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TAMIL SPEAKING LAWYER Personal Injury Lawyer INJURED IN A ROAD ACCIDENT ? ACCIDENT AT WORK
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INJURED IN A ROAD ACCIDENT ?
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RAJ
BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY FREE PAPER - 12 ISSUE - 259 FRIDAY 05 FEBRUARY 2016
BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY
FREE
PAPER - 12
ISSUE - 259
FRIDAY
05 FEBRUARY
2016
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õ£èù Mðˆî£? àƒèœ îõP™ô¬ò£?
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2

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ngg;utup 05 – ngg;utup 18 , 2016 3 pg LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY

ngg;utup 05

– ngg;utup 18, 2016

3
3

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LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY 70 Windmill Road, Croydon, CR0 2XP õ£èù Mðˆî£? àƒèœ
LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED
BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY
70 Windmill Road, Croydon, CR0 2XP
õ£èù Mðˆî£? àƒèœ îõP™ô¬ò£?
Driver / Passenger – within last 3 years
3 õ¼ì è£ôˆ¶‚°œ ê‰Fˆî ܬùˆ¶
õ£èù Mðˆ¶‚èO½‹ ãŸð†ì
(Terms & Conditions Apply)
Mini cabb 憴ù˜èÀ‚° “PCO”
àì¡ õ£èù‹ õöƒèŠð´‹‹
**
FREE
* Other Insurance charges may apply
Call Free:0800 032 6798 | Tel: 020 8665 7667
PAPER - 12
ISSUE - 258
FRIDAY
22 JANUARY
2016
Web: www.lacl.co.uk | Mail: info@lacl.co.uk
àƒèœ õ£›‚¬èˆ ¶¬í¬ò Þ¬íòˆF™ «î´ƒèœ WWW.ORUMANAM.COM
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தமிழ் மக்கள் ேபரைவயின் முன்ேனாக்கிய பாய்ச்சல்

கடந்த டிசம்பர் மாதம் உருவாக்கப்பட்ட தமிழ்மக்கள் ேபரைவ ஏலேவ குறிப் பிட்டபடி குறித்த காலத்தில் தமிழ்மக்களுக்கான அரசியற் தீர்வு பற்றிய தமது முதல்வைரபிைன ெவளியிட்டுள்ளது. ேமற்ெகாண்டு, அதைன மக்கள் மத்தியிற் ெகாண்டுெசன்று அவர்களது கருத்திைனப்ெபறும் நடவடிக்ைககளிலும் ேபரைவ இறங்கியுள்ளதாகவும் ெதரிய வருகிறது. இவ்வைரபின் உள்ளடக்கம் பற்றிய வாதப்- பிரதிவாதங்கள் ஒருபுறமிருக்க, மக்களின் பங்குபற்றுதலுடனான ஒரு அரசியல் முைனப்பு என்ற வைகயில், தமிழ்மக்களின் அரசியல் உரிைமகள் ெதாடர்பில் அக்கைற ெகாண்ட அத்தைன தரப்பினரும் இம்முயற்சியிைன வரேவற்பார்கள் என எதிர்ப்பார்க்கலாம். 2009ம் ஆண்டு ேம மாதத்தில் தமிழ்மக்களின் ஆயுதப் ேபாராட்டம் ெமௗனிக்கப்பட்டதன் பின்னரான காலத்தில் நைடெபற்ற முதன்ைம யான அரசியற் ெசயற்பாடாகவும் இதைனக் கருதமுடியும்.

இதுேபான்ற மக்கள் மயப்பட்ட அரசியல் நடவடிக்ைககைளத் தமக்ெகதிராகத் ேதான்றியிருக்கும் ேபாட்டியாகக் கருதி, முடக்கிவிடும் நடவடிக்ைககளில் ேதர்தல் அரசியல் மூலம் அதிகாரங்கைள ெபற்றவர்கள் ேபரைவயின் இறங்குவது வழைம. அந்தவைகயிேலேய தமிழரசுக்கட்சியின் தைலவர்களும் நடந்துெகாள்கிறார்கள் ேபால் ெதரிகிறது. குறிப்பாக ேபரைவயின் இைணத்தைலவர்களில் ஒருவரான முதல ைமச்சர் விக்ேனஸ்வரன் அவர்கள் இறுதி ேநரம்வைர அழுத்தங்களுக்கு உள்ளா னதாகத் ெதரியவருகிறது. இதுேபான்ற குறுக்கீடுகளுக்கு மத்தியில் ேபரைவயின் பதினான்கு ேபர் ெகாண்ட அரசியலைமப்பு உபகுழு தமது கருமத்தில் கண் ணாயிருந்து அறிக்ைகயிைன ெவளிக்ெகாணர்ந்திருக்கிறது.

யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் நடந்த ெவளியீட்டு ைவபவத்தில் உைரயாற்றிய ேபரைவயின் இைணத்தைலவர்கள், இவ்வைரபு ெதாடர்பான விமர்சனங்கைளயும் கருத்துகைள யும் தமிழ்மக்கள் ெதரிவிக்க ேவண்டும் எனவும் அவற்றிைன உள்வாங்கி திருத் தங்கைள ேமற்ெகாள்ளவதற்கு தாம் தயாராக இருப்பதாகவும் அறிவித்துள்ளனர். இவ்வாய்ப்பிைனப் பயன்படுத்தி ஆக்கபூர்வமான கருத்துகைள வழங்கி இவ் வாவணத்ைத ெசழுைமப்படுத்த ேவண்டியது தமிழ் மக்களின் கடைமயாகும்.

விடுதைலப்புலிகளின் நிபுணர் குழுவினால் உருவாக்கப்பட்ட ‘இைடக்கால தன் னாட்சி அதிகாரசைப’ திட்ட வைரபிற்கு நடந்தது ேபான்று, இந்த வைரபிைன சிறி லங்கா அரசாங்கமும் அதற்கு ஆதரவு வழங்கிவரும் வல்லாதிக்க நாடுகளும் கவனதிற்ெகாள்ளாது விடலாம். ஆனால் தமிழ் மக்களின் ேவணவாவிைன, குழப்பங்களிற்கு இடமின்றி மீண்டும் ஒருமுைற வலியுறுத்தி ெசால்வதற்கு இவ் வாய்ப்பிைன நாம் முழுைமயாகப் பயன்படுத்திக் ெகாள்ள ேவண்டும்.

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Sampanthan’s Descent To Politics of Surrender

+ LÖ¡L· Sampanthan’s Descent To Politics of Surrender By : Eelaventhan Manickavasakar Sampanthan is the leader

By : Eelaventhan Manickavasakar

Sampanthan is the leader of Tamil National Alliance – composing EPRLF, PLOTE, TELO, and Tamil Arasu Katchi. All these parties in their names are carrying the political slogan endorsing the demand of the Tamils' Tamil Eelam, since the 1976 Vaddukkottai resolution, Tamil government or Tamil rule implying the liberation of Tamil to achieve this objective. The constitutional legislation introduced by J.R banning separatism and any one advocating this as punishable for the offence of treason. This has put a brake on these political parties to raise the call for a separate Tamil state. Whether, this provision violates the fundamental

right of freedom of expression of a distinct people, the Tamils, as laid down in the UN charter is another matter worthy of legal challenge in an appropriate forum. However, the rights of Tamils as a distinct race and historical habitants in the north and east to agitate for self-determination is unchallengeable as this right is granted and fully exercisable as laid down intheUNcovenantoncivilandpolitical rights under Article 2. ‘All peoples have the right of self-determination. and by virtue of this right they freely determine their political status.’

With the defeat of LTTE the mantle of leadership was taken over by the TNA who were earlier playing a secondary role under LTTE. With no other strong opposition party in existence, Tamils were voting for the

TNA en masse keeping their faith and hopes to salvage their causes as well as obtaining solutions for the plethora of war related problems' – accountability, reconciliation, justice, resettlement, rehabilitation, release of prisoners, reparations and fate of the disappeared thousands. TNA rightly supported Maithiri and Sampanthan and hoped for a priority agenda from Maithiri and Ranil to deal with the above crucial and burning issues. Promises have been given and as expected, some are already broken, some have been postponed, while some are empty, for example the release of prisoners and the fate of thousands of disappeared.

Sampanthan, a seasoned politician, showing his maturity swallowed up the let downs with much consternation and disappointment, is now relying on the promises of Maithiri and Ranil with constitutional guaranteed solution to be incorporated in the proposed new constitution. Hope against hope is only left for TNA. In order to ensure this goal and objective, Sampanthan has blanketly discarded the demand for a separate state, which he as a single individual is free to state, but to say that all Tamils have given up this demand, is unacceptable and be arrogantly silenced the Tamils' public opinion.

Furthermore, Sampanthan is well aware of the “majority opinion prevailing of the minority” - concept in any state or organization. Already extremist groups and communal

politicians are gathering in unison and are preparing to mount opposition to defeat any proposals which would redress and strengthen the political position of Tamils. After all Maithiri and Ranil, though exhibiting good intentions, have to consider the stability and survival of their government as their priority and prime factor. Hence, they will be forced to listen, yield and accommodate the demands of Sinhala nationalists for their political survival like Mahinda clan, the lurking political enemies with former champions of devolution.

Like professor Peiris Vasudeva and some progressive leftists are the new cultivators of communalism and racism, posing the threats hoping for the downfall of the government.

To sum up, by and large it would be too much to expect the proposed new constitution to deliver the appropriate medicine to the long standing ills of Tamils. Sampanthan’s decent also would become an exercise in futility, a repetition of past history.

TNA and TPC (Tamil People’s Council) have to act now ‘better late than never’ to avoid being consigned and joining the band of earlier Tamil leaders like GG, Chelva & Amirthalingam who fell for the charms and diplomacy of the out maneuvering Sinhala leaders, who cleverly orchestrated the surrender of the goals of the then Tamil leaders, but however unlike the open surrender now taking place.

Sampanthan is well aware of the recent pronouncements of Maithiri who has rejected any foreign government or UN’s advice or suggestions like foreign judges in the proposed internal tribunal and Ranil’s daring statement that “there are no Tamil political prisoners” in Switzerland.

Sampanthan is well aware of the recent pronouncements of Maithiri who has rejected any foreign government or UN’s advice or suggestions like foreign judges in the proposed internal tribunal and Ranil’s daring statement that “there are no Tamil political prisoners” in Switzerland.

there

won’t be any repeat of political disappointments or mistakes on the part of Tamil leaders during this critical period.

One

only

hopes

that

of political disappointments or mistakes on the part of Tamil leaders during this critical period. One
FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016 pg 5 Sri Lanka constitution: What’s in it for

FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016

pg

5
5

Sri Lanka constitution:

What’s in it for the Tamils?

pg 5 Sri Lanka constitution: What’s in it for the Tamils? BY : JS Tissainayagam SRI

BY : JS Tissainayagam

SRI LANKA’S new government, which is taking steps to draw up a new constitution, is likely to cheat Tamils out of a political system that reflects their aspirations. Restrictions imposed by the government on the constitution-making process even before it has begun signal that Tamils will remain under-privileged citizens unless they mount a concerted challenge to the regime’s moves forthwith.

Presidential and parliamentary elections in 2015 resulted in the two loci of power – the presidency and parliament – pass to the two main political rivals, the United National Party (UNP) and United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA). Today, Maithripala Sirisena of the UPFA is the country’s directly- elected executive president, while Ranil Wickremesinghe, head

of the UNP, is prime minister controlling the country’s legislature. Wickremesinghe’s majority in parliament is strengthened by UPFA’s support for a limited time to push through important changes, including

a new constitution.

The coming together of the two main parties to form a national unity government also brought the largest Tamil party – the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) – to parliament and its head, Rajavarothyam Sampanthan, to be the leader of the opposition. Sampanthan viewed his new role as one that would combine “the resolution of the national question through a new constitution” as well as “relating to the wellbeing of the whole country and its future”.

The main reason articulated by both the President and the Prime Minister for a new constitution is

shortcomings in the current document

– the Second Republican Constitution

created in 1978 – which concentrates power in the all-powerful presidency. Critics of the present constitution argue that this has not only led to an elected tyranny in Sri Lanka, but is instrumental in exacerbating relations between Sinhalese and Tamils that

led to the 30-year civil war where an estimated hundred thousand people died.

The need to devolve power to satisfy Tamil demands saw attempts between 1995 and 2000 to draw up a new constitution. It failed to see the

light of day because of squabbling between the UNP and the Peoples’ Alliance (PA). However, attempts were renewed with an emphasis on strengthening the legislature to act as a counterweight to the executive presidency when Sirisena was elected to office after the 10-year (mis)rule of President Mahinda Rajapakse, whose term was characterised by abuse of power, corruption and violence.

Therefore, at the core of the new constitution is substituting an elected parliament and a cabinet of ministers as the main locus of power in place of the all-powerful presidency.

The question however is whether the Sinhala leadership is willing to grant the minimum Tamil demands. The national unity government’s stance

was manifest UNP’s leader Wickremesighe, who in a statement to the Joint Opposition Group, “There is no need to break the unitary status of the country.”

It has to be understood that the primary factor that led to the disempowerment of Tamils in post- independence Sri Lanka was also

concentration of power. However this was not the presidency but in the Sinhala political class, which used the institutions of governance under a unitary constitution to deprive Tamils of equal citizenship.

Before coming under the presidential form of government in 1978, two earlier constitutions in Sri Lanka – the Independence Constitution (1948) and the First Republican Constitution (1972) – were parliamentary. And it was precisely the chamber of the peoples’

elected representatives the Sinhala political class used as an instrument to disenfranchise, discriminate and disempower the Tamil people. The use of Sinhala majorities to reject Tamil demands is best seen in the response of Dr Colvin R. De Silva, the principal author of the 1972 constitution who said, “No doubt the Federal Party’s proposals were rejected by the Constituent Assembly in its overwhelming majority…”

The concentration of Sinhala power in parliament between 1948 and 1970s pushed through laws that discriminated against Tamils, such as the citizenship laws (1948/49), the Official Languages Act (1956) and the law discriminating against Tamils from entering public universities through a quota system known as standardisation.

The response of Tamil leaders to check concentration of power in parliament that gave Sinhalese large majorities in parliament was to demand power sharing at the centre – in the legislature – or at the periphery – through regional autonomy for the majority Tamil-speaking areas of northern and eastern Sri Lanka.

Power-sharing at the centre envisaged by the consociational model known as ‘fifty-fifty’ proposed by the All Ceylon Tamil Congress leader G. G. Ponnambalam never saw the light of day. Alternatively Tamils began to demand political autonomy through devolution of power. Resolution One of the Federal Party at its national convention in 1951 demanded “for the Tamil-speaking nation in Ceylon their inalienable right to political autonomy (for) linguistic states in consonance with the fundamental and unchallengable principle of self-determination.”

A forum where Tamil leaders presented a demand for a federal constitution was before the constituent assembly that came together to draw up the First Republican Constitution in 1972. Those demands were rejected by Sinhala leaders who insisted on a unitary form of parliamentary government, with Sinhala and Buddhism elevated to a status that other languages or religions in Sri Lanka would enjoy. Rejection by the constituent assembly caused then ITAK leader, the iconic S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, to boycott further sittings of constituent assembly and eventually fall back on non-violent struggle for secession in 1976.

Over the years the demands have evolved as governments in Colombo have become more intolerant and chauvinistic. Today, the TNA’s leaders both in parliament and in the Northern Provincial Council have been clear that what they want is shared sovereignty between regional sub-units – the provinces – and the central government, and not devolution of power under a unitary government (as it is today). And when demanding federal powers, the more enlightened Tamil leaders have recognised that Muslims have to be equal partners in such an exercise.

Exactly forty years later the TNA is in parliament representing the Tamil people. TNA’s manifesto for the Parliamentary election in August 2015 clearly articulated the Tamils’ right to self-determination, federal

structure and a merged Northern and Eastern provinces, which was the platform on which the Tamil people elected them.

The question however is whether the Sinhala leadership is willing to grant the minimum Tamil demands. The national unity government’s stance was manifest UNP’s leader Wickremesighe, who in a statement to the Joint Opposition Group, “There is no need to break the unitary status of the country.” Earlier he was at pains to point out that devolution of power would not exceed that that which is already given through the 13th Amendment to the current constitution, which is devolution within a unitary system.

Therefore, at the core of the new constitution is substituting an elected parliament and a cabinet of ministers as the main locus of power in place of the all-powerful presidency.

To reinforce it, his partners in the national unity government, the UPFA insisted that the new constitution to be drawn up would have to be put before the people at a referendum. While on the one hand it is very democratic to do so (neither the first nor second republican constitutions were formally approved by the people) there is very little doubt that the Sinhala majority will reject any federal arrangement with the Tamils and Muslims.

The Government has argued the process to draw up the new constitution would be inclusive and transparent where the views of all the 225 members of parliament would be consulted. But by rejecting even before the process has begun a key demand of the Tamils – federalism – it has made a mockery of the whole process.

There has been an attempt to say labels of ‘federal’ and ‘unitary’ constitution are not important. Labels are unimportant, but substance is. We have to understand that the Sinhala ruling class has not only rejected labels, but equal citizenship for the Tamils through discriminatory laws that judiciaries from 1948 up to today have been unable to redress. Tamils believe that they have the right to control aspects of their internal affairs and be protected from a Sinhala- dominated central government taking it away arbitrarily. That is what federal power-sharing is about.

The need of the hour is for Tamils to see that even before the process has begun, Sinhala politicians are hell bent on denying Tamils federal power sharing, so that they can control Tamils through a Sinhala majority parliament. It will be important for the Tamil public, civil society and the Diaspora to keep pushing the TNA represented in the Constitutional Assembly not to back down from its election promises in the face of the mounting threat of the majority.

Courtesy: asiancorrespondent.com

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12
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ngg;utup 05 – ngg;utup 18, 2016

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FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016 pg 13 The Face of Despair & The Black

FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016

pg

13
13

The Face of Despair & The Black Day

18, 2016 pg 13 The Face of Despair & The Black Day By : Usha S

By : Usha S Sriskanda Rajah

The Sinhalese and some self- deprecating Tamils will be celebrating the 68th anniversary of Sri Lankan independence on Feb 4, 2016. On the other hand in stark contrast, Eelam Tamils who have their dignity, self- pride and self respect intact will be marking it as a Black Day. If independence is explained in the dictionary as self-government, self- rule, home rule, separation, self- determination, sovereignty, autonomy, freedom, liberty, self-sufficiency, self- reliance, etc., (Google it and see what you get), then it goes without saying what TamilgotonthatfatefuldayinFebruary in 1948, is a far cry from any of the synonyms here mentioned, and with the benefit of hind sight, a long way away from what we should have demanded as our human and political right!

It was on this Black Day, that Tamils moved from a white colonial master, quite decent in comparison, to serving a brown colonial master and were thrust into a suffocating Sinhala Buddhist hegemony and bigotry without our knowing the extent to which it would show its ugly face, until it hit, hit hard!

What happened to us?

What happened to us? We foolishly and naively trusted the Sinhalese, agreeing to a unitary system that

resulted in them having a majoritarian stranglehold in parliament, and a Sinhala government at the centre. It was too late to reverse our misfortunes when we found these Sinhalese turned out to be scoundrels, wolves in sheep’s clothing more like, resulting in us Tamils ending up, in effect, losing our traditional homeland, our sovereignty and our rights. That’s what happened.

February 4th 1948 is indeed a Black day any which way we look at it and already a month before, I was starting to feel a bit heavy in the heart – remembering everyone who died for freedom, feeling the pain, and the horrors of the genocide perpetrated against Tamils that intensified during the month of May 2009!

Face of Despair

So what’s the story behind this “Face of Despair” you see here:

my mind

was in turmoil and engrossed in past

horrors and feeling guilty for living on safe ground, I remembered the article

I wrote same time last year, a must

read: “Acts of Betrayal that Broke the

Letter and Spirit of Independence“.

It struck me that nothing had

changed, one year on, since President Sirisena took office. There was no discussion on any power sharing arrangement forthcoming, other than

a plan to draft a new constitution and

a constituent assembly – oh no not

again I thought – a repetition of what

Let me tell you

While

happened in 1972, the main thrust of

my article last year. Neither was there

a change to the Unitary State system

narrative, nor demilitarisation, nor

significant return of people’s lands, nor relaxing of the government’s hold on state land which should in reality belong to the people at the provincial level; no marked reversal of fortunes towards a better quality of life for Tamils, no move to releasing most of the Tamil detainees incarcerated without charge under the PTA – except

a bombshell from the Prime Minister,

Ranil Wickremesinghe in his interview with Channel 4’s Jon Snow, that the disappeared “are probably dead”, virtually asking Tamils to live with it.

Tears welled up as I continued to read my article, experiencing a choking feeling in the throat and

heart

wiped the tears with my fingers

but it still came. The more I read the more I cried, the nose too was runny wetting my lips which I wiped away.

I grasped my phone and took a shot

of me. I do not know why I did it, but

I did it. Activists like me often times

show that we are strong, resilient and

have a fighting spirit… but more often than not we have our moments when

we are over-wrought; overcome with emotion. It’s not wrong to cry, we are human; besides we have humanity; we are not crying for ourselves, we are crying for a larger polity.

“DESPAIR” is How I Feel

I

Yes “DESPAIR” is how I feel because the hope we had of fairness

from a president who won on the back of the Tamil vote, sadly

without any conditions attached, is fast diminishing. Especially as it became clear recently when he made

a shocking revelation to Aljazeera

claiming that as a co-sponsor, Sri Lanka only agreed to a judicial

process that involved allegations of “human rights violations” and not war crimes; and that he was opposed

to any, “foreign involvement”. At the

same time, Sirisena in the interview was quite content with placing the blame on the “LTTE – terrorists” as he called them, whom he said should be investigated for attacks on hospitals – turning the question round and throwing it right back at Aljazeera’s Ms. Abdel-Hamid who asked about alleged attacks on hospitals by the Sri Lankan army! How naive does President Sirisena

think the rest of the world is/was if he could just simply dismiss those who allegedly committed more heinous crimes, as only coming within the purview of “human rights violations”, that involved lesser crimes in his mind – anything more he did not sign

up to. This despite when reminded of

the Paranagama Commission report which found, “there were “credible allegations which… may show that some members of the armed forces committed acts during the final phase of the war that amounted to war crimes giving rise to individual criminal responsibility.”

Could it be that he thinks it would

absolve him of any wrong doing as being part of the Rajapaksa regime and acting Defence Minister for a short period during the last stages of the war?

“DESPAIR” is what I feel when Tamils aren’t united on critical issues of Justice for the victims of Genocide and a political settlement for Tamils. “DESPAIR” is the word when the TNA is not offering strong leadership but rather for all

intents and purposes kowtowing to the Sri Lankan government and

following the instructions laid out by the international community rather than insisting on certain necessary conditions for reconciliation and a satisfactory political settlement. “DESPAIR” is the word when the TNA relies on the APRC report that was never officially accepted, without really restating what they want! “DESPAIR” is the wod when you find the leading party in the official opposition in parliament, the TNA, supporting the country’s budget that called for increased military

spending – that is in excess of what the Rajapaksa regime allocated –

a military that was occupying the

NorthEast! “DESPAIR” is the word when the TNA hasn’t still publically

called for the abolition of the 6th amendment which criminalises any

discourse on separation; i.e. the actual restoration of an independent Tamil Eelam and thereby making way for

a call to conduct a UN sponsored

referendum that we the TGTE are calling for. “DESPAIR” is the word when TNA couldn’t articulate more clearly what Mr. Sampanthan meant when he went to the Tamil constituency and proclaimed that a political settlement is imminent in 2016, leaving the people guessing what that would be and on whose assurance. “DESPAIR” is the word when the TNA members decide to go

so late in the day to explore devolved

power to Scotland and the proposals for further reform, when they should have done it sooner and had a draft ready on a Federal Constitution that they can actually publically and categorically convey to the Sirisena Government earlier than later.

convey to the Sirisena Government earlier than later. Life and Liberty by Thomas Jefferson It is

Life and Liberty by Thomas Jefferson

It is fitting also at the end of “Why Tamils of Eelam deserve Self-determination” to finish with a quotation from Thomas Jefferson, the ‘Founding Father’ of the ‘American Revolution’, the principle author of the ‘Declaration of Independence’ and

the 3rd President of the United States

of America: “The God who gave us

life, gave us liberty; the hand of force may destroy but never dis-join.”

I sincerely hope we can move from “DESPAIR” to “OPTIMISM” in the coming days – all depends on some key players who now seem to be holding the key to our destiny in their hands, if we let them! Let’s not lose hope in those good people who just may find ours is a just cause!

Courtesy:colombotelegraph.com

Photo courtesy : Virakesari

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pg

14
14

FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016

pg 14 FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016 TPC proposal comes against the backdrop of imperialism's

TPC proposal comes against the backdrop of imperialism's dictations

TamilNet

The Vaddukkoaddai Resolution was spontaneously coming from the nation of Eezham Tamils and all its political parties. The resolution was entirely indigenous. It had the spirit of struggle. The Tamil People's Council (TPC) draft proposal, in its thrust, is dictated by the outside imperialist need to retain the Agent State ‘Sri Lanka’ in one piece. The TPC draft is confined to larger outlines set from the outside. There is no struggle, but compromise. Right from the Tamil chieftains of Nalloor signing a defeatist treaty with the Portuguese; the Kandyans signing a similar one with the British and all treaties being forgotten in the creation of the unitary State, the game of conceding the island to suit views through outside prisms continues.

Launching of TPC Report of the Sub-Committee on Finding a Political Solution to the National Questio

What the Tamils need today is a political programme of international struggle with the help of global Tamils, precisely against the core injustice of imperialisms looking at the island as ‘Sri Lanka’.

The TPC draft, on the other hand, concedes: “The Tamil People pledge their commitment to a united and undivided Sri Lanka which respects

and affirms the right to self- determination of the Tamils.”

The TPC draft doesn't assert to the identity of the nation of Eezham Tamils, while getting bogged up in ambiguous terminology and even relegating the word nation to footnotes. If Eezham cannot be there, ‘Sri Lanka’ also cannot be there. The binary identity in terminology is crucial for the self-respect of Eezham Tamils in their existence and international interactions.

The TPC draft, talking of an agreement as pre-condition for a constitutional process, is totally silent on recognising genocide and repeal of

the6thAmendment.Contrarytothetalk

of‘self-determination’,thedraftconcedes the dangerous power of dissolving a State Government at the mere pretext of citing secessionism. This is reconfirming the 6th Amendment.

The TPC draft paves way for Colombo-centric monopoly of the island and a State-within-State formula for Colombo, indirectly falling in line with the vertical model favoured by corporate imperialisms. The same model was structurally enslaving the nation of Eezham Tamils in the island for 500 years, ever since the Portuguese conceived it for the purchase of cinnamon. Even some British administrators long serving in Jaffna and had understood the structural issues in development,

resisted to the model century itself.

Withalllacunasinthefundamentals, the TPC draft is still a step forward compared to the previous discourses coming as alternatives to independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam.

In precaution, the TPC draft was talking of the following as needs for a political agreement prior to a constitutional enactment:

“We think that a pre-constitutional agreement in the form of a treaty (like the Dayton Agreement and the Good Friday Agreement) is necessary prior to the constitution making process.

“The treaty should inter alia recognize the Tamil Peoples' right to self-determination, its sovereignty and constituent power and its traditional homeland in the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil people.

“Thetreatyshouldprovidethatinthe event of the arrangements being unilaterally abrogated by the numerically larger Sinhala Buddhist majority and its political representatives and in the absence of any other alternatives, the Tamil people may decide to hold a referendum to further determine their political status.

“This treaty which we think should beunderwrittenbyathirdparty(foreign governments such as the US/

the 19th

in

India or the UN) will help to bring international/external guarantee to the durability of the solution arrived at, beyond the contours of

a constitution that otherwise rests

within the domain of domestic law.

“This agreement should also spell out inter alia measures to be taken for accountability and justice, address

issues relating to disappearances, release of political prisoners, release

of land occupied by the Armed forces

in the North-East, demilitarization,

state-sponsored colonization, security sector reforms and contain guarantees of non-recurrence.

“It would be impossible to create

a safe and open environment for

the discussion of these political/ constitutional issues without creating the above enabling conditions in the North-East,” the TPC draft said.

However, any treaty, like all post- war treaties coming from the ‘victors’, cannot be a ‘sealing process’ of the struggle of the nation of Eezham Tamils for international justice.

Considering past records, Tamils

all over the world should be prepared

and mobilized to face the situation

from a position of strength.

If geopolitics is the cause for injustice, it could be met only through geopolitical mobilisation of world Tamils.

Tamil activists of today have to be awakened to the fact that many

geostrategic points are at their disposal

if they know how to demonstrate the

strength beyond States and militaries.

There should be preparedness for

a civil resistance struggle, in case the Agent State is not prepared to see the realities, and preparedness of global Tamils to show civil disobedience to

outside imperialisms if the insistence is on having discourses only through the prism of ‘Sri Lanka’.

If geopolitics is the cause for injustice,

it could be met only through geopolitical mobilisation of world Tamils.

Struggle for justice is not singing to tunes set by adversaries, but setting tunes for the ultimate adversaries to address. Of all the Eezham Tamil leaders after the genocidal war, it was perhaps Justice C.V. Wigneswaran, who did that at least to a small extent. The cue should be taken in pursuing the struggle and in course-correcting irredeemable slips.

The reality is that even if the Sinhala nation wants to have its own State, the international engineers of ages will not allow it. Tamils in pursuing

their goals should show full respect to

theSinhalanation,itsStateanditsplace

inSouthAsia.Onlythen,thenation,the

StateandplaceofEezhamTamilsinthe

region will be justified.

The united ‘Sri Lanka’ paradigm is

a design of outside forces to keep both the Sinhala nation and Eezham Tamil nation in continued subservience in the chosen geostrategic point.

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Pistachio

TheThe pistachio,pistachio, aa membermember ofof thethe cashewcashew family,family, isis aa smallsmall treetree originatingoriginating fromfrom CentralCentral AsiaAsia andand MiddleMiddle East.East. TheThe treetree producesproduces seedsseeds thatthat areare widelywidely con-con- sumedsumed asas food.food. ArchaeologyArchaeology showsshows thatthat pistachiopistachio seedsseeds werewere aa commoncommon foodfood asas earlyearly asas 67506750 BC.BC. TheThe modernmodern pistachio’spistachio’s binominalbinominal namename isis PistaciaPistacia vera.vera. ItIt isis aa desertdesert plant,plant, andand isis highlyhighly toleranttolerant ofof salinesaline soil.soil.

PistachioPistachio isis aa nutritionallynutritionally densedense food.food. ItIt providesprovides aa richrich sourcesource ofof protein,protein, dietarydietary fibrefibre andand severalseveral dietarydietary minerals,minerals, vitaminsvitamins B1,B1, B5,B5, B6,B6, EE andand calcium.calcium. InIn JulyJuly 2003,2003, thethe FDA)FDA) approvedapproved thethe firstfirst qualifiedqualified healthhealth claimclaim specificspecific toto seedsseeds loweringlowering thethe riskrisk ofof heartheart dis-dis- ease.ease.

the the risk risk of of heart heart dis- dis- ease. ease. It It is is

ItIt isis interestinginteresting toto notenote thatthat thethe mostmost popularpopular treetree inin SouthSouth Asia,Asia, thethe mangomango treetree tootoo comescomes underunder thisthis cash-cash- ewew family,family, scientificallyscientifically thethe familyfamily Anacardiaceae.Anacardiaceae.

Spot the Difference

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The secret of completing any task is humbly uniting with those who help to make the task happen. Humbleness is also the tool that perfect people use to destroy the enmity of their enemies.

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Kids’Kids’ EndlessEndless QuestionsQuestions

Q:Q: WhyWhy isiiis airaairr invisibleinvvisiblee ?????

A:A: AirAir moleculesmolecules areare smallersmaller thanthan thethe wavelengthswavelengths ofof visiblevisible light.light.

WhenWhen aa molecule,molecule, oror eveneven aa smallsmall

particle,particle, isis smallersmaller thanthan thethe

wavelengthwavelength ofof light,light, thatthat objectobject isis invisible.invisible.

Basically,Basically, lightlight cannotcannot interactinteract withwith thingsthings thatthat areare smallersmaller thanthan thethe light’slight’s wavelength.wavelength.

IfIf airair waswas visible,visible, itit wouldwould blockblock thethe lightlight fromfrom thethe sun.sun.

AndAnd thatthat wouldwould createcreate bigbig problems,problems, asas ourour eyeseyes havehave developeddeveloped toto makemake useuse ofof thethe lightlight thatthat thethe atmosphereatmosphere doesn’tdoesn’t block,block, soso wewe don’tdon’t bumpbump intointo things.things.

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Colouring - 259

don’t bump bump into into things. things. Colouring - 259 Last Issue (258) Colouring Kids V
don’t bump bump into into things. things. Colouring - 259 Last Issue (258) Colouring Kids V

Last Issue (258) Colouring Kids

Vithoosha

Chandirabalan

EasyEasy RiddlesRiddles ForFor KidsKids

Q.Q. WhatWhat hashas aa faceface andand twotwo handshands butbut nono armsarms oror legs?legs? A.A. AA clock!clock! Q.Q. WhatWhat isis thethe easiesteasiest wayway toto dou-dou- bleble youryour money?money? A.A. PutPut itit inin frontfront ofof thethe mirrormirror ofof course!course! Q.Q. WhatWhat hashas aa thumbthumb andand fourfour fin-fin- gersgers butbut isis notnot alive?alive? A.A. AA glove.glove. Q.Q. WhatWhat hashas toto bebe brokenbroken beforebefore youyou cancan useuse it?it? A.A. AnAn egg.egg. Q.Q. WhatWhat hashas aa neckneck butbut nono head?head? A.A. AA bottle.bottle. Q.Q. WhatWhat getsgets wetterwetter asas itit dries?dries? A.A. AA towel.towel. Q.Q. WhatWhat goesgoes upup andand doesn’tdoesn’t comecome backback down?down? A.A. YourYour age.age. Q.Q. It’sIt’s beenbeen aroundaround forfor millionsmillions ofof years,years, butbut it’sit’s nono moremore thanthan aa monthmonth old.old. WhatWhat isis it?it? A.A. TheThe moon.moon.

Q.Q. WhatWhat belongsbelongs toto youyou butbut isis usedused moremore byby others?others? A.A. YourYour name.name. Q.Q. EveryoneEveryone hashas itit andand nono oneone cancan loselose it,it, whatwhat isis it?it? A.A. AA shadow.shadow. Q.Q. WhatWhat hashas aa neckneck butbut nono head?head? A.A. AA bottlebottle Q.Q. WhatWhat wordword beginsbegins andand endsends withwith anan ‘e’‘e’ butbut onlyonly hashas oneone letter?letter? A.A. EnvelopeEnvelope EnvelopeEnvelope Q:Q: WhatWhat isis thethe longestlongest wordword inin thethe dictionary?dictionary? A:A: Smiles,Smiles, becausebecause therethere isis aa milemile betweenbetween eacheach ‘s’‘s’ Q:Q: IfIf II drink,drink, II die.die. IfIf ii eat,eat, II amam fine.fine. WhatWhat amam I?I? A:A: AA fire!fire! Q:Q: WhatWhat wordword becomesbecomes shortershorter whenwhen youyou addadd twotwo lettersletters toto it?it? A:A: ShortShort Q:Q: WhatWhat travelstravels aroundaround thethe worldworld butbut staysstays inin oneone spot?spot? A:A: AA stamp!stamp!

16

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Certificate of Excellence - 2015 winner tripadvisor Valentines Day Make your Reservation Call: 020 8680
Certificate of Excellence - 2015 winner tripadvisor
Valentines Day
Make
your Reservation
Call: 020 8680 8833
14 th
February 2016
from 1.00pm
to 11.00pm
Any three from
Salt & Pepper Duck,
Coconut
Squid, Spinach
Pakoda, Tandoori
& Salmon
A Romantic Evening to impress your
Prawn Tempura, Potato
Chicken ,
& Spinach
mouth watering menu
Samosa, Vegetarian
loved one with a
presented by
Dumpling, Veg
Chilli
FREE
WELCOME
DRINK
Chicken
Any two from
Sea Food
Noodles, Vegetable
amampapapaagngnnee /P/PPasasasssisissssioonn FFrruits DDr
Champagne
/Passion
Fruits Drink
Fushia
Biriyani, Goan Fish
Curry, Aubergine
Masala,
Fushia Special Butter Chicken.
£50 per couple,
£30 Single
Any two
from Gulab
Jamun, Gajar Ka Halwa,
Ice Cream
Advance Booking Only
Vattil Appam And
Road, South Croydon,
Fushia
Indian Restaurant, 3