Warriors,

weapons, and
harness from
the 5th10th centuries
in the Carpathian Basin
Editor
Clin Cosma

Academia Romn
Institutul de Arheologie i Istoria Artei din Cluj-Napoca

Seria / Series / Reihe

INTERFERENE ETNICE I CULTURALE
N MILENIILE I A. CHR. I P. CHR.

ETHNIC AND CULTURAL INTERFERENCES IN THE

1ST MILLENNIUM B.C. TO THE 1ST MILLENNIUM A.D.

ETHNISCHE UND KULTURELLE INTERFERENZEN IM

1. JAHRTAUSEND V. CHR. 1. JAHRTAUSEND N. CHR.

Editori / Editors / Herausgeber der Reihe

Nicolae Gudea, Clin Cosma, Aurel Rustoiu

VOL. XXII / BAND 22

Warriors, weapons, and harness

from the 5th10th centuries
in the Carpathian Basin
Editor
Clin Cosma

Mega Publishing House

ClujNapoca
2015

The volume was financed by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific
Research, CNCS UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-ID-PCE-2011-3-0278

DTP and cover:

Francisc Baja

Clin Cosma, 2015

Cover image I:
Reconstruction proposal of the Avar military chieftain from the cemetery at Teiu
(drawing Narcisa ugar, Institute of Archaeology and History of Art, Cluj-Napoca).

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

Warriors, weapons, and harness from the 5th10th centuries in the Carpathian Basin /
ed.: Clin Cosma. - Cluj-Napoca : Mega, 2014
Bibliogr.
ISBN 978-606-543-551-3
I. Cosma, Clin (ed.)
623.44(498)"06/10"

Editura Mega | www.edituramega.ro

email: mega@edituramega.ro

ontents

Nicolae Gudea

ber die gotischen Foederaten an den Grenzen der rmischen Provinzen an der Unteren Donau (4. Jahrhundert-Mitte
des 5. Jahrhunderts) Eine archologische Behandlung im Licht der Waffen 

Michel Kazanski

Les influences steppiques dans lquipement militaire et questre des Slaves (VeVIIe sicles)

Alpr Dobos

Weapons and weapon depositions in the late row-grave cemeteries in Transylvania

Aurel Rustoiu

Shooting the evil. Scythian arrowheads in Avar age graves from the Carpathian Basin

Gabriel T. Rustoiu, Marius Ciut

An avar warriors grave recently discovered at Unirea-Veremort (Alba county)

Ivan Bugarski

Axe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina

7
45
57
89
107
129

Jozef Zbojnk

Saxe und andere Waffen westlichen Ursprungs auf dem Grberfeld aus der Zeit des awarischen Khaganats in ValalikyVechsvtch

Csiky Gergely

A metrical approach in the study of Avar-age polearms 

147
177

Szenthe Gergely

Randerscheinungen einer Randkultur. Awarische Mnnerreprsentation und mediterraner Einfluss in

Randgebieten des Karpatenbeckens (erste Hlfte 8. J.h. N. Chr.)

215

Clin Cosma

Avar warriors in Transylvania, Stmar and Maramure, Criana and Banat. Archaeological landmarks on the political
status of western Romania in the Avar Khaganate
251

Naa Profantov

The horse harness, spurs and stirrups in Bohemia in 8th and 9th century

Michal Holek

Early medieval arrowheads from the area of todays Slovakia

Dan Bcue-Crian

Early mediaeval arrows discovered in Sylvanian Basin (Romania)

Valeri Yotov

The find of Sfntu Gheorghe, Covasna County (1943): questions, which might be raised

281
299
307
323

Aurel Dragot

Battle-axes in the cemeteries from Banat, Criana and Transylvania (10th century)

331

Florin Mrginean

An insight on social status around the year 1000 AD, reflected by the funeral inventory of some graves found on the
Lower Mure Valley*

343

Erwin Gll

An attempt to classify the stirrups dating from the 10th century and the first quarter of the 11th century in the
Transylvanian Basin, the Criana/Partium and the Banat with an outlook to the Carpathian Basin

355

xe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from

Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina
Ivan Bugarski

Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

ivan.bugarski@gmail.com

Abstract: The article analyses the somewhat neglected finds of the battle axes and the battle knives
from the southern part of the Avar Khaganate. Just as in the case of axes, size of the objects is the main
criterion for distinguishing between the knives and the battle knives. It is concluded that the battle axes
were a common type of weapon in Avar use, while the battle knives constitute the least characteristic
group of their weapons.
Keywords: Axes, Battle Axes, Battle Knives, Avars, Vojvodina

n this paper I will present the somewhat neglected finds of a tool and certain types of
weapons from the south of the Avar Khaganate, that is from present-day northern Serbian
province of Vojvodina, and their contexts. The battle axes and the battle knives are not
among the most famous Avar weapons, like, for example, their reflex bows1. At that time, axes and
battle axes shared the same shapes, originating in the distant past2; artefacts of the same design were
to be used for centuries afterwards3. So far, excluding the recent efforts by Frigyes Szcsi4, battle axes
from Avar territory have not been processed as a whole, and the sporadic finds of battle knives were
brought together in a section of an article by Gergely Csiky5. Thus, one may conclude that the two
groups have not been studied sufficiently and that even the function of the finds is not resolved in an
unambiguous way.
The majority of Avar-time axes, including the ones to be presented, is of a simple, triangular
shape. Some of them the axe-hammers have their backs flattened. Despite the axes belonging to
particular typological groups are of a common design, there are noidentical specimens6. Somewhat
different are the so-called L-shaped axes, also known from the contexts preceding7 and following the
Avar domination time8.
Apart from adding the finds from the southern part of the Khaganate to the existing records, the
articles aim is to help resolve the issue of the functional use of the axes and, to some extent, of that
of the knives as well. Iron knives comprise the most abundant group of utensils in Avar use. They
are commonly found in both genders graves and in those of children, and are thus seen as the most
elementary possession of a free Avar9. Most of the knives are small in size, but there are also larger
ones, up to 20cm in length and more. It is not always easy to distinguish between the knives and the
Ricz 1983.
e.g. Akhmedov/Vorontsov 2012; Rupnik 2014.
3
e.g. Kirpichnikov 1966, 2643, T. XI; Grecki 2001, 136142, Ryc. 84, 85/16.
4
Szcsi 2012; 2014.
5
Csiky 2012.
6
Szcsi 2012, 136137.
7
e.g. Quast 2012, 364, Abb.12, 13.
8
e.g. Kouil 2005, 89, Abb.17/6; Iotov 2004, 9192, Obr. 44; Grecki 2001, 140, Ryc. 85/711.
9
Kovaevi 1977, 102.
1
2

130

I va n B u g a r s k i

battle knives (short seaxes, Kurzseaxe)10, and, perhaps unlike seaxes in general11, the latter group of
finds did not comprise a characteristic class of Avar weaponry.

An Axe and the Battle Axes

We will start our survey with an atypical axe find from Lovenac (Szeghegy). It was found accidentally in 1901, according to some vague mentions in a horsemans grave12, or in a double burial13, perhaps male14, which also produced horse bones15. A chain and a silver earring from this grave
would rather refer to a woman having
been buried alongside the (horse)man.
Relying on these finds, and the Salona
Histria type purse buckle, the grave is
usually dated to the first half of the seventh century16, but thanks to a solidus
of Emperors Heraclius and Heraclius
Constantine, minted between 616 and
62517, its date can be narrowed down to
the second quarter of that century.
The bulk of the finds is illustrated
in an archive photograph (Fig. 1)18.
Together with a ceramic pot, the grave
produced a wooden bucket and a rare
finding of the copper cauldron. A heavily
corroded spearhead and the fragments
of a sword and a shield (?) came from
this grave too, as well as two iron stirrups with circular loops, a sickle and an
axe. This simple axe is 25cm long, and
was recently classified as variant 5a-H-I
of Szcsis detailed typology which considers the forms of cutting edges, sockets, and butts19. It has been suggested
that this is a battle axe20, a matter to be
discussed below.
The next finds come from Aradac
(Aradka). This cemetery, also including a certain number of Germanic funerals21, can be dated to the Early and
Middle Avar Periods, i.e. from the end
of the sixth century to around the year
700. Grave 3 (III) produced a sheet
Fig.1 Lovenac, a selection of finds, after Garam 1982.
strap-end22, which belongs to the earcf. Csiky 2012, 377.
Csiky 2012, 386.
12
Vinski 1958, 13.
13
Somogyi 1997, 62.
14
Garam 1992, 144.
15
ADAM 2002, 229.
16
Vinski 1958, 13; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 56, Sl. 3.
17
Somogyi 1997, 62.
18
Garam 1982, Abb.9.
19
Szcsi 2014, 161.
20
Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 55, Sl. 1, 2; Garam 1992, 144, 159; Curta 2013, 177, n. 178.
21
Nadj 1959.
22
Nadj 1959, 63, T. XXV/13.
10
11

Axe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina

131

liest FA phase of Zbojnks seriation, dated up until 65023, a cast bronze matrice from the end of the
sixth and the first third of the seventh centuries24, a similarly dated SalonaHistria type buckle25, and
a so-called disentangling hook26. It is possible that there was also a sword in this grave, and an axe
find should be mentioned as well. The battle axe is 11cm long27, and belongs to the 4b-A variant of
the reference typology28. Grave 3 (III) can be dated to the end of the sixth and the first third of the
seventh centuries (Fig.2).

Fig.2 Aradac, grave 3 (III), a selection of finds, after Nadj 1959 (no scale).

The second axe from this cemetery was found in grave 108, which contained a very interesting
assemblage of Germanic military equipment. Along the right-hand edge of the grave pit, from top
to bottom there were neatly arranged parts of a shield, the battle axe, and three three-winged arrowheads, one of them perforated29; such arrows were used to cause fire damage30. The shield is very
interesting. With its handle partly preserved and the umbo31 sans bouton, it resembles a find from the
Vie Grobalja cemetery at Viminacium. The use of such shields occurred already in the second half
of the fifth century, but the majority of the finds came from later contexts. Throughout the seventh
century these were typical of the Lombards in Italy, and there is another Germanic, probably Gepidic
find from the territory of the Avar Khaganate32. In this grave there was also, presumably, a quiver
hook33. The 13cm long battle axe is of a simple design (Fig.3). It was only mentioned in the article by
Frigyes Szcsi, but was not attributed to any of his variants34.
The grave was dated to the second half of the sixth century35. A massive silver earring and a
bone purse-clasp36 cannot assist us in dating it more accurately. Given the context of the funeral,
and the fact that the published ground plan of the cemetery37 does not present the graves excavated
in 1961 (one of them being grave 108), it can only be suggested that this grave dates from the end of
the sixth and the first half, or the first two thirds, of the seventh century. Around 670/680 another,
Middle Avar culture emerged, and Roman and Germanic features in Avar cemeteries can nolonger
be traced38.

Zbojnk 1991, 233, 248, Taf.1/2, Abb.1.

Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 11, T. XVII/2; cf. Garam 2001, 137138, Taf.101/3, Tabelle 1.
25
Uenze 1966, 142146, Abb.1/4; Varsik 1992, 8081, Taf.I/10; VI; Garam 2001, 109; af. 75/10, 11, Tabelle 1.
26
Nadj 1952, 133, 134, Sl. 1.
27
Nadj 1959, 66, T. XXVI/1.
28
Szcsi 2014, 147.
29
Nadj 1973, Y 160 (3) 13.
30
Kovaevi 1977, 119; Bugarski 2009a, 115, Sl. 100.
31
Nadj 1973, Y 160 (3) 2, 3/7.
32
Ivanievi/Kazanski/Mastykova 2006, 4243, Fig.24/5.
33
Nadj 1973, Y 160 (3) 2/7.
34
Szcsi 2014, 147.
35
Nadj 1973, Y 160/7.
36
Nadj 1973, Y 160 (3) 1/1, 9.
37
Nadj 1959.
38
Vida 2008, 41.
23
24

132

I va n B u g a r s k i

Fig.3 Aradac, grave 108, after Nadj 1973 (no scale).

The Nova Lederata quadriburgium, a bridgehead of the Lederata fortification system on the nowinundated Sapaja isle along the Banat shore of the Danube39, is the location of a highly interesting
grave from the Early Middle Ages. This single grave was dug into the debris layer in the well-explored
fort, and produced a ceramic vessel and a battle axe. Regrettably, the finds are poorly illustrated in the
otherwise detailed publication by Danica Dimitrijevi40. The pot represents a relatively small group
of vessels of an eastern, nomadic origin, labeled as IIIB group in the typology by Tivadar Vida. Most
likely, it belongs to the IIIB/c subgroup, characteristic of the Early and Middle Avar Periods41.
The quoted drawing is not accompanied by the scale, and dimensions of the two objects are not
mentioned in the article by Dimitrijevi42. Yet, if the scale was at 1:3, the battle axe would be ca 12cm
long, and the vessel ca 14cm high, which are both usual sizes (Fig.4). The grave was dated to the seventh century43, and mistakenly to the eighth in a more recent account44, but its dating may be placed
within the last three quarters of the seventh century.

Jovanovi 1996.
Dimitrijevi 1984, 4546, Sl. 7.
41
Vida 1999, 129130, Abb.51, Taf.175.
42
Dimitrijevi 1984, 4546, Sl. 7.
43
Dimitrijevi 1984, 4546.
44
ADAM 2002, 229.
39
40

Axe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina

133

Fig.4 Sapaja, grave finds, after Dimitrijevi 1984 (no scale).

The find from Selena (Bcsjfalu), again, comes from a very vaguely described context (Fig.5)45.
By all appearances, in 1943 several horsemens graves, rather than a hoard, were damaged, producing
a variety of archaeological finds collected by the workers46. The finds were dated to the first half47,
or to the last quarter of the seventh century48. The latter suggestion is more accurate if we take into
account the seriation ordering of Avar belt pieces49, which, according to Zbojnks work, come from
the MS I and MS II phases (650675; 675700)50. The gilded horse harness fittings51 are very much
like those from the graves of the so-called Ttipuszta-Igar group52, and very characteristic are the silver sheet harness fittings, having analogous finds in Kungota and Ozora, dated by coins of Emperor
Constantine IV53, and in Kunszentmrton54. Two pairs of stirrups with circular loops were collected as
well, and five snuffle bits55. From Selena there is another copper cauldron56, and some very interesting silver sheet fittings57, perhaps of a knife58.
As for weaponry, a spearhead and a helmet cheek-piece were found59, as well as a total of seven
iron armuor plates60. It is not surprising that the part of a helmet, particularly rare in Avar use, gained
some attention61, while an axe find did not. The iron battle axe from Selena is 12.2cm long62. It belongs to Szcsis 2b-B variant63.
Axes from the large, unpublished Bankert cemetery near Baka Topola (Topolya) were only listed
in a footnote, among the other finds from the site64. After analyzing the very scant available information, the Bankert cemetery may be dated to the Middle and Late Avar Periods (ca 670800), rather
than to the seventh and the first half of the eighth centuries65.

Vinski 1958, 13, n. 82; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 56; ADAM 2002, 315.
Tomka 2008, 250252.
47
Vinski 1958, 13; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 57.
48
ADAM 2002, 43.
49
Vinski 1958, 13; T. VI; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 5657, Sl. 2, 3, T. XI/2,
50
Zbojnk 1991, 233, 235, 248, Taf.20/14, 15, 21/1,2 Abb.1.
51
Vinski 1958, 13, T. VI; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 56, Sl. 1.
52
Bna 1970, 262, Figs. 12, 13, 16.
53
Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 56, T. XI/1; cf. Vinski 1958, 17, T. XVII/14; Garam 2001, Taf.137.
54
Csallny 1933, Taf.II/2.
55
Vinski 1958, 13, T. V/1823, Sl. 6; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 57, Sl. 6, 7.
56
Garam 1982, 86, 88, Abb.11; 1992, 161.
57
Vinski 1958, 13, T. VI; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 5657.
58
Tomka 2008, 251.
59
Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 57, T. XI/3.
60
Bugarski 2006a, 170171, n. 55, Fig.9.
61
cf. Glad 2009, 115, Cat. no. 61.
62
Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 57, Sl. 4.
63
Szcsi 2014, 147.
64
Mrkobrad 1980, n. 581.
65
cf. ADAM 2002, 29.
45
46

134

I va n B u g a r s k i

Fig.5 Selena, a selection of grave finds, after Vinski 1958, Dimitrijevi/Kovaavi/Vinski 1962, Bugarski 2006a (no scale).

The find from Mandjelos (Nagyolaszi) is of a later date. The axe was found in grave 6 of this Late
Avar cemetery (Fig.6), in a context which also produced the belt pieces matching Zbojnks types
from the SS III phase66. Thus, grave 6 can be dated between the years 750 and 780. This L-shaped
battle axe is 11cm long67. It is not without analogous finds from Avar contexts68. From an accidentally
uncovered warriors grave at the Janda locality in Stari Slankamen (Szalnkemn), also in the Srem
Region, came a heavily corroded battle axe, 11.7cm long, accompanied by characteristic Late Avar
belt elements69, which on the basis of reference seriation can be dated to the second half, if not to the
last quarter of the eighth century70. This axe is not illustrated.
Zbojnk 1991, 239, 240, Taf.18/4, 5, 23/6, 27/11, Abb.1.
Tadin 1995, 262, T. VIII/7, III/19.
68
e.g. Zbojnk 2004, Obr. 18/2; see footnotes 7 and 8 above.
69
Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 90, Sl. 13; Kovaevi 1973, 53; ADAM 2002, 329.
70
Zbojnk 1991, 239242, 248, Taf.24/13, 17, 27/2, 30/14, Abb.1.
66
67

Axe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina

135

Fig.6 Mandjelos, grave 6, after Tadin 1995 (no scale).

Three Late Avar graves were found by chance in near-by Zemun Polje (Zimony), in the periphery
of a multi-layered site in the location of Roman mutatio Altina. Two graves were female, and the third
was of a wealthy male wearing gilded belt garniture of Mediterranean origin71, whose pieces can be attributed to types of the SS III phase of Zbojnks typology.72 Despite previous suggestions73, the grave
can be dated to 750780. The same burial produced two beads as well, and a 15.5cm long battle axe,
(Fig.7)74 belonging to the 2a-I-II type of Frigyes Szcsi75.
Two axes cannot be dated narrowly. The first find came from grave 90 at the uta Jama cemetery in Mali Idjo (Kishegyes). This 16cm long axe with a 4cm wide cutting edge was listed in an
old account by Klmn Gubitza76, and attributed to the 2-H-I type of Szcsis classification77, but the
grave itself is not dated more precisely. The cemetery can be dated to between the end of the sixth
and the end of the eighth centuries78. From the Teleka site in Kula there is an accidental find from
1954, when brick factory workers apparently ruined several graves. From one of them a pair of golden
Szent-Endre type earrings and a skull were collected, and some two meters from this grave an axe was
found. Another interesting finding was a Bronze Age ceramic vessel79. The Szent-Endre type earrings
are dated to the last quarter of the sixth and especially to the first half of the seventh century80, or to
its opening two thirds,81 but it cannot be claimed that the axe too came from the Early Avar Period.
Dimitrijevi 1966, 5355, T. IV.
Zbojnk 1991, 239, 240, 248, Taf.22/15, 21, 27/313, 31/6, Abb.1.
73
Kovaevi 1973, 53; Mrkobrad 1980, n. 578; ADAM 2002, 431.
74
Dimitrijevi 1966, 55, T. VI/1.
75
Szcsi 2014, 165.
76
Gubitza 1911, 128129.
77
Szcsi 2014, 155.
78
cf. Vinski 1958, 14; Mrkobrad 1980, n. 511; ADAM 2002, 232233.
79
Velenrajter 1955, 65.
80
Ormndy 1995, 152153, Abb.1/13; 8.
81
Balogh 2014, 144.
71
72

136

I va n B u g a r s k i

Lastly, two more finds from Vojvodina are mentioned in Szcsis lists, but these are not axes. The
29cm long object from the Middle Avar cemetery Bogojevo I (Gombos)82 was labeled as an axe only
with caution83, and in the first publication it was described as a cskny (pick)84. And a tool from the
Ciglana Polet cemetery in Vrbas (Verbsz)85 was attributed to the group of double hammer axes86.
Yet such findings do not have cutting edges, and therefore it is semantically incorrect to label them
as axes. Moreover, those Avar-time hammers were recently described as goldsmiths tools87, perhaps
vom rmischen Typ88.

Fig.7 Zemun Polje, grave finds, after Dimitrijevi 1966 (no scale).

The Battle Knives

We have noted some difficulties, if not inconsistencies, in distinguishing between the knives and
the battle knives. If we stick to the common 20cm blade length criterion, there are only four battle
knives from Avar-time graves in Vojvodina to be discussed in our survey. To be sure, there are a further couple of ca 20cm long knives, but that would be the full length of a knife (including tang), not
of its blade only89. Following Heinrich Hrke, such objects may be labeled as large knives, because
they are too small to be real weapons, and in order to avoid confusion with short seaxes, [...] although
borderline cases obviously exist (as they would with virtually any other subdivision of blade sizes)90.
The first battle knife to be presented here comes from the Mokrin (Homokrv) cemetery in northern Banat. Horsemans grave 62 was rich in finds (Fig.8). Among the variety of corroded iron objects
there were parts of horse riding equipment, including stirrups. The objects serving this purpose were
made out of bone as well. There were several three-winged arrowheads, and two iron knives, one of
them 25.3cm long, with partly preserved bronze sheet sheath91.
Vinski 1958, 14; Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 39; ADAM 2002, 62.
Szcsi 2012, Fig.5; 2014, 152.
84
Czirky 1900, 263.
85
Nagy 1971, 208, T. XXIII/9.
86
Szcsi 2014, 155; cf. Szcsi 2012, Fig.3/8.
87
Blint 2010, 150, Pl.19.
88
Rcz 2014, 114, Taf.73/3, 74/24.
89
Nadj 1959, 56, 67, T. II/13; Bunardi 1985, Cat. no. 293, Fig.28/4.
90
Hrke 1989, 145.
91
Ranisavljev 2007, 22, 53, T. XXIIXXIV.
82
83

Axe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina

137

Fig.8 Mokrin, grave 62, a selection of finds, after Ranisavljev 2007 (no scale).

The most characteristic find from grave 62 is the silver sheet strap-end,
attributable to the seriation types from both FS and MS phases, that is
up to the years 650 and 70092. At Tiszafred, similar strap-ends are dated
up to 670/68093. In his cited monograph, Aleksandar Ranisavljev dated the
Mokrin cemetery up to the year 632, when the Kutrigurs, having been defeated by the Avars, left the Carpatian Basin94, but in a review of this book it
was noted that some finds belong to a later date within the seventh century,
up to 670/68095 or even a little later.
From a grave at the Pionirska Street site in Beej (becse) there is another battle knife. It is 22cm long, and traces of cloth and wood are preserved by corrosion (Fig.9). Apart from a fragmented bronze link, only a
small (5.2cm) iron knife was collected from this ruined grave. Yet, judging
by the position of the grave at this cemetery, where Avar graves of different
dates are distributed in spatially distinct zones, it might well be presumed
that grave 15 was from the earlier group of burials96.
The third battle knife comes from horsemans grave 94 at the Vojka
cemetery in the Srem Region97. The bronze sheet strap-end from this grave
can be assigned to the MS II seriation phase (675700)98, and the small
cast bronze buckle with a pair of narrow sheet fittings matches the finds Fig.9 Beej, grave 15, after
from a Middle Avar grave at the Perlek site in Beej99 and from Nov Zmky Miki-Antoni 2012 (no scale).
Zbojnk 1991, 233, 235, 248, Taf.1/3, 4/7, Abb.1.
Garam 1995, 188, Abb.91/13, 6.
94
Ranisavljev 2007, 63.
95
Bugarski 2009b.
96
Miki-Antoni 2012, 14, 113, Sl. 54, T. VII/151, Plan 1.
97
Bugarski 2006b, 382, 387, T. XXIX, XXX/94.
98
Zbojnk 1991, 235,T. 4/813.
99
Miki-Antoni 2003, 132133, Sl. 7.
92
93

138

I va n B u g a r s k i

cemetery100. The 1.01m long sword is not preserved, but the eliptic bronze sheet pommel fitting101 is,
resembling the find from the Klked-Feketekapu B cemetery102. A total of six reflex bow bone plates
come from this grave, along with three three-winged arrowheads. Quiver bone plates were found as
well103, analogous to the find from a horsemans grave at Solymr104. The grave also produced a pair
of highly corroded stirrups, not of the earliest types in Avar use, and the horse harness was decorated
with gilded and round bronze sheet fittings, none of them preserved105. The battle knife was found
under the right femur of the skeleton. It is 32.5cm long, and thanks to corrosion traces of the wooden
sheath are preserved, as well as six rivets once fixing the grip (Fig.10)106.

Fig.10 Vojka, grave 94, after Bugarski 2006b (no scale).

ilinsk 1966, 41,T.XXXVIII/1961.

Bugarski 2006b, 413414, T. XXX/943.
102
Kiss 2001, 9495,Taf.64.
103
Bugarski 2006b, 411413, T. XXX/941, 2, 5, 813.
104
Trk 1994, Taf.IX/12.
105
Bugarski 2006b, 415, 420, T. XXIX/941, 5.
106
Bugarski 2006b, 365, 414, T. XXIX/946.
100
101

Axe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina

139

From an accidentally found grave in Apatin, the Dunavska Street site, comes another battle knife.
This heavily corroded and arch-like curved weapon is 24.5cm in length. Unlike the 88cm long sword
(sabre?), the battle knife is not illustrated107. Even if the description of the artefact is not clear enough,
its dimensions suggest that the authors were right to label it as a battle knife. This warriors grave also
produced a three-winged arrowhead. On the basis of the characteristic cast bronze belt elements the
strap-end, the buckle and the belt-fitting108 the grave can safely be dated to Zbojnks SS II phase
(720750)109.

Discussion and Conclusions

Some ten axes from the south of the Avar Khaganate were processed in our survey. The largest
find is from Lovenac, 25cm long, while the rest of the axes are between 11 and 13cm in length; only
the finds from Zemun Polje and Mali Idjo are 15 and 16cm long respectively. Similarly shaped axes
from Byzantine contexts, as large as the Lovenac one, are commonly described as tools110, and the
axes in Avar graves are usually seen as weapons111. In his monograph on Early Mediaeval Bulgarian
weaponry, Valery Iotov grouped morphologically similar axes of both sizes to his type 7, variants A-C,
stating that these tenth- and eleventh-century objects might have been used as both tools and weapons112. The same was believed for Early Mediaeval axes from Croatia. However, on the basis of grave
assemblages Maja Petrinec thinks that the finds of different dimensions were all tools113.
I believe that the size of an axe is crucial for judging its functional use. If we take the size of the
objects as the principal criterion for distinguishing, the Lovenac find was a tool, and the rest of the
listed axes were weapons. We can see that their size was standardized, and it has already been breefly
suggested that the 1113cm long axes in Avar use were in fact battle axes114. It is likely that the same
can be said of the 1516cm long finds; the burial from Zemun Polje was already described as a warriors grave115. In the late eighth century there were many other means of warrior representation at the
disposal, but it seems that the single piece of weaponry in this grave testifies that the buried wealthy
person, among other social roles, could have been (seen as) a military person as well.
Similarly, Frigyes Szcsi stated that the axes with their cutting edges less than 34cm in width
were used as weapons116. The size of an object is directly related to its weight. Double-sized axes are
much heavier. For example, the 1924cm long iron axes from Keszthely-Fenkpuszta are five to six
times heavier than the 1112cm long ones117. It is obvious that the two classes of axes must have been
manipulated in different ways and, consequently, used for different purposes.
There are also contextual grounds to opt for this solution. In Lovenac, the warrior status of the
deceased was underscored by grave gifts like spear, sword, and perhaps shield, and along with the axe,
another tool was placed in the grave a sickle. Bearing in mind other interpretations of such finds
in Avar graves118, sickles are an important testimony to agricultural activities of a population often
described as nomadic119. To put such tools in a grave could mean that the buried person, in this case
a warrior, had some control over the agrucultural production as well, or that the society believed that
the tools might be of some value to him in the afterlife.
On the other hand, the context of grave 108 at Aradac testifies that the smaller finds are battle
axes. As mentioned above, the shield, the axe and the arrows were neatly distributed along the graves
edge. It seems to me that such a display of warrior attributes was not to be disturbed by placing a tool
Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 34, Sl. 4.
Dimitrijevi/Kovaevi/Vinski 1962, 34, Sl. 58.
109
Zbojnk 1991, 238, Taf.5/4, 28/8, Taf.37/3, Abb.1; cf. Garam 1995, 232235, Abb.9394, 254.
110
e.g. Bavant 1990, 225, Cat. no. 218, Pl.XXXVIII/218; Jankovi/Jankovi 1990, 102/15; pehar 2010, 100, Cat. no. 420,
T. XZIV/420.
111
e.g. Kiss 1977.
112
Iotov 2004, 100, T. LII/595597, 609610.
113
Petrinec 2009, 180181, Sl. 83.
114
Bugarski/Ivanievi 2013, 141.
115
Dimitrijevi 1966, 5355; Kovaevi 1973, 53.
116
Szcsi 2014, 168.
117
Rupnik 2014, 185, Abb.3.
118
Slivenska 2004.
119
cf. Daim 2003, 484; Bugarski 2009a, 138139.
107
108

140

I va n B u g a r s k i

in the middle of it. So, the axes were not put in graves because of the power of iron in itself120, but
chiefly as weapons. In heavily militarized societies such as the Avars, the symbolic value of a weapon
was surely more appreciated than that of a tool.
This was particularly so in the case of childrens burials. It was suggested recently that the symbolic power of grave-goods increases in cases where the age of the deceased does not correspond to
the status value of the objects deposited in their graves121. Therefore, the single find of a battle-axe in
childrens burials may have served as a symbol of the projected future status of a soldier122. This interpretation of the axe finds is supported not only by the graves of Avar youth123, but by the ninth-tenth
centuries record from present-day Czech Republic as well124. Furthermore, children were buried as
if they were warriors in the cemeteries of the sixth-seventh centuries Upper-Ob culture in Siberia125
and in Anglo-Saxon cemeteries126.
Grave 108 at Aradac is important for yet another reason: by all appearances, it was a Germanic
burial of an early date, earlier than the rest of the contexts processed here. The battle axes were in
more frequent Avar use only from the Middle Avar Period onwards127, and our record from the southern part of the Khaganate follows the same statistical trend. More precisely, from the Early to the
Middle Avar Period the number of axes was on the increase (ca 22% of them), while the remaining
majority of the finds date from the Late Avar Period. The earliest specimens cluster in Transdanubia
but even there in small numbers128 and from the Middle Avar Period the battle axes occur east of
the Danube as well129.
In that respect, one may raise the question whether the battle axes were introduced to the Avars
by their Germanic subjects. The conclusion of Gergely Csiky is that even the Transdanubian Avars
did not undergo significant influences from the Germanic, Merovingian world in the sphere of weaponry130. As opposed to the record from Italy, axes are very rare in Lombard cemeteries in present-day
Western Hungary131, and in Gepidic cemeteries in the Tisza Region there were nofinds of this kind132.
As already mentioned, the battle axes were not among the most famous Avar weapons, but even
if the latest list by Frigyes Szcsi was not complete, a total of 441 axes from Avar-time graves were
presented133. Out of this number, 65% of the finds came from graves of adult males, and the rest from
those of the old and the young134. For comparison, the total of 672 cutting weapons (seaxes, swords,
and sabres) and 578 spears were listed by Gergely Csiky. Unlike in the case of axes, in the course
of time from the Early to the Late Avar Period their number was decreasing135. Some ten years ago
Raimar Kory listed the remains of lamellar armours from around 130 Avar burials, 40 each male and
female and 15 childrens136. The finds of armour plates were vaguely seen as a reflection of Asian
traditions137; in male graves they could symbolically represent the profession of the deceased138, and
in graves of women and children they perhaps had a certain apotropaic value attached to them139. As
armour plates were more common in Avar graves than helmets or shields, one can only conclude that
the offensive weapons were in much more frequent use than the defensive ones.
Kovaevi 1977, 199.
Bugarski et al. 2013, 296298.
122
Bugarski et al. 2013, 297.
123
e.g. Daim 1987, 233, Taf.44/B52, 45/A52; Garam 1995, 10158, 345, 388.
124
Profantov 2005, 323325, Abb.4.
125
Borodovskij 2001.
126
Stoodley 2000.
127
Garam 1995, 345, 349, Abb.208/4; .
128
Csiky 2011, 1622.
129
Szcsi 2012, 136137.
130
Csiky 2011, 23.
131
Bna/Horvth 2009, 184.
132
cf. Bna/Nagy 2002; Cseh et al. 2005.
133
Szcsi 2014.
134
Szcsi 2012, 136137.
135
Csiky 2011, 1415, n. 36.
136
Kory 2004; cf. Bugarski 2006a.
137
Bna 1979, 30.
138
Zbojnk 2004, 45, 47.
139
Kovaevi 1977, 115116.
120
121

Axe, Battle Axes and Battle Knives from Avar-Time Graves in Vojvodina

141

Thus, the number of battle axes in male Avar-time graves is considerably larger than the number
of armour plates. It almost approaches the number of spears, and the spears were the most frequent
weapon type found in Avar horsemens graves140. This can only mean that the battle axes were characteristic Avar weapons; and yet they were somewhat neglected in the literature. It seems to me that
there are two main reasons for such a modest status. First, the battle axes of the Avar time do not
display distinct typological features, but those widespread in both chronological and territorial terms.
Secondly, most of them come from the late seventh century and later on, that is from the time well
beyond the scope of written sources. Namely, there are nohistorical accounts of Avar battle axes141.
The other classes of Avar weaponry and horsemens equipment are, for example, discussed in the
Strategikon, an important source from the final years of the reign of Emperor Maurice referring to
the battle style of the Avars142. Or, more precisely, to that of their military elite143. After the early
stages of Avar European history, thrusting and throwing weapons decrease in numbers, while the
number of the battle axes was on the increase. By all appearances, this coincides with radical changes
in political and military reality after the 626 Avar disaster at Constantinople, after which there were
nofurther fierce attacks against Byzantium144, and with the general developments in military tactics
and equipment.
Just as in the case of axes, size of the objects is the main criterion for distinguishing between the
knives and the battle knives. The length of 20cm and over is usually attributed to the battle knives145,
the shortest variant of seaxes. This is mostly in line with the estimation by Heinrich Hrke, who
thinks that short seaxes are 18cm or more in blade length146. Suggesting the minimum 20cm blade
length as a parameter, Gergely Csiky clarified and slightly modified this division147. Thus, it is crucial
to make a distinction between the full length of a knife, which includes the tang, and the blade length
alone148. While the origin of seaxes was long believed to be an Eastern one, their presence in the
Khaganate chiefly in its northern and western fringes is often explained as Carolingian influence
on the Avars. The majority of the finds dates from the late seventh and the eighth centuries149, but, as
already mentioned, until recently they were not listed in a comprehensive way.
As regards the short seaxes, i.e. the 2030 cm long battle knives, they are documented in the
Eastern Pannonian cemeteries connected to the Merovingian world, and in the cemeteries of the
remaining Gepidic population in Transylvania. Their occurrence in these Germanic burials is often
combined with the spatha finds. In Avar contexts, such weapons appear during the opening half of the
Early Avar period, to be replaced with other types of seaxes later on150. Yet, long knives, labeled as the
battle ones, also come from Middle Avar graves at Tiszafred151. Out of eight short seaxes collected by
Csiky, seven are dated to the Early Avar phase; six of them come from the Krnye cemetery152. The
seventh weapon, a grave find from Budapest, is dated to the Middle Avar Period. According to their
blade lengths, two more knives processed by the author may be ascribed to the battle knives. Three
such knives were measured, with their blade lengths of 24, 28, and 31.8cm153.
Although small in numbers, our cases show that in the southern part of the Khaganate the battle
knives occur in the second half of the Early Avar Period and later on, in the middle and late phases
of their domination. Regardless of the dating, the graves producing such finds belong to horsemen
and warriors. Just like the knives from present-day Hungary154, they were usually accompanied with
swords and bows/arrowheads. On the other hand, two specimens from our record were found in
Csiky 2011, 1516; cf. Curta 2008, 310313.
Szcsi 2014, 168169.
142
Maurice.
143
Kory 2002, 613.
144
Ostrogorski 1998, 118121.
145
ilinsk 1966, 184; Petrinec 2009, 165.
146
Hrke 1989, Table 1.
147
Csiky 2012, 377, n. 32.
148
cf. Hrke 1989, 144.
149
cf. Csiky 2012, 373374.
150
Csiky 2012, 377.
151
Garam 1995, 354.
152
Salamon/Erdlyi 1971.
153
cf. Csiky 2012, 388, 376.
154
cf. Csiky 2012, 387, 388.
140
141

142

I va n B u g a r s k i

horsemens graves. With their blades just exceeding 20cm on average, it appears that the knives listed
here were somewhat shorter than those presented by Gergely Csiky.
To conclude, it appears that even in the absence of specilaized metallographic studies we can
come close to determining the function of the surveyed objects on the basis of their size, and after
studying the most telling archaeological contexts in which they occurred. At least in Avar time, small
axes were the battle axes, a common but neglected type of weapon in their use, and the largest knives
were the battle ones, constituting the least characteristic group of Avar weapons.

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