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their students character. Yet such aims, though wonderful in theory, often lack
concrete action. How should teachers actually teach character? How might they
assess students progress towards that end? High school teachers hoping to
accomplish character education must pique students moral imagination and foster
autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Furthermore, teachers must cultivate
motivation proceeding from the heart: these strategies should encourage students
to act rightly because they believe their deeds reflect the core of their identity.
In The Death of Character: Moral Education in an Age without Good or Evil,
James Davidson Hunter argues that perceived blanket psychological understandings
of moral education mean little. He writes, In the most rigorous of these studies, the
cumulative weight of evidence is clear and overwhelming: high levels of
psychological well-being, however measured, do not correlate with stronger
adherence to moral virtues, a strong sense of social responsibility, improved
academic performance, or any of the other laudable goals these programs claim to
promote. He claims that strong moral fortitude (one of the aims of character
education) does not unfailingly stem from psychological well-being. The myriad of
studies, he argues, mean next to nothing because of methodological
shortcomingsthe implication is that if researchers had only tweaked the variables
in such and such a way, they might have found the results for which they were
looking.1
However, Hunter focuses on a landmark study of childrens moral cultures
conducted in 1989 with 5,000 children from over 200 schools ranging from grades
4-12 and encompassing the entire spectrum of ethnic, geographical, and
socioeconomic diversity. The survey asked children a multitude of questions
covering topics from vandalism to altruism to sexual morals to any issue a child
might encounter. 18% of children were expressionists, 16% theists, 10% utilitarian,
20% conventionalists, and 25% humanists. Hunter writes that, Against this one
finds something quite remarkable: children's underlying attachments to a moral
culture were the single most important and consistent factor in explaining the
variation in their moral judgments. It was the children's rudimentary ethical
systems, in other words, that provided the most far-reaching and dependable
explanation for the decisions they made. These assumptions act very much like
moral compasses, providing the bearings by which they navigate the complex moral
terrain of their lives. Hunter argues that existing ethical systemsenvironment,
class, gender, race, religion, etc.form the basis for childrens moral and ethical
decisions. Character education might certainly mold and shape these existing
values, but the core of a childs moral compass, Hunter claims, comes from other,
preexisting factors.2
David L. Martinson, in High School Students and Character Education: It All
Starts at Wendy's, states that educators must stimulate the moral imagination of
students by presenting them with real-world scenarios He writes, if we hope to
teach ethical decision making to young people, we must first stimulate their moral
imaginations so they recognize there are better and worse ways to respond to
3 David L. Martinson, High School Students and Character Education: It All Starts
at Wendy's, The Clearing House 77 (1). (Taylor & Francis, Ltd., 2003) 1417.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/30189865.
4 David Streight, Breaking into the Heart of Character (Portland: CSEE, 2014), 9,
16, 22.
5 Ibid, 26.
6 Ibid, 27.
7 Ibid.
8 Ibid, 29-32.
9 Ibid, 38.
Bibliography
Eddy Jr., Edward D., Mary Louise Parkhurst, and James S. Yakovakis. The College
Influence on Student
Character: An Exploratory Study in Selected Colleges and Universities Made
for the Committee for the
Study of Character Development in Education. Washington, DC: American
Council on Education, 1959. http://questiaschool.com/read/6226020/thecollege-influence-on-student-character-an-exploratory.
10 Ibid, 56-66.
11 Ibid, 39-41.