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OUR MANIFESTO
CONTENTS
Prologue
introducing Khumoekae richard-the president
the manifesto
conclusion
cabinet
1
2
3-18
19
20
Prologue
In 2019, the Botswana National Front will join other progressive forces under the Umbrella
for Democratic Change to unseat the ruling Botswana Democratic Party from government.
It is not in dispute that under the BDPs neo-colonial economic policies, a dark cloud has
enveloped the youth across the country with misery and despondency. Despite the BDPled government awarding itself a gold medal for having made socio-economic advances
in youth development, the reality is that thousands of youth are languishing in poverty and
unemployment. With youth unemployment reaching highs of 34% and increasing every
day, the BDP regime has run out of options to liberate the youth out of this desolation. Our
team concedes that the Botswana National Front Youth League in the previous years has
not been fully utilized to the full capacity as a revolutionary youth structure to rescue the
situation. At the moment, the unemployed and poor youth are extremely scattered and
disorganized to play any revolutionary role in the struggle of our people. They are as good
as allies of the bourgeoisie class, as Lenin succinctly put it. We believe that the time has now
come for the youth league to reclaim its traditional vanguard role as we head for a political
showdown in 2019. The BNFYL, we argue, must play its rudimentary role of organizing
the disorganized youth and the poor, mobilizing the workers, forging relations with trade
unions and Student Representative Councils. We shall be the spark of the bonfire!
Against this backdrop the BNFYL have a solemn and serious duty to mobilize, organize,
educate and conscientise all progressive guerrillas into a formidable and dynamic political
force that can safe-guard our future. Ours is a calling. That calling is inherent, righteous
and mandatory. We must be seen to be initiating, shaping and directing discourse in the
political sphere; we must firmly stand by and with the marginalized, the underprivileged,
the vulnerable, the oppressed, the poorer and the workers (peasants and the proletariats).
We must be the hope of the hopeless; we must be the voice of the voiceless.
The time has come to ignore political knee-jerk barracking and shun fake revolutionary
forces who rehearse and recounts Marxist theories to maintain their relevance in the Front.
The BNFYL belongs to the streets. This manifesto outlines a brief and comprehensive policy
direction and ideological framework of our program of action during our term in office. It
contains the cabinet of women and men who will be the cogs and wheels of the whole
revolutionary truck which shall be driven by Cde Khumoekae Richard.
[the manifesto...]
without a blue print that guides the leagues interpretation on youth matters.
For the purpose of reference and uniformity, we ought to have an extensive
and comprehensive document written in black and white which elucidates
youth policies; policies that are congruent with the Social Democratic ideological framework. So, we aim and promise to engage the BNFYL structures
across the country and other relevant stakeholders whom we share an ideology to lock horns in a bid to draft and craft such a document that will
posit the leagues position on central issues such as entrepreneurship (youth
in businesses), education, poverty and youths unemployment, sports, entertainment and recreation, health issues, youth empowerment e.t.c. A national
youth charter that contains sanguine youths aspirations is a must. This unique
document will be the first of its kind in the BNF history but most importantly
it will align the league with other progressive international movements which
have such an operational charter.
1.2 Once we assume power at the upcoming BNFYL congress, we promise to put
the draft in place within six (6) months and the other six (6) months will be
for BNFYL structures to discuss, make input where necessary, as well as input
from other stakeholders (e.g. tertiary schools, secondary schools, churches,
NGOs, Trade unions, Media, traditional leaders and business sector)
1.3 We intend to have the draft charter ready for adoption either in 2017 Easter
gated in 2007 by the Ramaotwana led BNFYL Central Committee and distributed to delegates at the BNFYL annual Conference held at Mogoditshane in
December 2007.
2.2 Once we assume power, we do not intend to reinvent the wheel, but rather
we will instruct our Legal Affairs custodian to analyze the draft Constitution
and make presentation to the BNFYL central committee either for refining the
draft or adopt it as it is. Thereafter we will give the BNF central committee
(mother body) thirty (30) days to make their contribution before we circulate
it to the BNFYL structures country wide.
2.3 We have perused the said draft Constitution and we agree with the following
2.3.1 Section 3 of the draft outlines the nature and character of the relation-
ship between the BNF and BNFYL, being that the league shall be an
autonomous body of the BNF, and shall be guided by policies and principles of the BNF (section 3.2 of draft constitution)
2.3.2 Section 13 (vi) recognizes that there shall be a National MASS Student
Council, whilst section 14.3 guarantees auxiliary bodies and group members 30 delegates to participate in the league congress and this is in line
with the BNF Constitution, practice and culture. Delegates from MASS
student movement partook in the 1995 BNFYL congress in Serowe, 1997
BNFYL congress in Mahalapye, 1999 BNFYL Conference at Selibe-Phikwe, 2001 BNFYL congress in Kang, 2006 BNFYL congress in Serowe and
2010 BNFYL Congress in Kanye. Similarly the MASS student delegates
participated in all BNF mother body congresses and conferences since
1993 up to 2012 congress in Mahalapye. The fact that the draft Constitution recognizes MASS delegates is a milestone achievement to align the
culture and practice of the BNFYL with the BNF Constitution.
2.3.3 Section 15(xviii) and (xix) enjoins the National MASS Student Council
President and General Secretary to sit in the youth leagues central committee.
2.3.4 Section 16.1 establishes an Executive Committee which does not exist
in the 1988 BNFYL constitution which is currently operational. That notwithstanding, the BNFYL is obliged to rely on the BNF Constitution for
guidance and direction where the leagues constitution is silent. Hence,
that is why the BNFYL has allowed MASS student delegates to vote in
congresses and conferences since 1993 to date. Similarly that is why the
league has always treated the President, Vice President, Secretary General, Vice Secretary General and treasure as Executive Committee of the
BNFYL despite the 1988 operational constitution being silent.
2.3.5 Section 20 of the draft constitution seeks to establish BNF public elected
representatives council. This council will be a forum for elected MPs and
councilors to be drilled by BNF experts on policy issues and motions to
be tabled in parliament and councils to ensure that BNF representatives
are indeed the voice of the downtrodden, workers, youth and the voiceless.
Among officials of the opposing regime there are those that are secretly approached
and bribed so as to find out conditions in their country (political party) and discover
any plans against you: they can also be used to create rifts and disharmony
We argue that by the look of things, BDP has created DIS for purposes of
protecting President Khama and his family. The question is, who are the
enemies of President Khama the opposition political parties. In their
overzealous drive the DIS has been implicated in befriending members
of the BNF and ultimately those befriended members joined the BDP after several attempts of maligning the BNF President. The DIS has recruited some members of the BNF and other opposition parties to operate
as their eyes, ears, mouth and also to create rifts and disharmony where
possible in the BNF. Hence the intelligence and security liaison officer is
needed to avert DIS-BDP spies from growing in leaps and bounds in the
BNF structures.
2.3.7 Section 36 of the draft Constitution establishes the office of the National
Projects Officer. The mandate of the projects officer is to implement decisions, projects, resolutions and policies of the BNFYL, to formulate the
leagues strategic plan, develop timelines for all BNFYL secretaries and
liaise with BNYC, Youth in business, Civil societies, private sector, out of
school youth and students of all descriptions.
2.3.8 Section 49 of the draft constitution establishes the BNFYL Policy Platform.
appropriated by foreigners and their BDP handlers (see Lesetedi land commission report where business mogul was allocated 701 plots and Nchindo land saga in Block 10 in Gaborone). The BNF has long told Batswana
that political freedom without economic freedom is an illusion (see Pamphlet
No.1; 1969:35)
3.2 In 1969 General Elections the BNF pledged to Batswana voters at the time thus
if given the mandate to rule each and every Motswana would have a piece
of land for use as residential, and subsistence farming whilst the ownership
would revert to the state or community. This pledge is contained at page 43
of Pamphlet No.1 and reads as follows;
The BNF regards the land as the property of the whole of society- it is national property,
which should neither be sold nor individually owned. The BNF makes a distinction between
the right of use and possession and the right of ownership. Only the whole of the society or
the whole community shall have the right- the indivisible right to own the land. Individuals
and groups shall have only the right of use and possession. The right of ownership which
belongs only to the whole community or the whole society shall be inalienable. The individual shall own only the development on the land so that if at any time part of the land which
he has the right to use is requisitioned by the community, the individual shall be compensated fully for the developments. The right of use shall under ordinary circumstances pass
to the heir of the individual. Individuals shall be encouraged to obtain common lands deeds
of grant. The right of use shall serve as security for purposes of loans. In cases of problems
arising from failure to repay the loan, the Land Development Bank (LDB) shall lease the
property to those who can pay the rent.
If the BNF could have been given power in 1969 no Motswana could be crying
for lack of shelter or piece of land to build resident houses. And the BNF is the
only party which about real societal transformation in Botswana.
3.4 The BNFYL promises to revive its long standing policy to ensure that BDP
agents and their foreign handlers do not appropriate the whole land mass to
themselves in a country whose size of the land mass is equivalent to France.
France has over 70 million people but no French citizens including immigrants
complain about lack of residential plots whilst in Botswana the BDP cannot
provide plots for residential purposes to about two (2) million people
(two million includes under 5 months old babies). The BNFYL through
UDC will campaign for the following land reform policy:
3.4.1 That ownership of crown/state land and community (tribal) land must
3.4.2 That Batswana, civil societies and business entities shall only have the
3.4.3 That an individual or civil societies or business entities shall only sell
3.4.4 That those who acquired land illegal or fraudulently should not be com-
pensated.
3.4.5 That those who acquired title deeds fraudulently or illegally acquired
land should not be compensated when such land is compulsorily appropriated by the state.
accordance to market-value
3.4.7 That informal sector workers and informal business sector should be
given land to use to erect their businesses in lucrative part of the big
malls so that their goods can have access to the market (where buyers
are found).
3.4.8 That Basarwa of C.K.G.R and any other similarly circumstanced (affected)
3.4.9 That no empty plot will be sold or transferred to another person (buyer)
3.4.10 That developments on the state or community residential plots can only
be sold through court orders (both civil and customary orders), otherwise the BNFYL shall emphasize that selling developments on residential
plots is an anathema of home ownership.
3.4.11 That proper and full Land Servicing by UDC government be done with-
out failure.
4.2 The above housing policy reforms will ensure that land becomes not only
available but accessible to every Motswana including the poor. The current
situation where land in Block 8 in Gaborone is sold at P300 000.00 for an
empty plot is unacceptable and day light robbery by the capitalists. If land is
free, then workers and self-employed workers will afford a loan of their choice
to build a home of their choice.
We must state once again that our struggle is neither to build capitalism nor to build
socialism. Our economy will of necessity be the economy of transition from the status
of dependence to the status of independence, that is to say, our economy has to be
National Democratic Economy.
At pages 36-37, Dr. Koma states categorically that the BNF as a broad church
will not become a capitalistic or socialistic party but shall be pro-Botswana,
pro-Africa and pro-Progress. The 1995 Social Democratic Programme also put
the debate to rest when it states that the BNF advocates for a mixed economy
system coupled with State intervention. To this end, any political party that
dubs the BNF a socialist or capitalist party is mischievous.
6.0 REVIVE AND ERECT VIBRANT YOUTH STRUCTURES
ACROSS THE COUNTRY
6.1 It is a sad reality to discern that the BNFYL structures are currently dysfunction-
al and collapsed. At worst, they are dead. The importance of vibrant structures
in any political movement cannot be over-emphasized. It is natural that the
structures breathe life in any given organization. Thus a political organization
without structures is as good as dead. It is upon the realization and appreciation of this devastating state of affairs of a dismal failure by the youth-league
to erect structures that, we vow to defy the odds and revive structures across
the country. It is high time we swallow our prides and unconditionally admit
that the league collectively needs a serious self-introspection, self criticism
and reappraisal.
NB: As a special dispensation, the process of formation of structures must be
intensified and accelerated in the northern parts of this country where the
BNF is painfully absent.
Currently, the BNF appears to be a regionalized party that is dominant in
the South of Dibete Regions. That should greatly disturb! BNF is a palatable
political fruit that must be enjoyed by all, so the continued denying of such
a fruit to the oppressed people of north is a pain on the neck. For the BNF,
member to erect BNFYL within three (3) months in their constituencies and
report the progress to the BNFYL CC. This will mean that 16 BNFYL constituency committees in 16 constituencies or so will be erected. The erection of
structures by members will not incur any travelling expenses since members
will be erecting structures in their constituencies.
6.3 The remaining 41 constituencies will be assessed and priority given to those
7.2 The BNF as rights oriented movement advocates for the right to decent work,
the right to decent housing, the right to qualitative education, the right to
free worship, the right to free speech by all Batswana including civil servants.
7.3 In light of the above if elected to lead the BNFYL, we will urge BNF/UDC gov-
Republic Constitution. The House of Representatives will enable workers to enact labour laws protecting their socio-economic occupational
interests.
7.3.2
The Police Service, Prison Service and Botswana Defence Force will
be allowed to form and join trade unions of their choice. These trade
unions will have collective bargaining rights. Strike will be prohibited in
Police, Prison and BDF trade unions (see BNF manifesto of 2009 at
page 9). Upon assuming power we will campaign for the formation of
trade unions in the above-mentioned institutions alongside the existing
civilian trade unions.
7.3.3
The BNFYL will liaise with trade unions to lobby for the abolition of sections 34(a) and 37(c) of the Public Service Act, No.30 of 2008. The said
provisions are vague and in contravention of section 12(1) of the Constitution which protects free speech in a democratic society. The campaign
for the abolition of sections 34(a) and 37(c) of PSA will be premised on
the dictum of Justice Brandies in the case of Whitney v California, 247
U.S. 357 (1927) at pages 357-378, which reads thus
that the greatest menace to freedom is an inert people; that public discussion is
a political duty;It is hazardous to discourage thought, hope and imagination; that
the path of safety lies in the opportunity to discuss freely supposed grievances and
proposed remedies; and that the fitting remedy for evil counsels is good ones
7.3.4 The BNFYL will urge unions to tackle these unconstitutional provisions
through our useless courts of law. The advice is premised on the Supreme Court of Indias decision which held in the case of Rangarajan
and others v Jagjivan Ram (1989) 2 S.C.R 204; thus,
To say that one should not be permitted to advocate that view goes against the first
principle of our democracy. Freedom of expression which is legitimate and constitutionally protected cannot be held at ransom, by an intolerant group of people. The
fundamental freedom under Article 19(1)(a) can be reasonably restricted only for the
purposes mentioned in Articles 19(2) and the restriction must be justified on the anvil of necessity and not the quick sand of convenience or expediency. Open criticism
of Government policies and operations is not a ground for restricting expression. We
must practice tolerance to the views of others. Intolerance is as much dangerous to
democracy as to the person himself.
7.3.5 The above advice finds supports from the International Labour Organi-
tative Council (SRC) in all tertiary institutions, Churches, non-unionized workers e.g. Ipelegeng, the Disabled and other Non-governmental organizations
with an aim to help emancipate and liberate them. More crucially, there are a
lot of potential voters in these groups of people, so failure to relate with them,
means that the party is directly losing thousands of votes.
in tertiary institutions. This culture reared its ugly head at Limkokwing University, Botho College, University of Botswana, and last year it was at Botswana
College of Agriculture. The BNFYL will campaign for genuine academic freedom in tertiary institutions. The right to freedom to assemble and to protest
is prohibited by BDP government if the recent announcement by Ministry of
Education officials, is anything to go by. If a student sponsorship can be terminated for exercising their freedom to protest or assemble then our schools are
becoming autocratic and despotic. Hence we condemn, and we will continue
to condemn all barbaric acts of abuse and repression in all Academic Institutions to expel the SRC leaders for protecting students rights to learning and
participation in the politics of the country.
duty is to spit venom on each other, or should I say, exchange bile and vile: to
them that is politicking! Facebook or Social Media have become a platform
where personal wars are fought, platform of ridiculous and uncouth behavior
and vulgarity. All these can be attributed to ideological bankruptcy caused
by lack of political education." (Richard, June 2015: Making a Presentation in
Boteti Regional Workshop). He suggested and motivated BNF to come up
with SMP.
12.2 Against this backdrop, though we appreciate the good that comes with face-
book, we contend with utmost conviction that time has come for political
movements, by extension, all organizations to regulate facebook and other
forms of social media. As the BNFYL, we will come up with a comprehensive and elaborate Social Media Policy (SMP) to arrest the anarchist status of
our beloved comrades. The effects of an unregulated social media especially
when discussing party matters, are far-fetched and are bound to haunt the
organization in the future. In the process, if unchecked, facebook will render
organizations ungovernable, with serious breach of principles of governance!
CONCLUSION
We stand for principled, free discussion of issues and genuine participatory democracy in the BNF and the UDC family. We heeded the advice of the SACP representative at the launch of the UDC at GSS grounds on the 10th November 2012,
that UDC needs constant constructive criticism in order to withstand the political
storms and tribulations in the journey to build a better Botswana. We are also
inspired by the words of Dr. Koma in his book entitled the "Second Phase of the
African Revolution Has Now Began" at pages 65-66 wherein he says;
Democracy, we must continue to state, should also be deliberate in the sense that members of the community should be free to deliberate freely on the issues and affairs which
concern the nation or the running of the affairs of their community. No problem which
affects the life of the community or the society should be considered beyond the scope
or universe of public censure or comment. There should not be a single problem whose
discussion is considered a taboo.Democracy we must stress, should be consultative
in the sense that those who are given the reign of power must be obliged to consult. The
leaders, we are suggesting, should never persuade themselves that their plans and their
ideas are the best and that the duty of the population is only to endorse. Consultation and
persuasion and not the issuing of commands are the essence of democracy. Democracy
should be participatory in the sense that the ordinary people should participate and be
involved in the decision-making process.
11.2 We are happy that President Boko consulted BNF members about the for-
mation of UDC and no one can doubt that BNF congresses endorsed the
formation of the Umbrella. However, it does not mean that members cannot
review the progress of Umbrella in order to suggest ways of making it more
appealing to all Batswana. We urge BNF to continue to discuss ways of making Umbrella more robust and effective to oust the BDP in 2019.
11.3 To achieve all the above we will ponder on ways of sourcing and raising funds
for the league even from comrades who have a stronger financial muscle
within the league. We cannot fight capitalism as an economic system
without capital coming in as resources to achieve our goals. The treasury office will brainstorm and coin strategies to raise funds for he league.
TEAM BATSABAKEDI
(Richard-Mabote)
PRESIDENT
Cde. Khumoekae
Motsabakedi Richard
VICE-PRESIDENT
Cde. Velem Heii
SECRETARY GENERAL
Cde. Osenotse Mabote
TREASURER
Cde. Ravaza Watshipi
ADMIN. SECRETARY
Cde. Lindiwe Oroba Molefhe
PUBLICITY SECRETARY
Cde. Farouq N. Katisi
PoLITICAL AffAIRS
Cde. Hendrick Rampha
oRGANIzING SECRETARY
Cde. States R. Ntsimako
woMENS-AffAIRS
Cde. Lindy Mere
LEGAL AffAIRS
Cde. Yendani Boko
CoNTRoL CoMMISIoN
Cde. Latty G. Ditshego
LABoUR AffAIRS
Cde. Otsile Mbisi
INTERNATIoNAL AffAIRS
Cde. Abednico Maphuru
notes
#BATSABAKEDI