here is extended in its
syntactic sense to cover pronominal examples including examples with w-support,
The pseudo-verbal construction is standardly treated as exhibiting the syntactic form of the sentence
with adverbial predicate. However, in the present analysis, this holds only for the pseudo-verbal
construction with preposition + infinitive predicate. The Stative is analysed as a verbal verb-form in
much the same manner as discussed below for the circumstantial sd/n(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) (cf particularly the
discussion of the inherent non-nominality of unconverted verbal expressions below). However, the
Stative differs from the simple suffix conjugation forms in exhibiting SVO order (as well as mandatory
agreement and in being able to occur without a subject as a predicative phrasal expression). The pseudoverbal construction with stative predicate is hence analysed as a verbal sentence exhibiting SVO order.
Since this issue lies beyond the bounds of the present paper, attention is focused on the simple
sentence with adverbial predicate.
10 The classification is dependent, of course, on analyses which differ somewhat from the traditional
Polotskyan analysis. See the relevant sections below.
3
Circumstantially adverbial?
(initial) main
clause
'adverbial'
clause
true 'adverbial'
clause
nominal clause
adjectival clause
converter/initializer
initial particle/auxiliary
e.g. mkllw
unconverted clause
sr m pr
srm pr
prepositional converter
e.g. hr-ntt
nominal converter
e.g. ntt/wnt/wn(n)
adjectival converter
e.g. nty/wn(n)
sr m pr
srmpr
11
sr m.f
In this analysis the form traditionally analysed as the 'adverbial' clause form is analysed
as the basic unconverted form of* this construction which co-occurs with initial
particles, auxiliaries and converters.
It would seem that the simple suffix conjugation presents an analogous
paradigm. If Polotsky is correct about the role of nominal and adjectival
transpositions , then the forms of the sdm(.f)Isd.m.n(.f) can be organized similarly:
12
(initial) main
clause
'adverbial'
clause
true 'adverbial'
clause
nominal clause
adjectival clause
converter/initializer
initial particle!auxiliary
e.g. mkllw
prepositional converter
e.g. hr-ntt
unconverted clause
circumstantial
$dm( f)lsdjn.n(.f)
circumstantial
sdm(.f)/sdm.n(,f)
circumstantial
s dm ( f) Is dm .n(.f)
sdm(f)lsdpi.n(.f)
The circumstantial sgjn(.f)lsdjn.n( f), the forms traditionally analysed as the 'adverbial'
forms of the simple suffix conjugation, are analysed as the basic unconverted forms of
the simple suffix conjugation which co-occur with initial particles, auxiliaries and
converters. However, in nominal and adjectival environments, the suffix conjugation
verb itself undergoes conversion and exhibits a specialized form. The verbal analysis of
the circumstantial sdjn(f)/sdm.n(.f) diverges from the Polotskyan tradition in that an
unconverted/non-transposed verb-form clearly cannot be analysed as an adverbial
1 1
Relative clauses, of course, exhibit a relationship between the antecedent and an overt or non-overt
resumptive expression within the relative clause. Cf section 3 below.
This framework is not dependent on the postulation of nominal and adjectival transpositions of the
verb. Indeed it opens up the possibility of alternative analyses of these forms (and hence of 'second
tenses'). However, this paper is concerned with the circumstantial sdm(.f)lsd,m.n(.f) and Polotsky's
analysis of the nominal and adjectival transpositions of the verb is adopted here to facilitate the
presentation of this overview.
1 2
Mark Collier
24
conversion or transposition of the verb, but must be analysed simply as the verbal verbform of the simple suffix conjugation .
In the present framework, the basic parts of speech are analysed as feature
bundles . In particular, parts of speech are classed according to their nominal and
verbal properties. It is commonly recognized that in Middle Egyptian nouns and
adjectives contrast with (unconverted) verbs and prepositions in having nominal
properties . At the same time verbs and adjectives contrast with (true) nouns and
prepositions in having verbal properties . The Middle Egyptian parts of speech may
thus be represented:
13
14
15
16
3)
noun
adjective
verb
'adverb'
[NJ
[+N]
[+N]
[-N]
[-N]
[V]
[-V]
[+V]
[+V]
[-V]
13 The present paper is concerned solely with the synchronic analysis of the syntax of the
circumstantial sdjn(.f)/sdm.n(f) in Middle Egyptian. However, the verbal analysis is not incompatible
with the possibility of a nominal origin for the Middle Egyptian suffix conjugation verb-forms (here
the circumstantial sdm(.f)lsdfn.n(.f)). It is not precluded that there was a reanalysis of an originally
nominal form at some point before Middle Egyptian, as postulated, for example, for prepositions
(which may well have had a nominal origin but do not behave as nouns in Middle Egyptian).
1 The feature analysis of the basic parts of speech originated with N. Chomsky, 'Remarks on
nominalization', conveniently in id. Studies on semantics in generative grammar (The Hague, 1972),
11-61, and has become standard in generative grammar.
Cf EG 48.
Cf G 143.
The circumstantial sdjn(-f)lsdjn-n(f), the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudoverbal construction may be said to have the form of a 'small clause'. The small clause analysis offers
interesting possibilities for an analysis of a wide range of grammatical properties ranging from
tense/aspect effects to control.
4
1 5
1 6
1 7
Circumstantially adverbial?
19
20
21
22
*8 The internal grammatical relation between initial particle, auxiliary, or converter and the
unconverted clauses with which they co-occur will be the subject of the relevant section below.
!9 Cf J.P. Allen, in Essays on Egyptian grammar, ed. W.K. Simpson, (New Haven, 1986), 1-21. The
issue is but touched on here. The term 'relative tense/aspect' is deliberately intended to be vague in order
not to prejudice compatibility with a number of interesting proposals now under development.
20 Treating non-initiality as a tense/aspect property rather than as a property of syntactic subordination
has the important advantage of licensing the circumstantial sdjn(.f)lsdm.n(.f), the bare sentence with
adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction to occur syntactically initial in suitable
contexts, as noted for noun + Stative by F. Junge, in Crossroad, eds. G. Englund and P.J. Frandsen
(Copenhagen, 1986), 208-9 with fn 84.
This account draws on the similar usage by J.H. Johnson, Serapis 6 (1980), 69-73. However,
Johnson attempts to integrate non-initiality with issues of subordination and predication within the
adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sdm(.f)lsdm.n(.f).
Cf HJ. Polotsky, in Lingua sapientissima, ed. J.D. Ray (Cambridge, 1987), 18-9.
2 1
2 2
Mark Collier
26
This approach to the syntax of the suffix conjugation, the sentence with
adverbial predicate and the pseudo-verbal construction has much in common with that
of Polotsky and is clearly in his debt on many issues . However, there is a substantive
difference in the treatment of the circumstantial sdjn(.f)lsdm.n(.f). In Polotsky's
system, these verb-forms are analysed as adverbial transpositions of the verb on die
basis of their known ability to substitute with simple adverbial expressions such as
prepositional phrases and hence their distribution is to be accounted for in these terms.
However, in the verbal analysis of the circumstantial sd/n(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) presented
above, the behaviour of these forms can be described according to several more finelygrained grammatical oppositions which cannot easily be articulated within the
Polotskyan tradition. Thus the circumstantial sd/n( f)/sdjn.n( f) are unconverted forms
and are capable of aligning in a paradigm with other unconverted expressions
(particularly unconverted clauses) to contrast with converted expressions. They are also
non-nominal expressions and can align in a paradigm with other non-nominal
expressions to contrast with nominal expressions. Utilizing these resources, the verbal
analysis of the circumstantial sdjn(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) can account satisfactorily for the
distribution of these forms, not only in the core environments for Polotsky's adverbial
analysis (i.e. where the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) occur in a paradigmatic
environment with prepositional phrases), but also in environments which do not easily
reduce to an analysis based on adverbial substitution .
23
24
1. After initial p a r t i c l e s
25
27
2 3
This work is also indebted to recent developments in generative grammar. However, the present
paper is concerned with Egyptological issues and linguistic references have been avoided where not
integral to the argument. The term 'unconverted clause', coined to relate to the transpositional
terminology introduced by Polotsky, is essentially the equivalent of the Linguistic category S.
This paper is concerned solely with the syntactic form and function of the circumstantial
sdm(.f)lsdm.n(.f) and does not deal with their morphology, the essentials of which were established in
'Egyptian tenses', 11, 41, nor with predication, for which see Collier, JEA 76 (1990), section 4.
Tense/aspect (and thus non-initiality) and topic-focus/theme-rheme organization are not discussed in
order not to prejudice compatibility with other proposals currently under development (cf fn 19).
25 For details, full exemplification and comparison with the adverbial analysis, see Collier, JEA 76
(1990), 73-85. In the text examples are drawn where possible from the simple affirmative examples of
each pattern; negation and anticipatory emphasis are not normally recorded.
26 J.H. Johnson, in Festschrift Westendorf. Studien zu Sprache und Religions gyptens, I, ed. F.
Junge (Gttingen, 1984), 71-85. Cf Polotsky, 'Egyptian tenses', 41-5.
Other particles which exhibit this behaviour are: s, ti (see Collier, op. cit. 74-7); h3 (see id.
'Constructions with h3 revisited', GM 120 (1991) forthcoming); smwn,hr, nhmn (see id. 'More on
initial particles' MS). The claim of the present section is that these initial particles form a natural class
and co-occur with the same type of grammatical pattern (the unconverted clause, see below). However,
this does not preclude individual particles from exhibiting specific collocational restrictions which may
reduce or increase the number of patterns (drawn from the class of unconverted clauses) with which they
may co-occur in comparison to those exhibited after mk.
2 4
2 7
Circumstantiaiiy adverbial?
27
2
29
30
Since it is the behaviour of the entire pattern which is of concern here, this pattern is not divided
according to the well known sub-categories which have been investigated in recent years. Cf most
recently E. Doret Rd'E 40 (1989), 49-63.
9 For the presence of the circumstantial sdm(f)/sd/n.n(.f) in these examples, and for corroborative
evidence from negation, passives and the behaviour of verbs of motion, see Collier, JE A 76 (1990),
75-77 (2h).
The syntax of the existential sentence (0 is in need of detailed discussion and is not considered here.
However, the wn form found after initial particles (EG 107.2) is probably to be analysed as a noninitial main clause form.
2
3 0
28
Mark Collier
in paradigm a)-i) form a natural class as unconverted clauses. In this analysis, then,
initial particles simply co-occur with unconverted clauses :
31
PRT
mk
unconverted clause
a) initial main clause
sentence with nominal predicate
sentence with adjectival predicate
prospective sdm(.f)
second tenses
participial statement
b) non-initial main clause
existential sentence
bare sentence with adverbial predicate
bare pseudo-verbal construction
circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdm.n(.f)
3 In contrast, mk does not co-occur with converted clauses, whether nominally or adverbially
converted, cf Collier, op. cit 77-78. Clearly, this paradigm as it stands presents a fundamental problem
for the adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sdjn{.f)Jsd/n.n(f). In this environment the circumstantial
sdm(.f)lsdm.n(.f), along with the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal
construction do not occur in a substitutional relationship with cither simple prepositional phrases or
with indisputably adverbial clauses. Rather, they occur in a substitutional relationship with initial
main clause patterns, which are clearly unconverted clauses. Of course, there are various options
available, although these involve some emendation to paradigm 14) as presented here. The most
plausible is that advanced by Johnson, op. cit. 80 and 83 who proposes a deleted auxiliary before the
circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n(.f), along with the bare sentence with adverbial prediate and the bare
pseudo-verbal construction, removing the adverbial analysis of these forms to the internal syntax of
construction with auxiliaries, whilst supplying an overall main clause construction to enter into
substitutional relations with the other initial main clause patterns exhibited in the paradigm.
Hence mk behaves syntactically as a free 'prsentatif. Cf Polotsky, *Egyptian tenses', 45 and
Johnson, op. cit. 83.
3 2
29
Circumstantially adverbial?
subordinated to the initial particle (or some other expression) and they do not behave as
the substitute for a non-verbal part of speech, either nominal, adjectival or adverbial.
2. After converters
33
34
36
37
33 Details and comparison with the adverbial analysis in M.A. Collier, 'Preposition-n clauses' MS.
34 Johnson, op. cit. 81-3.
The discussion in this section can be extended to cover the occurrence of the bare sentence with
adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction after ntt/wnt/wn(n) converters in nominal
clauses (EG 186-7) and nry/wn(n) converters in adjectival clauses (EG 200, 396). The that-form
and relative form sdjn(.f)lsdjn-Mf) are direct (lexical) conversions of the verb and cannot be decomposed
syntactically into nominal/adjectival converter + suffix conjugation verb-form.
36 The common usage of preposition-n// clauses after introductory epistolary formulae in Middle
Kingdom letters supplies a number of examples of this construction. This usage, which serves to
introduce the main text of the letter, does not accord with the normal 'adverbial' usage of these patterns.
However, the internal syntax of the construction would seem to be constant across both usages as
recognized by EG 223,225 and Johnson, op. cit. 81-3. But cf fn 39.
37 As Johnson, op. cit. 81 fn 30 notes, this example could also be interpreted as a second tense.
38 The variants have wn, see W. Helck, Der Text der "Lehre des Amenemhet I fr seinem Sohn"
(Wiesbaden, 1969), 22.
3 5
M a r k Collier
30
40
converter
preposition-ntt
unconverted clause
a) initial main clause
sentence with nominal predicate
sentence with adjectival predicate
prospective sdm(.f)
second tenses
participial statement
b) non-initial main clause
existential sentence
bare sentence with adverbial predicate
bare pseudo-verbal construction
circumstantial sdm(./sdrn.n(.f)
39 Corroborative evidence for the presence here of the circumstantial sdm{.f)lsdmn(.f) from negation (n
sdjn.n(.f)/n sdjn(.f)), passives (the passive sdjn(w)(f)) and the behaviour of verbs of motion is given in
Collier, op. cit. There are no examples of the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) after preposition-/i/r
converters from the literary corpus. In the present state of our knowledge, it is difficult to determine
whether this is a genuine difference between literary and non-literary Middle Egyptian or a mere matter
of survival. In view of the relatively limited number of examples of preposition-nr/ constructions from
the literary corpus and the literary examples exhibiting negation (n sd/n(.f}/sdm.n(.f)) and passives (the
passive sajn(w)(./)), perhaps caution should be exercised. Notice that in either case, the discussion still
holds for non-literary Middle Egyptian and, of course, for the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and
bare pseudo-verbal construction after preposition-mr converters in literary Middle Egyptian.
The problems for the adverbial analysis are the same as after initial particles. In this construction
the circumstantial patterns are in a substitutional relationship with initial main clauses and not with
simple adverbial expressions such as prepositional phrases. Once again, an adverbial analysis requires
some emendation of the paradigm as it stands, perhaps along the lines suggested by Johnson.
4 0
Circumstantially adverbial?
31
This results in the maximally simple statement that the role of converters is to convert
unconverted (main) clauses into a form (courtesy of the converter) suitable for
specialized subordinate usage.
3. 'Virtual' relative c l a u s e s
41
Middle Egyptian exhibits two separate types of relative clause - the 'real'
relative clause and the 'virtual' relative clause . These two types of relative clauses are
well known to exhibit important differences in their syntax. However, of the two, the
'virtual' relative clauses has received little detailed attention .
'Real' relative clauses exhibit forms specific to relative clauses, i.e. forms
which do not occur in other usages. 'Real' relative clauses headed by verbs display
special verb-forms (participles and relative forms as adjectival transpositions of the
verb) , whereas sentences with adverbial predicate and pseudo-verbal constructions
display a converter, either nty or a form (participle or relative form) of the auxiliary
verb wnn :
a) participle
25) Leb 78-80: mhy.ihr msw.s saw m swht m3w hr n hnty n- nht.sn
I shall grieve for her children who have been broken in the egg,
who have looked on the crocodile-god before they have lived.
b) relative form
26) Sin B28: nfr irrt.n.sn
What they did was good.
c) nty clause
27) Sin B166: nd.l hrt hnwt-t3 nttm h.f
Mayl greet the mistress of the land who is in his palace.
d) wn(n) clause
28) Peas B 1,256: n rh.n.tw wnnt m lb
One does not know what is in the heart.
'Real' relative clauses exhibit typical adjectival properties: adjectival agreement with the
antecedent and the ability to stand independently without (overt) antecedent
(nominalized relative clauses). They also exhibit a strict strategy concerning whether the
resumptive pronoun is mandatorily oven or non-overt .
42
43
44
45
46
4 1
For details, full exemplification and comparison with the adverbial analysis, see M.A. Collier, The
relative clause and the verb in Middle Egyptian', submitted for publication to JEA .
42 The term 'virtual' relative clause is due to EG 195-6 (cf 182) and is retained here (in quotes) due
to its familiarity, although the term is something of a misnomer (see below in the text). The term 'real'
relative clause (similarly in quotes) is used to refer to the adjectivally converted relative clauses
introduced by relative converters and by the participle and relative form verb-forms.
43 Perhaps because of the problems which 'virtual' relative clauses provide for the traditional definition
of the relative clause as an adjectival clause. Equally, the 'virtual' relative clause provides problems for
the adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdm.n( f) in terms of adverbial substitution. See
Collier, op. CiL for discussion of both of these issues.
EG 353, 380 and Polotsky, 'Transpositions' 2.1.
EG 199, 200, 396 and Polotsky, Transpositions', 3.4.
For a recent discussion within the Polotskyan tradition, cf H. Satzinger, in Festschrift Westendorf
125-56.
3
4 4
4 5
4 6
Mark Collier
32
In contrast, 'virtual' relative clauses do not display forms specialized for relative
clause usage. Rather the forms of the suffix conjugation, sentence with adverbial
predicate and pseudo-verbal construction found are the circumstantial sajn(.f)
/sdm.n(.f), the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal
construction :
a) circumstantial sdm( f)/sdm.n( f)
29) Eb 91,3: kt nt msdr dlf mw3 hw3
Another (remedy) for an ear which gives off foul water.
30) Peas B 1,231-2: m wn hwrw hr htffn rh.n.k sw
Do not rob a poor man of his possessions, a feeble man
whom you know.
h) bare sentence with adverbial predicate
31) Eb 51,19-20: ir m33.k s stwt m nhbt.f
If you see a man on whose neck are swellings,
c) bare pseudo-verbal construction
32) Peas B l , 171-3: mktwm mtnty d3 nb hmt cJc3 cjy.ffdkw
See you are the ferryman who (only) ferries the possessor
of the fare, a straight man whose straightness is splintered.
'Virtual' relative clauses do not exhibit adjectival agreement with the antecedent, cannot
stand independently as nominalized relative clauses and do not exhibit the same strategy
concerning whether the resumptive pronoun is overt or non-overt. Indeed, in examples
29) and 30) above, the resumptive pronouns are overt in contexts where in the
equivalent 'real' relative clause the resumptive would be non-overt (participle and
relative form respectively).
In the present framework, the differences between the two types of relative
clause result from the form that the clause is forced to take; i.e. to properties of
c o n v e r s i o n . The choice of relative clause seems to be linked with issues of
dellniteness: 'real' relative clauses are required with definite antecedents and Virtual'
relative clauses are required with indefinite antecedents . Definite antecedents require
that the relative clause be converted into a specialized form exhibiting adjectival
properties, including adjectival agreement. Since they exhibit adjectival conversion,
'real' relative clauses are restricted to environments compatible with such adjectival
properties.
In contrast, indefinite antecedents do not require that the relative clause be
converted into a specialized form exhibiting adjectival conversion. Lacking conversion,
Virtual' relative clauses must, then, exhibit the form of the basic unconverted pattern
47
48
49
4 7
Circumstantially adverbial?
33
for the respective constructions involved in the relative clause. In the case of the suffix
conjugation, the sentence with adverbial predicate and the pseudo-verbal construction,
the basic unconverted forms are, of course, the circumstantial sd.m(.f)/sdrn.n(.f), the
bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction
respectively. As unconverted forms, these forms are just those used in other
environments where specialized conversion is not required and hence exhibit a wider
range of usages than the forms found in 'real' (converted) relative clauses.
Equally, this framework allows a unified approach to the form of the
resumptive pronoun within the relative clause. In the current framework, the form of
the resumptive pronoun in relative clauses (and other unbounded dependency
constructions ) is integrated into a general account of pronoun omission in Middle
Egyptian. Middle Egyptian exhibits two strategies of pronoun omission: omission
under relevance and omission under agreement. Omission under relevance is optional
and is sensitive to certain semantic/pragmatic parameters, particularly specificity and
animacy. In terms of specificity, pronouns with non-specific or contextually clear
reference are the more likely to be non-overt. In terms of animacy, pronouns with
impersonal/inanimate reference are more likely to be non-overt than pronouns with
personal reference (as a consequence, pronouns with specific personal reference tend to
be overt):
33) Fish A2,3: din 0 hr ht n Sbk nb S
We shall put (something) on the fire for Sobek, lord of She.
34) Meri C4,3-4: mk sp hsy hpr m k3w..... hpr.n.0 n-s m irt.n.i
See a wretched incident happened in my time .... that it came
about was not through what I had done.
In contrast omission under agreement is mandatory in that where agreement occurs, an
overt coindexed pronoun or noun cannot occur locally to (in Middle Egyptian,
immediately following) an agreement-carrying expression .
Since the 'real' relative clause exhibits adjectival agreement, resumptive
pronouns must be mandatorily orriitted within the local domain of agreement (e.g.
where the subjects of ntyjwn(n) clauses immediately follow the agreement carrier). If
placed beyond the local domain, they are generally overt, being sensitive only to
omission under relevance (including examples where the subjects of nty/wn(n) clauses
do not immediately follow the agreement carrier ). The interaction of omission under
agreement and omission under relevance thus provides the foundation for an account of
a wide range of resumptive effects in 'real' relative clauses .
In contrast, 'virtual' relative clauses do not exhibit adjectival agreement and
hence the resumptive pronoun can only be subject to omission under relevance. In
'virtual' relative clauses, resumptive pronouns, especially with personal reference, will
50
51
52
53
34
M a r k Collier
tend to be overt. Thus, in addition to examples 29)-32) above, consider the following
classed according to the function of the resumptive pronoun:
a) subject (cf 29 above)
35) Eb 102,3-4: hbs ib.fpw ml s wnm.n.f k3w nw nht
It means that his heart is covered like a man who has eaten the
unripe fruit of the sycamore.
36) Peas B 1,173-4: mktwm hry-$n w n rdi.n.fsw3 $w hrSee you aire as a chief of the storehouse who does not let
one who is lacking pass in areas/immediately(?).
c
ih
object
54
4. After a u x i l i a r i e s
55
Constructions with auxiliaries have been amongst the most widely discussed of
Middle Egyptian constructions . The most common auxiliary element is iw, which
56
5 4
Circumstantially adverbial?
35
57
will form the focus of the exemplification provided here . iw co-occurs with the
following (basic) patterns:
a) iw + noun/suffix pronoun + 'adverbial'expression *
i) Iw + noun (suffix pronoun* prepositional phrase/simple adverb
42) Peas B2,65: iw Sdw.k m sht
Your land-plots are in the countryside.
ii) iw + noun/suffix pronoun + Stative
43) Sin B307-8: iw twt.i shr m nbw
My statue was overlaid with gold.
iii) iw + noun/suffix pronoun + preposition + infinitive
44) Sh.S 119-20: iw dpt r iit r hnw
A boat will come from the residence.
b) Iw + suffix conjugation verb-form + noun/suffix pronoun
i) iw + circumstantial sa/n(.f)
45) Kag 2,1: w gr.k m r.k
You are silent with your mouth.
ii) iw + circumstantial sdm.n( f)
46) West 8,8: try w.s. nb.i iw in.n.iQdi
Sovereign l.p.h., my lord, I have brought Djedi.
iii) iw + passive sdm(w)(f)
47) Sin B297-8: iw in n.i$3b m hsp3sp4
n hrw
Meals were brought to me from the palace 3, 4 times a day.
At first sight, this might suggest an analysis of the tw-construction with iw as
an initializer before the bare sentence with adverbial predicate, the bare pseudo-verbal
construction and the bare circumstantial sajn(-f)/sd/n.n( .f) (and their passive
equivalents). Indeed this will be the analysis suggested below. However, there are two
well known issues which have complicated the discussion of this construction and have
led to a rather different view dominating the field. The first is the common occurrence
of the pattern:
iv) iw + nounisufix pronoun + circumstantial sajn(f)
48) Sh.S 17-8: w r n s nhmfsw
The mouth of a man, it can save him.
This pattern would sometimes seem to behave as a simple construction with iw (indeed
it is more common than iw sdm( f)). In particular, iwf sajn.f can exhibit a functional
paradigm with the SVO patterns of the simple pseudo-verbal construction with iw . A
good example of this is:
5
59
51 The discussion can be extended to cover the other auxiliaries which exhibit a similar behaviour
noted in EG 469-83, e.g. h .n, u.n, pr.n, sdr.n, g/.n, and forms of wnn.
5% Constructions with iw are initial main clause patterns. However, in environments where there
would be no other morphological support for a pronominal subject, e.g. in 'virtual' relative clause,
adjunct/focus and coordinate usage of the patterns in a), the auxiliary Iw is invoked to supply the
necessary morphological support (cf G 117.2, 323). Patterns with nominal subjects and patterns,
such as those in b), where the pronominal subject follows the verb, do not exhibit w-support in such
usages (cf fn 78). The internal syntax of cases with w-support is, of course, that of a construction with
w. For homogeneity of function, the representative examples of the patterns in a) have been chosen
with nominal subjects.
Cf P. Vemus, in Festchrift Westendorf, 197-212 and id. in Crossroad, 379-80. Indeed a number of
researchers, following W. Westendorf, MIO 1 (1953), 337-43, have proposed that the pattern noun +
sdm(.f) is itself a pseudo-verbal construction.
3
5 9
36
M a r k Collier
c
nominal subject
lw noun/suffix pronoun
lw nounlsuffix pronoun
iw noun/suffix pronoun
lw nounlsuffix pro nounl. 0
iw.0
IW.0
adverbial predicate
prepositional phrase
Stative
preposition + infinitive
circumstantial sa}n(.f)
circumstantial sajn.n(.f)
passive sgjn(w)(.f)
Although the details of this analysis have been much discussed, this remains the most
influential analysis of the construction with lw. The basic noun-adverb division of the
construction has been followed by all subsequent research within the same tradition .
Moreover, most of these analyses include iw.f SQjn.f as a basic construction with lw
and this has lead to general acceptance of an omitted pronominal element after the
auxiliary in the patterns lw sajn(.f)/sajn.n(.f) and lw passive sajn(w)(.f) . Equally,
there has been wide acceptance of the proposed syntactic-morphological division.
However, the volume of subsequent discussion reflects the continued disquiet
concerning these central problems and their role in the analysis of the construction with
61
62
6 3 cf the three alternative proposals for the analysis of the construction with lw proposed in W .
Schenkel, Materialien zur Vorlesung. Einfhrung in die klassisch-gyptische Sprache und Schrift,
Wintersemester 1989/90 (Tbingen, 1989), 4.4.2.3 note and 6.4.2 note 2 . The most recent addition to
the discussion is H. Satzinger, GM 115 (1990), 99-102.
Circumstantially adverbial?
omitted pronoun after iw) and the proper analysis of the ability of suffix pronouns to
suffix to auxiliaries. In the present analysis, there is no place for the iw.f sdmf pattern
in the analysis of the basic construction with iw; rather it is analysed as a topicalization
or anticipatory emphasis construction. As a consequence, there is no place for a w.0
sdm.n(.f) pattern: this formation is analysed simply as Iw sajn.n(.f). Equally, the
construction is not divided syntactically into the [iw.f] [m pr] division which its
morphology would seem to require - rather a morphology-syntax mismatch is
suggested. Since these issues have played a major part in recent discussions of this
pattern, the view presented here requires some defence.
Topicalization is a common, although little studied, property of Middle
Egyptian . As is well known, a wide range of patterns allow an extra expression
(usually, but not necessarily, a noun phrase) to be placed in a special position (usually
at or near the front of the construction) which is not available in the simple nontopicalized pattern and which is usually resumed by a pronominal expression in an
appropriate position ordinarily available within the construction :
51) Sh.S 151: ntyw n.-lm(y) sw
ntyw, it belongs to me.
The basic word order in this pattern is adjectival predicate-nominal subject . Here
anticipatory emphasis licenses an expression in a special position at the front of the
construction serving as the antecedent of the resumptive pronoun which occupies a
position ordinarily available within the construction (here as the subject).
Unfortunately the discussion of topicalization in relation to the suffix
conjugation has been obscured by the status of the noun + sdm(.f) pattern in Middle
Egyptian noted above for iw.f sdm.f. However, there is a clear paradigm of form (as
opposed to function, see below) exhibited by the suffix conjugation (in common with
other major Middle Egyptian patterns) in the following contexts, where an expression
occurs in a fronted position not available with the simple pattern and which is linked to
a construction-internal position as the antecedent to a resumptive pronoun. For
comparison, the suffix conjugation forms are compared with the pseudo-verbal
construction:
64
65
66
67
6 4
The term 'topicalization' is in common usage and is retained here, although this is to be taken to
indicate the presence of a special position, rather than to indicate an analysis of its communicative
function. On the "emphasis' standardly exhibited by TOPICs, see J.F. Borghouts, in Crossroad, 51-3
(under 'focus'). Borghouts adopts a similar analysis of topicalization in the ivv-construction to that
presented here, although he does not follow through the repercussions of this analysis. To distinguish
this special position, which is not available in the simple construction, from die discourse function of
topic, the former will be termed the TOPIC. Topicalization is not be confused with fronting with ir. in
contrast to TOPICs, ?r-fronted expressions ordinarily precede auxiliaries and initial particles (although,
as 'unbound particles', the latter can also precede an ir expression or both the ir expression and the
following construction (cf Hek 1,16-7)).
CfG 146-8.
66 This dependency exhibits the standard antecedent-resumptive dependency also found in relative
clauses and certain other constructions, see Collier, 'The relative clause and the verb' MS for
discussion. As an exception to the normal antecedent-resumptive dependency, topicalized adjuncts do
not exhibit a dependency with a resumptive expression.
EG 114.4.
6 5
6 7
Mark Collier
38
a) circumstantial sdjn(.f)
i) bare *
52) Sin R20-2: n sp slnfrssy bik hfhn
Smswfnn rdlt rh st ms .f
He did not delay at all. The falcon, he flew with his followers,
without causing that his expedition know it.
ii) after initial particles
53) Sin R15-6: tisw hm ly.f In.n.f skr(w)- nh(w) n thnw mnmnt nbt nn drw.s
Now, in fact, he was returning, having brought away living
captives of the l/i/tw-people and all the cattle without limit.
iii) after auxiliaries
54) Sin B174-6: wn.ln hm.f h3b.f n.l 3wt- nt hr-nsw s3w.fib n b3k-im mi
hk3 n h3st nbt
So his~person, he sent me gifts of the king's favour, so that he
might gladden the heart of this servant just like any foreign
ruler.
b) circumstantial sajn.n(.f)
i) bare
55) Sin B168-9: <n>-ntt <r>.f3w h3w wgg 3s.n.fwl
Because, <as for> it, old age has descended and feebleness it
has hurried upon me.
ii) after initial particles
56) Adm 7,7: mtn t3 ts.n.fhr sm3y
See, the land, it has been knotted with confederacies.
iii) after auxiliaries
57) Kag 2,7-8: h .n hm n nsw-blty Hwl-ny mni.n.f
Then the person of the nsw-blty Huni he died (lit. moored).
c) passive sd.m(.w)(.f)
i) bare
58) Kha 12: hr nb twt hr iw sfyt rdlw s3 r.s
(And) everyone alike is burdened by wrongs; respect, the back has
been placed to it
ii) after initial particles: no examples in the literary material
iii) after auxiliaries: no examples in the literary material.
d) n sdm(.f)/n sdm.n(.f)
i) bare
59) Leb 104: hnmsw nw min n mr.ny
'fhe friends of today, (they) do not love.
ii) after initial particles
60) Sin B223: is w rt tn irt.n b3k n hmt(.i) s(y)
Now this flight which the servant made, (J) did not plan it.
e) pseudo-verbal construction
i)bare
6
69
6 8
For discussion of the form and functions of this pattern, see E. Doret, JNES 39 (1980), 37-45. For
Doret, noun + circumstantial sdm(.f) is a pseudo-verbal construction which has the additional function
of optionally placing 'emphasis' on the subject, cf fn 77.
69 in the pseudo-verbal construction the subject is ordinarily placed before the other members of the
bare construction. Hence we would not expect tofindexamples exhibiting a TOPIC-subject dependency
except under exceptional circumstances.
Circumstantially adverbial?
39
11
72
73
7 0
7 2
M a r k Collier
40
74
75
76
7 4
After G 148,3. D. Silverman, Interrogative constructions with jn and jn-v in Old and Middle
Egyptian (Malibu, 1980), 44-5 with fh.252 understands "Will a sluggard who petitions wait at the door
of his house?' with the comment that wsfw cannot be in anticipatory emphasis because 'we would
expect it to appear outside the question'. As the discussion in the text indicates, this does not hold.
Notice that the peasant has already alluded to Rensi's sluggardly properties (iw wsf.k r tht.k) in B 1,281.
However, as noted by Polotsky Transpositions' 3.8.5, examples do occur in the Coffin Texts:
FN2) CT I 74i: iw Wp-w3wt wp.nfn.fw3wt nfr(w)t
Wepwawet, he has opened the perfect ways for him.
The reason for the lack of standard iw TOPIC sdjn.n(f) patterns in other Middle Egyptian source genres
remains obscure but is perhaps to be sought in terms of functional/communicative concernsratherthan
in terms of syntax.
?6 Gardiner considered min to function as an enclitic particle in these examples (EG 208). However,
unlike enclitics, mln can occur initially infrontedpositions (cf the difficult Adm 12,7) and in standard
word order positions as subject, object and adjunct As a topicalized adjunct min is not linked to a
resumptive expression (cf fh 66 above).
7 5
78
' ' That is to say without necessarily exhibiting the informational effects commonly found with
TOPICs (cf fn 64). Compare the standard Linguistic distinction between the form of a construction and
its usage, where, as in many languages, constructions with the form of a simple declarative statement
can be used interrogatively (G 491) or where constructions with the form of an interrogative
statement can be used conditionally (EG 489, Silverman, op. cit. 105-8). However, we would expect
to find examples where lw.f sdjnf exhibits 'emphasis' on the TOPIC and indeed examples seem to be
forthcoming (cf Doret, op. cit. 43):
FN 3) Peas Bl.215-7: sw3 hr sp wf r snwy in wnm dp iw wiSdw wtb.f
in sdrw m33 rswt
Pass over a case and it will become two. It is the eater who tastes.
He who is addressed, he answers. It is the sleeper who sees the dream.
Given this 'tension' between form and function, it is not surprising, I suggest, that two of the major
changes in the transition to Late Egyptian are the loss of the circumstantial sdm(.f) and the change in
function of iw.
78 The postulated omitted pronoun does not abide by the standard conventions for pronoun omission
(cf section 3): omission underrelevance,which is optional; and omission under agreement, which is
clearly inappropriate here. The pattern lw.0 sdrn.n(f) has also been compared to examples such as:
FN 4) Sin B43: lw.0 ml shr ny
(It) was like the plan of god.
(cf M.A. Collier, Tieview', DE 18 (1990) forthcoming for brief arguments against analysing iw as the
direct subject of the adverbial predicate). However, once word order has been taken into account, it is
clear that the equivalent suffix conjugation pattern is:
FN 5) Herds 23: iw ir.0 mi dd.f
(It) was done like he said,
where the non-overt pronominal subject follows the verb-form (cf below in the text).
Moreover, the purported lw.0 sdm.nif) pattern is not used in contexts where fw-support is
required, although iW-support is required both with overt pronominals (cf the iw.f sdjn.f pattern in 49)
and non-overt pronominals:
FN6) Meri 4,5: hm-ht pw hnty iw.0 n kwy
He is a fool the one who is greedy when (things) belong to others.
3
Mark Collier
42
80
81
S2
83
84
9 Cf G 148 and 61) above (pseudo-verbal construction), Adm 9,5 (second tense).
80 Convenient discussion in J.M. Sadock, 'Auto-lexical syntax: a proposal for the treatment of noun
incorporation and similar phenomena', Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 3.4 (1985), 379^439,
id. "The auto-lexical classification of lexemes', in Theoretical morphology, eds. M. Hammond and M
Noonan (San Diego, 1988), 271-90 and M.C. Baker, Incorporation: a theory of grammatical junction
changing (Chicago, 1988).
81 From S.R. Anderson, 'Kwakwala syntax and the government-binding theory', in Syntax and
semantics 16: the syntax of native American languages, eds. E.D. Cook and D.B. Gerdts (San Diego,
1984), 24 ex 1). For typographical reasons, 'e' is used in the gloss in place of Anderson's inverted 'e'.
82 From J.M. Sadock, "Noun incorporation in Greelandic: a case of syntactic word formation',
Language 56 (1980), 309 ex 33). In the synonymous non-incorporated sentence (ibid, ex 32), the noun
root and the possessor form a phrase. Cf Baker, op. cit. 96-7.
83 Cf J.L. Klavans, "The independence of syntax and phonology in cliticization', Language 61 (1985),
95-120.
8 The syntactic and morphological behaviour of pronouns (and expressions which exhibit a similar
morphological behaviour) is the subject of my post-doctoral project for the British Academy entitled 'A
generative grammar of pronominals and anaphors in Middle Egyptian'.
4
Circumstantially adverbial?
43
indicates that iw stands at the periphery of the clause and co-occurs with the bare
circumstantial sdjn(.f)lsdm.n(.f), the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the
bare pseudo-verbal construction. There is thus a syntax-morphology mismatch.
Syntactically, iw is an initializing auxiliary which co-occurs with the clausal patterns
just noted. Morphologically, however, the auxiliary is an incorporation host and can
incorporate a pronoun as long as it is locally available to the the auxiliary .
From this discussion, the paradigm for the syntactic analysis of the form of the
simple construction with iw reduces to:
85
initializer
iw
AUX
w
Iw
noun/pronoun
8 5
In generative terms, there is subject-to-aux incorporation exhibiting standard ECP locality effects (cf
Baker, op. cit. chapters 2 and 3). Notice that when the pronoun is not locally available to iw, as in the
case of iw sdm.nf, the pronominal subject cannot incorporate with w (rather the pronoun incorporates
with the verb in this case) and hence iw remains without a morphological affix. There is thus no
morphological requirement to invoke an omitted pronominal dependent after w in this pattern (i.e.
there is no pattern iw.0 sdjn.n.f), cf fn 78.
86 it must be stressed that this is a synchronic analysis. Synchronically, auxiliary + non-initial main
clause constructions do not display the syntactic properties of second tenses (nor indeed of the sentence
with adverbial predicate); however, it may be that such constructions developed diachonically from
original second tense formations, cf Polotsky, Transpositions, 3.8.2 on h .n.
c
44
Mark Collier
Here the adverbial/pseudo-verbal predicate follows its subject in the sentence with
adverbial predicate and pseudo-verbal construction with iw, whereas the suffix
conjugation verb-form precedes its subject (and hence there is no predicate constituent)
in accordance with the well known word order properties of these patterns found in the
other environments in which they occur . Thus the verb-form is not ordered according
to any purported 'adverbial' properties, but is ordered simply as a suffix conjugation
verb-form.
87
5 Adjunct/focus
position
90
87
CfG 27and28.
88 The discussion holds equally for focused adjuncts in 'second tenses'.
89 Bare time phrases are used as the exemplars of bare nominals used as adjuncts. Other examples
include ds reflexives (Adm 2,12, Ptah 7,8) and n-ts negated nouns (Ptah 6,1 and P. Ram II vs ii 5).
90 Details, discussion and arguments against an anaysis of bare time phrases as unmarked adverbial
transpositions is given in M.A. Collier, The syntax of time phrases in Middle Egyptian' MS.
Circumstantially adverbial?
45
92
93
9 1
EG 85, 111.
92 Once again, it would be preferable to distinguish strictly between the terminology of form and
function.
93 Cf Polotsky's discussion of 'parataxis' in "Egyptian tenses', 15.
Mark Collier
46
6. Coordination
95
96
9 4
Cf EG 91. 487-8, 505. For the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sajn.n(.fl in coordinate clauses, see E.
Doret BSEG 2 (1979), 13-22 and J.H. Johnson, Serapis 6 (1980), 69-73.
95 Contra Johnson, op. cit. 71.
6 Whether analysed as sdjnt(f) (cf H. Satzinger, JEA 57 (1971), 58-69) or narrative infinitive (cf W.
Schenkel, GM 4 (1973), 23-8.
9
Circumstantially adverbial?
47
subordinate expression; rather they are coordinated with the preceding pattern as noninitial main clauses.
However, it is certainly the case that the circumstantial sdjn(.f)/sdjn.n(f), the
bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction prefer
coordination with constructions within which they themselves can occur:
a) circumstantial sd/n( f)/sajn.n( fl
91) Meri 9,4-5: iw di.n.i hwi st t3-mhw h3k.n.l farw.sn nhm.n.i mnmnt.sn
I caused that t3-mhw strike them, I carried off their inhabitants
and I seized their cattle.
b) bare sentence with adverbial predicate
92) Peas R46-7: iw w3t.f w t hr mw kt hr it
Its one side was under water and the other was under barley.
c) bare pseudo-verbal construction
93) Leb 107-8: iw sf3k nht hr h3w n bw-nb
Gentleness has perished and the strong man descends upon
everyone.
In these cases, the coordinated non-initial main clause coordinates either with the Iwconstruction or (perhaps more likely) with the non-initial main clause which follows iw
in the first conjunct.
Given this discussion, it would seem inappropriate to posit an analysis of the
coordinate usage of the circumstantial sdjn(.f)/sd/n.n(.f), the bare sentence with
adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction in terms of adverbial
behaviour. Rather, the present framework again makes use of the analysis of these
patterns as unconverted expressions. As unconverted expressions, i.e. as forms which
are not specialized for subordinate behaviour, these forms can be used as non-initial
main clauses. In the present framework, non-initiality is treated as a relative
tense/aspect property, rather than a property of adverbial form. Hence non-initial main
clauses are syntactically independent clauses which require temporal support to satisfy
their relative tense/aspect properties. An already 'tensed' initial main clause pattern is,
of course, an ideal pattern for the circumstantial sdrn(.f)lsa\rn.n(-f), the bare sentence
with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction to enter into coordination
with, since they can 'share' the time point of the first conjunct. However, this does not
require that they be syntactically subordinated to the first conjunct or any member
thereof. In this framework, by treating the non-initiality of the circumstantial
sd/n(.f)/sd_m.n(.fl,
hare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudoverbal construction as a property of relative tense/aspect rather than of adverbial form,
such examples can be analysed simply as sentential coordination between main clause
patterns involving no gapping , subordination or predication relations between the
conjuncts.
c
t n e
97
y /
Doret, op. cit. 22 fn 41 refers to the coordination of the circumstantial sdjn(f)lsdjn.n(.f), the bare
sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction as exhibiting 'gapping' of an
auxiliary (cf Johnson, op. cit. 71-2). However, 'gapping' refers to a particular kind of omission in
coordination of an element without which the pattern would not be syntactically well-formed (with the
required meaning), cf R.A. Hudson, 'Gapping and grammatical relations'. Journal of Linguistics 25.1
(1989), 57-94. The circumstantial sdrn(.f)/sdm.n(.f), the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the
bare pseudo-verbal construction are clearly syntactically well-formed without the presence of the
auxiliary and hence occur in a variety of main and subordinate clause usages. Gapping, along with other
'sharing' of material, does occur in coordination in Middle Egyptian, e.g. Sin B307-8,
Mark Collier
48
7 Control
99
100
101
102
1 0 2
Circumstantially adverbial?
49
complement (or adjunct) must be coindexed with an argument of the matrix predicate, is
often termed 'control' . In the present case, the object of gm/m33 may be said to
'control' the pseudo-verbal predicate/suffix conjugation verb-form .
Moreover, the oblique complement is effectively restricted to being phrasal
rather than clausal. Thus, the pseudo-verbal predicates clearly behave here as phrasal
predicates lacking a subject expression which they find indirectly in the object of
gm/m33) . However, the morphological properties of the suffix conjugation verbform disallow it from appearing without a subject except under particular and welldefined circumstances. Outside of coordination, the only exceptions are locally licensed
by omission under agreement (which is clearly not appropriate here) or omission under
relevance (which is optional and once again inappropriate here), cf section 3. Hence,
even in control environments, the suffix conjugation verb-form must appear with a
suffix pronoun subject. However, this subject pronoun must be coindexed with the
controller. Since the coindexed pronominal subject cannot behave independently, the
suffix conjugation f*>rm has the behaviour of a predicative phrase - i.e. as a predicate
which indirectly finds its subject in some preceding nominal element under control .
As a consequence, it is not simply a matter of substitution that the circumstantial
sd/n(.f)/sd/n.n(.f) occur in a strictly delimited paradigm with pseudo-verbal predicates
(and indeed simple prepositional phrases) in the oblique complement position after
gm/m33; it is also a product of control . In particular, it is to be noted that the bare
pseudo-verbal construction and the circumstantial sd/n/sdm.n + noun have no place in
this paradigm.
Within the present framework, the ability of controlled pseudo-verbal (and
indeed simple adverbial) predicates to occur in a substitutional paradigm with the
controlled circumstantial sdjn.f/sg/n.n.f can be readily explained by the inherent nonnominal properties of both forms and by control. In the particular case of gmi/m33, as a
lexical property both gmi and m33 can co-occur in this usage with either an object
clause or with an object nominal and a non-nominal object-controlled oblique
complement.
103
104
105
106
107
103 j h i
g e covers both the 'equi' and 'raising' constructions of early transformational grammar,
following work in the unification tradition in generative grammar. Cf J. Bresnan, 'Control and
complementation', Linguistic Inquiry 13 (1982), 343-434, particularly 372. Control can be thought of
as 'indirect predication'.
Moreover, these patterns co-vary with patterns where gml/m33 takes an object clause. A good
example is provided by the following variants of CT I 391a:
FN9) SIC 481: m33.sn prr.l m k3r
FN10) S2C 267: m33.sn wl pr.kwl m k3r
When they see me leaving the shrine.
This particular form of control is often termed 'raising to object', following early transformational
grammar (cf J.P. Allen, in Crossroad, 14-5). In work within the unification tradition, however,
gmilm33 lexically select the two observed patterns, whose synonymy is accounted for by control. Cf
Bresnan, op. cit. 9.6 with fig. 21
!05 Contra Polotsky's heading II "Verb-forms in clauses of circumstance', "Egyptian tenses', 2.
106 Thj j stated in the most informal of terms. The ability to control an incorporated pronominal is
to be analysed in terms of small clauses and government (MS in prep).
107 Similarly for the prt pw ir.n.f construction which exhibits adjunct control. However, this pattern
also, of course, exhibits simple adjuncts without control and hence a wider paradigm of forms is to be
found, cf section 5.
s u s a
Mark Collier
50
Conclusion
It has been argued that the verbal analysis of the circumstantial
sg/n( f)/sd/n.n(.f) and the framework in which it is couched can provide a satisfactory
analysis of the distribution of the circumstantial sg/n(.f)lsdjn.n(f) in Middle Egyptian.
Indeed the framework leads to novel interpretations of grammatical phenomena which
have proved problematic for the Polotskyan tradition. In this analysis, the syntax of the
circumstantial sgjn(.f)/sgjn.n(.f) is to be analysed in terms of their nature as
unconverted inherently non-nominal verb-forms, i.e. as simple verbal verb-forms. This
contrasts markedly with the Polotskyan approach where the syntax of the circumstantial
sdjn(.f)/sd/n.n(.f) is reduced to the distribution of simple adverbial parts of speech
(principally prepositional phrases and pseudo-verbal predicates) based on substitutional
paradigms.
From the perspective of the present framework, Polotsky was misled by an
unfortunate historical accident: he utilized the control environment of the oblique
complement position after gmi/m33, discussed in section 7, as a strictly delimited
environment in which to identify the circumstantial sdm(.f)/sdjn.n('./).
This
environment does indeed present the circumstantial sdjn(.f)lsbn.n(.f) in a strict
substitutional relationship with prepositional phrases and pseudo-verbal predicates.
However, this distribution cannot be treated simply in terms of paradigmatic
substitution, since it exhibits the syntagmatic dependency of control (indirect
predication) which severely restricts the range of expressions which can appear as the
oblique complements of gmi/m33. In particular, sg/n noxmjsdjn.n noun and noun +
prepositional phrase predicate/pseudo-verbal predicate patterns (i.e. the bare sentence
with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction) have no place in this
paradigm. It is thus unsatisfactory to present a generalized adverbial analysis of the
circumstantial sgjn(.f)/sQjn.n(.f) on the basis of this environment without first taking
control into account.
However, when we investigate environments where the circumstantial
sdm(-f)/sdjn.n(.f) occur with both pronominal and nominal subjects (i.e. exhibiting
direct predication), then these patterns behave as clauses which share a close
substitutional relationship with the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare
pseudo-verbal construction (even after auxiliaries). Although all three constructions can
appear in paradigmatic relationships with prepositional phrases (e.g. in adjunct/focus
positions), they can also appear in other environments where prepositional phrases are
not found (e.g. after initial particles and after converters). In such cases, the adverbial
analysis faces significant problems in accounting for this distribution. In contrast, the
verbal analysis has the flexibility to deal with the overall observed distribution of the
circumstantial sdjn(.f)/sdjn.n(.f) in Middle Egyptian and hence compares favourably. It
would seem then that the circumstantial sdjn(.f)lsfjjn.n(-f)
are indeed only
circumstantially adverbial.
THE
CAREER
AND
THE
OF
KHNUMHOTEP
SO-CALLED
III;
"DECLINE
By Detlef
OF
OF
BENI
THE
HASAN
NOMARCHS"*
Franke
of
EDUARD
MEYER,
R.Delia, A Study
of the Reign of Senwosret
III. (PhD Columbia
University 1980) 164ff.; I.Matzker, Die letzten
Knige
der
12.
Dynastie
(Europische Hochschulschriften, Reihe III, Band 279,
Frankfurt/Main-Bern-New York 1986) 11; W.C.Hayes, in: CAH , 1/2,
505f., cited by W.A.Ward, in: GM 71 (1984) 55f., W.C.Hayes, in:
JNES 12 (1953) 31 ff.; H.G.Fischer, in: L, II, 413ff.
3
51
Detlef Franke
52
Macht
und Selbstherrlichkeit
des
Amenemhet III. vollstndig
gebrochen
Adels
unter
zu sein."
Sesostris
III.
und
side
First of all, it seems to be wise to make a distinction between the disappearence of the title "nomarch" and
the disappearence of great rock-tombs in Middle and Upper
Egypt. Both traits can but need not be interrelated. The
disappearence of a title could be due to changes in the
mode of government that happen to occur in Egypt from time
to time, earlier and later. The construction of a great
tomb depends on wealth and access
to royal and
local
resources and craftsmen. The w i s h and the possibility to
build or not to build a great tomb are not dependent on a
specific
title
but
personal
wealth
and
common
lite
funerary beliefs and custom.
At the beginning of the 12th dynasty, Amenemhet I.
and his son Sesostris I. appointed men in specific regions
of Egypt, who are wearing the titles of "Mayor and
Overseer
of Priests
(of
the
local
tempel)"
(ff3tjJmj-rS
hmww-ntr,
abbreviated as HA MHN) and "Great Overlord
" (Hrj-tp
3
~
HTA) of their nome. These nomarchs originate from local
families, but their status and power was due to their apc
E. Meyer, Geschichte
des Altertums,
I ,2 (Stuttgart/Berlin 1909)
285, p.252 f. = I ,2 (1913) 276. I have to point out that there is
much difference between a long-term socio-political process ("tiefgreifende
Umwandlung") and a single, conscious action
("Beseitigung" "Macht
brechen").
2
53
lived
Elephantine : Sarenput
II. (tomb 31) [Sesostris II./III.]
Deir Rifeh: Nefer-Khnum
(tomb I) and Nekht-anch
(tomb VII)
[Sesostris I./Amenemhet II./Sesostris II.?]
Assiut: Djefai-Hapi
I I . (tomb II) [Amenemhet II.]
Meir: Ukh-hotep
I I . (tomb B No.2) [Sesostris I.]
El-Bersheh: Djehuti-hotep
(tomb 2) [Sesostris III.]
Beni Hasan: Amenemhet
(tomb 2) [Sesostris I . ] .
These are the only officials we can call " n o m a r c h s " .
It is true that the last of them disappear from
our
records in the time of Sesostris I I I . But I think, no one
seriously can call a group of about 6 men - though of h i g h
rank and with local followers - a "powerful
political
group"
that could be a threat to the might of the King.
From other regions or nomes we do not have any comparable sources about nomarchs. Instead we have p e o p l e
with the titles HA MHN only, who were probably the highest
local administrators. Some of them were owners of d e c o rated rock-tombs like the n o m a r c h s . But to classify them
under the heading 'feudal nomarchy' is certainly w r o n g .
They were powerful and wealthy local administrators
but
nevertheless officials of the King.
Some of these HA MHN built great rock-tombs, but most of
them not, while other members of the lite, who were not
HA MHN, have built rock-tombs of considerable size, too
(e.g. Qubbet el-Hawa N o . 2 8 ) .
The custom to construct such tombs came to
the reign of Amenemhet III. at the latest:
an end
during
Detlef Franke
54
There is no proof that any of the so-called nomarchs of Qaw elKebir had the title HTA, cf. C.Liliquist, Ancient
Egyptian
Mirrors
from the Earliest
Times through the Middle Kingdom (MAS 27, Mnchen
1979) 139 n.1588. H.Steckeweh/G.Steindorf, Die Frstengrber
von
Qaw (Leipzig 1936) 7(3), only mentioned that Wachka (I.) had the
title hrj-tp
S nj
WSdjt
without giving any further evidence.
His tomb (No.7) dates to the middle part of dynasty XII, while his
statue and stela (Torino Cat.No.Suppl.4265 and Cat.No.1547) are
clearly posthumous, perhaps from the beginning of dynasty XIII.
C
Djefai-Hapi
III. more often has the title Jmj-rS
htmt,
and he is
also Jmj-rS
m
(P.Montet, in: Kemi 6 (1936) 131* f f . ) ; for tomb
VII see: R.Moss, in: JEA 19 (1933) 33 = P.Montet, a.a.O., 134 f.
c
Meir, VI; A.Kamal, in: ASAE 14 (1914) 74 ff. (not decorated (?)).
W.M.F.Petrie, Antaeopolis.
The Tombs of Qau (BSAE 51, London 1930)
pl.XXV, XXVIII; H.G.Fischer, in: Cl.Vandersleyen (ed.), Das
Alte
gypten
(Propylen Kunstgeschichte Band 17, Berlin 1985) 295, 302;
J.Baines, Fecundity Figures (Warminster 1985) 238f.
55
Djehuti-hotep
d e p i c t s in his tomb at E l - B e r s h e h the t r a n s port of his colossal statue, a scene of p u r i f i c a t i o n , and
he and his father are wearing 5at-Amulets
{El Bersheh,
I,
pis.XII, XV, X, X X X I I I ) .
At three {or four) distinct places of Egypt we h a p p e n to
find at about the same period
a special and
explicit
symbolism
of r e g e n e r a t i o n . This is a new trait in
the
decorum
of tombs, which represent at the same time the end
of
the
development
of
great
rock-tombs
of
the
12th
dynasty. I do not think that any of these features h a v e
been a threat to royal p o w e r . I would like to connect t h e m
with the changes in funerary beliefs during the reigns of
Sesostris I I I . and Amenemhet I I I . that had i n f l u e n c e on
the elite-custom of constructing great decorated tombs.
I think, the existence of powerful administrators - called
"nomarchs" - was limited to certain regions due to the
specific history of these r e g i o n s . We happen to find them
in the region called "the middle n o m e s " in M i d d l e E g y p t
(from nome 9 to 16, cf. H.G.Fischer, Dendera,
6 5 f f . ) . In
these regions there is a tradition of this office since
the end of the Old Kingdom. At Elephantine, there w e r e n o
HTA in the Old Kindom and First Intermediate Period, but
there is a tradition of r o c k - t o m b s . Elephantine was the
southern
door-post
of
Egypt
and
important
for
the
relations of the Egyptian state to N u b i a .
Nomarchs like Djehuti-hotep
of Bersheh were living fossils
even during
their life-time. And - as we know the
dinosaurs died out, because they lived in an u n f a v o u r a b l e
surrounding.
The
need for
the King
"Father's
One way to facilitate this without force was the t r a d i tional practise to educate the n o m a r c h s ' male children at
the King's residence.
These children became loyal to the King and perhaps w e r e
co-educated with the future King. They grew up to b e c o m e
specialists in administration. Some of them were then a p pointed to local offices, others to jobs for the central
administration.
56
Detlef Franke
II. The case of Khnumhotep III, of Beni
Hasan
11
1 0
11
57
(FIGURE 1 A ) :
12
13
1 2
1 3
14
3
"door", meaning here "fortress,
barrier".
See;. H.G.Fischer, in:
JNES 19 (1960) 261f. n.(a), and p.265 n.(o). Sarenput
I. and Djehuti-hotep
from Bersheh (El Bersheh,
I, 16) were wearing this
title, perhaps also Vachka II. from Qaw el-Kebir (H.Steckeweh/
G.Steindorff, Die Frstengrber
von Qaw, 49 No.7). On stela Boston
MFA 29.1130 from Semna, we have "whom the King trusted
in
strengthening
his monuments
and in being a door-post
for Egypt" (1.5:
D.Dunham, op.cit.).
The graffito from Kumma (D.Dunham,
op.cit.,
156) No.87, is perhaps the latest example for this title, datable
to Dynasty XIII.
Detlef Franke
58
17
1 3
"
17
Khnumhotep
III., the son
his first wife Kheti,
as
we can perhaps find some
outside the tomb of his
I, 956.
59
14
II.), establishing
of his monuments
in
the God's
Land.
(Rh-Njswt),
King);
19
20
1 8
29
1 9
2 0
Detlef Franke
60
22
24
further.
Janssen, Autobiografie,
I, Acl2,
2 2
2 3
A.M.Sayed, in: RdE 29 (1977) 147ff.; id., in: CdE 58 (1983) 28,
31f. On the stela the God Sopdu "Lord of the East" and "Lord of the
Ssmt-land"
is depicted, Ssmt is the mineral Malachite (green copper ore), found on the Sinai.
2 4
61
n u m b e r i n g ) , and cased with limestone. T o m b - and s t o n e r o b bers had destroyed the tomb to a great e x t e n t , but part of
the inscriptions from the limestone walls survived in the
debris of the p i t . Some scattered fragments of i n s c r i p t i o n
were p u b l i s h e d .
But I
think, enough
is preserved
to confirm
GUSTAVE
JQUIER's old idea, that the owner of the tomb b e l o n g e d to
the Khnumhotep-iamily
of Beni H a s a n
and that he w a s in
fact Khnumhotep
III.
25
26
28
2 9
2 5
26
2 7
De Morgan, op.cit.,
20 fig.24. For the same unusual sequence of
the vizieral titles: W.M.F.Petrie, Memphis I (London 1909) pl.V,
1.10; De Morgan, op.cit.,
31ff., fig.66/67 (Mastaba No.17); Wadi
Hammamat M 113; Hatnub Graffiti 16 and 24. The juridical epitheton
is "Master of the secrets
of hearing
alone".
2 8
This town was located on the westbank of the Nile opposite Beni
Hasan/Speos Artemidos, cf. D.Kessler, Historische
Topographie
der
Region zwischen
Mallawi und Samalut
(Beihefte TAVO 30, Wiesbaden
1981) 120 ff., 1 8 . ; F.Goma, Die Besiedlung,
I, 312ff.
e.g. Wadi Hammamat M 43, 1.6 [Amenemhet III., 2 ] ; cf. also the
inscription of Inpy at El-Lahun, Fragment 62: H.G.Fischer, in: JEA
68 (1982) 49 n.(q) [Sesostris III./Amenemhet III.].
3 0
De Morgan, op.cit.,
21 fig.26. The most important fragments are
combined here, with some emendations, in FIGURE 2. I think we can
identify two themes: some phrases belonging more to the religious
sphere, others belonging to the (ideal-)biographical sphere.
Detlef Franke
62
the
of
3 1
himself"
is a
32
34
3 1
wd-Njswt
n hqS ...(FIGURE 2, fragment 1 ) , Jmj-rS
m
(fragment 11), dpwt (fragment 1 ) , nfw,
hmw (fragment 2 ) .
...
3 2
shrt sbj
hpr.f
(fragment 5 ) , compare Graffito De Morgan, Cat.
des Mon., I," 24 No. 165 = LD, II, 123d. In El Bersheh,
II, pi.
XIII, 1.8 = E.Brovarski, in: Fs Dunham,
18 n.(c), we have the
exact parallel, but here in a ritual context. The determinative of
the Hippopotamus or Pig is unusual, perhaps due to the "typhonic"
quality of the enemy.
3 3
34
[ h3. ]n.f
tSS.hr
Km-wr
(fragment 6 ) . For the emendation cf.
Blumenthal, Knigtum,
186f. (E 2.6ff.). For Km-wr see: Gauthier,
DG, V, 201f.; Montet, Gographie,
I, 216; P.Vernus, Athribis
(BE
74, Le Caire 1978) 329, 344ff. The only locality near the eastern
frontier of Egypt called with this term are the Bitter lakes (cf.
Sinuhe B21; Merikare, 1.99; LA, I, 824f.). For a map of this region
see G. Posener, in: CdE 26 (1938) 258; E.CM.Van den Brink, in:
MDAIK 43 (1987) 7ff. A MK-graffito in this region: T.C.Townsend/
R.Engelbach, in: ASAE 33 (1933) 3, map pl. I; for a recent survey;
C.A.Redmount, in: Newsletter
ARCJ?No.l33 (Spring 1986) 19ff.
\ '
j
*
I ;
j
!
!
!
:i
I
<
i
63
I
think
that
Khnumhotep
is
describing
here
his
curriculum
vitae
from an expedition leader to "Chief
Steward"
with the same rank and authority as a real V i z i e r .
35
To
summarize:
Khnumhotep
III. was appointed Chamberlain by
Sesostris
II., after being educated at the r e s i d e n c e . He conducted
expeditions to the mining a r e a s . Perhaps after the s u d d e n
death
of
Sesostris
II.
after
his
8th
regnal
year,
Khnumhotep
III. achieved the office of "Chief Steward"
and
built himself a tomb north of S e s o s t r i s ' I I I . pyramid at
Dahshur.
Because he was so strongly connected with the King and
involved in residental matters, he - as the possible h e i r
of his father's local office at Menat-Chufu
- was p r a c t i cally excluded from his heritage. He was "'promoted' away
to the residence" - to put it in the words of H . W i l l e m s .
36
3 8
Detlef Franke
64
Of
matches
regions
and the
centres
3 7
3 8
Near the royal pyramids at Lisht, Dahshur, Illahun and Hawara the
highest officials of administration were buried: The Viziers, Overseers of the King's property, the Chief treasurers, and others.
Most of the tombs of lower-rank people, which must have been buried
there also, were destroyed long ago or were not excavated.
65
66
Detlef Franke
1*3
,
iSS
f
i
l
"if?
mm
LT -*
A
4
k
I I I
K
111
11
+1
111
&
1 II
i?
JL.
Xi
LLJ
IF
M.
FIGURE 1 A:
Beni Hasan, tomb No.3
Beni Hasan, I, pl.XXVI,
1. 145 - 160
*ii r A i l : rr'H r
FIGURE 1 B:
Stela Durham N. 1935
3i
I8
67
The Coffins of the Middle Kingdom: The Residence and the Regions
James K. Hoffmeier
Wheaton College, Archaeology Department
Wheaton, Illinois 60187-5593
The wooden coffins of the Middle Kingdom are one of the most celebrated
artifacts of the period for their artistic value as well as for the significant corpus of
funerary texts found inscribed or painted on them. Thus there has been considerable
scholarly investigation of Middle Kingdom coffins over the years. Recently there have
been a number of studies concerned with the distinguishing and dating of coffins of the 1st
Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom.^
Before we examine relationship between the coffins of the residence and the
regions for the Middle Kingdom, a short history of the development of the coffin and its
decoration is necessary. Wooden coffins are first attested in Dynasty 2 at Saqqara.2
Similar coffins are found in Dynasty 3.^ These show the panelled pattern characteristic
of Archaic period architecture. These earliest coffins have convex or arched lids with
flat parapets on the ends. These two features of the lid must have been
regularly
included on early coffins and sarcophagi to have been reproduced so faithfully in the
coffin determinative
as they relate to the Middle Kingdom). The coffins of Dynaties 2-3 are anepigraphic.
Decorative panels and/or the palace faade motif, with false door, are also
found on sarcophagi and coffins of the Old Kingdom, both for royalty (i.e. that of Men5
kau-re ) and nobility.6 These motifs are regularly included on coffins of the Middle
Kingdom. Funerary inscriptions appear in and on sarcophagi and coffins in Dynasties 567 The frieze d'objet scenes and offering lists that had adorned the walls of tombs in
earlier centuries are found on the inner walls of coffins and on the underside of lids early
in Dynasty 6.^ Dynasties 5-6 also witnesses the appearance in coffins of the polychrome
69
70
James K. Hoffmeier
matwork that had been painted in early tombs (sometimes associated with the palace
faade/false door). The magical eyes that are a regular feature on the outsides coffins of
9
1st Intermediate Period and Middle Kindom are introduced at this time too. Thus we can
see that before the Old Kingdom ends most of the standard features common to Middle
Kingdom coffins are known, in some cases with prototypes that reach back to the Archaic
period. The fact that these artistic features are continued into succeeding centuries makes
the task of determining the date of coffins of the 1st Intermediate Period and Middle
Kingdom, and distinguishing coffins from the centers of politcal power and the regions
difficult indeed.
The 1st Intermediate period is a formative one in the evolution of the coffin, with
some innovations, but mostly experimentation with earlier motifs. The most important
innovation of this period is the introduction of Pyramid and Coffin Texts to the coffins of
non-royal individuals which is recognized to be a part of the "democratization" of the
funerary cult in the aftermath of the Old Kingdom.
10
amount wall decoration and inscriptions in tombs of the 1st Intermediate Period, the
interior of the coffin becomes more significant in the funerary cult, and thus is more
elaborately decorated, including agricultural and domestic scenes, the false door, as well
as portrayals of the decedent seated before the offering table.
11
frequently called "Heracleopolitan" or "Middle Egyptian" -^ and originated in the 9th10th Dynasties.
The exterior of coffins of the 1st Intermediate Period through the early part of
Dynasty 12, by and large, contain little decoration (Figure 1). The magical eyes on the
side of coffins are faithfully included throughout the period and beyond. At Bersheh a
single wide band containing the htp ii nsw formula is painted or inscised around the
upper part of the coffin, with another band running the entire length of the l i d .
13
This
pattern prevails at Gebelein (Figure 1), Gournah (CG 28022), Beni Hasan, Sedment, Abu
1
Sir and Saqqara. ^ At Assiut, there is more variation in the number and arrangement of
1
the columns containing inscriptions, as Donald Spanel's dissertation has shown. *' Added
to the horizontal band are three or four vertical ones on a side and one to three may be
found on the ends. A coffin of one Nbt.it(s) at Emory University Museum in Atlanta
contains single bands (Figure 2), as does Mallawy Museum #569 belonging to a lady named
hnnyt.
The coffin of it.f ib or tf.ib (FM 88917), on display at the Field Museum of
Natural History in Chicago, and a virtually carbon copy of Nakht (FM 881917) are
decorated with a double band of inscriptions on the coffin while a triple band occurs on
1
the lid. ** Triple and quadrupal bands are also attested. An example of the latter is
Mallawy #567, belonging to Hor-Hotep. In the Assiut group one can find combinations in
71
the numbers of bands on a coffin; e.g. double vertical bands on the walls and triple on lid
(Spanel's IIF - e.g. the Field Museum coffins), double on the sides and triple on lid and
ends (Spanel's EH), triple columns on the coffin and quadrupal on the lid (Spanel's II I),
etc. The introduction of the vertical collumns, which is known elsewhere during the
latter part of the 1st Intermediate Period, (e.g. Bersheh), is an important development
that laid the groundwork for placing the the niched panelling, palace faade and false
doors on the sides and ends of coffins that began towards the end of the 11th Dynasty and
becomes a regular feature of the Dynasty 12.
E.L.B. Terrace^ described the coffins of Upper Egypt from the 1st Intermediate
Period as being the product of "untutored provincial artists of those unsettled times" who
"were experimenting with the forms of decoration in an effort to determine the the most
suitable one (i.e. type)." These "unturored artists" produced cruder quality work and
experimented with a variety of scenes on the outside of the coffin, and Gebelein, located
just south of Thebes, is cited as an area where such experimentation took p l a c e d Cairo
28033 contains a scene depicting men doing laundry, while another example from Gebelein
in the Cairo Museum shows a man leading his dog by a leash.
Akhmim, situated between Thebes and Assiut, has yielded a number of coffins
with peculiar idiosyncracies. A number of these coffins have the offering list on the
outside^ (Figure 3). Other scenes, including the mummy of the deceased lying on a bier
(CG 28015, 28016), are painted on the exterior. A development found at Akhmim, and
attested elsewhere towards the close of the 1st Intermediate Period, is the addition of
the false door under the magical eyes (CG 28015 & CG 28033). The combination of these
features is a part of the canon of the Middle Kingdom.
Diana Magee,20 in her investigation of an Akhmim coffin in the Ashmolean,
draws attention to the inclusion of the palace-faade type false door at the north end of
this coffin. A pair of wdt eyes surmount the lintel, which is often included of Middle
Kingdom coffins.
In view of the
difficulty of dating the Akhmim coffins, her observations are significant. However, we
must bear in mind H.O. Willems' recent caution that Theban influence north of the
Diospolite nome could have begun prior to uniiication.23
The simplicity of the external decoration of Theban coffins from the latter part of
the 1st Intermediate Period or the first half of Dynasty 11 can be seen in CG 28022 from
Gurnah and that of Aashyt, wife or concubine of Montuhotep Nebhepetre (JE 47355). It
72
James K. Hoffmeier
2
has been observed that this coffin stands within the Theban provincial tradition, "* with
some Memphite modifications which suggest that this burial equipment dates to just
2
exterior. E. Brovarski ^ has traced the evolution of external decorations of the Bersheh
coffins from the DynastylO through the mid point of Dynasty 12 which proceed from
2
simple to complex. Although the addition of the vertical bands, Spanel ^ has shown, is
2
attested in the Assiut coffins earlier than at Bersheh. Hayes ** discerned a similar
development, from simple to complex exterior decorations, in the coffins from Meir and
Assiut. It is probably fair to say that this pattern is true throughout Egypt for the
Middle Kingdom. Let us now turn to consider the coffin types for the Middle Kingdom.
Mace and Winlock, in their publication of Senebtisi's funerary equipment, spoke
of "Court and Provincial types" and three geographic / chronological classifications for
the Middle Kingdom: 1) Heracleopolitan, 2) Upper Egyptian and 3) the Court style, the
latter appearing with kingship of Amenemhet I which "dominated the royal cemetaries
2
throughout his dynasty." ^ For Mace and Winlock, and subsequently W.C. Hayes,30 the
simply decorated coffins of Senebtisi, which have vaulted lids, were classic examples of
the court type. (Figures 4-5)
The palace faade that had appeared occasionally in coffins of the
Herakleopolitan period becomes a regular feature of 12th Dynasty, "polychrome"
coffins-^ Those coffins which had a single false door, surmounted by the w3d_t eyes,
might have blank space between the remaining vertical bands on the front and back
(these generally are from earlier in Dynasty 12), or they might be filled with panels or
additional false doors.^
Dynasty even after the false door ceased to be painted on the interior. The earlier
decorative traditions continued in the provinces with some borrowing of the court type by
nomarchs, which then filtered down to lesser officials in that region.^3
The foregoing classification scheme, advanceded by Mace and Winlock has
4
received considerable support over the years, especially by Hayes.^ Recently, however,
Bruce Williams-^ has questioned the dating of the Senebtisi funerary materials which
would effectively dismantle the classification scheme of Mace and Winlock. He notes
that beyond the burial shaft of Senebtisi being in the Amenemhet II mortuary complex,
there is no other evidence for a synchronism.^^ The Senebtisi coffins, according to
Williams,^ show a remarkable similarity to the 13th Dynasty coffins of King Hor,
Princess Ita, and others discovered by de Morgan at Dashur. However, Awibre Hor's
73
coffin lid is flat. While recognizing that vaulted sarcophagi date back to the Williams
argues that the "arched" lid coffin is a development of the 13th Dynasty and thus cannot
38
juxtaposition of Senebtisi's burial with that of Amenemhet I is not a sure criterion for
dating since there are 13th Dynasty burials intruding upon, or being located adjacent to
12th Dynasty royal funerary structures.
39
If Williams is correct, then some of the major differences in coffin types between
4
the residence and the regions during the Middle Kingdom are eliminated. ^ The tomb of
Imhotep at Lisht is situated within the pyramid complex of Senusert I, and has been
dated to the 13th Dynasty.'*
the Mastaba of Imhotep by Dorothea Arnold suggests an earlier date during the reign of
Senusert I I .
42
coffins and canopic chest, as well as the staves and scepters, he failed to investigate the
the pottery. Janine Bourriau's study of the pottery from Senebtisi's tomb supports a 12th
43
Dynasty date for the tomb. . The ceramic evidence, coupled with the evidence on the
vaulted coffin lid presented here suggests that Senebtisi's burial should be placed in the
12th Dynasty.
The popularity of the arched lids in the 13th Dynasty and beyond does not
preclude the use of such lids in the Middle Kingdom. It is well recognized that the coffin
is a microcosm of the archaic period mastabas, which in turn developed from domestic
architecture.
44
The wooden coffins of the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties have curved lids. ^ For
Emery, the coffin evidence led him to reconstruct the arched tops with flat parapets on
4
tradition of the Archaic period into the 3rd Dynasty. The convex sarcophagus lid is also
4
attested in Dynasty 4 at Meydum, ^ as well as many examples from Giza now on display
at the Cairo museum (e.g. 48078, 51950, 18220 with parapets, and 53149 where they are
absent). The tradition continues in the 5th Dynasty at Abu Sir with the two sarcophagi
48
they were made of stone rather than wood? I'm not sure we can do that."^
74
James K. Hoffmeier
If the arched lid is found on the stone sarchophagi of the 12th Dynasty, then one
might to expect that there should be wooden coffins of the same variety for that period.
The difference between a wooden outer coffin and a stone sarcophagus is only a matter of
material, not function. The distinction between these terms, I believe is artificial. Some
clarification in terminology is necessary. Perhaps the term "outer coffin" should be
replaced by sarcophagus.
2
Hayes^ points to a gray granite sarcophagus from el Lisht (CG 28102), which
has the four transverse support battens typical of wooden coffins, as evidence that this
12th Dynasty sarcaphagus was fashioned like the coffins of the period (e.g. BM 30482).
A number of sarcophagi from Dashur discovered by de Morgan also were covered with the
arched lids/>3 but whether these can be securely dated to Dynasty 12 is not certain.
Aidon Dodson recently has made the ingenius suggestion that two of the alabaster
sarcophagi found in the Senusert Ill's pyramid complex were in fact removed from
Saqqara, likely from Djoser's pyramid galleries, and reused at Dashur.^
In the Teti
pyramid cemetary at Saqqara, a number sarcophagi with curved lids were found that
appear to date to Dynasty 12.^5 There seems to be ample evidence for convex lids on
sarcophagi of Dynasty 12 to believe that some wooden coffins of this design should date
to the same period.
In fact there are such wooden coffins that can be dated to the 12th Dynasty.
6
Lilyquist-* presents to the inner coffin and canopic chest of Hapi-ankhtifi at Meir as
examples. A 12th Dynasty coffin from Beni Hassan, discovered by Garstang,^^ has a
slightly curved lid, with parapets on the ends (Plate 1). At the International Congress of
Egyptology in Cairo (November 1988), Ladislav Bares of the Czechoslovak Institute
C
announced recent the discovery of the tomb priest Hrvy- nh at Abu Sir.58
He reports
that the lid was vaulted with "raised ends", and is quite convinced that this coffin dates
to the 12th Dynasty when there was an attempt to revive the funerary cult of King
C
cult.
In his extremely thorough study of Middle Kingdom coffins, Harco Willems lists
four coffins with vaulted lids of Theban provenance which he dates to the late Middle
Kingdom and Second Intermediate period.59
Presently, I am not aware of any coffins of the Heracleopolitan period that
exhibit this type of lid. However, the words like krs/krst (Wb. V, 63-65), drw(t) (Wb.
c
60
still are
determined with the sarcophagus sign of the Old Kingdom that shows the vaulted lid
tJ
75
wooden coffins which exhibit the curved lid, with or without parapets in Dynasty 12,
and I suspect that a thorough investigation of the coffin corpora, published and
unpublished, would reveal more examples.
The arched-lid coffins cited above from the Archaic Period through Old
Kingdom are found in Saqqara and nearby necropoli which suggests that the origin of this
design might be a northern one.
rectangular coffin predominated. Could it be that with the establishment of Lisht as the
capital, by Amenemhet I, followed by the building of other adrrdnistrative centers in the
north during the 12th Dynasty, that the older, northern tradition of the arched-lid
sarcophagus and coffin made a come-back? Amenemhet I and his successors regularly
reached back to the Old Kingdom for inspiration in art and architecture.
Smith
62
61
W. Stevenson
noted that
Amenemhet brought the court within the range of old Memphite influences
which still survived in the form of ancient monuments, and the effect is strongly
evident in the art of the Twelth Dynasty.
Further, if Dodson's suggestion concerning the reuse of sarcophagi from Djoser's
burial complex is correct, and it does seem compelling, then we have direct evidence of
the 12th Dynasty monarch's looking at earlier prototypes for inspiration. Then too,
despite our limited knowledge of the 13th Dynasty, it seems, based on some of the
surviving royal names, the continuity of the 12th Dynasty cities in the north, and
retaining practices of the previous century, that the 13th dynasty rulers considered
themselves to be legitimate successors of the Irj-towy Dynasty.
63
the arched coffin lid to be an earlier convention that they continued just as they followed
other 12th Dynasty artistic traditions.
64
From the 11th to 12th Dynasties a clear evolution in the exterior decoration of
6
the coffin is evident, developing from simple to complex. ^ It is with this development
in mind that one should examine Senebtisi's coffins. The outer coffin (sarcophagus) has a
single horizontal band around the top and four vetical bands on each side and the
rectangular panel with zv3dt eyes, while the inner coffin also displays the eyes, but has
only a single band on the lid with a spell from the Pyramid Texts.
66
was not considered, the outer coffin might pass for one Dynasties 9-11. The classical
"black coffin" with vaulted lid of the 2nd Intermediate Period generally has decorations
between the panels or more panels, with or without decorations (CG 28106, 3103). This
development is similar to what we saw in the 12th Dynasty, viz. moving from simple to
76
James K. Hoffmeier
67
similar in decoration to that of Senebtisi. ** But this might mean that the "court style" of
Dynasty 12 was continued into the 13th Dynasty.
Bruce Williams' study has certainly forced us to re-examine the so called "court
style" of Dynasty 12. If he is correct in his assesstment of Senebtisi's date, then we need
to redefine what is the "court style" of Dynasty 12. However, there is evidence for a near
continuous history for the vaulted coffin lid from the Archaic Period through the Middle
Kingdom. Admittedly, the evidence for the First Intermediate is scant (further research
is needed), and, if there was a hiatus, it might be suggested that the 12th Dynasty, not
the 13th marks its return. Willems sees the the appearance of this type of lid in the
latter half of the Middle Kingdom, although, he suggests that the slightly vaulted
6
underside of some earlier flat lids might be a precursor to the arched lid. ^
A question that must be raised is what if any religious significance there may be
to the vaulted lid, with or without the parapets. The arched shape lid might have been
so designed symbolize the celestial vault which would be closely associated with the sky
goddess, Nut. Just as Nut or the sky is over the earth, the micrcosm of the coffin
illustrates this theology. Nut's association with the coffin is well established and can be
traced back to the Old Kingdom Pyramid Text's. PT 616 reads:
Nephthys has collected all your members for you in this her name of 'Seshat,
Lady of Builders'. <She> has made them hale for you, you having been given to
your mother Nut in her name of 'Sarcophagus', she has embraced you in her name
of 'Coffin', and you have been brought to her in her name of 'Tomb'.
7 0
Commenting on this line, Faulkner observed that the lid is being a "simulacrum of the
7
stars and constellations on the underside (as in not a few New Kingdom tombs); e.g.
Mallawy 567, Horhotep; Aashyt, wife of Montuhotep Nebhepetre.^ The figure of Nut
is found on the underside of sarcophagi of the New Kingdom onwards, and found as late as
74
Roman times.
Beginning in the New Kingdom, one can find illustrations on the inside
expression is found in CT VI, 118 and 264. *> The idea of Nut protecting the dead may
have developed from this expression (PT 825, 827-28,1629 and 1896; and CT VII, 3, VII,
9), and thus she could be called the "Great Protectress" (PT 827, 834,838, 842, and 1607).
The evidence from the PTs and CTs make it clear that Nut is associated with the coffin
77
lid which may explain the vaulted shape of coffins and sarcophagi that enjoy a long
history from the Archaic period all the way down to Roman times.
Since there is an obvious connection between the sky-goddess and the coffin lid,
one might wonder why more lids were not arched to give the appearance of the celestial
vault. The writing of Nut's name is regularly determined by the sky sign,
. And
this factor may well be behind the more common flat lid. In fact, the construction of some
Middle Kingdom coffin lids reveal that the outline of the pf -sign when viewed from the
end. This phenomenon is found in some of the coffin lids found by Garstang at Beni Hasan;
6
e.g. E70 1903 in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge/ and another Beni Hasan coffin
from tomb 3 (Plate 2). This type of lid is considerably more difficult for a carpenter to
make than the simple flat lid, which suggests that there is something significant in the
form itself. Also at the Fitzwilliam, the coffin of Lady Nakht from tomb 23 at Beni
Hasan (E68 1903), has the pf-like lid, and inscription on the lid of the coffin which, as if
to confirm suggestion offered here, says, "Oh Osiris, Lady Nakht, Nut is spread over
you." This same expression is also found on the anthropoid cover of Userhet in the
7
The connection between the sky and the coffin lid may be in view in the "Tale of Sinuhe"
when the prospect of being buried in Egypt is dangled before the Egyptian exile to lure
him to return from Retenu. Sinuhe B 192-93 states:
A funeral procession is made for you on the day of interment, a mummy case of
gold, a head of lapis, and the sky (pt ) above you as you are placed on the sledge,
oxen drag you..7
9
While only few examples of the pf-like coffin lid, can be cited now, it be that
with further investigation additional examples will come to light. In conclusion,
it
appears, then, that the vaulted coffin and sarcophagus lid, as well as the flat variety,
have iconographie features which tie them directly to the sky-goddess Nut.
There are a few other new features of 12th Dynasty coffins that should be
mentioned. The "Book of Two Ways," with its guide map on the bottom of some coffins,
appears early in Dynasty 12. In 1972 L e s k o
80
unpublished examples with the "Book of Two Ways" were from El-Bersheh.
81
Even if a
few occurrences of "The Book" do come to light from other areas, the concentration at
Bersheh suggests that this indeed is a peculiarity of the Hare nome where it likely
originated.
Another artistic feature that occurs on some 12th Dynasty coffins is a polychrome
8
cavetto cornice bordering the top or actually on the side of the lid. Brovarski ^ has noted
that this cornice occurs on some coffins at Bersheh (e.g. CG 28099), originating around the
78
James K. Hoffmeier
time of Senusert III. Similar decorations are painted on coffins from Meir, Assiut and
Rifeh
Period from those of the Middle Kingdom, especially Dynasty 11.** The same rigorous
analysis of 12th Dynasty coffins is now needed, especially in light of Williams' questions
about the so called "court style." Brovarski's study is a good start, but it utilizes far to
few examples to draw firm conclusions. The foregoing survey, has raised more questions
that it has answered. In conclusion some questions need to be posed for our discussion and
further investigation.
1)
established?
2) Should we continue to use the terms sarcophagus and coffin since they are so similar in
form, decoration, and since outer wooden outer coffins function as a sarcophagus?
3) Why does the Hare nome, even in Dynasties 9-11, retain such a high quality of
workmanship in coffin decoration when other areas lapse into cruder forms? And related
to this, how do we explain the apparent origin of the "Book of the Two Ways" at
Bersheh?
4)
Can we detect any Theban influence on coffins of the memphite region after
79
^ Cyril Aldred, Egypt to the End of the Old Kingdom (LondonrThames &: Hudson, 1965)
96.
S. Hassan, The Mastaba's of Hemet-Rc_ and Others [Excavations at Saqqara 1937-38.
Vol. Ill], (Cairo: Government Printing Offices, 1975) plates XLII-XLIII. W.M.F.
Petrie, Deshesheh (London: EEF, 1897) plate XXVII.
The Mastabas of Hemet-Rg- and Others. Plates IV, pp. 7-8; Figure 31, pp. 57-58.
S. Hassan, The Mastaba of Nv-cankh-Pepy and Others [Excavations at Saqqara 193738, Vol. II] (Cairo: Government Printing Press, 1975), Figure 9.
9 J. Garstang, The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt (London: Constable & Co., 1907) 166.
Deshesheh, plate XXVII. E.L.B. Terrace, Egyptian Paintings of the Middle Kingdom
(London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1968) 32.
^ P. Barguet, Textes Des Sarcophages Egyptiens Du Moyen Empire (Paris: Editions Du
Cerf, 1986) 9-10. L. Lesko, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Two Ways (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1972) 5-6.
Terrace, Egyptian Paintings..., 32, 34.
12 Senebtisi 50-54. Brovarski, "The Bersheh Nomarchs...," 23, Scepter I, 315.
1 Terrace, 156; Brovarski, 23 & Figure 13; cf. the coffin of Aha-Nakht in Philadelphia in
S. Fleming, et. al.. The Egyptian Mummy. Secrets and Science (Philadelphia, The
University of Pennsylvanian, 1980) #13.
Spanel, 181.
Spanel, 181-182, illustrations IA-E and IIA-M.
16 A word of thanks to Mr. Frank Yurco of the staff of the Field Museum for helping me
with my inquiries and assisting me with records and photography.
1 Terrace 32.
Terrace 33.
19 p. Lacau, Sarcophages Antrieurs au Nouvel Empire [Catalogue Gnral des Antiquits
de L'gyptiennes du Muse du Caire, Nos. 28001-28086, Vol. 11 & 14], Cairo, 1903)
28001, 28004, 28005, 28006, 28008 & 28013, plates MIL
Diana Magee, "An Early Middle Kingdom Coffin from Akhmim in the Ashmolean
Museum (No.l911.477)," TSSEA XIII-No.4 (1983) 241-248.
21 H.G. Fischer, "Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome," Analecta Orientalia 40 (1964) 40.
Magee, 248.
Willems 93-101.
H.G. Fischer, "An Example of Memphite Influence in a Stela of the Eleventh
Dynasty," Artibus Asiae 22 (1959) 240-252. Spanel 188.
Spanel 188-189.
26 Brovarski, p. 23; Fig. 13 on p. 29.
Spanel 194.
Scepter 1.318.
^ A.C. Mace & H.E. Winlock, The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht (New York: Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 1916) 54-55.
Scepter 1.317.
Senebtisi 55. Scepter I, 315.
The coffins of Nakht and Userhet in the Fitzwilliam exhibit illustrate the pattern of
the latter; cf. J. Bourriau Pharaohs and Mortals (Cambridge: The University Press,
1988) Nos. 70-71, pp. 85 & 91).
Senebtisi 55.
6
1 4
1 5
1 8
2 0
2 2
2 3
2 4
2 5
2 7
2 8
3 0
3 1
3 2
3 3
80
3 4
James K. Hoffmeier
Scepter 1,303-320.
3^ Bruce Wiliams, "The Date of Senebtisi at Lisht and the Chronology of Major Groups
and Deposites of the Middle Kingdom," Serapis 3 (1975-1976) 41-55.
Williams 41-44.
^ Wiliams 45.
Williams 47-49.
Williams 43-44.
Williams 49.
Sally B. Johnson, "Two Wooden Statues From List: Do They Represent Sesostris I?"
TARCE XVII (1980) 11-20. Dr. Dorothea Arnold, in her presentation at the colloquium,
entitled "The Mastaba of Imhotep at Lisht South" argued for at date during Senusert
II's reign. Her dating by ceramic measurement is most compelling, and would
consquently push back the date of wooden statues, which Sally Johnson has dated to
Dynasty 13, squarely in Dynasty 12.
Dr. Dorothea Arnold, in her presentation at the colloquium, entitled "The Mastaba of
Imhotep at Lisht South" argued for at date during Senusert II's reign.
Dr. Dorothea Arnold, in the comments that followed my presentation, pointed out that
Janine Bourriau is studying of the ceramics and other materials in Senebtisi's tomb for
publication and has concluded that the tomb dates to Dynasty 12. She was kind
enough to confirm in writing (22 August, 1990) her view which she mentioned at the
colloquiium at Cambridge. We look forward to seeing the published results of this
study, since the coffins of Senebtisi have become the lynch-pin in the debate over the
"court style" of Dynasty 12.
W. Emery, Archaic Egypt (Baltimore: Pelican, 1961) 130-131. E.L.B. Terrace, Egyptian
Paintings of the Middle Kingdom (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1968) 32. W.C.
Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt I. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953)
312-313.
Archaic Egypt. Plate 24-25. Figure 77. Scepter of Egypt I, Figure 30.
Archaic Egypt 131.
^ W.M.F. Ptrie, E. Mackay & G. Wainwright, Meydum and Memphis III. (London:
British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1910), pl. X, 4; p. 4.
Zdenk Uherek & Miroslav Verner, Preliminary Report on the Czechoslovak
Excavations in the Mastaba of Ptahshepses at Abu Sir (Prague: Charles University
Press, 1976, does not show a picture of these sarcophagi. But one was able to view
these granite sarcophagi in November 1988.
S. Hassan, The Mastabas of Hemet-Rc. and Others [Excavations at Saqqara 1937-1938,
Vol. Ill], (Cairo: Government Printing Office, 1975).
50 Christine Lilyquist, "A Note on the Date of Senebtisi' and Other Middle Kingdom
Groups," Serapis V (1979) 27-28.
Lilyquist, 27.
The Scepter of Egypt 1.319-320.
J. de Morgan, Fouilles A Dahchour 1894-95 (Vienna: Adolphe Holzhausen, 1903, 74-76 =
Cairo Cat. 28102.
Aidon Dodson, "Egypt's First Antiquarians?" Antiquity 62, Nu. 236 (September 1988)
513-517.
55 C.M. Firth & B. Gunn, Excavations at Saqqara: Teti Pyramid Cemetaries I. (Cairo:
IFAO, 1926).
56 Lilyquist, 27. The Canopic box of Hap-Ankhtifi is depicted in Scepter I, fig. 209.
3 6
3 8
3 9
4 0
4 1
4 2
4 3
4 4
4 5
4 6
4 8
4 9
5 1
5 2
5 3
5 4
58
59
6 0
61
6 2
6 3
6 4
65
6 6
6 7
68
69
7 0
7 1
7 2
7 3
7 4
81
J. Garstang, Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt. Fig. 189. In May 1988 I had the
opportunity to examine the Gartang archives at the School of Archaeology and
Oriental Studies at Liverpool. The photographs (B. 209-210) make it very clear that
the lid is arched and the parapets are very obvious. My thanks to Professor A.F.
Shore and his staff for assistance in my research, and for providing me with
photographs of this coffin, and for the permission to use this photograph (B 210) and
that in Plate 2 (B 213) in this publication.
I am indebted to L. Bares for sending me a copy of the paper he presented, along with
slides of the coffin in situ, which will be published in a forthcoming issue of ZS. See
also the Abstracts of the Fifth Internatinal Congress of Egyptology, p. 13.
Harco Willems, Chests of Life (Leiden: Mededelingen en Verhandelingen van het
Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch "Ex Oriente Lux" XXV, 1988), 172, n. 178, and 116-117
An example of this writing is found on the Stela of Pepi Seneb (Dynasties 8-9) from Nag
ed Deir which was recetnly displayed in an exhibition at Berkeley Univeristy.
W.K. Simpson, The Ancient Neart East: A History. (New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovisch, Inc., 1971) 245-246.
W.S. Smith, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt (Revised edition with W.K.
Simpson - New York: Penguin, 1981 ) 168.
A.H. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (Oxford: The University Press, 1961) 147-154.
W.C. Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death of Amenemes HI to Seqenenre II," in Cambridge
Ancient History II, part 1, (Cambridge: The University Press), 44-48.
Stevenson Smith. The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt. 216-217.
E . Brovarski, "The Bersheh Nomarchs of the Intermediate Period and the Middle
Kingdom", in Studies in Ancient Egypt, The Aegean, and the Sudan, eds. W.K.
Simpson & W-M. Davis, (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1981) p. 29.
Senebtisi, outer - Fig.l & 9, inner plate XVII a-b & Fig. 15
Brovarski, op.. c-, 29.
cf. Dahchour I, plate XXXVI.
Willems, Chests of Life, 171-172.
R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969) 119.
Loc. Cit. n. 7.
W. C Hayes, Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty (Princeton: The University
Press, 1935) 67. A.J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt (Middlesex: Penguin, 1982), 16567.
H.E. Winlock, "Egyptian Expedition for MCMXX-MCMXXI, III. Excavations at
Thebes", BMMA H, November 1921,49 fig. 24.
e.g. that of Thutmose III, cf. Hayes, Sarcophagi, plate viii; Spencer, op_. cit., plate 30.
In the 3rd Intermediate period, her figure is found on the bottom floor of the coffin, a
development which is puzzling.
5 A variation of garbled version of this spell occurs in CT I, 312b-c. Willems, op. cit. 45,
n.l, ties this Nut-spell with the coffin lid.
My thanks to Dr. Janine Bourriou for allowing me to study and photograph these coffins
during my visit in April 1988. The outline of the pf-sign can be seen in the phtograph
of this coffin in Janine Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals. #68, p. 88.
Garstang, Burial Customs, 175 and 191,1.4; J. Bourriou, Pharaohs and Mortals 92.
Garstang. Burial Customs. 191,1.3.
7 6
7 7
7 8
82
James K. Hoffmeier
8 3
8 4
(Figure 1)
Turin Supplement 13.268, after Brovarski, Hughes
Festschrift 9th Dynasty (?), Gebelein.
(Figure 2)
Emory University Museum 1921.2, coffin of Nbt it .(s)
Assiut, late 11th Dynasty.
James K. Hoffmeier
(Figure 3)
Ashmolean No. 1911.477, Akhmim, mid-llth Dynasty
///////////////////////////////////////////////
(Figure 4)
Senebtisi's outer coffin, after Mace & Winclock
/ / / / / / / / / / /
/
/
/
(Figure 5)
Senebtisi inner coffin, after Mace and Winlock
86
James K. Hoffmeier
PLATE 1
(Courtesy of the School of Archaeology & Oriental Studies,
Liverpool, B210)
PLATE 2
(Courtesy of the School of Archaeology & Oriental Studies,
Liverpool, B213)
Non-Egyptians
recorded on Middle-Kingdom
in
Steiae
Rio de Janeiro
K.A. Kitchen
Liverpool
Introduction
In 1826, the National Museum in Rio de Janeiro acquired an entire
mixed
collection
of
Egyptian
antiquities,
reputedly
from
the
prior
earlier
monument
private
c
literature).
hands
Ha ankhef,
Of the rest,
(and
seemingly
the famous
one 'contentious'
so
father-in-law
since
about
1907)
of Neferhotep
still
in
belongs
to
I and Sobekhotep
c
father
Most of the
stelae are probably of the 13th Dynasty, perhaps occasionally of the late
12th.
Possible
genealogical
and stylistic
peculiarities (Inv. 640 = 2430) date some clearly to the 13th Dynasty, and
to the period of Sobekhotep "III" and "IV" (II and III); for the rest, only
a general date can be surmised.
stela
(from
Heliopolis?), most appear to come from Abydos, and especially from the
North Cemetery area behind the old 'metropolitan' temple of Osiris, on
the 'Terrace of the Great God', to borrow the title of W. K. Simpson's wellknown
monograph.
As for publication, the entire corpus (plus the rest of the Collection)
88
K.A. Kitchen
Foreigners
on the MK Stelae
Gbgb,
well
name.
nfr, 3m,
ir.n
mwt.f,
born
his
mother'.
of
is also a common MK
purely
Egyptian
name,
Hrw-
Asiatic,
Herunefer
wife
or concubine,
to deserve
his epithet
'Asiatic'.
from the
clear,
family
indicating
unambiguous
examples
of
West-Semitic
same
group),
a possible
where
nisbe-typ&
has
the
Sokar-barque
determinative,
later
pl.45), belonging to a
foreman(?) Kara, has in the bottom register two people of interest (both
c
name
Dodi-(h)uatu
(Eg.
imy-r
hmwwt,
Dodi,
Dodo,
etc.,
and
directly
comparable
early-2nd-millennium
in
Our Rio
with
Amorite
later
Dawdi,
89
fruitful
a millennum
source of West-Semitic
before
c
hmwwt,
pr
Again, pr
is a
and
Late
Bronze ages (i.e., MK and NK); so, in the Brooklyn Papyrus and in the
Execration
Texts.
but the
West-Semitic
process:
an
Egyptian
name
that
in
either ssn
West
sssn
'Susan'.
currency
could
gained
(progressive
Evidently, in Egyptian,
assimilation)
or ssn
sssn
(regressive
assimilation).
Second, the stela Rio Inv. 652 [2440], Cat. No.35, attests (in the NK) a
foreign loanword that goes straight back to the Middle Kingdom era, as
is evidenced by its frequent presence in the Mari archives, and helps to
clinch
in Semitic haruru(m),
hururu(m).
This term is used for a bedspread of a particular type, corded or striped cf. our candlewick bedspreads in more recent times.
the owner Haunefer
'Chief
maker
of
Pharaoh, L.P.H.'
is entitled
bedspreads
was evidently
corded/candlewick
The type
for
imported
the
into
.w.
s. ,
bedroom
Egypt,
of
found
Perspective
Cf. W.F. Albright, Journ. Amer. Oriental Socty 74(1954), 225, No.9,
references.
?Cf. Ranke, op.cit. (n.5), 1,19:16, 20:7-10.
Cf. Kitchen,Varia Aegyptiaca 3(1987), 29-31.
S e e Kitchen,"Of Bedspreads and Hibernation: from Rio de Janeiro to the
Middle Euphrates", in Ascribe to the Lord: Biblical and other studies in
memory of Peter C. Craigie, ed. L. Eslinger, G. Taylor, (JSOT Supplement
Series, 67), Sheffield, 1988, 21-27.
8
90
K.A. Kitchen
After the Middle Kingdom itself, the Rio monuments continue to show
links with Western Asia. Suffice it to recall Raia of stela Inv. 654 [2442],
Cat. No.33, who bore the the Canaanite title qasin,
first-hand
data upon
which to draw for its findings; rich are the gains to be made thereby!
up
rji
.11
o HI
III U
hrnern
man
2 mulheres
2 women
oferendas
offerings
T t
15
mulher
woman
..
PL
I0
man
f*/i ^?
13
h o m e m
oferendas
offerings
oferendas
offerings
If
oferendas
offerings
R. B. P a r k i n s o n
INTRODUCTION
One of the landmarks in the study of Egyptian literature is Posener's pioneering article
'Les richesses inconnues de la littrature gyptienne' (RdE 6 [1951], 27-48;
supplemented in RdE 9 [1952], 117-20). Although he was careful to explain why certain
texts were omitted fi Dm his catalogue of 'oeuvres purement littraires', he offered no
definition of 'literary' qualities. The meaning of this term can, however, no longer be
taken for granted, and much discussion has attended the problem of defining 'literature'
in any context. Critical theory has seen a movement from semantic and structural
definitions of what is literary to historical definitions: literature is analysed as a cultural
construct. Semantic theories have identified certain linguistic features of a text as the
distinguishing marks of literary composition: thus 'semantic density' is one such mark,
and yet this can be lacking in a clearly literary text and present in a non-literary one.
Structuralism has 'recognized that the literary work, like any other product of language,
is a construct', that it is not an essentially unique form of discourse. Literature is an
institution, and should be approached accordingly.
This is not the place to attempt a definition of literature; what I wish to do is to
provide a revised version of the Middle Kingdom sections of Posener's catalogue - which
is itself a good Egyptian genre. This, however, requires a few preliminary remarks on
1
Egyptological discussions include: J. Assmann, 'Der literarische Text im alten gypten: Versuch einer
Begriffbestimmung', OLZ 69 (1974), 117-26; P. Kaplony, 'Die Definition der schnen Literatur im alten
gypten', in J. Assmann et al. (ed.), Fragen an die altgyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard
Otto (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1977), 289-314; H. Brunner, L III, 1067-8; A. Loprieno, Topos und Mimesis:
zum Auslnder in der gyptischen Literatur ( A 48, 1988).
A n accessible guide to literary theory is: A. Jefferson & D . Robey, Modem
Comparative Introduction (London: Batsford, 1986).
Literary
Theory:
2
See for example S. T. Olsen, The End of Literary Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1987), 73-87; T. Eagleton, Literary Theory: an Introduction
3
to I. E. S. Edwards
91
Pyramid
92
R.B. Parkinson
In the light of modern theory, Posener's corpus cannot be upheld as the totality of
Egyptian literature, which might be defined, as it has been for 18th century England, as
a recorded body of statements of cultural value, beyond the immediate and practical
conveyance of information. His catalogue consists of two groups of texts, which have
often been correlated intuitively with modern impressions of what constitutes 'literature':
wisdom texts and tales. A general definition of genre is problematic, and this is
particularly true of Egyptian genres, which have no direct posterity in western tradition
and are not characterised by a consistent terminology. No specific designation for a tale
is known, and the terms sb3jt 'teaching' and mdt 'discourse' can describe a wide range
of texts, although they have a more specific reference to genre in certain contexts. This
absence does not imply that no concept or system of genre existed; 'the processes of
generic recognition are . . . fundamental to the reading process'. The genres of
Posener's corpus can be described as follows: the tales are non-commemorative
narratives; the wisdom texts are a group of various genres, some explicitly defined and
others less so. While the wisdom tradition is expressed in other genres, such as the
funerary autobiography, the wisdom texts themselves are predominantly sapiential
discourses, all concerned with certain ultimate values, such as comprehending the nature
of the ideal life. The coherence of the generic group of wisdom texts is established
by form, theme and style. What I discuss here is the association of these two generic
groups in the institution of Egyptian literature.
No explicit ancient definition of literature as a cultural construct is preserved,
nor is there any Egyptian critical discourse or analysis of individual texts. The place of
Posener's corpus within the wider entity of Egyptian literature must be inferred.
Evidence is provided from within the texts by their treatment of genre and topoi, and
more external evidence can be found in the context of the texts, namely the audience
and the occasions of reading, the textual tradition, and the status of the author
(including the fictionality of the protagonist). I discuss the context first.
5
10
The context of literature is a deeply problematic criterion for a historical definition: the
Fowler (n. 6 above), 259; cf. 256-72. See also E. D . Hirsch, Validity in Interpretation
( N e w Haven:
JAOS
101
93
social Sitz im Leben is unknowable, but the 'implied readers' of a text must have been
members of the lite. Although it is not necessarily any single private individual who
is addressed, the mode of address is itself personal. " The discursive texts often address
an audience directly, but they are self-referential - that is, an audience is defined within
the setting of the text itself (for example, the children for whom the Teachings are
made). This description of an audience often includes a portrayal of the audience's
response. A favourable reaction is given to teachings and discourses, in which they are
'perfect (nfr) to the heart'(e.g. P. Prisse 2.6-7, P. Berlin 3025, 131). The same reaction
is evoked by other genres, such as eulogies and hymns (e.g. Urk. IV, 685.10-2), and in
the Tale of the Court of Cheops a similar phrase describes king Snefru's reaction to the
sight of maidens rowing (P. Westcar 5.14-15). In autobiographies there are the epithets
'one who speaks well (nfr) before his lord' and 'one who says what is good (nfrt)',
and the 'perfection' which is mentioned in wisdom texts can be an ethical quality (as is
seen in Ptahhotep's evocation of his son's response as obedience and wisdom resulting
in ethical behaviour rather than pleasure: ed. Zba, 507-87). These instances suggest that
'perfection' of words is not necessarily or exclusively an aesthetic quality. However,
aesthetic pleasure is a relevant concept, as is shown by the 'perfect words and choice
phrases' of Neferti which are for royal 'entertainment (djj-hr)' (ed. Helck, 2j-k). These
features accord with Loprieno's definition of literary texts as 'die von den zwei Variablen
eines selbststndigen Autors auf der einen Seite und gewisser sthetischer und
gesellschaftlicher Erwartungen des Rezipienten auf der anderen ausgehen'. They do
seem to be particularly, if not exclusively, associated with Posener's corpus. These
expectations and responses are not inherent in the literariness of the discourse, but are
themselves defined by an awareness of the literary institution.
More indirect evidence for the nature of this institution is supplied by the
groupings of texts in libraries, one of which is known from the Middle Kingdom. The
wide range of texts in this (the 'Ramesseum library') has suggested the broad definition
of literature already advanced: texts from Posener's corpus were present together with
an onomasticon, hymns, rituals, and medical and magical texts. The physical context
of the copies of texts is not a unique or infallible criterion for the isolation of a genre
or a group of genres within the literary institution, and the existence of a text on papyri
or ostraca does not correspond to a distinction between it and other texts preserved on
other media. To give a practical example: the 'Loyalist' Teaching was first known only
from a copy on a stela; might not then didactic texts on other funerary monuments be
11
13
14
15
J. Baines (under xxi) JEA 76 (1990), 57, n. 9. On the compositional background to literature s e e C.
J. Eyre, 'The Semna Stelae: Quotation, Genre and Functions of Literature' in S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies
in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1990), I, 160-5.
12
see Loprieno (n. 1 above), 84-97.
1 3
J. M. A . Janssen, De traditioneele
egyptische Autobiografie
1 5
Another, the 'Berlin library', can be posited, but its exact extent is unknown. It seems, however, t o
have contained only tales and a wisdom text. See R. B. Parkinson, The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant (Oxford:
Griffith Institute, in press), 1.2.
R.B. Parkinson
94
16
copies of otherwise lost wisdom texts? A text could also be transferred from a
monumental context to a manuscript, such as the building inscription of Senwosret I
preserved on the 18th dynasty Berlin Leather Roll (P. Berlin 3029). Similarly, the
transmission of a text in multiple copies is not a distinguishing feature of the corpus.
Consider the numerous examples of funerary, magical and technical texts;
commemorative inscriptions, such as that of the Semna and Uronarti stelae, are known
to have existed in more than one copy. The type of transmission is related to the genre
of the text - some genres, such as the funerary autobiography, were unsuited to multiple
copies; others, including Posener's corpus, were suitable. The method of transmission
alone, however, does not isolate this corpus from other groups of genres.
The preserved textual tradition is more extensive from the Ramessid period,
when some texts from the corpus were much copied, including tales, teachings and
discourses. Other texts are unattested, although they were perhaps still known, as is the
case with the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, which was quoted in a Ramessid literary
letter. Ostraca provide the most numerous copies (ii-iii, v-viii, xv, xix, xxvi, xxviii),
but they also include texts and genres from outside this corpus, such as hymns, though
rarely in such large quantities. The selection was probably determined by the context in
which the copies were made, and it may be related to teaching practices which drew on
a codified group of 'set texts' in Middle Egyptian. This tradition as a whole reflects
a general codification of earlier 'classical' compositions, and two documents provide
more specific information about this codification of the past. One is a 19th dynasty
tomb-relief from Saqqara (the 'Daressy Fragment'), with a list of kings and illustrious
ancestors. The other is a eulogy of sages from a didactic composition in praise of
scribedom preserved in P. Chester Beatty IV. Both include names known from
wisdom texts, but both are organised round the figures of eminent men from the past
rather than by literary form. They provide little specific information about the
classification of these texts.
17
18
19
20
21
Indications of the attitude towards a text can be sought in titles and colophons.
Titles are not a phenomenon restricted to Posener's corpus, but occur throughout the
For example, the fragments of the autobiography from the tomb of Inpy at el-Lahun (now in Chicago)
include a didactic address to his children: H. G. Fischer, 'A Didactic Text o f the Late Middle Kingdom', JEA
68 (1982), 45-50.
'Menna's Instruction to his Son'; see Parkinson (n. 15 above), 1.5.
18
D . van der Pias, L'hymne la crue du nil (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor net Nabije Oosten,
1986) I, 11-4.
19
J. Assmann, 'Gibt es eine "Klassik" in der gyptischen Literaturgeschichte? Ein Beitrag zur
Geistesgeschichte der Ramessidenzeit', ZDMG Suppl. 6 (1985), 35-52.
20
J. Yoyotte, 'A propos d'un monument copi par G. Daressy: Contnbution l'histoire littraire'. BSFE
11 (1952), 67-72; D . Wildung, Sesostris und Amenemha: gypten im Mittleren Reich (Munich: Hirmer, 1984),
14, fig. 4; D . B. Redford, Pharaonic King-lists, Annals and Daybooks: a Contribution to the Study of the
Egyptian Sense of History (SSEA Publication 4; Mississauga, Ont.: Benben, 1986), 26. See also Assmann (n.
19 above), 39 n. 13, 42-3. The attested historical figures are not all arranged in chronological sequence: H .
G. Fischer Egyptian Studies I: Varia ( N e w York: M M A , 1976), 6 4 n. 2 6 .
21
A. H. Gardiner, Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Third Series: Chester Beatty Gift (London:
British Museum, 1935) I, 38-44, II, pi. 18-19. Commentaries include Brunner (n. 7 above); Assmann (n. 19
above).
95
22
24
25
See the examples of U . Luft, 'Zur Einleitung der Liebesgedichte auf Papyrus Chester Beatty I ro X V I
9 ff.', ZS 99 (1973), 108-16.
2
C T V n , 262j (B3C), 471g (B1L). B 3 C has been dated to the very early 12th dynasty, and B 1 L t o
Senwosret II-III: H. Willems, Chests of Life: A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development
Kingdom
2 4
Standard
of
Class Coffins ( M V E O L 25, 1988), 74, 75-7.; See also C T II, 205b; V , 380d; V I ,
^11
25
Although lost in a lacuna the restoration is fairly certain: s e e KRIII,
101.12-4.
Middle
193o;
O'v^-pv).
R.B. Parkinson
96
27
28
Although redactional activity is well attested in the transmission of texts, the redactional criticism of
such Egyptologists as Herrmann has certain dangers. In an extreme form, redactional criticism relies o n a
severe view of the exclusive unity of genres, which is a modern preconception. In defence of a non-redactional
approach to ancient texts see M. V . Fox, The Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs (Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 205,218-24; E. D h o r m e , , 4 Commentary on the Book of Job (London:
Nelson, 1967), lxi-cx. Interpretative criticism is concerned with the meaning such as it was available to the
audience, and the colophon implies that unity was of s o m e importance in this, although it may have been of
a different order from that demanded by the N e w Critics. Almost all the texts of the corpus were presented
as unified wholes, and although they may have had many creators, they had a single 'implied author' (see next
note).
27
The question of authorial identity is distinct from the interpretative problems of the 'implied author*
who is involved in creating the unitary meaning of a text. I d o not wish to pursue these issues here; s e e the
strategies of J. Baines (listed under xix, xxi), and the defense of determinable meaning proposed by critics
such as E. D . Hirsch (n. 6 above).
28
A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London: Oxford University Press, 1947), I, 24-6.
97
similar disregard for authorial identity can be detected in the copy of 'Loyalist' Teaching
on Sehotepibre's stela; this is entitled so as to make him the protagonist, which would
be a strikingly blatant plagiarism, if identified authorship was important in the literary
tradition (later parallel in a ms of the Onomasticon of Amenemope: n. 28). The
supposed composers of teachings frequently are - or resemble - known prestigious
historical figures from the lite, and three are royal. While the actual authors must have
been members of the lite, to associate statements of wisdom with an established figure
would validate its values, regardless of authorship. Some of the protagonists also feature
in the tales (e.g. Hordedef), and both wisdom texts and tales use the same settings,
which include the troubled Herakleopolitan period and the 'golden age' of the Old
Kingdom. Critics have been ready to admit that the often fantastic tales are unhistorical,
but are reluctant to admit the same about the wisdom texts' settings and protagonists.
In the case of the Teaching for Kagemni, there is a discrepancy between the text's
statements about the vizier and what is known of a historical vizier of the same name,
which suggests that the father of the historical Kagemni was not the actual author of the
teaching. In one case - the Teaching of Amenemhat - this pseudonymity of the text was
explicitly acknowledged by Ramessid scribes. None of the protagonists of other wisdom
genres, such as Sasobek, is a certainly attested historical figure; this lack of historical
fame may relate to those genres' embodying of troubled conditions, which it would be
inappropriate to link with figures of established eminence. This hypothesis of the
fictionality of the protagonist's identity, which is shared by several scholars, is supported
by the Words of Neferti, in which the setting has been convincingly analysed as a
validation of his discourse; it cannot represent the period of the text's composition, but
is evoked as the idealised past. No Neferti from the Old Kingdom could have
composed the Words. All available indications suggest that the 'authors' of Teachings
and other wisdom discourses were as fictional as the protagonists of the tales. This
hypothesis is also supported by the dates of composition suggested by more objectively
verifiable criteria (see below).
It is true that some protagonists were later presented as if historical, most
notably in the 'Daressy Fragment', where they accompany aftested viziers, high priests
and kings. This presentation, however, is determined in part by the context of the relief
(see n. 20 above; the same is true of R Chester Beatty IV - see below). It cannot be
known how far the audience regarded the claims to authorship as fictional, or how far
they were intended to do so. It is, however, easy to blur the distinction between fiction
and fact in literature, both for the audience (without intention) and for the author
(deliberately). Many early British novelists presented themselves in prefaces as the editor
and publisher of a true account rather than as the author of a novel, and fictional
protagonists have often come to be thought of as actual figures. There are some
29
30
G. Posener,
in
Olsen (n. 2 above), 192. Examples of fictional characters and settings presented as historical truth:
until recently a plaque commemorated the site o f the Tabard Inn as the place from which Chaucer's pilgrims
set out; Merlin has at various times been regarded as a historical author; Dickens' picture of London has
been influential as fact. Perhaps the supreme (fictional) example of such confusion is Beerbohm's E n o c h
Soames.
98
R.B. Parkinson
32
33
34
A similarly dismissive attitude to the past is revealed in the Words of Neferti, when Sneferu requests
a discourse about Nvhat will come, for today has come, and is (already) passed by' (ed. Helck, 2n). Unlike
Ockinga (see xiv), I see no reason to regard Khakheperresoneb as a literary revolutionary.
3 2
Olsen (n. 2 above), 156-95, esp. 161. See also Loprieno (n. 1 above), 48-9.
3 3
3 4
99
it also distances the statements made from the reader's reality. No complete wisdom text
is presented as the objective truth, like the information in funerary spells or technical
treatises. It is always set in a personal frame, the truth is the protagonist's interpretation
of reality, and he is frequently fallible. Thus the teacher of Merikare draws attention to
the difference between the omniscience of the ideal king and his own partial knowledge
(compare ed. Helck, 41a and 42d). Similarly, the ironic structure of the Tale of the
Eloquent Peasant is based on an awareness of the innate subjectivity of discourse: the
peasant speaks the truth, but his speeches spring from his ignorance of the actual
situation with regard to his audience. These settings, whether timeless or past,
distance the text from the audience: this is different from simply ascribing a text such as
that of the Shabaka Stone, accurately or not, to the past in order to validate it. Unlike
commemorative, religious or technical texts, the wisdom texts make no direct truth
claims on reality, but have their own logic: the genres' treatment of perennial sapiential
themes is its 'truth'.
35
Text xviii is untypical in this respect, and problematic. It lacks a frame and protagonist, being a nonunitary text, but a sense of personal subjectivity may be implicit in its genre as spoken maxims.
R.B. Parkinson
100
combined extensively but so are the two 'representational modes' of narrative and
discourse, which are 'elemental not generic', and play a more fundamental rle in
patterning texts. There is a tendency to bipartite structures, while the importance of
framing devices has already been noted. The interweaving and flexibility of genres,
however, is a feature of Egyptian literature in general: many minor genres which can be
identified as included within tales and wisdom texts, also occur within other genres. The
royal eulogy, for example, is a genre known from hymns, Knigsnovellen and
autobiographies, as well as from texts of Posener's corpus, such as the 'Loyalist'
Teaching, and the Tale of Sinuhe. Yet the texts of the corpus display this capacity
for mixing and cross-fertilisation to a unique degree: compare the richness of the tale
of Sinuhe with the much more restricted range of genres included in an actual
autobiography of the early 12th dynasty. This capacity, though not always exploited,
seems to be more strongly present in the corpus than in other genres. Particularly
significant in this respect is that the narrative genre and wisdom genres show a tendency
to incorporate one another, which is a formal indication that they are compatible and
were regarded as a group in terms of literary decorum.
Any analysis of the style of a past age is problematic. A term which was often
applied to the wisdom discourses is mdt-nfrt. This, like the European 'belles lettres',
relates to style, to content, and to the response evoked by these (see above). It is not
a term for exclusively 'rhetorical virtue', but signifies both 'perfect speech' and 'spoken
perfection'. Although no one style can be regarded as typical of Posener's corpus, the
texts often display a more self-conscious treatment of style than is found in other
genres. The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant is perhaps the supreme example, where the
plot is motivated by the production of the text itself: the tale describes its own making
and its own eloquence. The Words of Khakheperresoneb is not unique in its selfconcern (BM 5645, recto 1-9), although it is particularly explicit. One poem in the
Dialogue of a Man and his Ba is similarly devoted to the problem of finding an audience
for the speaker's formulations of woe (P. Berlin 3024 103-30); the refrain of this poem
is attested elsewhere in a description of the sufferings of the just: "The wise man says
"To whom shall I speak today"?' (P. Ramesseum II, verso ii.4). Likewise, Ptahhotep
speaks a great deal about speech (e.g. ed. Zba, 48, 58, 129-30, 159, 370-1, 624-5), and
his teaching is self-referential, not only about teaching (e.g. 399,566) but also about how
it is to be received and retold to future generations (e.g. 507-634). The structures of
many tales show the same concern with their own style and form: the Tale of the
Shipwrecked Sailor is a tale of a tale told by a sailor of a tale told to him, and the Tale
of the Court of Cheops consists chiefly of a tale about the telling of various tales.
36
37
38
39
1 (1983), 9-22.
101
41
42
These genres shared a common context, in terms of their audience, textual transmission,
authorship and fictionality. The unity of tone, together with common formal and stylistic
capacities, also imply that these genres shared a common decorum in these respects,
which suggests that the genres which Posener grouped together were similarly associated
in the institution of Egyptian literature.
The question of dating has aroused much discussion and controversy. Few texts can be
reliably dated by their ostensible historical setting or content, which are in any case
arguably fictional. I suggest that the settings were either in the past or timeless; exactly
'contemporary' settings are a very recent phenomenon in fictional narratives. Moreover,
if fictional texts refer to historical information, they do not necessarily present it as
literally accurate, as say commemorative annals do (although standards of historical
A later example of how two genres treat the same subject matter in very different ways is that o f the
'Bulletin' and 'Poem' of the Qadesh inscription: see T. von der Way, Die Textberlieferung
Qades-Schlacht:
Analyse
Ramses'
II. zur
und Struktur ( H B 22, 1984). This tonal treatment of topoi is different from the
For Knigsnovellen
of the Ancient
Egyptians
(Yale Near Eastern Researches 9, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 101-5. For the motif s e e
Blumenthal (see xv below), ZS 109 (1982), 17-21.
4
R.B. Parkinson
102
accuracy are notoriously changeable). Rather, the presentation is shaped by artistic ends,
as in Dante's Divina Commedia or Shakespeare's History plays. The Egyptologist's
assumption of historicity also goes against the tendency of many texts to view their
subject matter sub specie aeternitatis: Ptahhotep's instructions on etiquette are presented
not as specific practical information about the behaviour of the lite at table, but
because 'eating bread is according to the council of god' (ed. Zba, 142). More
generally, the assumption that literature is a direct reflection of a historical situation,
which underlies the interpretation of texts as political 'propaganda', has been challenged
repeatedly in critical theory. An over-literal approach has pervaded much discussion
of the 'pessimistic' wisdom texts which treats them as illustrations of the historical chaos
of the First Intermediate period.
The paucity of securely dated literary texts makes the identification of 'Zeitstil'
particularly hazardous, especially if this is then to be used to date other texts. The
correlation of textual styles and 'Geist' with specific periods is overschematic. This
can be seen in the 'intellectual movement' of the Heracleopolitan period which has been
posited on the basis of an essentially undated group of texts. One example from
these is the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant which was assigned to this period not only by
its setting but also on plausible 'Zeitstil' grounds (such as its attitude to 'greatness');
recently, however, the text has been reassigned to the later 12th dynasty by several
analyses.
As Bjrkman and van der Pias have argued, more specific dating criteria must
be sought. These criteria should allow comparison with other more securely dated
evidence, both literary and non-literary, although they must be assessed within the
framework of the individual composition. Linguistic and philological features are perhaps
becoming the most important criteria, as more detailed studies of such phenomena
appear. The names and titles of non-royal protagonists also offer valuable specific
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
congrs international
II, 98-103.
48
Berlev, Vernus and Parkinson listed under xx below.
49
G. Bjrkman, 'Egyptology and Historical Method', CrSu 13 (1964), 9-23; D . van der Pias, 'On Criteria
for the Dating of Egyptian texts', GM 73 (1984), 49-56.
-nr - " p
103
52
53
place
104
R.B. Parkinson
.i
i
i
H. Brunner, 'Zitate aus Lebenslehren', in E. Hornung & O. Keel (ed.), Studien zu altgyptischen
Lebenslehren ( O B O 28, 1979), 105-71; W. Guglielmi, 'Zur Adaption und Funktion von Zitaten', SAK 11
(1984), 347-64; C. J. Eyre (n. 11 above), 153-60. On formulae in literature see W. J. Ong, Orality and
Literacy: the Technologizing of the Word ( N e w Accents; London: Methuen, 1982), 23-7, 34-6, 60-70.
105
CATALOGUE OF TEXTS
The dating of the corpus is still uncertain, although low dates, which accord with critical
theory and which allow convincing reconstructions of the evolution of literary form, are
becoming more generally accepted. Thus this catalogue is arranged by genre rather
than by date, in the order: Teachings, Discourses, Words, Dialogues and Tales
(Posener's numbers are provided in parenthesis). Remarks on the date of composition
have been left imprecise, with a few exceptions. Each entry provides brief details of the
manuscripts (especially when only one is known), of the form and completeness of the
preserved text, and of the date of the setting. For bibliography, references are given to
a primary publication, and to the relevant entries in W. Helck et al. (ed.) Lexikon der
gyptologie; omitted and subsequent important articles are also listed. This list makes no
claims to completeness: I have passed over the many New Kingdom ostraca with
unidentified literary texts, of which not enough is preserved to guarantee an attribution
to the Middle Kingdom. It remains to stress how partial and fragmentary our sources still
are, despite the great achievements of Posener's researches. Only fifteen of the texts
listed here are known from manuscripts of the 12th dynasty, and only eight texts are
complete.
55
(2)
The final section of this wisdom text is preserved on the first two columns of the late
12th dynasty P. Prisse (see n. 53 above), together with a narrative conclusion in which
a Kagemni becomes vizier under the new king, Snefru. Kagemni is almost certainly the
pupil rather than the teacher, and was perhaps based on the historical vizier Kagemni
of the 6th dynasty who was revered in the early Middle Kingdom. The father was
probably a vizier, and may be identified with Kaires(u) (see below). The date is very
uncertain.
A.H. Gardiner, 'The Instruction addressed to Kagemni and his Brethren'. JEA 3 2 (1946), 71-4.
W. Barta, L III, 980-82.
ii
5 6
(3)
Only copies from the Ramessid period survive, and these provide an incomplete text,
despite the composition's recorded fame (see P. Anastasi I 11.1-2; P. Harris 500 6.6-7;
P. Chester Beatty verso 3.5). It is attributed to an attested historical figure of the 4th
dynasty, who was revered from the late Old Kingdom. and later renowned for wisdom
apart from this teaching. The son for whom he makes the teaching is otherwise
57
On low dates see, for example, van der Pias (n. 49 above), 49-51. Reconstructions include those o f
J. Assmann, 'Schrift, T o d und Identitt' in A Assmann et al. (ed.), Schrift und Gedchtnis:
Archologie
der literarischen
Kommunikation
Beitrge
zur
It is uncertain what form the name would have taken in Middle Kingdom manuscripts: Hr-dd=f
is
the form of the name in P. Westcar (e.g. 6.22), while Hr-dd=f occurs on a Middle Kingdom graffito (BSFE
16 [1954], 41).
5 7
106
R.B. Parkinson
unknown:
Beginning of the Teaching
made by the Patrician and Count,
the King's son, Hordedef
for his son, whom he nurtured,
named Au{t}ibre.
The date is very uncertain. If the Harpist's Song of P. Harris, which cites Hordedef,
originated under a king Intef of the 11th dynasty, it must come from the very start of the
Middle Kingdom; but although the song may be from the Middle Kingdom, that date is
probably fictional.
58
iii
The Teaching of Ptahhotep
(4)
Two distinct versions of this composition are attested from the second half of the 12th
dynasty (P and LI); however, this divergence need not imply that there was a long
period of transmission before then, or that the text originated in the Old Kingdom. Only
the version preserved in P. Prisse (P) is complete, while the other (LI) is essentially that
found in a late 18th dynasty papyrus (L2). Ramessid copies are also known. The teaching
is set in the old age of Ptahhotep during the reign of Isesi, and two historical viziers
Ptahhotep (I and II) are known from that time; the career of the first would fit the
setting more exactly, and he may have been the basis for the character here. In the
complete copy, there is a narrative prologue, followed by 37 maxims with a reflective
epilogue. The text begins:
59
zu altgyptischen
Weisheitslehren
Reiches.
5 8
59
Both of their tombs may show signs o f later reverence ( P M III , 596-8, 600-5); see, however, E.
Martin-Pardey, L IV, 1181.
107
iv
The Teaching for Merikare
(10)
The body of the text, which is known only from New Kingdom papyri, is complete,
although the start is extremely fragmentary. The king Merikare named in the title is
attested, although his position in the Herakleopolitan dynasties is unsure. The identity
of the teacher is uncertain:
60
61
Khet]y
The reading [Ht]jj is defensible, but the identification with Nb-k3w-r' is no more than a
plausible hypothesis. The text implies that the author is a successor of a king Mrj-[jb(?)]r' (ed. Helck 25i). The date of the composition is probably post-Heracleopolitan.
W. Helck, Die Lehre fr Knig Merikare. KT, 1977.
G. Posener, L III, 986-9.
E. Blumenthal, 'Die Lehre fr Knig Merikare'. ZS 107 (1980), 5-41.
P. Derchain, 'Eloquence et politique: l'opinion d'Akhtoy'. RdE 40 (1989), 37-47.
v
The Teaching of Amenemhat I
(23)
The text is complete, but preserved only in New Kingdom copies. It is entitled:
Beginning of the Teaching
made by the person of the Dual King: Sehotepibre,
Son of Re: Amenemhat, true of voice,
as he spoke in a revelation
to his son, the Lord to the Limit.
According to a prayer for the scribe Khety in P. Chester Beatty IV (verso 6.11-14), the
Teaching was composed by him after the death of the king, and therefore has been
assigned to the reign of Senwosret I or later. Khety is also listed among other sages in
P. Chester Beatty IV (verso 3.6). He was perhaps a historical figure, but he could
have been a fictional sage known from the Teaching of Khety (q.v.), to whom the
62
T h e matter is very cautiously discussed by J. Lopez, 'L'auteur de l'Enseignement pour Merikare', RdE
25 (1973), 178-91.
6 1
6 2
H e probably does not figure o n the Daressy Fragment (see n. 2 0 above). There is mention o f a
Master o f Largesse (hj-wdb) s3 Htj; unless the goose-sign can be connected with the title, the n a m e must
be the unattested Sakhety, an error for ' < X ' s > son Khety*, or the patronym 'Khety's son' (which would be
without parallel o n the rest of the fragment).
ST"?
108
R.B. Parkinson
vi
The Teaching of Duaf s son Khety
(22)
The earliest copy is from the 18th dynasty. Although the text is complete, the corrupt
nature of the predominantly Ramessid copies makes its interpretation problematic,
including the name of the protagonist. If it is 'Duaf's son Khety', he was presumably the
same scribe Khety who is acclaimed as the author of the Teaching of Amenemhat in P.
Chester Beatty IV (see v above). Thus, he may have been a historical figure and the
actual author of this teaching, which would then date to the early 12th dynasty. He could
also have been a fictional sage. The scene of the teaching is set as Khety takes his son
to the school in the Residence:
Beginning of the Teaching
made by the man of Sile(?)
Duaf's son(?) Khety,
for his son, named Pepy.
The first part comprises a series of satiric descriptions of various professions which
advocates the scribal profession, while more general injunctions form a shorter
concluding section.
W. Helck, Die Lehre des Dw3-Htjj. 2 vols. KT, 1970.
A. Thodorids, 'La "Satire des Metiers" et les marchands'. Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologe et d'Histoire
Orientales et Slaves 15 (1958-60), 39-69.
H. Brunner, L III, 977-8.
G. Burkard, Textkritische Untersuchungen zu altgyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren Reiches,
passim. A 34, 1977.
G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el Mdineh, nos. 1442-1590. DFIFAO 20,
1977-80.
J. Lopez, Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser.; Milan: La Goliardica, 1978-84) III, nos. 57023,
57082, 57298, 57363.
J. von Beckerath, 'Ostrakon Mnchen AS 396'. SAK 10 (1983), 63-9 (esp. 63 n.2).
vii
The 'Loyalist' Teaching
(27 + 33-4)
Although the complete text is known only from New Kingdom copies, an edited version
Khety's corpus has been enlarged by the attributions of modern scholars. H. Goedicke, in particular,
acclaims Khety as the source of much Middle Kingdom writing, but without valid justification
(e.g. The
Report about the Dispute of a Man and his Ba (P Berlin 3024) [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1970], 5-8). This reflects the uneasiness of a modern scholar faced with the anonymity of the works; a similar
fate has befallen Shakespeare recently.
64
Reading of Posener, 'L'auteur de la satire des mtiers', in J. Vercoutter (ed.), Livre du
1880-1980
Centenaire:
109
of the first half occurs on the Abydos stela of the King's Sealbearer Sehotepibre, from
the reign of Amenemhat III. This part enjoins loyalty to the king from officials, while
the second half concerns the individual's responsibility to the rest of society. The name
of the 'author' was edited out by Sehotepibre, and is lost in the later copies:
Beginning of the Teaching
made by the Patrician and Count,
the god's father, beloved of the god,
H e who is over the secrets of the King,
the chief of the entire land,
the Sem-priest and Kilt-controller
The surviving titles are suggestive of a vizier. The stela of Sehotepibre was modelled on
that of the Vizier Montuhotep from the start of the 12th dynasty, and the Teaching
might be of similar date, although a date in the middle of the dynasty has also been
suggested.
G. Posener, L'Enseignement loyaliste: sagesse gyptienne du Moyen Empire. (Centre de recherches d'histoire
et de philologie II - Hautes tudes orientales 5). Geneva: Droz, 1976.
G. Posener, LA III, 982-3.
J.-L. Chappaz, 'Un nouvel ostracon de l'Enseignement loyaliste'. BSEG 7 (1982), 3-9.
J. Lopez, Catalogo
del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser.; Milan: La Goliardica, 1978-84) III, no. 57547.
viii
(6 + 26)
The Teaching of a Man is preserved in New Kingdom copies only, and remains
incomplete. The title is universalised, almost 'Everyman':
Beginning of the Teaching
made by a man for his son.
The structure was probably bipartite, like that of the 'Loyalist' Teaching. Most of what
survives seems to make up a first half which is loyalist in tone. The second, and perhaps
originally longer, half seems to be concerned more with official conduct than with the
king. The date of composition is very uncertain, and the suggestion of the early 12th
dynasty is based on a very dubious historical allusion to the death of Senwosret I (ed.
Helck, 4c-d).
65
W. Helck, Die Lehre des Djedefhor und die Lehre eines Vaters an seinem Sohn (KT, 1984), 25-72.
G. Burkard, Textkritische Untersuchungen zu altgyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren
Reiches.
A 34, 1977.
G. Posener, LA III, 984-6.
G. Posener, 'Pour la reconstruction de Renseignement d'un h o m m e son fils'. RdE 36 (1985), 115-19.
E. Gal, 'Eine neues Ostracon zur "Lehre eines Mannes fr seinen Sohn"' MDAIK 40 (1984), 13-25, pi. 1-5.
J. Lopez, Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser.; Milan: La Goliardica, 1978-84) III, no. 58006.
J. L. Foster, 'Texts of the Egyptian Composition "The Instruction of a Man for his Son" in the Oriental
Institute Museum'. JNES 45 (1986), 197-211.
ix
(32)
The Amherst Papyri included five small fragments in a hand very similar to those from
6 5
H. Brunner, 'Zur Datierung der "Lehre eines Mannes an seinen Sohn'", JEA 6 4 (1978), 142-3.
masr *zamr
R.B. Parkinson
110
the 'Berlin library', from the second half of the 12th dynasty, and probably coming from
the same source. To judge by the hand, the fragments do not belong to any of the other
texts. They preserve parts of at least nine lines, one of which reads 'I shall teach (sb3)
you'. On this basis the text has been considered a teaching.
P. M. Newberry, The Amherst papyri (London: Quaritch, 1899), pl.l H-L.
The Amherst papyri will be included in a new catalogue to be published by the Pierpont Morgan Library; in
preparation.
A fragmentary writing board in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, has seven lines of text
on each side. The hand suggests that the copy dates to the Hyksos period, a date similar
to that of P. Westcar. One side concerns the relationship of the 'god' (king) with the
duties of an official, to whom the text is addressed; the lines on the other side are more
didactic and less reflective. Both sides were written by the same hand, and both
presumably contain the same text, which seems to be either a discourse or a teaching.
The language is classical Middle Egyptian. The date is very uncertain.
J. W. B. Barns, 'A New Wisdom Text from a Writing Board in Oxford'. JEA 5 4 (1968), 71-6.
xi
(29)
66
66
Speech which reflects the circumstances is also presented favourably in the Semna Stela: K. Sethe,
gyptische
Lesestcke
zum Gebrauch
im akkademischen
Unterricht:
Reiches
(Leipzig:
111
J. W. B. Barns, Five Ramessewn Papyri (Oxford: University Press, 1956), 1-10, pi. 1-16.
A new edition of the Ramesseum Papyri is planned by the British Museum.
xii
The Discourse of Rensoneb (30)
This is known only from an incomplete manuscript from the second half of the 12th
dynasty (P. Moscow - Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts - 1695), which begins:
Beginning of the Discourse
spoken by the priest of Sekhmet, Rensoneb.
25 (1969), 101-6.
xiii
The Discourse of the Fowler (31 + 12)
The start of this text is preserved on the verso of the same manuscript as the preceding,
and comprises four lines, of which the last has been partially erased like the subsequent
lines. A title and traces of an introductory prologue are preserved:
The Beginning of the Discourse spoken by Hori's son,
- he is a fowler (h3mw) of the Southern City,
named Iuru,
who was summoned after he had been in the palace.
68
25 (1969), 101-6.
F. LI. Griffith, 'Fragments of Old Egyptian Stories from the B M and Amherst Collections', 458, pi. 3-[5].
PSBA 14 (1982), 451-72.
I-I.-W. Fischer-Elfert 'Der ehebrecherische Sohn (P. Deir el-Medineh 27, Stele U C 14.430 und P. Butler
verso)'. GM 111 (1989), 23-6.
A British Museum catalogue of Middle Kingdom papyri is planned, to include P. Butler.
xiv
The Words of Khakheperresoneb
(25)
The text is known only from an 18th dynasty writing board (BM 5645), while the
protagonist is acclaimed in P. Chester Beatty IV (verso 3.7; see n. 21 above). He is also
depicted with the title 'lector-priest' on the 'Daressy Fragment' (see n. 20 above). His
name indicates that the text cannot predate the reign of Senwosret II. The text is
arranged into three paragraphs, which were copied at different times on the front of the
board, and one on the back. It shows strong signs of being a selection only, and, perhaps
significantly, lacks any colophon. Its partial nature may be alluded to in the title as given
in the copy:
68
Necterlands Instituut
voor het Nabije Oosten
Leiden - Nederland
R.B. Parkinson
112
The selection
of words, the gathering of phrases (tsw),
the seeking out of utterances Qinw) with heart searching,
made by the priest of Heliopolis,
Seny's son Khakheperresoneb,
called Ankhu.
It is a reflective lament about 'these things which are throughout the land' (verso 1),
which is addressed to his unresponsive heart (a dialogue manqu, as it were).
A. H. Gardiner, The Admonitions of an Ancient Egyptian Sage, from a Hieratic Papyrus in Leiden
Hinrichs, 1909), 95-110, pi. 17-18.
E. Otto, L I, 896-7.
W. Helck, L III, 977.
(Leipzig:
xv
The text is completely preserved in New Kingdom copies only, the earliest being from
the 18th dynasty. There is a narrative introduction set in the court of Snefru, which
begins:
It happened that the Person of the Dual King Snefru, true of voice,
was benevolent king in this entire land.
One of these days . . .
The great lector priest of Bastet, Neferti is asked for 'a few perfect words (mdwt-nfrwf),
and choice phrases (tsw)'. He responds with a lament for a chaotic period, and 'takes
concern for the events of the land; / he recalls the state of the east'. This chaos will be
ended by the arrival of a king called Ameny, who is usually identified with Amenemhat
I. There is no epilogue, although last lines allude to Neferti's future fame, which is
attested in P. Chester Beatty IV, verso 3.6. On the basis of the eulogy of Ameny /
Amenemhat I the composition has been assigned to his reign or shortly afterwards.
W. Helck, Die Prophezeiung
L. Foti, 'The History in the Prophecies of Noferti: Relationship between the Egyptian Wisdom and Prophecy
Literatures'. StudAeg 2 (1976), 3-18.
E. Blumenthal, L TV, 380-81.
E. Blumenthal, 'Die Prophezeiung des Neferti'. ZS 109 (1982), 1-27.
xvi
(8)
The same word is used of the short 'abstract' of the Amduat (Hornung, DasAmduat:
verborgenen Raumes III Die Kurzfassung
113
The sage is mentioned on the 'Daressy Fragment' as 'the Overseer of Singers, Ipuur' (n.
20 above).
A. H. Gardiner, The Admonitions of an Ancient Egyptian Sage, from a Hieratic Papyrus in Leiden (Leipzig:
J.C. Hinrichs, 1909), 1-95, pi. 1-16.
Many new readings are supplied by G. Fecht, Der Vorwurf an Gott in den 'Mahnworten des Ipu-wer'. A H A W
1972,1.
W. Barta, 'Das Gesprch des Ipuwer mit dem Schpfergott'. SAK 1 (1974), 19-33.
G. Fecht, 'gyptische Zweifel am Sinn des Opfers'. ZS 100 (1974), 6-16.
J. Spiegel, L I, 65-6.
M. Gilula, ' D o e s God Exist?', in D.W. Young (ed.), Studies Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky
MA: Pirtle & Polsen, 1981), 390-400.
O. Renaud, 'Ipouer le mal-aim'. BSEG 12 (1988), 71-5.
xvii
(Beacon Hill,
(7)
The dialogue is preserved in papyrus from mid-12th dynasty 'Berlin' library (P. Berlin
3024). At the beginning, at least half a sheet is lost, - possibly one and a half sheets,
which would have contained around 35 lines. 155 lines remain, including the end of the
composition. It is a dialogue in various literary styles, between a man (the
'Lebensmder') and his b3 on the nature of death, which is recounted by the unnamed
man. It seems to take place before an audience of accessors (addressed in the plural in
1.1). There was probably no title, but a brief statement as prologue, such as occurs in the
New Kingdom 'Dialogue of the Head and Belly'.
70
R. O. Faulkner, "The Man who was Tired of Life'. JEA 4 2 (1956), 21-40.
R. J. Williams, 'Reflections on the Lebensmde'. JEA 48 (1962), 49-56.
E. Brunner-Traut, 'Der Lebensmder und sein Ba'. ZS 94 (1967), 6-15
J. Osing, L II, 571-3.
A. O. Bolshakov, 'O dialogizme "spora cheloveka i ba'", in Kultumoe Nasledie
suzhdeniya (Leningrad: Nauka, 1985), 17-29 \AEB 85.0412; not seen].
xviii
Vostoka: problemi,
poski,
(59)
The late 12th - early 13th dynasty Papyrus Ramesseum II comprises two fragments,
containing six columns which seem from the hand to have been copied at different times.
The text is a loose collection of reflective maxims of a generally pessimistic nature; it is
unlikely to be an abstract of a single unitary text. On the recto, each maxim is written
on a separate line, while from the second column of the verso the writing is continuous.
On the verso, the divisions between maxims (not metrical lines) are marked by red 'verse
points'. This is the earliest attestation of 'verse points'.
J. W B. Barns, Five Ramesseum Papyri (Oxford: University Press, 1956), 11-14, pi. 7-9.
A new edition of the Ramesseum Papyri is planned by the British Museum.
xix
(14)
The composition is preserved in five Middle Kingdom manuscripts (with variants) and
over twenty New Kingdom copies. The earliest manuscript is P. Berlin 3022, from the
second half of the 12th dynasty. The text is complete, and has been much analysed; its
/ u
Turin Writing Tablet 58004 ( = Cat. 6238), 1. See J. Lopez, Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino
(2nd
R.B. Parkinson
114
tale of voluntary exile and return under Senwosret I is widely valued as the masterpiece
of Middle Kingdom literature, at the expense of other less accessible works. The
narrative is introduced as the autobiography of a courtier whose service began under
Amenemhat I, and, as such, there is no title:
The Patrician and Count,
Governor of the domains of the Sovereign in the lands of the Asiatics
the true acquaintance of the king, w h o m he loves,
the follower Sinuhe, says:
The first person narrative includes a particularly rich variety of other genres. The setting
and the eulogistic elements may suggest that it was composed shortly after the reign of
Senwosret I.
A. M. Blackman, Middle-Egyptian Stories ( B A e 2, 1932), 1-41.
J. W. B. Barns, The Ashmolean Ostracon of Sinuhe. London: Oxford University Press for Griffith Institute,
1952
W. K. Simpson, L V, 960-65.
J. Baines, 'Interpreting Sinuhe'. JEA 68 (1982), 31-44 (with recent bibliography).
J. L. Foster, 'Cleaning up Sinuhe'. JSSEA 12 (1982), 81-5.
M. Koyama, 'Essai de rconstitution de la composition de l'Histoire de Sinouh'. Orient, Tokyo 18 (1982),
41-64.
J. Assmann, 'Die Rubren in der berlieferung der Sinuhe-Erzhlung', in M. Grg (ed.), Fontes atque Pontes:
eine Festgabe fr Hellmut Brunner ( U A T 5, 1983), 18-41.
E. Blumenthal, 'Zu Sinuhes Zweikampf mit d e m Starken von Retjenu', in M. Grg (ed.), ibid., 42-6
M. Green, "The Syrian and Lebanese Topographical Data in the Story of Sinuhe'. CdE 5 8 (1983), 38-59.
D . Berg 'Note on Sinuhe B 5-7'. GM 79 (1984), 11-3.
G. Fecht, 'Sinuhes Zweikampf als Handlungskern des dritten Kapitels des Sinuhes-'Romans"', in F. Junge
(ed.), Studien zu Sprache und Religion gyptens zu Ehren von Wlfhart
Westendorf"(Gttingen,
1984), 465-84.
H. Goedicke, 'Sinuhe's Duel'. JARCE 21 (1984), 197-201.
H. Goedicke, "The Riddle of Sinuhe's Right'. RdE 35 (1984),
95-103.
M. Green, 'The word ng3w in Sinuhe B 13'. GM 70 (1984), 27-29.
A. Thodorids, 'Eamnistie et la raison d'tat dans les 'Aventures de Sinouh' (dbut du Ile millnaire av.
J.-C.)'. RIDA 31 (1984), 75-144.
C. Cannuyer, 'Note propos de Sinouh B 133-4. GM 8 8 (1985), 11-3.
P. Derchain, 'Sinouh et Ammounech'. GM 87 (1985), 7-13.
H. Goedicke, 'Sinuhe's Foreign Wife'. BSEG 9-10 (1984-5), 103-7.
H. Goedicke, 'The Encomium of Sesostris III'. SAK 12 (1985), 5-28.
S. Allam, 'Sinuhe's Foreign Wife (reconsidered)'. DE 4 (1986), 15-6.
H. Goedicke, 'Three Passages in the Story of Sinuhe'. JARCE 23 (1986), 167-74.
H. Goedicke, 'Readings V: Sinuhe B 10'. VA 4 (1988), 201-6.
A. Loprieno, Topos und Mimesis: zum Auslnder in der gyptischen Literatur
M. Patan, 'Quelques remarques sur Sinouh'. BSEG 13 (1989), 131-3.
W. Barta, 'Der "Vorwurf an Gott" in der Lebensgeschichte des Sinuhe', in B, Schmitz and A. Eggebrecht
(ed.), Festschrift Jrgen von Beckerath: zum 70. Geburtstag am 19, Februar 1990 ( H B 3 0 , 1 9 9 0 ) ,
21-7.
H. Goedicke, 'Sinuhe's Self-Realization (Sinuhe B 113-27)'. ZS 117 (1990), 129-39.
G. S. Greig, 'The sdm=f and sdm.n=f m the Story of Sinuhe and the Theory of Nominal (emphatic) Verbs',
in S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew
University, 1990), I, 264-348.
A new synoptic edition is in press by R. Koch, for the Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth (1990).
115
xx
The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant
(11)
The complete text is known from four Middle Kingdom manuscripts, of which two also
contain the Tale of Sinuhe. The earliest are the two partial copies from 'Berlin library'
of the second half of the 12th dynasty, which present slightly different versions (P. Berlin
3023, 3025). The tale begins:
There was a man
called Khunanup
Within an ironic narrative are set nine discursive petitions on the nature of Maat, which
occupy most of the composition. The narrative, however, is the mode which determines
the meaning of the whole as an allusive theodicy. Various factors suggest that the Tale
was composed in the mid-12th dynasty; a more precise date may be provided by Bl 65-8,
which is a mock titulary similar to that of Senwosret II.
F. Vogelsang, Kommentar zu den Klagen des Bauern. U G A 6, 1913.
G. Fecht, 'Bauerngeschichte', L I, 638-51.
R. J. Leprohon, 'The Wages of the Eloquent Peasant'. JARCE 12 (1975), 97-8.
O. D . Berlev, 'The Date of the "Eloquent Peasant'", in Osing and Dreyer, Form und Mass: Beitrge zur
Literatur, Sprache und Kunst des alten gypten. Festschrift fur Gerhard Fecht ( U A T 12, 1987), 7 8 83.
W. Westendorf, 'Das strandende Schiff: zur Lesung und bersetzung von Bauer B l , 5 8 = R 101', in J.
Assmann et al. (ed.) Fragen an die altgyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard
Otto
(Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1977), 503-9.
P. Vernus, 'La Date du Paysan Eloquent', in S. I. Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam
Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1990), II, 1033-47.
A. Thodorids, 'Sur une thorie du droit la vie par la proprit prive'. Bulletin, Association
Montoise
dEgyptologie
1.2 (1990), [11-9].
W. K. Simpson, 'The Political Background of the Eloquent Peasant'. GM 120 (1990), 95-9.
R. B. Parkinson, The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant. Oxford: Griffith Institute, in press (synoptic text edition;
with bibliography).
xxi
The Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor (15)
This is preserved in one manuscript, from the second half of the 12th dynasty (P.
Leningrad 1115). It is a first person narrative, ostensibly a simple tale of adventure,
which is introduced thus:
Speech by an excellent follower:
Although the preceding margin is unusually narrow, there is nothing lost before this. The
structure involves a tale within a tale, told by a serpent. The tale ends as the follower
relates his lord's laconic and dismissive reply.
A M. Blackman, Middle Egyptian Stories ( B A e 2, 1932), 41-8.
W. K. Simpson, L V, 619-22.
H. Altenmller, 'Die "Geschichte des Schiffbrchigen" - ein Aufruf zum Loyalismus?', in H. Altenmller &
R. Germer (ed.), Miscellanea Aegyptologica:
Wolfgang Helck zum 75. Geburtstag
(Hamburg
Archologisches Institut, 1989), 7-21.
J. Baines, 'Interpreting the Story of the Shipwrecked Sailor'. JEA 76 (1990), 55-72 (with recent bibliography).
D . Berg, 'Syntax, Semantics and Physics: the Shipwrecked Sailor's Fire'. JEA 76 (1990), 168-70.
C. Vandersleyen, 'En relisant le Naufrag', in S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam
Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1990), II, 1019-24.
W. Westendorf, 'Die Insel des Schiffbrchigen - keine Halbinsel!', in S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in
Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1990), II, 1056-64.
R.B. Parkinson
116
xxii
The Tale of the Herdsman
(16)
This fragmentary tale is preserved in the same manuscript as the Dialogue of a Man and
his Ba, on a sheet which was partially cleaned and then added to that roll from another
manuscript. The hand is from the second half of the 12th dynasty, in an older style than
that of the Dialogue. Four lines were erased at start and four at the end; it is uncertain
how much has been lost before and after these. 25 lines remain, describing in the third
person an incident featuring a herdsman who tells of his meeting with a goddess in the
marshes.
A. H. Gardiner, Die Erzhlung des Sinuhe und die Hirtengeschichte (Literarische Texte des Mittleren Reiches
II; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1909), 6, 15, pl. 16-17.
R. Drenkhahn, L II, 1 2 2 3 4 .
H. Goedicke, 'The Story of the Herdsman'. CdE 45 (1970), 244-66.
M. Gilula, 'Hirtengeschichte 17-22 = CT VII 36m-r'. GM 26 (1978), 21-2.
J. R. Ogdon, A Hitherto Unrecognised Metaphor of Death in Papyrus Berlin 3024'. GM 100 (1987), 73-80.
xxiii
The Tale of P. Lythgoe
This fragmentary manuscript from Lisht can be dated by the hand to the second half of
12th dynasty (P. MMA 09.180.535). Recto and verso each contain 11 lines of narrative
text, and presumably form part of a single composition. On the recto there is mention
of 'the Vizier Djefa's son Ne[. . . ] ' and a 'field of the vizier Wehau', and the verso
includes an episode of violence. Neither vizier is historically attested, and the date
of both setting and composition is uncertain.
71
W. K. Simpson, 'Papyrus Lythgoe: a Fragment of a Literary Text of the Middle Kingdom from el-Lisht'. JEA
46 (I960), 65-70.
W Helck, L IV, 722.
xxiv
The Tale of Hay
(20)
The conclusion to a third person narrative survives on the fragment of papyrus from elLahun, the recto of which contains hymns to Senwosret III (late 12th dynasty: P. Kahun
LV.l verso). Parts of one and a half columns are preserved, including the colophon.
In these, the name Hay occurs twice, but he is unlikely to have been the main
protagonist. The Tale ends with his burial (11. 19-21), which is probably the work of the
protagonist, perhaps a 'district overseer' (1. 25), and with the resolution of a conflict. A
group of (Hay's?) friends plays a rle, and there is mention of 'the [pyramid] (?) of
Neferkare', perhaps Pepy II (1. 23). This might suggest a setting in Old Kingdom
Memphis, similar to that of the Tale of Neferkare and Sasenet. The Tale remains
unstudied and untranslated.
72
F. Ll. Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob (London: Quaritch, 1898), I, 4, II, pi. 4.
A Vizier Wehau is, however, mentioned in a N e w Kingdom list of otherwise unknown and presumably
fictitious officials: W. K Simpson, 'The Vizier Weha'u in P. Lythgoe and Ostr. Moscow 4478', JEA 4 9 (1963),
172.
72
There are additional unpublished fragments, apparently of a literary character, in the London group
of el-Lahun papyri; these may belong to this text or to others as yet unknown (S. Quirke, personal
communication).
117
74
A. M. Blackman (ed. W. V. Davies), 77ie Story of King Cheops and the Magicians: Transcribed from
Westcar, Berlin Papyrus 3033. Reading: J V Books, 1988.
W. K. Simpson, L IV, 744-6.
H. Goedicke, 'Rudjedet's Delivery'. VA 1 (1985), 19-26.
P. Derchain, 'Deux notules propos du Papyrus Westcar'. GM 8 9 (1986), 15-21.
H. Goedicke, 'Gentlemen's Salutations'. VA 2 (1986), 161-70.
E. Edel, 'Der Kanal der Beiden Fische'. DE 16 (1990), 31-3.
xxvi
Papyrus
(21)
Three short episodes are preserved on fragments of a papyrus, ostracon and writing
board from the New Kingdom and Late Period. The tale is set in Memphis and concerns
the affair between a king and his general; a 'pleader of Memphis' attempts to denounce
the general, and the king, perhaps the historical Pepy II, is tracked by Hent's son Tjeti.
The beginning is preserved:
It happened that the Person of the Dual King: Neferkare,
Son of Re: [Pepy], true of voice
was beneficent king in this entire land.
Now . . .
The names and titles are suggestive of the Middle Kingdom. In style and tone it is
reminiscent of the Tale of the Court of Cheops, and may date from the same period or
later.
G. Posener, 'Le Conte de Nferkar et du general Sisn (Recherches littraires IV)'. RdE 11 ( 1 9 5 7 ) , 119-37.
E. Richter-Aeroe, L V, 957.
xxvii
Four fragments of a late period papyrus amounting to pieces of 22 lines (P. Chassinat
II). There is mention of a king and an 'excellent spirit' who identifies himself as
7 3
I differ from H . Altenmller, who sees Rudjdjedet as a pseudonym in a roman c/e/:'Die Stellung
der Knigsmutter Chentkaus beim Ubergang von der 4. zur 5. Dynastie', CdE 45 (1970), 223-35.
R.B. Parkinson
118
'Khentyka's son Snefer' (both names attested in the Old and Middle Kingdoms). It is
composed in good late Middle Egyptian, similar to that of the Tale of King Neferkare
and General Sasenet.
G. Posener, 'Une nouvelle histoire de revenant (Recherches littraries, VII)'. RdE 12 (1960), 75-82.
xxviii
Kemit
(13)
This letter was used in scribal training in the New Kingdom, when it was written in
cursive hieroglyphs. The text, which is complete, is preserved only in these numerous
copies. It is quoted in the Teaching of Khety, which it must thus predate (ed. Helck, 2de), and a similarly early date is supported by the epistolary style, which is suggestive of
the 11th or early 12th dynasty. Although the letter is a selection of epistolary and
didactic formulae, it also forms a first person narrative concerning an errant son, called
Au. The name of the sender is not given, and it simply opens with the formulae:
The servant speaks before his lord,
whom he wishes to live, to prosper, to be healthy!
The designation Kmjjt is known only from Khety's citation, and is unparalleled. The term
can be translated 'Compendium' (referring to its teaching aspect) or 'Fulfilment'
(referring to a theme of the narrative). The epistolary form is also unparalleled in this
period, and poses a problem of genre: can it be said to belong to the corpus of tales and
wisdom texts, or was it viewed solely as a model letter and 'school book'? I have treated
it here as a moralising tale.
75
G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el Mdineh I I I (DFIFAO 1 8 , 1 9 5 1 ) , pi. 1-21.
H. Brunner, L III, 383-4.
W. Barta, 'Das Schulbuch Kemit'. ZS 105 (1978), 6-14.
G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el Mdineh III (DFIFAO 20, 1977-80), nos.
1442, 1590.
J. Lopez, Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser.; Milan: La Goliardica, 1978-84) III, nos. 57054,
57060, 57286, 57307-8, 57448, 57545-6, 57549, 57551-4.
xxix
A late 18th dynasty manuscript contains parts of 18 columns (P. Moscow, unnumbered);
it is uncertain how much is lost at each end. The fragments are sufficient to reveal a
narrative interspersed with long eulogising speeches, made by the Treasurer
Sehotepibreankh, an official otherwise unknown, to the king 'Two Ladies: Fisher and
Fowler' (B 1.3, C 1.12). There is mention of Amenemhat II (E 2.10), who is presumably
the king who requests these speeches during a court hunting trip (A 2.1-3). Thus it can
be dated no earlier than the second half of the 12th dynasty. The generic structure is not
The fact that it is quoted in a teaching may allude to its use in education rather than to its genre.
Later examples show that the epistolary form occurred in tales and in discourses (e.g. the 'Tale of Woe': R.
Caminos, L III, 1066-7; the 'Satirical Letter Sequence' o f P. Anastasi I: H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, Die Satirische
Streitschrift des Papyrus Anastasi I; KT, 1983). Within the genres of the Middle Kingdom, that of the tale
is formally more flexible than the didactic texts, and more compatible with the epistolary form.
119
76
R. Caminos, Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script (Oxford: University Press for Griffith Institute, 1956),
8-16, pi. 8-16.
XXX
The Account of the Pleasures of Fishing and Fowling
(35)
This problematic text is likewise known only from a papyrus from the end of the 18th
dynasty (P. Moscow, unnumbered), which provides fragments of 12 columns occupied
by a monologue in praise of pastoral activities. The first column begins 'Like what is the
[craft of] my [belov]ed (Sokhet)?'. This is paralleled in the Account of the Sporting
King, where the speeches are requested with a similar question (see n. 75). Since one
would expect some introductory statement, at least one column is probably lost. The
parallel of the previous text, and the fact that a 'lord Inseni' (an otherwise unattested
name), is addressed suggest that some narrative prologue has been lost.
It is
uncertain whether the text as a whole was a narrative or some form of discourse: the
closest parallel is the Account of the Sporting King.
78
in the Hieratic Script (Oxford: University Press for Griffith Institute, 1956),
The position of tales about the gods within Middle Kingdom literary genres, and even
their existence, are disputed. There are three possible examples of such narratives, but
Assmann has suggested that the first two were parts of magical texts rather than
tales. The genre of the third is more certain, but not its date. Since tales with at least
one divine character are attested (e.g. xxii, xxv), I see no reason to doubt the
identification as tales. They are distinct from other tales only by their non-human setting,
and possibly by the degree to which they were regarded as fictional.
79
While the royal setting is similar to that o f the Words of Neferti and the Tale of the Court of Cheops,
the speech requested by the king is not itself immediately recognisable as a narrative or a wisdom discourse,
although it has loyalist elements. It is requested with the question 'Like what is [that which you say] you have
[seen]?' ( A 2.2-3). Since the relationship between narrative and discourse in the genre of the whole is not
certain, I have used the neutral term 'account'.
inscription describes events of the reign, including a celebratory hunting trip. T h e Account may draw o n this
tradition of Amenemhat's activities.
78
S e e n. 75 above. Any third person narrative within the text can only be inferred, but the discourse
itself has narrative episodes in the first person. A possible narrative parallel is the Tale of the Shipwrecked
Sailor, which is also an account of an expedition addressed to a superior. H e r e there are more directly didactic
elements, notably that introduced by C 3.11: 'I shall teach (sb3)
descriptions of the pastoral life as the ideal profession recall the illustrations o f the ideal and unideal
professions in the Teaching of Khety.
s e e J. Baines, 'Egyptian Myth and Discourse: Myth, Gods, and the Early Written and Iconographie
Record', in print
(JNES).
R.B. Parkinson
120
xxxi
A Tale of Horus and Seth
(19)
Fragments of two columns and two lines survive, narrating Seth's attempted seduction
of Horus. The papyrus (P. Kahun VI. 12) dates from the late 12th dynasty.
F. LI. Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob (London: Quaritch, 1898) I, 4, II, pi. 3 .
xxxii
The Cairo Myth
(18)
This as yet unpublished 12th dynasty manuscript (P. Cairo CG 58040) was described by
Posener as 'un feuillet et un fragment'. It narrates 'an episode in which some one is
bitten by a snake and dies, whereat "this god (?Re') spoke to Sia", and bade the council
be convoked, etc.'
80
xxxiii
The 'Mythological Narrative'
Eight columns of a fragmentary manuscript from the end of the 18th dynasty (P.
Moscow 167) were identified by Caminos, and pieces of at least another four by
Korostovtsev (P. Moscow, no number). This contains a tale of gods, involving Meret,
which is perhaps an early form of the Tefnut legend. Although the tale is written in
good Middle Egyptian, it may date to the early New Kingdom.
81
R. Caminos, Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script (Oxford: University Press for Griffith Institute, 1956)
40-50, pi. 17-23.
M. A. Korostovtsev, 'Egipetskii ieraticheskii papirus no. 167 gosudarstvennogo muzeya izobrzitel'nykh iskusstv
im. A. S. Pushkina v Moskve' in Drevnii Egipet [Golenishchev memorial volume] (Moscow:
izdatel'stvo vostochnoi lityeratury, 1960), 119-34.
W. Helck, L IV, 724 (3 + 5c).
In addition to these (albeit often partially) preserved texts, there are several allusions
to other apparently lost works:
The Sages of P. Chester Beatty IV
Eight 'sages' (rh-ht) are mentioned in the scribal eulogy of P. Chester Beatty IV (verso
3.5-7; see n. 21 above), including Hordedef, Ptahhotep, Nefer<t>i, Khety and
Khakheperresoneb, whose supposed works are extant. These names form a group of
sages whose written wisdom ensured their immortality. Apart from this concern with
enduring wisdom, the list shows no consideration of literary forms - the works attributed
to these sages vary from teachings to reflective discourses. The sages are listed in pairs,
without any apparent distinctions between fictional and historical characters. This
presentation is understandable, because it is commending writing as a means of ensuring
individual survival: it would not strengthen the argument to draw attention to the
fictionality of the exemplars. Nevertheless, the arrangement does not reflect the figures'
fictional dates consistently; while Hordedef and Imhotep, of the 3rd and 4th dynasties,
are paired, so are Neferti of the 4th and Khety of the 12th.
80
A H. Gardiner, The Library of A. Chester Beatty . . .: The Chester Beatty Papyrus, No. 1 (London:
Walker, 1931), 9.
Si
Assmann (n. 19 above), 48.
121
Imhotep (1)
Imhotep is paired with Hordedef. He was perhaps of sufficient cultural fame for
inclusion without being the 'author' of a specific text. The same factor is sufficient to
explain his presence on the 'Daressy Fragment' (n. 20 above), but in the 'Harpist's Song
from the Mansion of King Intef ' (P. Harris 500 6.6-7) there is a more specific-sounding
reference:
I have heard the words (mdwt) o f Imhotep and Hordedef,
whose sayings (sddwt) are so told'.
Even this, however, could refer to oral wisdom rather than a text.
Kaires(u) (5)
Kaires(u) (K3-jr-s(w)) is paired with Ptahhotep, and his name is an Old Kingdom one.
He is presumably identical with the Vizier Kaires(u) shown on the 'Daressy Fragment'
(see n. 20 above). The suggestion that Kaires is the 'author' of the Teaching for
Kagemni is plausible. No historical vizier Kaires is known from the Old Kingdom.
82
Ptahemdjehuti
(28)
Ptahemdjehuti is paired with Khakheperresoneb, which has been taken to imply that he
is a figure from the Middle Kingdom. Nothing else is known about him, although he
might be associated with one of the surviving wisdom texts which lack the name of a
protagonist; Posener tentatively suggested the 'Loyalist' Teaching as a possibility. The
name is otherwise unattested, although its form can be paralleled in the Middle
Kingdom.
83
84
T h e title vizier may be a later fictional attribution. E. Edel has noted the possibility of identifying
Kaires with the Vizier K3jj from the end of the 5th dynasty (MIO I (1953), 224-5; cf. P M I I I , 4 7 9 ) . T h e r e
is also a tomb at Saqqara belonging to a K3-jr of unknown rank from the 5th to 6th dynasties ( P M I I I , 6 3 1 2). A closer possible identification is provided by a fragment of a grand 5th-6th dynasty false door with the
name K3-jr-s(w), which has been recently discovered at Mit-Rahina (J. Malek, pers. comm.). T h e titles are
broken, but seem unlikely to include that of vizier.
2
83
84
L'Enseignement
R.B. Parkinson
122
Finally, two texts should be listed which are often mentioned in discussions of the
literature, but which are not part of this corpus:
The Hymn to Hapy
The hymn (dw3) is known from New Kingdom copies only. Three of the more complete
copies also contain the Teaching of Duaf's son Khety, and one of these also includes the
Teaching of Amenemhat. This grouping has been explained by a hypothesis that all three
were works of the scribe Khety of the beginning of the 12th dynasty. The hymn shows
similarities with Middle Kingdom wisdom literature, leading Assmann to describe it as
'eine Naturlehre in Hymnenform'. Van der Pias has challenged the Middle Kingdom
dating and has argued for a composition date in the New Kingdom. Even if the hymn
was composed in the Middle Kingdom by Khety, and one allows for its wisdom-like
features, it lies outside the genre-defined corpus under consideration.
J. Assmann, L IV, 489-96.
D . van der Pias, L'hymne la crue du nil. 2 vols. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het nabije oosten, 1986.
An early 12th dynasty stela in University College London has been considered to contain
a Teaching (UC 14333). The relevant line, however, is not a title, but an epithet: 'a
teacher (sb3wtj) of children through speaking calmly'.
H. M. Stewart, Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs and Paintings from the Petrie Collection.
Second Intermediate Period (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1979), 20, pi. 18.
W. Schenkel, 'Eine neue Weisheitslehre?' JEA 50 (1964), 6-12.
Period to
During the 13th Dynasty the Eastern Delta and Thebes came to
replace the Memphite-Fayum region as dominant centres within Egypt.
However, betweer^kte 12th and early 13th Dynasties little changes in the
material culture, system of administration or selection of cults for royal
patronage. The main difference between the two dynasties lies in the
pattern of the royal succession; in the 12th Dynasty eight rulers span two
centuries, whereas the one hundred and fifty years of the 13th Dynasty saw
upwards of fifty kings on the throne. This collapse in length of reign
presents the historian with an unusually clear dilemma in explaining
simultaneous continuity and change. Efforts have been concentrated on
identifying presumed kingmakers, because kings with short reigns are
deemed to have lost power to their high officials. Hayes suggested quite
specifically that in the 13th Dynasty the vizier inherited his office, while
the kings were elected by the courtiers, chief among them the vizier.
This argument has found broad acceptance, and J.von Beckerath
summarises the state of debate in his article on the Second Intermediate
1
Stephen Quirke
124
Greek and later European history. However I take the word polity as a
synonym for the state, and political as the adjective required for what is of
the state /polity. The state I would define in turn as a territory with a
single executive authority; the mature state is characterised by fixed
borders and a fixed centre at one geographical location, but may not differ
greatly in its operation from states that are less developed or shortlived.
When we consider political power we must remember that each human
being carries within him or herself a complex web of often contradictory
experiences and reactions; human relations forge a still more complex
between two or more individuals, and political power is an aspect of the
sum of all human relations in a society. Questions of political power
cannot lightly be reduced to the relations between two persons in a group,
such as king and vizier; they must embrace the full complexity of human
relations and allow for the gulf between reality and ideal, and for conflicts
of interests both within the group and within a single individual. I
define political history as the account of the past exercise of political power
by individuals and groups. By royal power I understand the ability of the
holder of the title 'king' to obtain his desired results from others in the
kingdom.
5
When Le Goff asked "is politics still the backbone of history ?" he
replied in the affirmative, but I would sooner take topography and
chronology as the natural backbone to studying features across time,
because the first framework for study is precisely relative position in space
and time. In ancient Egypt relative position in the passage of time was
8
125
Fragment 142 has a line noting "5 kings" followed by two cartouches with
User-[..]-ra, and has not found any satisfactory explanation. It is possible to
amend to "<1>5 kings", and take these as the 17th Dynasty, but the five
kings might equally refer to some other grouping within the period.
The attestations indicate that the 13th Dynasty ruled over Egypt in
succession to the 12th Dynasty from the 12th Residence Itjtawy between
Memphis and the Fayum. Papyri from Lahun and Thebes document the
continued and unbroken operation of the same system of administration
in early and mid 13th Dynasty reigns as had been introduced in the reign
9 For the ancient kinglists and their cultural setting see D.B.Redford,
Pharaonic Kinglists, Annals and Day-Books (Mississauga 1986), with pp.1-18
on the Turin Canon and especially the general remarks on pp.xiv-xvi.
Stephen Quirke
126
1 0
1 2
1 0
1 2
27
1 3
1 5
Stephen Quirke
128
1 7
1 9
1 6
1 9
129
nearby in the Valley of the Kings during the early 18th Dynasty (in the
reign of Amenhotep I or Thutmes I).
2 0
2 2
2 3
2 0
For the royal tombs of the 13th Dynasty see A.Dodson, ZAS 114 (1987), 36-
45.
2 1
qm3.n(.i).
2 3
Stephen Quirke
130
2 5
2 4
2 6
131
2 7
2 8
2 7
of
Stephen Quirke
132
13th Dynasty; I merely doubt whether our sources indicate a stronger hand
for them then that at other periods in Egyptian history.
The commonest Egyptological explanation of the rapid turnover in
13th Dynasty kings remains the idea put forward most persuasively by
Hayes, that the vizier inherited office and dominated the court at the
selection of each new figurehead king. The sources for the viziers can be
summarised following Franke as follows.
(Note: nos.1-8 are listed in chronological order; the place in the sequence
of nos.9-18 is uncertain; 7-8,16-18 may belong to the 17th Dynasty.)
2 9
1. Khenmes
Attestations: 1st Cataract inscription; statue given by the favour of king
Sekhemkara.
2. Father of Ankhu, name unknown
Attestations: statue donated by Ankhu.
3. Ankhu
Attestations: donation text of statue for father; stela of son-in-law; chapel
of sealer; stela of priest Amenyseneb; two royal decrees on papyrus
Brooklyn 35.1446; royal accounts papyrus Boulaq 18 (large MS); estate
accounts papyrus Boulaq 18 (smaller MS); he is probably also the owner of
one statue and the donator of another to a woman (his mother ?), since
both were found in the Karnak cachette with that for his father.
4. Iymeru son of Ankhu
Attestations: statuette; stela of brother-in-law.
5. Resseneb son of Ankhu
Attestations: stela of brother-in-law.
6. Iymeru Neferkara
Attestations: statue Heidelberg 274; statue Louvre A 125 given by the
favour of king Khaneferra Sobekhotep; statue Karnak; statue Heqaib
shrine; Karnak stela; Wadi Hammamat inscription; Abydos sealing (this
Iymeru ?).
7.1y
Attestations: Elkab tomb of Sobeknakht; Stele
Juridique.
8. Iymeru son of Iy
Attestations: Elkab tomb of Sobeknakht; Stele
juridique.
19.
133
Stephen Quirke
134
This leaves the dossier of Ankhu as the mainstay of the theory that
viziers ruled Egypt in the 13th Dynasty. The dossier includes three most
exceptional features. First, the family included four viziers within three
generations, from the father of Ankhu to his two sons Iymeru and
Resseneb. Secondly, three statues at Karnak appear to have been set up by
Ankhu for his father, his mother and himself. The statue of Henutipu,
thought to be the mother of Ankhu, is the only statue of a woman from
Middle Kingdom Kamak. The third point is the mention of Ankhu on a
non-royal stela, recounting the efficient service of a priest Amenyseneb in
the Osiris temple at Abydos. Clearly Ankhu must have been an official of
outstanding importance at the royal court of the day, but I would dispute
the notion that these sources indicate a measure of power beyond the
scope of his title. It should be noted that Ankhu does not act like a king in
the Brooklyn papyrus, as Hayes had asserted. Similarly in the Boulaq
papyri and the Amenyseneb stela Ankhu carries out orders of a higher
authority, presumably the king, and plays no regal role. The final
argument for an allpowerful vizier lies in the number of reigns of kings
covered by the tenure of office by Ankhu. Hayes founded the idea that the
vizier controlled the court, including the king, on the grounds that
Ankhu remained vizier while five kings came and went on the throne.
That dating can no longer be maintained from the particular sources. The
five reigns are those from Khendjer (TC VL20) to Sekhemrasewadjtawy
Sobekhotep (TC VI,24); Hayes dated the Amenyseneb stela to Khendjer
and the Boulaq papyri to Sekehemrasewadjtawy Sobekhotep. The Boulaq
papyri have been redated independently by both Berlev and Beckerath to
the reign of Sekhemrakhutawy Amenemhat Sobekhotep, the immediate
predecessor of Khendjer according to TC (col.VI,23).
This reduces the
number of reigns from five to two, which tends to deflate the notion that
Ankhu enjoyed absolute power over a series of reigns. It should also be
noted that the royal monuments of both Sekhemrakhutawy Amenemhat
Sobekhotep (especially the temple-building at Medamud) and Khendjer
(his pyramid at Saqqara) omit all mention of officials, including the vizier.
I would go further and doubt the dating of Ankhu to the reign of
Khendjer. The priest Amenyseneb left two stelae, one describing one deed
and referring to orders collected from the vizier Ankhu in his bureau, and
the other describing a second deed and bearing in the roundel two crude
cartouches in two different styles, one of Nimaatra and one of Khendjer.
There are several stages in the procedure of setting up this pair of stelae,
clearly designed to complement one another formally: first the episode of
stela 1 took place, then the episode of stela 2 took place, then the stelae
would have been commissioned and carved, and either or both of the
cartouches may have been added at the end of the process, as their rather
irregular alignment and form might indicate. Given the brevity of reigns
at this period, I do not find it difficult to allocate the event of stela 1 to the
reign preceding that of Khendjer, present in the cartouche on stela 2. This
3 0
3 u
135
Stephen Quirke
136
3 2
137
3 3
3 4
3 3
One of the most useful discoveries at Gebel Zeit was the monument of a
king with the nomen Sehetepibra, see P.Mey et al, MDAIK 36 (1980), 304-5
and pl.80a. This shows that the two names Sehetepibra in TC VI, 8 and 12
might more easily be two different kings and not require emendation to
Hetepibra; one or both might have Sehetepibra as nomina.
O.D.Berlev, in Studies presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky (East Gloucester,
Mass. 1981), 361-377. On this article see the comments of E.Blumenthal, ZAS
114(1987), 35.
3 4
138
Stephen Quirke
3 6
3 5
139
3 7
m*
:
VERNUS
( ,
- appel par la suite TYPE I dans la prsente tude -, et o le signe A suivait le signe
==> , avaient t supplantes par des graphies du type- appel par la suite TYPE II -, et o le signe tu prcdait le signe
. Ce
changement serait intervenu "during the Second Period Intermediate Period and probably
towards the end of that period", le rgne du roi Dedoumes constituant la date le plus
anciennement connue de la graphie nouvelle.
Plus d'un demi-sicle aprs avoir t prsente, la thse de Smither se rvle
somme toute opratoire, mais opratoire grosso modo, c'est le moins qu'on puisse en
dire. En effet, d'une part, elle souffre de nombreuses exceptions, qui n'ont pas manqu
d'tre releves par divers savants . D'autre part, elle se contente d'observer un
4
Sur ces dates et leur interprtation, voir le dbat entre Delia, BES 1, 1979,
15-28, et BES 4, 1982, 55-69, et Mumane, BES 3, 1981, 73,-82.
JEA 25, 1939, 34-7.
En fait, l'intrieur de ce type on gagnerait distinguer deux sous-types,
2
141
Pascal Vermis
142
, alors que le mot qu'il crit, (itp, ne vient qu'en dernire position dans
l'nonc linguistique. De plus, la symtrie est paracheve par la superposition du signe
de nsw. Assurment cette graphie met en oeuvre des procds "eugraphiques"
sophistiqus, lesquels s'enracinent dans la tradition proprement hiroglyphique de la
culture gyptienne. Ici il convient de rappeler que dans la civilisation gyptienne, l'espace
de l'crit est un espace deux niveaux .
- Au sommet, une tradition culturelle fonde sur la matrise de rcriture
hiroglyphique et des techniques qui lui sont Hes, en particulier les techniques iconiques
qui gouvernent aussi bien les relations de l'criture et de l'image, que T'eugraphie" ( sit
venia verbo ) des inscriptions. C'est videmment de cette culture que relve le TYPE I.
-Au contraire, le TYPE jj, avec toutes ses variantes, est plutt le produit de
transcriptions plus ou moins mcaniques partir d'un brouillon cursif, plus ou moins
adaptes un support lapidaire qui n'est pas le support originel. Il ressortit au niveau le
plus lmentaire de la culture crite: la tradition culturelle mise en oeuvre dans les
documents de la vie quotidienne et de la pratique administrative et juridique.
Cette opposition permet de rendre compte de ce qui pouvait sembler une anomalie
inexplicable: le fait que le TYPE II soit attest ds la XTIe dynastie, ou encore une
priode de la XlIIe dynastie o prvaut, par ailleurs, le TYPE I, dans certaines
inscriptions; ainsi:
5
.
7
143
?A
12
13
14
15
16
1 0
D. Franke, Personendaten
v.
1 2
1 3
1 4
1 5
1 6
at Lisht. Les
Pascal Vermis
144
que Memphis tait tombe sous contrle Hykss: aprs tout, aucune vidence positive ne
permet de mettre en doute que Salitis ait effectivement rsid Memphis . Examinons
attentivement comment est documente le passage du TYPE I au TYPE H.
17
Le TYPE I est gnralis sur les nombreux momuments votifs privs attribuables
aux rgnes deSbkhotep IV et Nferhotep I; les exceptions sont rarissimes ( voir cidessous, sur une des stles de fir-\ dans une position particulire, et sur un des
monuments de /7/7 ).Une graphie relevant ce TYPE I est utilise sur la stle de si-fiwr, dat du pharaon ib.i-tvt, deuxime successeur de Sbekhotep IV. n est encore
attest sur la stle de la reine rwb-kLs ( Louvre C 1 3 ) , probablement contemporaine du
pharaon Sbekhotep V , en tout cas postrieure Nferhotep I et Sbekhotep IV. De
mme le TYPE I se rencontre sur une statue de son gendre / y , statue dresse
l'poque o il tait encore mr gs-pr, donc antrieure l'an 1 de Sbekhotep VI ( mr-firpr' ), quand il fut devenu vizir . H prvaut, enfin sur les monuments du hrp v/shtsnb1
hri.fiS, fils du vizir /i./-Av, qu'on a voulu identifier au directeur de la prison ib.i-tvP- ,
contemporain du pharaon fb.i-i'w. La datation de sn-fin ./demeure en fait incertaine, et
dpend du moment o son pre est devenu vizir. Sous ib.i-t'w ou un de ses successeurs
immdiats ? Sinon, il n'a gure pu le devenir qu'aprs l'an 1 de Sbekhotep VI, quand
le vizir tait y, et sans doute un peu plus tard, puisque le fils de iy, iy-mrw, porte lui20
22
2 3
24
25
1 7
Manthon, d'aprs Joseph; voir Hayes, CAM II, chapter II, p. 19 du tir--
1 8
part.
57, 1988, 258, n.
38.
1 9
Pour le TYPE II dans un graffito des mines et carrires de ces rgnes, voir cidessus, n. 9.
Une autre exception qui pourrait bien tre significative: une graphie du TYPE
Il est atteste sur une stle provenant du sanctuaire de fo-ib Elephantine, dans un
ensemble o prvaut le TYPE I: Labib Habachi, The Sanctuary ofHekaib y, p. 105,
n90. Or cette stle est crite en cursive, et donc son scripteur ne matrisait que fort
imparfaitement la tradition "hiroglyphique".
2 0
2 1
2 3
2 4
2 5
2 6
Labib Habachi, SAK 11, 1984, 113-26. Franke, o.e. ( cf. n. 10 ), dossier
n661.
Franke, o.e. { cf. n. 10 ), dossier 62; Labib Habachi, The Sanctuary of Hekaib, p. 69-70
2 7
145
28
aussi le titre de vizir . Quoi qu'il en soit, dans cette dernire hypothse, ses
monuments pourraient bien illustrer le prolongement assez tard dans la XHIe dynastie, au
moment o le TYPE U tait bien tabli, du TYPE I, et du classicisme dont il est la
manifestation. Ce prolongement en quelque sorte rcessif tiendrait au fait que les
monuments de ^-^./provenaient d'ateliers royaux. Mais cette datation tardive de snhn.J'est fort loin d'tre avre, e t , dans l'tat actuel de la documentation,
l'identitrfication de son pre au contemporain du pharaon iki-Tw demeure plausible, et
rend plausible, par l mme, la datation de sn-hn'.fms
la priode qui suit le rgne de ce
pharaon.
2) Les plus anciennes attestations du TYPE TJ sous la XlJIe dynastie
Le TYPE JJ est attest sur la stle Marseille 24, appartenant l'an du portail
sn.f-n.i, fils du "juge, bouche de Nkhen", dk, lequel pourrait tre identique au "juge,
bouche de Nkhen", dk mentionn dans le papyrus Boulaq 18, dat d'un pharaon
Sbkhotep, assurment Sbekhotep TJ . Bien entendu, l'intervalle entre le rgne de ce
roi et la stle de sne.f-n.ine saurait tre dfini exactement n doit tre assez important
puisque sn./-n./est assez g pour mentionner dj deux de ses fils pourvus de titres.
Mais il ne saurait excder cinquante ans ou soixante ans, moins que dk ait procre
snb.f-n.ion tard dans sa vie. D'aprs la chronologie interne de la XIHe dynastie, la
date d'rection de la stle serait placer autour des rgnes des pharaons mr-n/r-r' fy ,
pourtant le dernier pharaon dont on a lieu de croire qu'il tint encore Memphis , ou
Sbekhotep VI ( mr-htp-r).
Mais ces extrapolations demeurent bien incertaine.
En revanche, on a de plus soudes indications quand on parvient suivre le passage
du TYPE I au TYPE II l'intrieur d'une mme famille, en un mme heu. Ainsi,
Edfou, on relve:
- TYPE I sur la stle de rw ( au moins une gnration aprs Sbekhotep PV) ,
mais TYPE II sur la stle de son fils (ir-in-(tr{.t)(n
de la XJJIe dynastie-XVTJe
dynastie ) .
- TYPE I sur la stle de y/s r-ht ( aprs le rgne de Sbekhotep IV ) , mais TYPE
TJ gnralis dans un atelier de stles auquel appartient celle de son fils firi( fin de la
XlUe dynastie-XVIIe dynastie ) .
- TYPE I sur la table d'offrandes du gouverneur iki-Fv* ( aprs le rgne de
Sbekhotep IV ) , mais TYPE TJ sur deux stles de son frre (ir-(ir-h\*it.f, l'une de ces
2 9
30
31
3 2
3 3
3 4
3 5
36
2 8
En fait, ce genre de raisonnement est sujet caution, car il n'est pas exclu que
plusieurs personnes aient port en mme temps le titre de vizir.
2
hieratic
3 0
3 2
3 4
3 5
3 6
146
Pascal Vernus
deux stles est date par le rajout du nom du "fils royal" fir-shr, contemporain du
pharaon ( ou d'un des deux pharaons ) ddw-mss .
-La stle du sr spJ-hr ( Khartoum 5320 ) a une graphie du TYPE I. En
revanche, il pourrait bien tre le pre de h et de spd-hr, dont les monuments montrent la
graphie du TYPE H, et qui ont vcu durant la XVIIe dynastie
37
3 8
39
o A =4^
'
-Sur une des stle de hr-' , la formule {tip dj /mv est crite
donc en suivant le TYPE II au troisime registre; au premier registre, la formule est crite
en colonne, l'opposition entre TYPE I et TYPE II est donc neutralise. Toutefois, sur les
autres monuments du mme personnage , dont certains sont dats de l'an 8 de
Sbekhotep IV, prvaut le TYPE I.
-Dans le cintre de la stle CGC 20043, au bnfice du m r m w w ^ - ^ , la formule
Q
41
1 A
est crite T
im , donc en suivant le TYPE I , mais dans l'appel aux
vivants, au bas de la stle, elle est crite
, donc selon le TYPE II. Le
monument est attribuabe la Xe dynastie .
-Dans l'inscription surmontant la scne principale de la stle CGC 20313, la
(trp dj nsvi
42
i
formule
(trp dinsw
est crite
T = i = ui dans l'expression
irr b.tp di
Vernus, Form und Mass. Beitrge zur Literatur, Sprache und Kunst des alten
gypten. Festschrift fr Gerhard Fecht, p. 451.
3
3 8
Barns, Kush 2, 1954, 19-21; H.S. Smith, The Fortress of Buhen. The
Inscriptions,
3 9
4 0
p. 47.
Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie 24, 1980, 58, fig. 18; id., dans A.
( HB 12 ), 136-41.
4 1
4 2
Smpson, The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: the Offerings Chapels of
Dynasties 12 and 13, pi. 24. Le TYPE I est utilis sur CGC 20681 qui mentionne le
mme personnage, apparemment un plus jeune ge.
147
type devenu prpondrant, c'est au tour du TYPE I, dsormais un trait rcessif, d'tre
relgu dans des emplacements moins dominants.
b) Fluctuations entre le TYPE I et le TYPE TJ sur les diffrents monuments d'un
mme personnage
-Sur la stle CGC 20578, une des deux stles ddies par pth-> au "fils royal"
bbi, recours est fait au TYPE I. En revanche, sur l'autre stle, Bologne KS 1 9 2 7 , la
43
graphie est
, c'est--dire le TYPE TJ; bbi, pourrait tre le fils de Sbekhotep
VU ( mr-hw-r' )
- Parmi les mulitples monuments rigs par ou, tout le moins, voquant tir/ , la
majorit utilise le TYPE I. Toutefois, sur la stle CGC 20556, la graphie de la formule
4 4
45
(irpdinsw ,
r m == , relve du TYPE TJ. Cette stle pourrait bien avoir t dresse
par deux personnes reprsentes en train de faire l'offrande titi, et dont l'une s'appelle
iry 't titi-'nh ; le nom est donc form sur celui de tit A . Or ce titi-'nb a rig une autre
stle o est utilis galement le TYPE U ( CGC 20666 ), et qui du point de vue
stylistique et pigraphique provient du mme atelier que la prcdente, quoiqu'elle soit
moins soigne. En consquence, il faudrait opposer les monuments de titi, ou voquant
titi avec le TYPE I, et la stle ddie par titi-'nh et son acolyte, qui a la graphie du
TYPE II. Deux explications ce changement:
-soit cette stle est plus tardive, ventuellement postrieure la mort de titi; dans ce
cas il faudrait supposer qu'il a rempli la fonction de mr 'Anwri* n hp aprs celle de mr
pr wr dont il se rclame sur les monuments montrant la graphie du TYPE I , ce qui
n'est pas vident.
-soit elle provient d'un atelier plus ouvert l'innovation que les autres monuments
o est mentionn titi.
6
4 7
49
50
4 3
14.
44
4 6
Voir les cas cits dans Vernus, Le surnom au Moyen Empire ( Studia Pohl
13 ), p. 34, n. 47.
Le TYPE I se rencontre aussi sur la stle Vienna 143, o titi porte le titre de
mr 'b.nwti n hp.
4 7
4 8
5 0
5 1
148
Pascal Vernus
52
+ A JLetT^ A .
53
-De la mme tombe de Mirgissa ( n 130 ), proviennent trois statues . Sur deux
d'entre elles, la graphie de la formule (itp dinsw est du TYPE I, mais sur la troisime,
a
elle est du TYPE H, en l'occurrence T ti a .
L'explication la plus naturelle pour ce genre de fluctuations est que les ensembles
comprenant des monuments montrant l'un ou l'autre type datent d'une poque o est en
train de s'oprer le passage du TYPE I au TYPE II dans l'pigraphie.
d) graphies btardes
Par ailleurs, on relvera des graphies btardes illustrant clairement les ttonnement
des scripteurs au moment o s'effectue le passage d'un type l'autre:
- T" A
c f u A 54 _
=
=
A
A
_
- ^
55
A cTB
1 7 ^ =
T A D
56
57
^
5 3
5 4
5 5
5 6
5 7
e.g. iy-mri,
mntvi-'t.
149
a) La stle du "fils royal" imny, brise en deux morceaux conservs dans des
collections diffrentes , mentionne la fille du pharaon s/im-r-wd-ffw,
c'est--dire
Sbekemsaf I, qu'on s'accorde placer dans la XVUe dynastie, mme si sa position
exacte dans la succession des souverains de cette dynastie n'est pas assure . En tout
cas, la stle date d'une priode o le TYPE II est gnralis dans les graphies de la
formule htp Ji nsw. Pourtant, on rencontre le TYPE I la ligne x+8, dans :
58
59
w , dd-(ty)-jy,
"celui qui dira" ;
ou encore, la forme est remplace par le participe:
im
, rmt nir'q.w,
61
, perruque de l'homme assis, attitude des officants. Aussi est-on surpris que la
graphie de firp Ji nsw paraisse relever du TYPE I, premire vue: T Q D M
Mais, cela procde-t-il d'une intention archasante consciente ? On peut en douter en
juger par la diffrence entre cette graphie maladroite et l'harmonieux quilibre de la
1
graphie classique: T == til . En fait, on croirait plutt que c'est l une incohrence
supplmentaire sur un monument dress une poque o les traditions culturelles
"hiroglyphiques" taient rduites de diaphanes ectoplasmes, parce que la principaut
nationaliste de Thbes tait coupe des grands centres de la science sacre.
2) La mode archasante des rgnes d'Hatshepsout et Thoutmosis HI
6 0
6 1
6 2
sddeutschen
Sammlungen
Pascal Vernus
150
Alors que dans le cas prcdent, il s'agissait d'une rsurgence pisodique, et peuttre peine consciente, voici qu'on assiste, sous les rgnes d'Hatshepsout et de
Thoutmosis m , une rsurrection assurment voulue du TYPE I de la formule (itp di
nsw. Cette rsurrection est atteste par les monuments dats suivants:
-Monuments de sn-n-mwr ; Hatshepsout.
-Thbes, tombe n73 ; Hatshepsout.
-Monument d'imn-m-fat, CGC 20775 ; Hatshepsout.
-Statue de Apw, ddie par son fils ftpv-snb ; Hatshepsout.
-Statue du vizir \wr ; Hatshepsout et Thoutmosis DI ( dernire attestation connue
en l'an 28 68 ).
-Thbes, tombe de sttw/y, ( nl 10 ) ; Hatshepsout et Thoutmosis III.
-Statue de rft-msvtl^i-tn, ddie par son fils imn-m-fi ; Hatshepsout et
Thoutmosis III.
-Thbes, tombe d'imn-m-fat ( n82 ) ;Thoutmosis III.
-Thbes, tombe de rh-mi-r ( nl00 ) ; Thoutmosis lu ( partir de l'an 32 ).
63
64
65
&&
67
6 9
70
71
7 2
7 3
75
7 6
6 3
Untersuchung ( Hamburg
6 5
Voir aussi H.S. Smith, o.e. ( cf. n. 38), p. 202, 208, et pour la date, Edel,
6 8
6 9
( gFo
11 ), p. *31-6.
7 0
7 1
1043.
Labib Habachi, Sixteen Studies on Lower Nubia { CASAE 23 ), p. 77, fig. 32.
N. de Garis Davies et A.H. Gardiner, The Tomb of Amenemhet, pl. XXV; Urk. IV,
N de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Rekhmire II, pl. VII, VIII, XLVI, CXIV; mais le
TYPE II se rencontre pl. LXXVI.
Voir Ld 5, col. 180-2.
Bonn A 124 = Spiegelberg et Prtner, o.e. ( cf. n. 62 ), pl. Il, n6.
7 2
7 3
7 4
7 6
151
77
80
8 1
-Statue de
n^t-fir-^l .
83
exempli gratia: Steindorff, Aniba II, p. 70,pl. 37c, cf. B. Bothmer, 7"he
Museum Annual II-III, 1960-1962, 33 ( XXIII ).
P. Vernus, Future at Issue { YES 4 ), p. 65, n. 33, utilisant une perspicace
observation de Brunner, Die Geburt des Gottknigs ( g. Abb ) , p. 175, n. 3.
Pour cette complexe notion d'archasme", voir les belles pages de Brunner,
Saeculum
21, 1970, 151-61.
P. Vernus, Athribis ( BdE 78 ), p. 95, pl. XIII, document 101.
Pour la datation de l'objet, voir la convaincante dmonstration de Leahy, GM
108, 1989, 45-54.
77
Brooklyn
7 8
7 9
8 0
8 1
8 3
8 4
Pascal Vernus
152
86