A FIELD STUDY OF NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION
IN GERMANY, ITALY. AND THE UNITED STATES
ROBERT SHUTER
DWARD HALL indicates that each
E culture strictly regulates the dis-
tance at which communicators interact
and the display of physical contact.! He
maintains, for example, that Italians are
contact oriented—engaging in tactile dis-
plays and conversing at a close distance
while Americans and Germans are pri-
marily noncontact interactants? Al-
though Hall’s analysis of Italy, Germany,
and the United States is unaccompanied
by quantitative data or exhaustive anec-
dotal evidence, few have examined his
findings."
Ashley Montagu argues without sub-
stantiation that the "German family pro-
dluces « rigid character which renders the
average German a not very tactile be
ing." Similarly, Desmond. Morris indi-
cates Uhat Americans are so deprived of
physical contact that they turn to second
hand intimacies—a massage, a manicure,
a physical examination—to satisfy their
psychological desire to be touched.*
Finally, the impressionistic investigations
Mr, Shuter is Chairman, Department of Inter-
personal Communication, Marquette University.
A verson ofthis paper was presented at the 1977
meeting of the
Association in Berlin.
1 Edward Hall, The Hidden Dimension (New
York: Books, 1
ternational Gommunication
ams," Journal of Cross-Cultural Prychology, 2
(09% 130-44,
‘Montagu, Touching: The Si
cance of the Skin “(New, York, Columbia
versity Press, 1971),
TBeamond Moreh: Intimate Behavior (New
York: Random House, 1971), pp. 171-91.
of Howard Montagu? and Gehring
perpetuate the stereotype of the tactile
Nalian, freely touching, holding, and em-
bracing both in public and private.
While provocative, these findings are
highly speculative, since they are un-
supported by reliable da
Like the preceding tactility studies, the
comparative proxemic research con-
ducted on Germany, Italy, and the
United States is mostly of a qualitative
nature." However, in an experimental
study, Little made an interesting discov-
cry while testing Hall's observation that
Italians interact at a closer distance than
do Americans.” He found, unexpectedly,
that the American proxemic orientation
is more like that of Italiins than that of
ss and Scots. ostensibly residents of
act cultures like the United
States, The finding suggests that the dis-
tance patierns of contact and noncontact
societies may be more similar than Hall
» indicated. However. since Little stud-
1 interpersonal distance by measuring
Jane Howard, Please Touch (New York:
McGraw Hill, 1970).
‘1 Montagu, p. 260.
8 Albert Gehring, Racial Contrasts: Distin-
guishing Traits of the Grazco-Latins and Teu-
fons (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1908).
84, 85, and BB.
jor example: Mark Knapp, Nonverbal
ication in Human Interaction (New
Hol, Rinehart and Winston, 1972) pp-
5455. “Volumes of folklore and
Also, see Montagu, pp. 264-65.
Jw Kenneth |B. Lite Cultural Variadons_ in
Social Journal of Personality and
Social Pochology, io (1968), 1-7.
COMMUNICATION MONOGRAPHS, Volume 44, November 1977FIELD STUDY OF NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION
his subject's placement of dolls, his re-
sults may be questionable.
Such uncertainties encouraged the in-
vestigatot to systematically examine dis
tance, axis, and tactility in Germany,
Italy, and the United States. Rather than
develop specific hypotheses, two research
questions were posed:
1. Do Germans, Italians, and Americans differ
significantly in the frequency and type of con-
tact in which they engage, and the distance
and axis (angle) at which they interact?
2. Do male/male, male/female, and female/fe-
male pairs differ signiGcantl
and type of contact in which they engage, and
the distance and axis (angle) at which they
imeract?
MetHop
Materials
A modified version of Hall’s notation
system was used to measure the axis at
which interactants conversed. With
this scale, the shoulder orientation of two
communicators was converted into a nu-
merical score of zero to twelve. Corre-
sponding to the hours on a clock, each
score represented a different shoulder
orientation, ranging from a face to face
position (zero) to a back to back rela-
tionship (twelve o'clock). Accordingly,
the more indirectly individuals inter-
acted, the higher the axis score.
Interpersonal distance was recorded
as though the interactants were nose to
nose and of equal height. These judg-
‘ments were estimated to the nearest half
foot.
To validate field judgments the inves-
tigator photographed the distance and
axis at which each dyad interacted. Sev-
eral hundred slides were then rated for
distance and axis under laboratory con-
ditions at Marquette University.
Finally, a scale was used to record the
st Edward T. Hall,“
tion of Proxemic
pologis,65 (1985) 100826."
7A System for the Not
‘American Anthro-
299
interactants’ tactile responses. Developed
by this investigator for an earlier study,
the observational guide divides tactility
into six behavioral categories, including
contact, embrace, touch, spot touch,
hold, and spot hold.!? Each is operation-
ally defined as follows:
contact — any type of tactile response between
two interactants,
embrace — a type of tactile response during
which an individual wraps his arms around
‘another person's upper torso.
touch ~ a type of tactile response occurring
when an interactant brushes another individ-
ual's limb or other bodily part.
hold — a type of tactile response occurring
‘when an interactant grasps another individual's
lim or other bodily part.
In addition, tactile responses were cate-
gorized according to the length of time
the behavior was displayed, with spot
touch and spot hold lasting less than two
seconds, and touch and hold surpassing
this time limit.
Subjects
‘The dyads examined in this study were
residents of either Venice Mastre, Italy;
Heidelberg, Germany; or Milwaukee,
Wisconsin. Conducted in the subjects’
natural environment, the investigation
focused on two person groups that met
the following criteria:
a. The conversants had to appear at least
eighteen years okt and be engaged in face to
face conversation.
b. The conversants had to be able to move
about easily, unimpeded by physical obstacles.
¢ The conversants had to be free of objects
(ie., packages) that might limit bodily con-
tact.
Procedure
The data was gathered by two judges
who walked through selected neighbor-
12 Robert Shuter, “Proxemics and Tactility in
Latin America,” Journal of Communication, 26
(1976), 46-52.oe COMME
hoods in Venice Mastre, Heidelberg, and
Milwaukee. rating the distance, axis, and
contact orientation of appropriate dyads.
The research sites~parks, storefronts.
ancl street corners—were located in mid-
dle residential areas composed of
longstanding citizens of each country.
‘These arcas were identified by consult-
Rovernment officials and additional
informants.
To ensure that the selected dyads in
Germany consisted of Germans and the
pairs in Italy were composed of Italians,
subject was asked to disclose his/her
nationality after the dyad was rated for
distance, axis, and tactility. In the United
Siates, the members of each dyad were
alo questioned about their nationali
wo person groups composed of foreign-
e1s—German and Italian immigrants in-
luded—were removed from the simple.
On sighting an appropriate dyad, the
investigator photographed and the two
judges noted the distance and axis at
which communicators interacted. After
the field wark was completed, each slide
was rated for distance and axis at Mar-
quette University by two additional
judges. Interestingly, the field judges’
ratings tor each dyad! were almost identi-
cal to those recorded by laboratory
judges. In fact, when field and laboratory
judgments were compared for both vari-
ables, the reliability ratings were .86 for
distance and .88 for axis.
After noting the distance and axis of a
selected dyacl, the judges recorded the
frequency and type of physical contact
in which the communicators engaged.
Tactile responsiveness was judged for
three minute interval to achieve com-
parability between two person groups.
Dyads that interacted less than three min-
utes were excluded from the tactility
sample. To ensure the time period was
strictly observed. each judge used a stop
ch,
Approximately four months were
SATION MONOGRAPHS:
speut in the three countries examining
the spatial and tactile relationship of
suitable interactants, In each city data
1» collected during selected morning
—10:00 i1.m.), afternoon (12:00
) pm.), and evening (5:00 p.m.
0 pan.) hours
Helwe participating in the study, each
judge way trained in measuring and re-
cording distance. axis, and tactility. Field
judges examined the proxemic and tac-
tile vrientation of two person groups in
Shorewood, Wisconsin. Similarly, many
practice slides of photographed pairs
were evaluated Jor both distance and
axis by the laboratory judges. ‘This type
ol training conditioned the judges to dis-
regard a subject's culture when observing
an vai
which . in turn, minimized any bias that
might have resulted because the judges
were all Americans. The taining ap-
peared beneficial since the reliability rat-
ings among lxboratory and field judges
~computed at the conclusion of the re-
search—exceeied .87 on each of the vari-
ables.
RESULTS
A muhtivariate analysis of variance was
performed to determine if sex or culture
had any significant effect on the distance
and axis at which subjects interacted.
The analysis revealed a significant (p
<.08) interaction effect between sex and
culture, Subsequently. a univariate an-
alysis was conducted to ascertain which
of the two variables, axis or distance,
caused the rejection of the no interaction
hypothesis. The results revealed that sex
and culture interacted significantly (p
<.01) on each of the variables.
Since pairwise comparisons were plan-
ned prior to the analysis, the least signifi-
cant difference (Isd) multiple compari-
son procedure was used to cletermine
where the differences between individualFIELD STUDY OF NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION
means was significant. (Comparisons
were made at the .05 level of confidence.)
Axis
Culiure Comparisons Within Sex
Dyads. Referring to Table 1, German
males interacted at a significantly (p
<.05)more direct axis than did American
males. The mean axis score for Italian
males was greater than that for Ameri-
can males and less than that for German
males; however, these differences were
not significant.
Although there were no significant dif-
ferences between cultures with respect to
male/female and female dyads, Germans
interacted least directly in both sex
pairs. In terms of male/female pairs,
Italians interacted at a more direct axis
than did Americans; conversely, Ameri-
cans communicated more directly among
female dyads.
Sex Comparisons Within Cultures. In
the United States, males interacted at a
significantly (p <.08) less direct axis
than did female or male/female dyads.
‘Though male/female pairs conversed less
directly than did females, these means
were not significantly different. The pre-
ceding pattern (MMUnited States>
Germany), but the comparisons were not
statistically significant.
The proportion of female dyads who
engaged in contact or touch was highest
in Germany, followed by Italy, and then
the United States; nevertheless, no sig-
nificant differences were discovered. In
contrast, the highest proportion of fe
male holders was found in the United
States, then Italy, and lastly Germany,
though—once again—these differences
were not significant.
Sex Comparisons Within Cultures.
Within Germany, the highest proportion
of interactants who engaged in contact or
touch was found among male/female
pairs, followed by male dyads, and lastly
female couples; however, only women
differed significantly (p <.05) from the
other sex pairs. In contrast, male/femaleson
and male pairs maintained equivalent
hold proportions, while female dyads
had the highest proportion of holders:
no significant differences were found.
In America, a significantly (p <.05)
higher proportion of male/female dyads
engaged in contact than did female pairs
or male couples—the least contact ori-
ented sex dyad. The proportion of Amer-
icans observed touching followed the pre-
ceding pattern (MM