BUT APPRAISAL, an> COPING Pre ee eee ‘Susan Folkmanowt Contents Preface xi 1 The Stress Concept in the Life Sciences A Bit of History Modern Developments ‘The Concept of Stress Summary 2 Cognitive Appraisal Processes Roane Cognitive Appraisal and Phenomenology The Concept of Vulnerability The Issue of Depth Summary yesseeRne ge 3 Person Factors Influencing Appraisal Commitments SQRa Summary 4 Situation Factors Influencing Appraisal RBsEvent Uncertainty Temporal Factors Ambiguity The Timing of Stressful Events in Relation to the Life Cycle ‘A Comment on the Selection and Treatment of Variables ‘Summary 5 The Concept of Coping Traditional Approaches Coping Traits and Styles Limitations and Defects of Traditional Approaches Summary 6 The Coping Process: An Alternative to Traditional Formulations Definition of Coping Coping as a Process Stages in the Coping: Process The Multiple Functions of Coping Coping Resources Constraints Against Utilizing Coping Resources Control as Appraisal; Control as Coping Coping Over the Life Course Prospects for the Study of Coping Styles Summary 7 Appraisal, Coping, and Adaptational Outcomes Social Functioning Morale Somatic Health Concluding Comments Summary Contents 87 92 103 108 14 15 7 17 120 128 139 141 141 142 143 148 157 165 170 171 174 178 181 183 194 205 221 223 Contents 8 The Individual and Society Three Perspectives Stress, Coping, and Adaptation in the Indivi Social Change Summary 9 Cognitive Theories of Emotion Early Cognitive Formulations The Fundamental Tasks of a Cognitive Theory of Emotion Attribution Theory The Relationship Between Cognition and Emotion Emotion and the Problem of Red Summary 10 Methodological Issues Levels of Analysis Traditional Research and Thought Transaction and Process The Design of Transactional, Process-oriented Research The Measurement of Key Concepts Summary 11 Treatment and Stress Management Approaches to Treatment How Treatment Works Therapy from the Perspective of Our Stress and Coping Theory Stress Management Versus One-on-One Therapy Summary References Index jionism 226 26 234 21 258 261 262 265 a 273 278 284 304 3o4 353 del 374suza9u0> mo—f9008 UF UoRDUNY suEUMY asneD9q UIaIQO:d Ai -J0d & pue—waygord uewny jerrFojorsAyd pue perxojourdsd pur ue yioq juasaidaz uoneydepe pur “Buidos ‘ssazis aours “panLL SuowyPaN pur ywowrSeueur ssa1s ‘YoHoWa ‘asine> ayy] ay) YIM uz2u09 pur duPIpous [wLoLAeYaq Jo sansst SurpNUT ‘ALoAyy Ano jo aanoodsiad ay) Woy play ayy URI siuawasour Jofew auTUe 2x9 9m ‘puoDdag “saandadsiad jestaioayyeiaus Pue [eHa!OayR UrEII29 un ayes Suipueys¥uol w says pur “uesnsed Ajureid st yoeosdde ang “Suidoo pue yestesdde aanruBo> uo Sursn29j ‘sans jo A109y ano preyap ul juasasd am “Isi1y “saanoa{go ureur aay Bary OM mau are quayuod 15eq pur Ja}eeYP sHf Ing “VoREWUAHO [eonaLCALE Iau Pu SanHoalgo sit SaLeYS HI 1Pgal0} 9961 SIE HREM WoRDIUUOD [EDHOISTY be sey ‘vay *foog SIYL “TYBNOW Pue Youeasa1 yuaxND Imo JO aAn “ads1ad ayp uroay uoneidepe pur ‘Buidoo ‘ssans jo play axp saya8Or 'd 9} awn ure#e sem xf ‘papuedxa pue padoyaaap saypany pey sideo “ios asoyp 7 sayseoudde uMo ino pue ‘ysieasar pue A1oayy Areu idinsprayur jo sourayp zofeur auro>9q pey ‘996t UL YBNoYA Jo WeITIS meus ay ut 394 30u “Buidoo pure restesdde aaryuso> jo sidaouo ay odw sow ‘vonuane Surured asam ‘juauraSeueUr Ssans Se []2M Sui8e pur oy] ynpe ui Surdoo pue $s395 Jo sanssy ayy ‘suDIpsuT (jezo1aeyaq 10) 2ewosoyrsd pue suoyowla ur yso.,UF pomoudl ina Suope ‘pue padaore Stepim ousoD9q pey ssairs 0} soy>eoid jGe aanrudo> “raperey> uy Afieas paduey> ose pey at ieur Inq Tparmew pue umor8 <]uo 10u Pey{ Play aya Yeu WEP? aule>9q I usu “oogy ur snzeze] Aq ss2ro4g Budo ayy pus ssaurs jeorSoqorphsd JO toueongnd aut 1a3je s1ea4 g] ynoge Pareursu0 Yoo S1Ys 20} BPI UL a aval i — lll‘Aywox wou 104 007 wedap 01 sto uno Supmorte wos eras od Suumoyfe wosy sn panianaid sey pue Uonealosgo. jo. 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BAO > put sgz3s ut Ys2s0I" paseAwUt a4) Ut AOE sao py e SAE ay) PUE io ayy ur quasaud peered. ee cen mo ost sue | i rep ae ganas AO dutty Wy pue a8ueyp feos Pur mau sy Ur passa esas Joss # pms aap premor spun yes ae ai Pr ato suorssnazadas JeDOS ysararut Buns ‘uey> oy payoaap PPE F ue poouynpe Snot sd sotews yr YOU uoynjosas ayy PY ‘ASopoyoasd Md pur poownre ood 9a sore a pu? ‘aay PE?10 Stress, Appraisal, and Coping 1980). This has led them into the realm of stress and coping, as can be seen in Meichenbaum’s (1977) cognitive coping interventions, Mei. chenbaum and Novaco’s (1978) use of the concept of “stress inocula- tion,” in which people are trained to cope with upcoming stressful situations, and Beck’s (1976) treatment of depression. A major realignment of interest in developmental psychology is a fourth factor facilitating interest in stress, coping, and adaptation. The psychology of development had traditionally been focused on infancy, childhood, and adolescence. In the 1960s, stimulated in part by the marked increased in the numbers of people reaching old age, there was a growing concern with adulthood and its problems. The writings of Erikson (1963) helped turn psychology from a Freudian focus on the early years of life and the resolution of the oedipal struggle in adolescence to the realization that major psychological transformations also took place in young adulthood and even later. Developmental psychology became a field devoted to change over the life course. At the popular level, interest in adult tran: sitions was given impetus by Gail Sheeh y's (1976) book Passages, which borrowed from the more scholarly and systematic work by Levinson and his colleagues (e.g., Levinson et al., 1978) on midlife transitions and crises. Writings by Neugarten (1968 a, b), Lowenthal (1977; Lowen- thal, Thurnher, & Chiriboga, 1975), and Vaillant (1977) also reflected and contributed to the growing interest in adult development. At the same time, the political and social repercussions of an aging Population resulted in the establishment of the National Institute on Aging and a shift of research funds toward the study of the prob- lems of aging. One of the central themes expressed in this new literature concerns the stress of transitions and social change and how they are coped with. There is great interest, for example, in the empty nest, midlife crises, widowhood, and retirement. At the same time, there has never been more interest than at present in the emotional development of infants and children and the ways a child comes to understand the personal significance of social relationships and in- teractions. Whether the focus is on development in adults or in children, issues are frequently organized around stress, coping, and adaptation. st in stress and coping is the social ecological focus in behav- Psychology and psychiatry had al- ready begun to move away from a strictly intrapsychic emphasis, in Bowser tThe Stress Concept in the Life Sciences n ; which the processes thought to underlie psychopathology resided primarily within the person, and toward an environmental focus. Psychological thought in general has shifted in the same direction, toward a greater interest in the environments within which humans live. Environmental psychology (or social ecology) itself has been facilitated by the rise of ethology as a naturalistic science. As they witnessed the impact of ethological studies, social scientists became aware of their lack of understanding of the natural habitats of hu- mans. Stress depends, in part, on the social and physical demands of the environment (Altman & Wohlwill, 1977; Proshansky, Ittelson, & Rivlin, 1970; Stokols, 1977). Environmental constraints and envi- ronmental resources (Klausner, 1971) on which the possibilities for coping depend are also important factors. Therefore, the advent of a science of environment brought stress theory and research an ex- tended perspective as well as new converts. The Concept of Stress Not everyone concerned with stress-related issues is sanguine about the value of the term stress. Members of an Institute of Medicine panel (Elliott & Eisdorfer, 1982), for example, state: “. . . after thirty- five years, no one has formulated a definition of stress that satisfies even a majority of stress researchers” (p. 11). Ader (1980), in a presidential address to the American Psychosomatic Society, is more pointed in his criticism: For our purposes . . . there is little heuristic value in the concept of “stress.” “Stress” has come to be used (implicitly, at least) as an expla nation of altered psychophysiological states. Since different experiential events have different behavioral and physiologic effects that depend upon the stimulation to which the individual is subsequently exposed and the responses the experimeter chooses to measure, the inclusive label, “stess,” contributes little to an analysis of the mechanisms that may underline or determine the organism's response. In fact, such labeling, which is descriptive rather than explanatory, may actually impede conceptual and empirical advances by its implicit assumption of an equivalence of stimuli, fostering the reductionistic search for simple one-cause explanations. (p. 312) In 1966 Lazarus suggested that stress be treated as an organiz- ing concept for understanding a wide range of phenomena of great importance in human and animal adaptation. Stress, then, is not aR Stress, Appraisal, and Coping variable but a rubric consisting of many variables an Ec We still believe that this is the most useful approach to take. u Se bent upon those who use this approach however, to a ud pia tematic theoretical framework for examining the concept a! eu iple levels of analysis and to specify antecedents, processes, ani ut comes that are relevant to stress phenomena and the rea ing concept of stress. This indeed is the main purpose of this book, Some researchers and writers have been troubled about the ten- dency to expand the concept of stress to all the activities normally considered under the rubric of adaptation. Much that people do to adapt, however, goes on routinely and automatically through cogni- tive processes and specific actions and styles of living that do not necessarily involve stress. If we are to regard stress as a generic concept, we must therefore further delimit its sphere of meaning, Otherwise stress will come to represent anything and everything that is included by the concept of adaptation. We shall propose such a sphere of meaning below, after we consider three other classic definitional orientations: stimulus definitions, response definitions, and relational definitions. Stimulus and Response Definitions In keeping with psychological traditions of the recent past that por- tray humans and animals as reactive to stimulaton (S-R psychology), the most common definition of stress adopted by psychologists has been that it is a stimulus. Stress stimuli are most commonly thought of as events impinging on the person. Stimulus definitions also in- clude conditions arising within the person, for example, drive stim- uli such as hunger or sex, which are based in tissue conditions, and stimuli arising from neurological characteristics, as in White’s (1959) “effectance drive.” What kinds of environmental events ar stimuli, or in Selye’s terms, “stressors’ speak of three types: major changes, large numbers of persons; persons; and daily hassles. A: mena are usually treated as € typically cited as stress ? Lazarus and Cohen (1977) often cataclysmic and affecting major changes affecting one or a few s to the first, certain cataclysmic pheno- universally stressful and outside am ‘one’s control. Included here are natural disasters, man-made casta: trophes such as war, imprisonment, and uprooting and relocation These may be prolonged events (e.g., impri i I -8-, Mprisonment) or over quickly (earthquake, hurricane), although the physical and Payeiaicecal ai- fermath of even a brief in be extended over a long time disaster caiThe Stress Concept in the Life Sciences 13 Cataclysms and other disastrous events can also occur to only one person, or to relatively few, but the number of people affected does not crucially alter the power of such events to disturb. These events may be outside individual control, as in the death of a loved one (Bowlby, 1961; Lindemann, 1944; Parkes, 1972), a life-threaten- ing or incapacitating illness (Hackett & Weisman, 1964), or being laid off from work (Kasl & Cobb, 1970); or the event may be heavily influenced by the person to whom it happens, as in divorce (Gove, 1973), giving birth (Austin, 1975), or taking an important examina- tion (Mechanic, 1962). The above list consists largely of negative experiences that are harmful or threatening. Some writers (cf. Holmes & Masuda, 1974) maintain that any change, positive or negative, can have stressful impact. We shall examine this question in greater detail in Chapter 10. To equate environmental stress stimuli with major catastrophe or change is, in our view, to accept a very limited definition of stress. Our daily lives are filled with far less dramatic stressful expe- riences that arise from our roles in living. In our research we have referred to these as “daily hassles,” the little things that can irritate and distress people, such as one’s dog getting sick on the living room rug, dealing with an inconsiderate smoker, having too many responsibilities, feeling lonely, having an argument with a spouse, and so on. Although daily hassles are far less dramatic than major changes in life such as divorce or bereavement, they may be even more important in adaptation and health (cf. DeLongis, Coyne, Dakof, Folkman, & Lazarus, 1982; Kanner, Coyne, Schaefer, & Laza- rus, 1981). It is also possible to identify a number of formal properties of situations that could affect their stressfulness, either quantitatively or qualitatively. For example, we could emphasize the difference between chronic and acute demands, as in Mahl’s (1949, 1952, 1953) observation that gastric acid secretion occurs only with chronic stress. Other potentially fruitful distinctions include the magnitude of adjustive demands, the kinds of adjustment called for, the extent to which a person has control over the event or can predict it, the positive or negative valence of the event, and so on. Consider, for example, the possible differences between the unexpected loss of a loved one in an automobile accident and the slow and predictable loss that occurs in a lingering terminal illness. The degree and qual- ity of stress reactions may differ markedly in these two situations even though the loss is the same. Still another formal taxonomy of stressors has been proposed by iStress, Appraisal, and Coping 14 i f Stress in tf the Panel on Psychosocial Assets and Modifiers of he and Human Health (Elliott & Institute of Medicine report on rien types of stressors that alee Eisdorfer, 1982). It proposes four broad tyPes OF At On tinctions i i tion, and overlap 5 s ti ae nthe four types of stressors are (Eliott & Eisdorfer, made ; y 1982): such as going parachute jumping, await. : ces ing surgery, or encountering a rattlesnake; 2) Se eee 2 cy series of events that occur over an extended period o! ewe itiati j divorce, or bere 5 of an initiating event such as job loss, or k em Chronic intermittent stressors such as conflctfilled visits to B Ee or sexual difficulties, which may occur once a day, once a week, 3 F month; and (4) Chronic stressors such as permanent disabilities, parental discord, or chronic job stress, which may or may not be initiated by a discrete event and which persist continuously for a long time. (pp. 150-151) (1) Acute, time-limited stressors, The above illustrates what is essentially a stimulus definition of stress in which certain situations are considered normatively stress- ful. Although it is sensible to search for a sound taxonomy of envi- ronmental stressors, whether defined in terms of content or of for- mal characteristics, such as duration or chronicity, one must be wary, because there are individual differences in vulnerability to such stressors. External events are considered normatively stressful on the basis of the most common. response, which is always far from universal. In other words, the creation of a taxonomy of stressful situations is dependent on an examination of patterns of stress re- sponse. Once patterns of response are taken into account, the pro- perties of persons that give stimulus situations potency and mean- ing must be considered, and the definition of stress is no longer stimulus-bound but becomes relational, an outlook we will examine We noted earlier that in biology and medicine stress is most commonly defined in response terms, as in the work of Selye and Harold Wolff. When the response of the person or animal is empha- an organism teacting with stress, d, distressed, and so on. If we try will be a stressor and what will not. imthermore, Many responses can be stress when such is not the case: We must await the Teaction. F, taken to indicate Psychologica‘The Stress Concept in the Life Sciences 15 Heart rate, for example, will rise sharply from jogging while the individual seems to feel psychologically relaxed and at peace. The response cannot reliably be judged as a psychological stress reaction without reference to the stimulus. In short, all stimulus-response approaches are circular and beg the crucial questions of what it is about the stimulus that produces a particular stress response, and what it is about the response that indicates a particular stressor. It is the observed stimulus-response relationship, not stimulus or response, that defines stress. Consider, for example, Selye’s definition of stress as “the non-specific re- sponse of the body to any demand.” Aside from the fact that it is limited to the physiological level of analysis (e.g., Selye, 1980), this definition is essentially like earlier ones that treat stress as a distur- bance of homeostasis produced by environmental change. There are “many psychological parallels. For example, Miller (1953) defines stress as “. . . any vigorous, extreme, or unusual stimulation which being a threat, causes some significant change in behavior . . . ,” and Basowitz, Persky, Korchin, and Grinker (1955) define it as “stimuli more likely to produce disturbances.” A stimulus is a stres- sor when it produces a stressful behavioral or physiological re- sponse, and a response is stressful when it is produced by a de- mand, harm, threat, or load. A further pitfall in the stimulus-response conceptualization lies in the definition of a stress response. It is all well and good to speak of a stress response as a disturbance of homeostasis, but since all aspects of living seem to either produce or reduce such disturbance, stress becomes difficult to distinguish from anything else in life ex- cept when the degree of disturbance is unusual. Moreover, it is difficult to define a steady-state or baseline on which to judge distur- bance. Given this difficulty, rules are needed for determining when a condition will disturb homeostasis, create a stress response, or restore homeostasis. The need for rules is made obvious by considering Selye’s words “demand” or “stressor.” For Selye, the property of a stimu- lus that makes it a stressor is that it is noxious to tissues. Mirsky (1964) has made the same observation: If one examines the literature dealing with “stress,” it becomes ap- parent that almost every energy transformation can be interpreted to be a stressful phenomenon. Phenomena that I used to regard as most pleasurable . . . are apparently stressful nowadays. I would suggest that we stop using the term “stress” in a loose sense and instead referStress, Appraisal, and Cop, th in more specific terms. Usually we ay, timuli, Let us use some description gs ‘ous or otherwise, to the subject—be i what a rat feels) or be it a man, to what we are dealing wi really talking about noxious sti the meaning of any event, noxi a rat (only other rats can tell me (p. 534) as readily have been cited in our arlier discussion of the overlap in meaning between stress and aan and of Ader's and others’ dissatisfaction its the loos meaning of the term stress. Mirsky’s solution is equally useless, however, and like all stimulus definitions places the burden ona stimulus parameter without clarifying the rules for differentiating a stressor from a nonstressor. When one says that anything noxious to tissues is a stressor, confusion arises when we try to test what is meant by “noxious.” For example, although it may be obvious, a bullet is not noxious or harmful unless it is fired from a fairly high- powered rifle at a vulnerable target. Even a bullet minimally capable of wounding or killing a person will not kill most game animals, surely not an elephant or rhinoceros, unless directed at a vulnerable soft spot. Similarly, bacteria do not create illness in species or indi- viduals with high resistance to infection, and even severe pressures of living do not usually result in heart attacks in persons with well- functioning cardiovascular systems. In contrast, alcohol will have far more serious consequences for a person with existing liver damage than for a person whose liver is healthy; to a diabetic, sugar in the diet can mean disaster, whereas to a healthy person it is readily handled through the release of insulin; and to a person with a poor defense against the tubercle or smallpox bacillus, contact with those organisms is highly dangerous, whereas to one with high resistance, contact is of little consequence. If the problem is difficult at the tissue level, consider the psy- cnoreateal pee where the Properties of the person that create vul- pa i, re 50 ai Fc te assess. Miller’s (1953) definition, cited tion which being a threat, covece wees ress as “unusual stimu ior...” Miller highlights the need: ones change in behay about what makes et eo ane need for psychological principles mulation unusual and threatening so a3 ! Produce a stress reaction. If, as i i arousal is the most common - Selye (1980) avers, “. . . emotional senti: cause of stress ” itis ore esse: ++. /" it is all the m th ler task tha ne opp HORTA ofthat emotion. I book. ‘© attempt to address in later chapters of this Mirsky’s comments mightThe Stress Concept in the Life Sciences 7 Relational Definitions We have noted the development of interdisciplinary scientific thought, and with it the gradual emphasis on relations among sys- tems and the importance of the context in which phenomena occur. Most dramatic are shifts in the concept of disease in medicine. A major medical breakthrough was the 19th century discovery that microorganisms and other external environmental agents were causes of disease. Pasteur, Lister, Koch, and others showed that disease could be treated and even prevented by mounting assaults on these environmental agents or by keeping them at bay with vac- cines, quarantine (which had been practiced much earlier without an understanding of how it worked), mosquito abatement, surgical asepsis, and so on. A classic true story told to student epidemiologists illustrates an ideal of epidemiological research that derived from this 19th century emphasis on single environmental causes of disease, an ideal that still flourishes today. The story is about a pump handle and the research of John Snow on the cause of the cholera epidemic in Lon- don in 1855. It was believed at the time that the disease was caused by bad air. Snow, however, thought it had something to do with the presence of fecal matter in the Thames. Two companies, one located upstream, the other downstream, supplied this water to the resi- dents of London. Snow accomplished the first epidemiological map- ping of a cholera outbreak by conducting a census of households for both the presence of cholera and the water source. He found that water from only one source was implicated. Thus, all that was needed to control or even eliminate the disease would be to shut off the one pump handle that controlled the polluted water. For each student of epidemiology, then, the search for the right pump handle expresses the hope that he or she will discover the cause of a disease that can then be “shut off.” As we noted earlier, the concept of external causes of disease has given way in recent years to a newer concept of illness, namely, that a pathogen must be united with a susceptible organism, The characteristics or status of the system under attack (e.g., the organ- ism, a person) are as important as the external noxious agent. A person does not become ill merely as a result of noxious agents in the environment—viruses and bacteria, for example, are always pres- ent—but as a result of being vulnerable to those agents. It is the person-environment relationship, one, incidentally, that is always changing, that determines the condition of disease. \Sess, Appraisal and Copy, 18 Dubos (1959) described elegantly why hu : oe a to be 5 th for a specific causal agent ha n mai health problems such as cardiovascular disease, cancer, ang mental illness, which are multicausal. He writes: ic ul Koch and Pasteur wanted to show that Soa aaa certain manifestations of disease. Their genius was leeweele mental situations that lent themselves to an unequivocal istration of their hypothesis-situations in which it was sufficient ° bring the host and parasite together to reproduce the disease. By trial an error, thes selected the species of animals, the dose of infectious agents, and the route of inoculation which permitted the infection to evolve without fail into progressive disease. Guinea pigs always develop tuberculosis i tubercle bacilli are injected into them under the proper conditions, introduction of sufficient rabies virus under the dura of dogs always Bives rise to paralytic symptoms. Thus, by the skillful selection of ex. Perimental systems, Pasteur, Koch, and their followers succeeded in minimizing in their tests the influence of factors that might have ob. scured the activity of the infectious agents they wanted to study. This Grherimental approach has been extremely effective for the discovery of agents of disease and for the study of some of their properties. But has led by necessity to the neglect, and indeed has often delayed the recognition, of the many other factors that play a part in the causation OF disease under conditions prevailing in the natural world-—for eo ample, the physiological status of the infected individual and the Pact of the environment in which he lives. (pp. 106-107) The “pump handle” story our present discussion. First, amples of a multicausal system true of microbes, stress alone i To produce stress-linked disea: Present such as vulnerable tiss has two important implications for Stress and disease are prime ex- of the sort Dubos discusses, As is is not a sufficient cause of disease. se other conditions must also be ues OF copi t illness elationshi) reasoning applies to our definitio relationshii iP: Second, the self-same n of stress as a particular kind ofThe St sss Concept in the Life Sciences 19 environment and the pers: i ay ieaveiaiad person must combine to generate stress and It is true that extreme environmental conditions result in stress for nearly everyone, just as certain conditions are so noxious to most tissues or to the psyche that they are very likely to produce tissue damage or distress. However, the disturbances that occur in all or nearly all persons from extreme conditions such as military combat, natural disasters, imprisonment, torture, imminence of death, se- vere illness, and loss of loved ones must not be allowed to seduce us into settling for a simplistic concept of stress as environmentally produced. Such extreme conditions are not uncommon, but their use as a model produces inadequate theory and applications. The main difficulties arise when we overlook the great variations in hu- man response to so-called universal stressors. As one moves away from the most extreme life conditions to milder and more ambiguous ones, that is, to the more ordinary, garden-variety life stressors, the variability of response grows even greater. What now is stressful for some is not for others. No longe? ) can we pretend that there is an objective way to define stress at the level of environmental conditions without reference to the character- istics of the person. It is here that the need for a relational perspec- tive is most evident, and where it is particularly urgent to identify the nature of that relationship in order to understand the complex’ reaction pattern and its adaptational outcomes, as well as to draw upon this understanding clinically. We are now ready to indicate the sphere of meaning in which stress belongs. Psychological stress is a particular relationship between the person and the environment that is appraised by the person as taxing or exceeding his or her resources and endangering his or her well-being. ‘Our immediate concern must be with what causes psychological ent persons (see Chapters 7 and 8 for discussions of ‘al and physiological levels of analysis). We ap- ion through the examination of two critical pro- he person-environment relationship: cognitive appraisal and coping. Cognitive appraisal is an evaluative process that determines why and to what extent a particular transaction or series of transactions between the person and the environment is stressful. Coping is the process through which the individual man- ages the demands of the person-environment relationship that are appraised as stressful and the emotions they generate. 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Aue 9 SET add # SEPP V Mudo> nai 70 21 Ne ih 2S} S104 Hurssed un spun pauonuow a4 Pl oat f fussed ut sp P Piso Aue 3 Poite> ancy ann qoruas yestesddeas jo WOH AN ap yo ue ide ‘aauanse ut 9 2tpOU! Hg poseade 39 UOHs9) wade Pue suonoutd 84 oe piu ny deus postesdde Peswiddeas ag ue 160441 PS ud tesreadde aaniuxe> eT 4 Suonsesuien seas 4 : z es od po! yuoSire, APP nd, jected the appraisal and copiny Ws Sheed the levels of stress response activity by asking subjects either to sing ‘rom the emotional features of a stressful is ir involvement; subjects were then asi: they employed, such as identifying wit ersely, dehumanizing them. basis of personality or cognitie 3s further studied as a functie ways of thinking and coping. 1964 success of these efforts in reducing stress 1 depend ne we way and linked 10 COPE lcration of research OF a3 3 and 4, Our purpos® Varied jn UY Studies in which appr vt in some ‘BV consid Chapt Cognitive Appraisal Processes a to summarize further evidence that differing appraisals do indeed affect coping and emotion as immediate outcomes of a stressful ‘antcen Stoner, and Kelley (1974) extended the earlier research con cognitive appraisal to anxiety associated with aggression. Sub- jects were made to deliver painful electric shocks to confederates of the experimenter who either remained silent (a control) or expressed, their suffering, Ail subjects then watched a movie of one boxer ly beating another. The cognitive appraisal manipulations itious—to generate helped reduce aggression anxiety in the subjects the A series of studies by Holmes and his colleagues (Bennett & Holmes, 1975; Bloom, Houston, Holmes, & Burish, 1977; Holmes & Houston, 1974) continued the tradition of appraisal manipulation, although these researchers spoke of the process as redefinition of the stress situation, a form of reappraisal. Holmes and Houston threatened their subjects with a series of painful electric shocks, using as a control a group with no manipulated threat. The threat- ened subjects were also given two additional types of instruction: ich they were told to reduce stress by thinking of the shock as interesting new physiological sensations; eat isolation, in which they were told to reduce stress by remaining detached and uninvolved. Pulse rate, skin conductance, and self-reports of anxiety provided evidence of the levels of stress reponse. Holmes and Houston reported that subjects who used Fedefinition and isolation showed smaller increases in stress re- jee levels over baseline and control conditions than control sub- jects not told ing, strategies. Here too, treatments as providing studied cat | or reappraisal, Bennett and Holmes (1975) found thatStress, App out e are effective in regulating distres to iter fon those that ae 5 distress aa, it has ocurred wy periment in the 7 di Te th arn, In thes study, Bloom et al. (2972) her than redetition. In » reps hat encouraging subjects threatened with shock to think a, ie fn ene mas etetive in reducing autonomically mea. tre nben no primunary shock was given to acquaint subject. the nature ofthe boom. Their findings sug ight wehen 2 preliminary shock has not been encountered, that i, w hen ie the threat ambyguous, redefinition is easier for subjects tom 3 when the nature of the threat has been estal wess instances reported in the literature which suggests ing byes to expenence shock demystifies it and makes has not vet been experienced. ina ion to ambrguity, since we regard “esminants of appraisal n that it amples ind ees how transitions are construed onal experiments by Neuteld have added further tox sree nanding ofthe appraisal process and its consequences. 8s ignal detection modes of aa! lv designed study to. determine wh ‘works by changing merely the tendency 10% by affecting cue has trait’! those who questian whether detenstf* "ence of the person or the response if ee ne Propensity to report. The stress fone AFP, taken in the morgue, had ab alvanced stages of severe shin de Subjects rank the aversiveness of the Fo tening to an intellectual the threat, and the other aN Kempt to. modity coRnlins © ing threat was effective in le" ly (skin conductance) ™ to a mixture of new *. In effect, threat tevels wer’ ot. Thus, Neute id ae “anged rather than mere ts wo "5 18 mn accord with the €1 At (ly > apf Ee that benign cognstv® a o Ubjeets following such Ft cs tha Wee untetouched {ms of cme and pty 186. Th Cognitive Appraisal Processes * ow can look at the same threat stimult without as much stress response (see also Neufeld, 1976). Dehberate attempts to separately operationelize primary and sec- ondary appraisal processes have been infrequent, although system- atic efforts are now beginning, to appear (ct, Folkman & Lazarus, in press). Dobson and Neuteld (1979) raise some doubt about the use- fulness of separating, primary and secondary appraisal in assessing, how people construe the threatening nature of an encounter. In our view, primary and secondary appraisal cannot be considered as separate processes. Even though they derive from different sources within the same encounter, they are interdependent, and probably influence each other The recent experimental research cited above in which appraisal ‘was manipulated in the laboratory sutfers from a well-known limita- tion of laboratory study of psychodynamic processes (see Wachtel, 1980; Willems, 1969, and others, as well as our discussion in Chaptet 10). Without direct measurements of chang by experimental manipulation, one cannot laboratory treatments actually modified the appraisal process, Sub- jects may have dittered greatly in the extent of such etfects, and in. some instances, such as the research of Geen et al. (1974), the treat ments may not have overnden existing appraisal tendenc culty sometimes recognized by the experimenters in their attempt to interpret equivocal findings. The use of a single methedological ap- Proach rather than two or more procedures that supplement each other in the same study leaves in some doubt the isstte of what it anything, is being varied (see Lazarus et al, 1970, and our discussion in Chapter 10, of various methods of tackling appraisal in cesearc! An impressive use of appraisab-related interpretations ot fie nd laboratory findings has been made by Breznite (1976) regarding the etfects of talse alarms, He notes that the effects of alse alarms Fepresent a rare instance in which experience is detnmental, because the person fails to take protective action when the danger is re: Bresnitz offers a number of hypotheses about how this comes about He suggests that the reduction of active coping with the danger ts Breater it the threat is imminent when ing about a hurncane which proves canceled early fies the fear reaction to the iutial threat magnifies the false alarm tHect totlowing the cancellation of the danger. More generally, the Bsreater tear can be seen as an inetStress, “ ase in the person’s vulnerability, swith an incre commitment, with 3f between a future threat that encourages discrimination ae rate ml reduce the fase alarm effect. In other word the person is mode to ace that the cancellation has nothing to g eth the nest occasion of threat, the next one is less likely tg ignored. Fourth, the personal costs of the precautionary measure, thot must be taken are also relevant, the false alarm effect being fgeater when the costs of evading the harm are greater. These hypotheses, some of which Breznitz was able to confirm in his research, directly implicate the cognitive appraisal pro tony in afecting whether or not preventive measures are taken, but 9 the level of emotional distress experienced. Moreover, the false alarm etfect that is, the person responding by not doing any. thing precautionary, is a product of what the false alarm teaches the person about the credibility of the threat, in short, how it influences the cognitive appraisal of throat Two field studies of our own might also be noted. The first Ikman & Lazar bears on the relationship be: tween appraisal and ins of over a thousand specific coping episodes involving stresstul encounters were obtained from 100 middle-aged men and women once a month for a period of a year. Subjects were asked to indicate on a checklist the things they thought and did on, they were asked to indicate which of several appraisals characterized the situation for them. The appraisal erned whether the situation was one about which they covid actually do something or, alternatively, one which they had to accept or get used to. Appraisal proved to be a potent predic tor of whether coping was oriented toward emot {emotion focused coping) it and f regulation or doing something to relieve the problem ing. An encounter judged as requiring accep- tence was associated with a greater emphasis on emotion-focused Sepang, wheres an encounter the person felt could be acted on was “cuted with a greater emphasis on problemsfocused coping man & Lazarus, in press) bears on the I and emotion, The context of the midterm examination mentioned earlier. Two day \ey expected it them in its outcome, how much they felt a “point average (GPA). As noted above related oaked the extent to which they were exper opens including anxiety, worry, and feat "much the student had at stake and nship between apprais study was the | before se Appraisal Processes ie how difficult the exam was expected to be—proved to be important, predictors of threat emotions. GPA, on the other hand, which is not JP cognitive appraisal variable per se, did not predict threat. ‘Krantz (1983) too assessed secondary appraisal of cognitive cop- ing, strategies prior to an examination in a college student group and the perceived ease of implementing those strategies in case the grade they received proved disappointing. In addition, Krantz di- reclly observed six coping, behaviors on a second exam for those who received an unsatisfactory grade on the first exam: amount of study time, Cass attendance, review session attendance, contact 1 the instructor, discussions with peers about course material and whether help or information was obtained {rom other sources. She found that secondary appraisal predicted coping behaviors but not actual exam performance. In effect, subjects actually did what they had said they would do in the event of poor performance; their actual coping behaviors on the second exam were consistent with their secondary appraisals of coping options. Krantz interpreted the failure to predict actual exam performance as indicating that other variables, such as academic ability, were more important than pre- paratory coping behaviors, An unpublished finding from our study of examination stress (Folkman & Lazarus, in press) lends support to this interpretation, The coping strategies reported by the students before the exam did not predict their grade, but GPA did we can see in the above accounts a pattern of research and observation that shows clearly that the way a person appraises influences the coping process and how the person reacts emotionally. The theoretical perspective that cognitive appraisal is central in mediating subsequent thought, feeling, and action is not only logic: sary to an understanding of individ- ual differences and, we believe, even normative patterns of reaction, but it also accords well with the observations of people in adapta- tionally relevant encounters. Taken as a whole, research resound- ingly supports such a view. Indeed, the concept of cognitive appraisal in one form or another has become firmly entrenched in research and theory on stress, coping, and emotion. A large literature has developed in which researchers employ this concept in accounting for the effects of antecedent variables on stress and emotional reactions (see Baum, Singer, & Baum, 1981). In our discussions above we have taken Pains to examine only research in which the concept of appraisal s directly studied; we have ignored the many investigations in appraisal was used solely as an explanatory constructtess Abe 4“ Cognitive Appraisal and Phenomenology 1974). Phenomenology bas negative conne nes a = aj cpa gs inevitably crrcular, because in onder to predict the first issue touches on 3 1 conthct in psychology ion. Classical perception theory (see, for example, Aiport, 1935; Vernon, 1962) had thee characteristics: it as Wi normative, and “cool” The ver basic question, “How is h respect tots normative in general perceive (ie, individ , classical the: nom to perception tasks that are the person (“hot” contexts). Most of ts observations were aboot perception of laboratory displays (cold” contexts, to paraphcase Wiliam James) A dissident movement emerged in the 1940s and 1950s, which ‘was referred t0 as the "New Lock.” Many of its protagonists were personality and chm Jn contrast with classical percep- normative issues, the New Look ts focused on individual ditferences and the role of pe sonality factors such as needs and defer e ses in shaping perceptions and ent question was asked: “How is it possible or the same person at citerent times, perceiv erent ways?” This emphasis on inuivid= on ot the normative cause the New Li adaptation and val ditterences req Ang “people in ger particularly conce Ook poychologists were its flures, perception yi ons where the person had some important ing, perceived, that is, in hot cont perceived what they fo the environmental display. This outlook, despy tion in research, Was never integrated into class ory. The tradition of the classical perception teday in the field of information processing, which, thotgh process- centered, 1s by and large narmabve, is concemed with verudt its documenta jon the- these seemingly contradictory since phenomenology refers to pm have no necessary relationship with objective reality, one can reat see this concept as an extreme version of the New Look. There is no doubt that personality factors can shape and distort perception, espe- cially under conditions of ambiguity or severe mental disorder. When the environmental display is unambiguous, however, for most peo- ple perception and appraisal follow the objective environment quite well, We see what is there, so to speak, and there is ttle opportunity for individual differences to manifest themselves except in what is ended (0 and in styles of responding, Furthermore, no one would ‘question that the physical and social environments have a powertul impact on our reactions (see Proshansky, Itelson, & Rivlin, 1970, tor a vivid account of the physical environment in lite crises stich as physical disability, natural disasters, aging and relocation, and di- vorce), Much of our social existence is ambiguous, however, and Personality factors can play a large role in perception and appraisal When we speak of cognitive appraisal, we are not referring strictly to need-centered or detensively based judgments, although commitments (motives) and detensive processes are always inv ‘Our premise is that people usually want to know what is happening and what it means for their well-being, while, at the same time, they refer to put a positive light on things. This stance the approaches of classical perception theory and the New Look in that we acknowledge that both the envionment as it is, and wh. individuals want, interact to produce any given appraisal. Thus, ‘ay that the reaction to demanding or hostile environments is medi- ated by cognitive processes is not to say that inner promptings ai Shape appraisals, but that such promptings interact with the objective environment in generating cognitive appraisals. te Ways of thinking, thatking, somethy $ that third ny # ology does ot SE ial is subjective any Our phenome ofthat every PPT i what they pes cesar mate ea normal el although their cogn, rivate. Rather, hat is act realty. se bY WI object cord ere comeated wi Fhenomenclos I character tons ae not Pope is that because of 8 PTT A appraisals anne appraisal is inheremly ST threatened be the concept says an t on what a person sw a8 INU pears threatened ty ced rem ors beng theaters that what we cle we Hronsequenses. The research de geinferred from self-reports, e, cause he or sh fo get out of this ou wea sae sete con ch ae assessments, affects : . nia this criticism, since this ed ent a redictab Cele lis does indeed have predictable me ‘rates that apprais! research demonstrates consequences for emotion an SPIN oo break the tautology i At the parecer oa ‘Conditions derived from theory, within 1 eat ihe situational context, determine interactively the the peeson ard in the ie fara appraaal process which, in turn, affects in predictable Sinecopgand eons sgn) ” ple of an earlier tautology is the concept of in uae ars because it had become stinct, which was out of favor for man) aati merely a label rather than a genuine explanation of Eleecunes builtin patterns of behavior of species. When asked why animals what they di, the answer was that they had the instinct to do st. when asked for evidence of the instinct process, the answer was to refer to the very behavior that instinct was supposed to explain. It ‘was not until research such as that of Lehrman (1964) that knowledge ide the circle by establishing the specific environmental ard internal condinons that interacted complexly, and in sequence to produce so I patterns, For example, Lehrman {Poted that each step of the reproductive behavior of female ting doves is governed by interactions between hormones and exteré tub, inchiding those arising from seeing the behavior of the mate ed endocrine patterns regulating behaviors su" ny Puuding a nest, laying egg, siting on them, feeding I spoon ie 20%, all in synchrony. Likewite: onl hee wee! SE te pen and eet Lewis, nly hen we th moun atthe enent ance factors termi the coping and em rs Tee tsS: and how these appraisals atte ery go berond: eae al consequences, can, cognitive appraisal SS rpGon, which is itself a valuable first SUP ractical interventions designed to affect adaptational Pi health, morale, and effective functioning. Thr sil remine problem, vera of ming the concept of appraisal independent in measurement from antereaient fed consequent saabee. This problems has Boer te seried by Kasl (1978) in a discussion of epidems tions to the study of work stress. He states it as f y power fomes such Unfortunai role of in lv, this convergence of Fy, role conflict the measurement of the “depen dissatisfa ‘ometimes 50 close operationally that they appear to be simply two similar measures of a single concept. (p. 13) id, ets.) and One example offered by Kas! is a report by Lyons (1971) of a foreelation of ~.59 between “role clarity” and an index of a job tension among staff registered nurses. The index of job t defined by questionnaire items such as being bothered. by ur responsibility, unclear evaluation by supery {ations by others. Kasl trenchantly and some cludes that the correlation betwe expec: ‘what sardonically con- "en the two measures is about as illuminating as correlating headache?” type of item with “How ofte aches?” form of item. Similarly, what is the meaning ot ween high quahtative overload and low se Sy professors (Mueller, 1965), when the former { and abilities as not beiny latter (being dissatistied derive from one and the “How often do you have a nN are you bothered by head= perceiving one 18 Rood enough to meet job demands) and with oneself and one’s sku same perception of oneself? (p. 14) Having, in effect, noted that often the (stressor) conditions overlap operationally thatis, with appraisal, Kast 8 be to measure both the obj measures of the objective ith the subjective ones, Boes on to suggest that one solution would jective and the subjective separately in the athena tN whenever possible; another isto search for meds ing clfects of various characteristics of the person on the association be. tween the independent and dependent variables, a strategy we de- Senbed earlier. Kasl is of course quite correct in point it that ifve Appraisal Presses od) and objective me. thine tee aly vulnerable only when the det refers thing that matters. Tar example, the ectene © cases o abibties mentioned above have imo mpact-—at least in Some case wu i the research on appra the trap desenibed by Kast "ments thatthe physical di In Chapter 3 and 4 we wil mamene Picture, the person and n determ sof SPP To he ari ty antecendents and conseywenees of gp P Prawsal, or develop a set of principles for doing so, we break out the tautology ob, a weakened ankl ‘ms in an interpersor vulnerability only it the short, psycholopse: fcit mm resources, but by tage: For a person at a chaminor inconvenience: Antated iemitlonship will create psyeholeered Nationship has meaning for ity monte e Inerabyhty is determined then i between the H8 OF her resources far warding The Concept of Vulnerability The term eaten widely used in the co al stress and human adapt eptualized an terms of the ade For example, Murphy and M bitty an children as the “equip en that which ig ction. tn this bility to react tw broad I Pavchological stess that is shaped bg range MT iucting commitments, beliets, andl ecu ted Tara that Uses a Telatonal eancept of eu netaeatty Is provided by Kaplan (Ivo) He developed a scale af Gnskcneetessnessvulnerabahty” that ellecte ane combina Nerang Shiacters: a high value plated ot tec “ Aumnand Spas conmaitment) and the seat ty torr nS Of distress about terms of inborn ad etixit am resources) Another erannie eee from ye employs the Schlenker and Leary (oan hese authors suggest that peorte who set RAMEY iM are motivated to makes reat Impression on an ati NE PESPSC taneously expect an unsatistactorr eee tre anwiety. Here the vulnetaty nship between a commute Pace mene to say abet person tactors that eiuencey was nerabulty al stress in Chapter and 2 traveler ina Of of vulnerab asses of events with of person factors, An examp 977) describe ¥ and acquired, concept ot vl ehulelhiod Y in arguing for genetic the any ak ot tance is when whose ar water to which his to speak of 48 stich an enormous when there: Person is unab Ne to fun he Issue of Depth voretical account ot co WW address a problem that stress, eme appraisal we tes IM cOgeNivE ape and coping, the issue of surface and Wess and unconscisusnessmay Sess, Arras uc sl 4 of tea w Fes onesecn not and deg ae pertes, We have ered however a an ines meee Sunore of any oral ofthe tse ees of am appraat Lazar, ike ed, 1d) A yet appanal cn se whoa fers cewty owing he values and gos hat are raha tounge, th tht the sone of dange, or roe the ope nisms, of it can fe fused on nondelensie atte ‘Gut positon aliows the concept of appraisal to be intesrateg wth depth or psychoanalvuchpe theones. For example, the Jung. fof supenor and interior functions, where one functnes the other 1s submerged, ce ht (eR, appranal enwtion, and behavior. And of course Fredan thought gives mental activity that 18 inaccessible to con. ight feeling, and action Within the ss research per se, Weisman (1972) has used the term ‘tye to desenite the vague sense of the truth that can surtice and color mood even when the individual 2 frm dena, as when a patient denies Sctousness & 0 conte of « ved not be restncted to personal agen: iis that are accessible and easily operationalized; less access ‘iezeias and processes, about whuch psychoanalytic theonsts have then most vera, are ako far game. Appraial theory is in'a sone eutral with respect to the Personal agendas that are con The reader should keep ths feature of the con: Sgmutie appears an ms discuss person Summary There isan old phen, omens meaning ical te rent tothe person sha Dur concept of ¢ © PRURESSeS that Thru aates the sisnilic he perso or his or Arps being, Trachtionally, stress research has bern hased 4 stich as dave lowever, the un For one thing, the evidene prevesses shape the react conporate cognitive mediation tn ur cogritive theory of nology has two nexative connot versicalty of appraisals. Its our premise factors such ay needs, commitments. and influence perception, appr e Asecond problem with phenomen: iwheren kcal approaches s that they are an appraisal of threat is interred! from what the - We can break out of the exe antecedents and consequences We have identihed three kinds at coxvative secondary, and reappraisal, Primary appraisal « ment that an encounter is irte Stressful apprai Is can take three forms. harm ks. th lenge. Harm'loss refers to damage the person has tained, threat meters to anticipated harm Telers to events that hold the possi and challenge are not poles of as Simultaneously and must be con related, constructs, oF losses, and challenge ment concerning what might and whet accomplish what it is suppose Particular strategy or set of st eters to a changed ap Maton trom the environment a fers trom an appraisal o Sometimes wappraivals an these ate called detensive n tinguish from reapp The concept Pratl. Velneratvity is treque!ments Stress, Apprasal, and; mne whose COPINE, TesOUTCES , howev is determined that are engaged op are al 3 ——————__ Person Factors Influencing Appraisal that influence appraisal. tah Wwe treat person and situation. varia wwe view these variables as interdepender of person factors includes references no way o evaluate the our discus chapters 1s a recogni Of discussion, Howediscs in Chapter son. We shall beg the co assume that researchers e tems among diverse perse re, and, assessing the pat Commitments IgOTOUS training her chances in com: ance from peers and avoid those th t contains cognitive cop ces, Values, andlor goals, fcance of ing is illustrated in, study by Shite an n children’s mexdeling regarding agsression The respect to ther watchin used by psycholo human tunctic investmet vis theory (6, Athinve be viewed as a re Schonpilug, in press), ‘These term: cain laden with other conceptual bay =~“ id. We pret y copy magh the manne -, King, and Sor social process © appraisal theory, and it implies an ends tis mate to cor Hons on which appraisal pa objective circumstam™ son, oe g se ing persons or those “on, isolation, pain, phy’ et, and not coSis, AHHH, Od Copy 2 nent that are ordinarily gi 5 log slvzing the commitment-bose ens and old age as factory iy reer bx Kast Evans 3 strate the portant of manonucieosis mong Stukents. Foye eaeain ation, tamilv history of motivation, and academic of acactemic moto ve nak factors for the disease. They found peromanc a prone Ts gun and poor scan, tat te combnton a Rh al aecious mononiceeas gerformance interacted performing pooey, committnent ahekement signmcanty increased the liketihood of this illness, tn seem! Spay Ie dct ctadents vanes thn ee eee poe pare Janis and Mann (1977) make the additional point that the more Ee a Cees wcbang i olhare a a ae cere ie eee inte ia cof decision making, ing the effects of social pressures with Seer Beer ventory dente oe eer caren eta as orbs nen obigatnr inthe eyes ote jedeeman (1979) has also demon, tenent they use the term motivation, The stigma of nwerful negative 2 desu pe dsussing with ethers: the possibilty of irc Eee: the rete the number of those in the wtwark who are aware of a decision, the mote power the incense to a from i evenly Soy OE Soe dsapproval that might result Tavis and Mann are tres citunstines Hoe tances where a th: Mou Limuinsh se a ai ih se esteem Or ano. a ole who kno or tat An on making, under the principle is important in all he song eum! has the capacity 1 abut genttism. The greater the nu commitment, the greater the TSN side 5 sidehsht of this, Principle is that Person Factors Influencing Appraisal or people who fear that they will give up on a demanding commitment such as writing an article, stopping smoking, or changing jobs often announce this comm! to others. By making ment, people put added pressure on themselves with the commitment by building up the threat were the decision to waver. It is as if such people trap themselves into doing what they are afraid they will not do. ‘announc carry through of embarrassment The Role of Commitment in Warding Off Threat As we noted earlier, the very strength of commitment that creates vulnerability can also impel a person toward a course of action that con reduce threat ond help sustain coping efforts in the face of obstacles. The depth with which a commitment is held determines. the amount of effort a person is willing to put forth to ward oft threats to that commitment. Klinger (1975), for instance, states that commitments keep an organism “pursuing a goal despite many changes in drive states and environmental cues, even in the face of repeated obstacles” (p. 2). Perhaps the most graphic illustrations of the motivating prop- erty of commitments are found in cases of life-threatening illness The “will to live,” for example, is often seen as critical for survival. The particular commitments that form a will to live vary from person to person. In one it may be a commitment to one’s family, in to unfinished work, and in shill another a desire to "beat the * The commitment to life is sometimes evident in the patient's willrngness to undertake aversive treatment regimens. Regardless of the pattern of commitment that forges a will to live or the mecha nisms through which it has its effect, itis clear that without the to live, a patient can die Accounts of life in Nazi concentration camps provide further support for the role of commitments in sustaining life under the most devastating of circumstances. In this regard, Benner et al, (2980) write: The most severe trauma of the concentration camps, in the fact that the suffering experienced the Wy be given lite-supporting meaning, either in terms of individual sins of omvesion R, oF in terms of the grand design of the universe. From kan, 1968), human beings who have experienced harm, and pain have sought to reassure themselves of the essential goodness2 ond meaning of teiallen them, When such a bizare, OF uniquely hum pin as genocide and enslavement involved, however, not only dog iuaton become senseless, but one 8 forced to doubt the most centeal cop, - Sutfering for a reason without cause, ben meanin, Needless to <0, the sutter ted by the Holocaust had no ult rte goad, reward. or meanung inherent init In contrast to the behn vor ot believing Jews dunng post episodes of ' punushinent. Instead, that they had lost theie faith ass fof the camp experience (Eitinger, 1964). The camps came to erly not the wrath of God, but the tact that He was dead (¢ sto, but in the opp enienced via conversion, in their sora ge of mee rs report the Wo id survival Dine Frankl. 195%, Meimle, 1a. Here we are making ist Me Meaning wn the sutfenng and meaning in eter H. the wictims found a = thon be wened and sus e. Survivors reps! onder to eek ne lo seek revenge, and so on. (pp. 223-224) Athoush shown that eo ence fa less dramatic, laboratory experiments have ab rent deternunes eft rm ac Over and above the pres *s. For example, in a series of five studte Sof monetary incentives on Wes) found that h monetary in if a goal or i the amount of inc authors make several points th 1a HR about the role of commitment of extrinsic mon ons are the havior. 1 intentional level #3 tive did not affest ersom Factors dnfluersing App goal the probal field” in the face of altern Tt must be stressed 1 ‘of behavior) in The centrality of commitments in paycholoxic been discussed extensively with reference to bereavement (€.g., Bowlby, 1973) and depression (e.g, Khinger, 1975, 1977) and is a major focus of traditional psychoanalytic therapy. The purpose of such therapy is to resolve inner conflicts that impede the formation of commitments to family and wor hat the person who can make commitments will have a meanmngtul and productive life (see also Singer, 1974). Commitments are not often given much attention in the context of psychological stress and coping, This is largely due to the trend away trom motivational concepts, which we discussed in Chapter 2. Yet commitments are clearly important as determinants of psycho logical stress, In addition to their motivating quahty, which helps sustain coping elfort, they guide people to and away from situations, that can harm, threaten, or challenge them, shape cue-sensitivity, and, most important, define areas of meaningiulness and thereby mine which encounters are relevant to well-being. Moreover, only by knowing a person's pattern of commitments can areas of led. This last point has particular significance for predicting the circumstances under which a person will feel harmed, threatened, or challenged hared cogmative configu = 1 et al. 1981). They are preesising notions about Hy which serve as a perceptual lens, or a “set.” to use the term "red by perception psychologists. In appraisal, beliots deter imine What is fact, that is, “how thing a 9 shape the understanding ofits mearung.c's (1970 session sis te (aa ve understanding at a fortal level how beliets operate ig appraisal, Bnefy, Bem dstogusbes between primitive and hgh fonder behets. Prinative belies rest on premises that to the be ‘open to question (ee also Rokeach, 1968). The m sve beets are appear to be vila to exist even when we are fe that cibjecs the same size and shape ay we move away from them even though ther vs seoscry expen on external authority. “When ‘mommy says that not brus! ‘every meal causes tooth decay mous it the fact that not brush alter every mel decay” (p. 7) Higher-order beliefs are leamed as we come to regard sensory nto be mor oe insert an ‘experience, Over tim rom tath and. expericn is Ute cemstued rid wth | obe ditterent be hope may be suppla version, that which previous!” me bengn and that which #3 Apprasal 6s person's changed beliefs and the changes that the functi appraisal becomes expheit both for the actor and for the observer we more a new beliet system differs from the old ane, and the more comprehensive it is, the more explit the mechanisms through which if influences appraisal become. or instance, since the early 1971s thousands of young people have been recrutted into cults and persuaded to adapt a new belie system, The values, commitments, and goals that flow trom the cure set of behefs for a particular cult cover every aspect of the member's Iie, inclusting the disavowal of atfection and loyalty to his or her famuly, using lying and deception to ry and engage Fe- and working 18 te 20 hours a day with lite food! and no pay {Clark, 1979; Conway & Siegelman, 1978; Delgado, 1977; lawards, 1979; Gosney, 1977; Post, 1976; Rice, 1976) ‘Changes in bei cults are extreme; most peuple do not ever, these conversions ilustrate the point that people who adopt a deviant and comprehensive beliet system change the way they ap- praise their relationship to the world at every level of being, What was benign is: now male parents), and what was ma: levolent 1s (€-%, yielding total controt to a higher au- thority), In these extreme circumstances, the manner through which belief systems operate as a perceptual lens becomes clea. Let us now talk about speatic sets of belts that are relevant to rent interest and thought as well as the indispensable presence of actual research that bears on these concept. Betiefs About Personal Control hypothesis is that the extent to which people t thetr powers of mastery over the environment or, alterna harm in a world conceived as dan- oF challenge appraisals «eg.» Aver Levy's UMA, 1560) classic studies of matsees. ad Coping dlerprotection (and related rest rch bv a eal woe ae carihe sue ws sated by Murphy and Moriarty (1976) ig acetate of being able to handle new cha} sr not being able to manage selt-distrust andl anxiety abvut control have to do with feelings of mas. on, 12, for a review of four model, teveback). These beliets ‘os generalized wavs of thinking and as mntrol as a generalized have been discussed be expectations, wncton is umportant fers to a stable antecedent variat theoretically and in practical terms the other toa Go abot control con ‘cerns the extent to which people assume they can control events and cotcomes of importance. The test known formulation is Rotters {1966} concep. versus external locus of control, An inter: ral locus ot control re ut events are contingent upon one’s osm beh cus of contro} refers 10 tie belief that events ‘upon luck. chance, tate, Rott "see 1975) conceived of generalized control expecta rg their vluence when the situation 1s ambig: ' of ambiguity, which is used here environment, situational cues 1 cre mane utcome and or the extent to which at 29 wy ae AE MM Sy Ch on of ambig: beefs and dispos °e the meaning, of the e eral contr expectancies, We mel m8 Ol amboiy ee ity a general expet asal with respect 10 th lv ambiguous, a pet pected to appraise the situation ‘of controt might appraise it jon is not highly ambiguous, we wo 960, 1975), that judgments about controllabs ‘enced more by situational characteristics than by general beliets ‘A version of a general belief about contro} that has had a impact on the thinking of social epatemiologists and psychiatrists in medicine is Antonovsky’s (1979) “sense of coherence,” hich one has a hat one's there is a es integration and union of the self and the . which is also reminiscent of the neo-Freudian writings of Jung, (1953), and Frome (1955). The notion of coher- to Kobasa’s (1979) notion of the hardy personality style, ingo’s (1979) “involvement,” which is the antithesis of al nation or anomie, and to related ideas such as positive self-esteem, icity, sell-contidence, and the sense of mastery. A sense of coherence or being at one with the world should indeed have emotionally supportive hunctions, as Antonovsky and hers have suggested, and itis probably a positive tactor in social and work functioning and health (see Chapter 7). A troubling fea- ture of thés concept is that it is apt to be treated solely as a person. without regard to the soaety in which the person lives. ‘the sense of coherence engages two interdependent systems, the person and the society, each having its own distinct properties that must be desenbed and taken into account. For example, for many people in Nazi Germany, a sense of coherence depended on suppressing con- fcting basic values in order to remain part of the social ori Kind of sense of coherence is attained at the cost of individu be a positive factor in health w dhtticulties created by a highly global and overarch: ing concept about hum. stich as a sense of coherence is that lithic pattern of behets when in fact people often Enterlain mony contradictory bebiety at the same time. A global con- Cept like the sense af coherence suggests ‘dor consistent behet systern, which may be more tistioni Stress, Appraisal end Cop, than fact. Whatever the urge to self-consistency, belief systems ay too complex, rich, and contradictory to be massed into a simpi unidimensional concept. The difficulties in using global concepts, Like traits, global terms are oversimplified and ignore the comple, and changing, relationship between people and their environmen (he reader might consult Block, 1982, for a careful dialectic analys: that applies Piaget's concepts of assimilation and accommodation is very common for people to be fearful abou at the same time identifying this mode of travel as sate ‘secure in an automobile and yet acknowledge that the danger « being hulled or maimed in a car crash is alarming compared with tht ‘beliefs: that they are safe in flight and at the same time that they at in grave. danger, J his is reminiscent of the story of a passenger Whe wes his own bomb onto a plane because the odds of there being sno mater haw sad eg “d by others, but nonetheless react a5 Itas also common for what they do or are like or control of danger lefs that imply dange we ne hate toma hve mae sao Sccurity. There also may be ea noes Beit that imply safety hierarchy is organized. wal ditferences in the way th® en general belie haus ae Predictor of aprabals and thes consequeh™ nel Coping research, but that itis yen tet Conseaue guish between a general disposition or belyey enportant to dist could operate under certain citcumstances of sb0ut control, whi and an appraisal of control in a spe Such as high ambigtt use expressions such as “self-efficacy,” =jjtek+ When researche™ sense of control” as measured in of control yt “the 1977; Langer, 1975; Leto coping: rele fe expres 1S oF expectations about Appraisal o Person Fi ‘are often speaking of general dispositions, that is, the tendency to make certain attributions about control not in one context but many. it is often not easy to tell from the term itself; thus, beliet about control could be a belief in a specific context or a general belief. The former is a cognitive appraisal, the latter a disposition carried to the situation by the person. This distinction is a variant of the State-trait distinction, which has long been of interest to personality and social psychologists (e.g., Allen & Potkay, 1981; Avenil, & Op- ton, 1968) In recent years many suggestions have been offered for making measures of general beliefs about control more specific in order to improve their predictive power. Numerous possibilites have been discussed in the hterature, including making the concept specitic to fan activity or a context, for instance, to crowding (Schmidt & Keat- ing, 1979), intellectual and academic achievement (Crandall, Katkov- sky, & Crandall, 1965), economic outcomes (Gurin & Gurin, 1970), and health behavior (Hartke & Kunce, 1982; Wallston, Wallston, Kaplan, & Maides, 1976). Paulhus and Christie (1981) have devs ‘oped a series of “sphere-specific” scales that focus on personal effi- ‘cacy, interpersonal control, and sociopolitical control, which appear to be independent (Paulhus, 1983). (For other examples, see Let court, 1981.) The more restrictions placed on the definition of gen- eral control expectancies, the more closely they begin to resemble situational control expectancies or appraisal Situational contyol appraisals. These appraisals refer to the extent to which a person believes that he or she can shape or influence a Particular stresstul person—environment relationship. They are prod ‘ucts of the individual's evaluations of the demands of the situation, as well as his or her coping resources and options and abuhty to implement the needed coping strategies. In the latter respects, site onal appraisals of control parallel Randura’s concept of selt-effi- cacy. We have already noted (see Chaper 2) that Bandura (19778) distinguishes between an efficacy expectancy, which is the convic- tion that one can successfully execute the behavior required to pro- luce an outcome, and an outcome expectancy, which is det Person's estimate that a given behavior will lead to certain out- mes, Bandura makes this distinction because individuals can believe that a Jn vl po duce certai tetficacy expectan wen acentral role by Bandura in de yple fear and tend behave assurediy whe ituations that wos teels threatened and nee coping behavior. ee, We Would Say that ef S are part of secondary a clues an evaluation of Won of a situation: sip between the tw 1 work, For exampi ies conducted & Ws, Adams, Hardy, & HO" be accompanied © Bear is them. Pete stressful appraist As efficacy expectancies resources more ad and coping behav ng Aa Person Fa behaviors are not instituted because of increased cies, but because of the elfect of the efficacy ex person's appraised rv ip with the environment, Situational control appraisals are difficult to evaluate ( 1984), Part of the problem has to do with the question “Contr what?" In experimes simple and clear aversive st object. In erally complex, is frequently ambyguous, and often pertains m to an external stimulus but to the person’s internal state as w: 1g with health-related stressors, for example, Mews and 1 te the following adaptive tasks, each of which can be viewed ving an outcome or an object or target of control serelated 1 Dealing with pain and 2. Dealings with the hospital env procedures 3. Developing adequate and. special onships with professional General Preserving a reasonable « 4 5 6 A good overall outcome in a health-related source of stress thus umerous subeutcomes which vary an (see also Krantz & Schul for an ana with carchac rehatuhtation in the elderly) environment a sense of acleyuacy or these inner issues is be not much or any the harmtul environmentat back on the 1 his oF her Capacity to exe Public and prvate, and the absiaty to take whatever 1g. To our knowiedye, ot stress ane cup haenrs, threats, OF adaptational outcomeStress, Appraisal, a 2 tt Cony challenges, then, the answer to the question “Control over wha A person might ‘Outcomes also vary in cont P 2ht expe ‘one aspect of a situation but not another. With respect fer and Wortman ressful encounter can vary 5 ty adds to the complexity ping options and to the overall a andlor challenging, 1 appraisals of control cy can jonment andlor as the result say expectancies in phobics, ke when their experienss ‘and when they gain new appraisals and ap ory and stress is based on Yet there af well-being (€.g., nausea, hair loss, and depression). A person with a coronary-prone Type A behavior pattern may be counseled to “con trol” his behavior by becoming less driven and competitive in order to reduce the risk of illness. But to do so may cause the person to act against strongly held values, with a consequent loss of self-esteem and productivity. In each of the above cases the potential for control presents a difficult choice. The person may value controlling the ancy or the risk of myocardial infarction; yet the potential for control can generate distress because of its costs. toa preferred style such as avoidance (as opposed to confront or dependence (as opposed to independence). A study by Avei O'Brien, and DeWitt (1977) illustrates this point. In this shock-avoid- ance experiment, each subject could choose whether or not to listen for a warning that signaled an upcoming shock. The warning gave the subject potential control over the aversive stimulus in that it lowed the subject to try to switch off the shock. In each of 12 trials, itch was hkely to increased, ‘A study by Mills and Krantz (1979) al igators found that blood donors who were given informat Preferred. Citing Houston (1972), When the individ mn may heighten stress. In stu 979) and Shipley, Butt relationship between repression jon and sti "1 information that allowed them to exercise we procedure (endoscopy). Repressors were xs when given this information Fesponse Rote anxious than sens” studies (eg far pattern emerges indicating tha ing when it opposes a preferres “hu 3g intr sions” from the school system, health and mental health services, or social workers, of heightened equires material resources Tete. Thus, to cut down the aversive noise in | mundane consequences ot laboratory an ke primary ap ol appraisals art inter, attention © ™amitments and beliefs. ¥ of those selected fat Son factors, For these re not necessarily vendicl of subject to the ingly tional hi A le, Langer pre "* Supported the pred” Fi 75 Person Factors Influencing Ap tion. In another experiment fa of control. Lottery tickets wer written on index cards) or unfamiliar (line drawings of novel sym- bols). Subjects were given the opportunity to keep their onginal ticket or to trade it in for a ticket in a lottery where the chances of win: were better. Again, findings offered evidence that an trol had been induced. Other experiments induced the control through competitive behavior, and active and passive iar (letters of the alphabet Langer (1975) offers three reasons why people have a skill orien- tation (oF an illusion of control) in chance situations. The ted to control their environment, She cit. (1959) discussion of a need for competence, Hendrie fo master, Adler's (1930) striving for superiority, and deCharms’ (1968) striving for personal causation as examples of the widespread Fecognition that there is a motivation to master one’s environment. ude the abihit White's 1943) instinct quences that accompany the perception of having no control Scample, a teview by Lefcourt (1973) shows that a nonveridical per. of control over an impending event reduces its aversiveness, Langer explains why peo ficulty in discriminating be- events. In all skills situations lement of chance, and in alm there is an element of skill. Thus, {0 discriminate between skill and chance 4 real difficulty in making The illusion of control n Au chance situations. Its obverse is unreal 's. A study by Garber and Hollon (1980) § 's particular form of helplessness is. char ‘

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