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Scholastic Rationales of 'Conscience', Early Modern Crises of Credibility, and the

Scientific-Technocultural Revolutions of the 17th and 20th Centuries


Author(s): Benjamin Nelson
Source: Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Autumn, 1968), pp. 157-177
Published by: Wiley on behalf of Society for the Scientific Study of Religion
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SCHOLASTICRATIONALES OF 'CONSCIENCE',
EARLY MODERN CRISES OF CREDIBILITY,
REVOLUTIONS
AND THE SCIENTIFIC-TECHNOCULTURAL
OF THE 17th AND 20th CENTURIES*
BENJAMIN

NELSON

The Graduate Faculty


New School for Social Research
of Science and Technoculture
have
Our galloping 20th Century Revolutions
and the Revolutions in Science and
deep roots in the Protestant Reformations
These decisive recastings
of the
Philosophy of the 16th and 17th Centuries.
character need to be
scientific-and
religious,
relations of conscience-moral,
seen in wider frames than those adopted by Max Weber in his renowned "Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism" (1904-05). To do justice to these dewe have to go beyond Weber in the spirit of his last essays before
velopments,
his death in 1920. New stress has to be given to the role of the revolutions of
organized systems of "rationales" both of action and thought within the processes Weber described under the heading of "Rationalizations."
developments
to the modern world and the propulsive
The breakthroughs
now in progress have less to do with the "spirit of capitalism" and the "profit
motive" in their narrow senses than to the runaway effects of the dynamic
fusions of the by-products, not always hoped for, of two complex movements:
orientaThe Protestant Reformation (and its bearings in respect of the newer
tions toward self, society, and the city of this world) and, The Scientific Revof an Universal
in the way of a development
olution (and its consequences
These fusions occurred at great
science and technology).
symbolic mathematical
heats toward the close of the 19th Century in Europe and the United States
and are now at "the exponential growth point."
critiques of the medieval
began as fundamental
Both of these movements
the Cure of Souls."
integrated institutiion of "Conscience-Casuistry-and
"Moralities of Thought"
In brief: The twofold changes in the fundamental
and "Logics of Action" embraced in the earlier institution of conscience constinow in progress
of the accelerated
foundations
passage
tute the necessary
of collective
in the form of
automation
the universal
intelligence
towards
"Brain Machines" and "Memory Banks."
* This essay forms one of a series which is
meant to bear a collective subtitle: "The
Protestant Ethic Beyond Weber." The entire
sequence has as its main aim: to explore the
roles of selected "Rationales, Rationalizations,
and Revolutions in the Histories of Complex
Civilizations" from the point of view of the
variant "Cultures of Conscience."
Additional indications of a number of the

wider contexts of the present statement will


be found in Appendix A immediately following the text.
Portions of an earlier draft of the present
paper were read to the American Sociological
Association (San Francisco, August 30, 1967)
and the Society for the Scientific Study of
Religion (Atlanta, October 27, 1967).

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all directions; still others are now silently


coming above the surface, big with prosC LEARLY THE HOUR IS SOUNDING for a
pects yet beyond our ken.
new and close look at what Max
Is there a series of equations which
Weber has to say to us today.' Already describes-will one day describe-the
more than six decades have passed since laws-sociological, historical, statical, dythe first publication of his epochal essay, namical-of contemporary motions-and
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
"commotions"? To what "real or ideal
Capitalism, and in hardly more than one factors"3 shall we refer when seeking to
year we shall be a half-century removed express what Herzen4-and Lenin5 echofrom his death in 1920. Since those days ing him-called the "algebra of revolumuch has been learned-and even more tion"-the Revolutions of today, those
has happened.
of yesterday, those of tomorrow?
I would surely not presume to say I
TODAY'S HAPPENINGS
AND SETTINGS
really expect to find answers to these
No less than a half-dozen runaway rev- questions. I only know that those
among
olutions are now in progress across the us who are committed to the
ways of
world.2 Some of these revolutions are understanding-as well as the ways of
in anguished end-phases; others are om- action-must be prepared to
attempt
inously scattering detonated fragments in new feats in devising
charts which describe-and perhaps explain-the day's
1 The growing awareness of this need is
torrential sociocultural processes-and recurrently being expressed in varied and even alities.
conflicting ways. See, e.g., H. Luethy (1964,
It is only of one of these revolutionary
1965), H. Trevor-Roper (1968), H. Marcuse complexes that I allow myself to speak
(1964), S. N. Eisenstadt (1965, 1968). For in the present pages, the one implied in
indications of my views on the approaches of the title: What possible relations can
these authors, see B. Nelson (1949, 1959n, there be among what are here called the
PROLOGUE

19C2b, 1964-1970, passim). As I imply above,


my chief aim in the present essay and in other
recent papers, including one now in press (B.
Nelson, 1969b) is to go beyond Weber's Protestant Ethic in the spirit of his last magisterial
essays, especially the "Author's Introduction"
(1920) to his posthumously published Collected
Essays in the Sociology of Religion, for which

scholastic

rationales

of

conscience,6

the

early modern crises of credibility, and


the Scientific-Technocultural Revolutions
of the 17th and 20th Centuries? Whom
shall we include in our survey? Luther
and Calvin?7 Galileo and Descartes?
3 The phrase is Weber's and is used here

see the translation by Parsons in Weber (1904- only for its convenience as a conceptual short5), pp. 13-31.
hand.
4 Herzen (1922, intro. Garnett), II, 121-22.
2 Intimations of this are less frequently to
be found among social scientists than among For Herzen's statement, see Appendix B.
5 Lenin, In Memory of Herzen. In Works
those who make themselves responsible for the
long-term diagnosis of the "spiritualdestinies" XVIII, p. 26. (I happily acknowledge the
of our civilizations. See e.g., P. Val6ry (1962), help of my student, Mr. Donald Nielsen in
P. Tillich (1936), Ortega y Gasset (195f, 1958). tracking down the above citations of Herzen
We are in need of studies which analyze the and Lenin.)
8 K. Kirk (1927), T. Wood (1952), B. Nelson
relations among these revolutions. Approaches
to this end will be found in recent works by (1967a).
7 For the views
J. K. Galbraith, Gunner Myrdal, and in a less
of Luther and Calvin on
formal vein by M. Harrington, D. Michael, the new science, see E. Rosen (1958), J.
and especially H. Marcuseand Paul Goodman. Dillenberger (1960).

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CONSCIENCE,

REVOLUTIONS,

What, if anything, do the former two


have to do with Scientific-Technocultural

Revolutions? What do the latter two


have to do with scholastic rationales and

AND

WEBER

159

technologieswhich defined the cultures of


c o n s c i e n c e, of opinions, proofs, and
personal commitments ?10

Do we not need to refer to the infernal


logics as well as the external historiesWhat shall we say about the influence must we not look into the Rationales as
of the "innerworldly ascetism" of the well as the interests of thosewho struggled
Protestant ethic? How much of the to advance and those who, for whatever
character and impetus-original and con- reasons, acted to slow the pace of developtinuing-of the Scientific-Technocultural ment of mathematics, the new astronomy,
Revolutions of the 17th and 20th Centu- logic, physics and so on?"
ries must be credited to the Puritans and
Puritanisms of England-New and Old?8
* *
When, where, under what conditions
I doubt that I would have dared-or
were the elements which define the current
phases of our Revolution and give them perhaps even cared l-to pursue answers
their present thrust decisively fused ?9 to questions of this shape if I had not
Are the promises and perils of today's happily stumbled upon Weber's doctoral
Science-Technoculture really new in a dissertation, as well as his essays on the
sense not yet fully understood? Do what- Protestant Ethic, in the course of my own
ever new elements there may be afford graduate research into the theory and
any ground for new hope in the situations practice of the restitution of usury in
which may develop-if all is not too the later medieval and the early modern
eras.'2
soon undone by Folly or Chance?
Two features of Weber's work had
To ask these questions is to be willing
to walk in the footsteps of Max Weber. decisive effect for me. It was in the
This I do gladly-so long as available course of pondering Weber's writings that
signs show that he is lighting up the way. I thought I first heard an encouraging
However, well before one has come to response to my desire to understand the
the end of the road, one may find himself course of man's history against the backasking a series of questions which Weber ground of the myriad clashes of discordnever explicitly asked, at least not in ant "cultures of conscience," especially
the forms in which they arise in the of the role played within those clashes
of organized rationales and rationalizapresent essay.
The crucial questions, on which all tions of thought and action. (I did not
then stop, as I do now, over the uneasy
the others hinge, go as follows:
feeling that Weber's depiction of rationIf we wish to understand the Scientific
and Technocultural Revolutions of the 17th alization-process did not tally with my
and 20th Centuries, do we not need to sense of the astonishing authority exerted
over long stretches of time by the
look into the "cultural maps" and symbolic
cultural logics called rationales.)
casuistries of conscience?

8 See, above all, R. K. Merton (1938); also


see R. F. Jones (1932). Merton's celebrated
essay is currently undergoing review; cf. A.
R. Hall (1963), B. Nelson (1967c); also, see
Note 47 below.
9 See, now, e.g., Rostow (1960, 1963), Heisenberg (1958), F. Machlup (1962), W. Kneale
(1968), R. Aron (1968) and the older book by
Veblen (1915). cf. Note 23.

10 K. Kirk (1927), B. Nelson (1965g, 1970a).


A particularly strong discussion of certitude will
be found in P. Fagnani (1661) for whom see
B. Nelson (1965f).
11 B. Nelson (1965f) and the references there
cited.
12 For selections from this research, see B.
Nelson (1949b).

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A second feature of Weber's work attracted me no less than the first: his
fascination with time's many faces. In
the spirit of Weber, I have ever needed
to discover the present-and the future
-in the past, and to experience the past
-and the future-in the present.'3

STUDY

the previous

OF RELIGION
era'6. . . or that we have

now in our age of affluence entirely


abandoned the Protestant Ethic in favor
of a cult of self-indulgences,'7 strenuousspending, other-directedness,'8 and spectator sports . .. or that the Protestant

Ethic has been superseded by the "HotCold Outlook" of a globalized village, a


of our scene. Now to the statement of neccessary expression of an era now in
our new themes and our views on some the throes of a revolution in its forms of
issues currently disputed in the schools. togetherness and communication.'9
My own views sound quite different
NEW THEMES AND DISPUTED
ISSUES
from familiar current assessments. I will
not be able here to offer a detailed presI must say at once that I share very
entation or defense of my findings, and
few of the notions which have become
in the interest of clarity, I deliberately
popular in recent years as to the current
omit much of the profound bearing
viability of Weber's views.14 I cannot
which the notions of conscience and
agree that we find a matured "Protestant
rationales have for the public and private
Ethic" or "Spirit of Capitalism" before
life of our times. Some of this is discussed
the Reformation, namely in the Middle
So much by way of prologue and settings

Ages or Renaissance15. . . or that Prot-

estantism did not notably alter the


churchly or moral regulative patterns of
Idem (1965e).
An effort to review the issues in this
field will be made in the forthcoming edition
of my Idea of Usury (1969c). There I shall
give my reasons for not accepting the spirit
or substance of many of the criticisms of Weber
Talcott Parsons,
by prominent historians.
James L. Adams and the students they have
variously influenced seem to me far closer to
the truth than most other writers, whether
historians or sociologists, who have dealt with
the issues posed by Weber. See, now, especially, Parsons (1966, 1968), D. B. Robertson ed.
(1967), R. Bellah (1963), D. Little (1966,) J.
Loubser (1963). However, I cannot go so far
as those like S. N. Eisenstadt who follow
Troeltsch very closely in treating Luther as
entirely medieval in caste. The neglected essay
by C. Trinkaus deserves much closer study
by sociologists than it has yet received. See
Troeltsch (1931, 1958), Eisenstadt (1965), Trinkaus (1955): cf. B. Nelson (1949) ch. 2.
15 Cf. L. Brentano (1923), W. Sombart (1915)
A. Fanfani (1939), K. Samuelsson (1957); for
my reasons, cf. B. Nelson (1969c).
13
14

elsewhere20.

As I see it now, Weber's frames of


reference need to be extended in respect
to the two poles of the cultural history
of the modern West, which always remained critical to him and which must
long remain equally critical for ourselves:
First: the medieval and early modern
backgrounds of the modern world, which

Weber for his own good reasons2'saw too,


narrowly in the single light of the passage
from otherworldly asceticism

to

inner-

16 C. H. and K. George (1961); cf. D. Little

(1966).
17 R. La Piere (1959).
18 D. Riesman (1950).
19 McLuhan (1964), Whyte (1956).
20 B. Nelson (1965g, 1969b).
21 His strict commitment to his "ideal-type"
method did, however, sometimes have the effect of constraining his movement among the
"variables" between his coordinates. It always
needs to be remembered that though Weber
had a masterly knowledge of historical sources
-see B. Nelson (1965d)-his method was that
of a systematic theoretician of a scientific
sociology of comparative sociocultural process.

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CONSCIENCE, REVOLUTIONS, AND WEBER


worldly asceticism in respect to the notion
of "calling."22
Second: the forward horizons of our
world, which Weber did not live to see,
the world into which we are now heading
-and drifting.
A far-flung postulate, the evidence for
which I cannot assemble and debate here,
lies at the very crux of the current installment of my own story. It constitutes
my anwser to one of the questions I put
in the first paragraphs: I must insist
that the so-called Scientific-Technocultural Revolution through whose early phases
we are now passing23is best understood
not as a mere speeding-up or extension
of what we have had before, a vastly
magnified economic-social-revolution in
the manner of the first Industrial Revolution.24

My present thesis runs very differently: Ours is a PERSPECTIVAL-PLUS-TECHNOLOGICAL Revolution, actually a revolution newly unleashing fused resources
of Science-Art-Sensibility-Technique,25a
Revolution in which for the first time in
the history of our civilization, the fullest
potentialities of a new physics, mathematics, and logic are finding expression
in a sort of universal algebra (an Algorithm)26 now being powered by the world22

See Appendix C.
It is far too early to detail these landscapes
but see now two works which appeared while
our essay was on its way through the press.
Brzezinski (1968), Kahn and Weiner (1968).
See, also: D. Bell (1967) and C. Dechert (1968).
A full-length study of the cross-currentsof the
half-dozen revolutions in progress remains a
desideratum; cf. B. Nelson (1951), H. Lasswell
(1935).
24 Fresh surveys will be found in C. Moraz6
(1966) and D. Landes (1969).
25 Insights into this scientific and artistic
source of these newer fused powers will be
found in the work of Russell (1929), Whitehead
(1925, esp.ch. 2), Langer (1948), Cassirer(1955),
T. Dantzig (1954).
26 For the history of the notion of mathesis
23

161

wide Protestant institutions and life-ways.


If we ask how, when, where this New
Amalgam-this new Symbolic-Technological Mutation-was spawned, h ow it
acquired the necessary momentum to
spread across the world as it is now doing
at a vastly accelerated pace, we quickly
discover that we must dig our way back
into the roots of two revolutions of the
16th and 17th Centuries, which are not
usually considered to be connected with
one another, or else wrongly assumed
to be simple functions of one another.
I refer to (1) the Lutheran-Calvinist
revolution which issued in a distinctive
Protestant Ethic and character and (2)
the Scientific Revolution of the 17th
Century.
I must further say that there is no
grasping the nature of either of these
revolutions, or their current expansion,
without perceiving that from the start
both these movements began and were
generally construed as direct assaults
against the dominant cultural logics and
spiritual technologies of the medieval
world, especially as they were administered and embodied in the far-flung "Court
of Conscience" whose authority extended
throughout Christendom. This Court was
the central tribunal which claimed the
right and had the will to oversee the
acts and opinions of all Christians (and
some others) in respect to what I am here
calling the moralities and logics of thought
and action.27

universalis, see, now P. Rossi (1960); cf. P.P.

Wiener's introduction to and selections from


Leibniz, passim; Spektorsky (1910-17), summarized in P. Sorokin (1928), pp. 4-12.
27 I owe the phrase to Jean Piaget who
derived it by extending a notion of Durkheim.
See Piaget (1948). "Logic is the morality of
thought; morality is the logic of action." I
have explained my qualifications of this maxim
in several recent addresses and papers, which
as yet remain unpublished.

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The notions just set forth are not those


through which Weber envisaged the
future, nor the way in which many contemporary sociologists see the present
or past. The reasons for this difference
in perspective are few and simple:
Weber died before he could undertake
the necessary rethinking of his life-work.
In his last years, he appears to have been
edging closer to a point of view which
might in the end have required him to
redo the Protestant Ethic in a- new
spirit-closer to that suggested herein.
A glimpse into expanding horizons is
reflected in his general introduction to
the Collected Essays in the Sociology of
Religion, published after his death in a
manner which has continued to cause
perplexity to readers down to the present
day. For a number of years now, my own
research and reflection has centered in
working out the implications of this
magisterial essay.
As I see it now, Weber remained in
the end too much a son of his own time.
So intent was he upon charting the raging
fevers of what has come to be called
functional rationalization in his era that
he failed to stress strongly enough the
extraordinary many-sidedness and resilience of what-throughout this essay
-I am calling the rationales of thought
and action, especially as these come to
be elaborated witbin the cultures of
conscience. The roots and futures of the
breakthroughs since the 17th Century
will elude us if we do not understand the
cultures of conscience and the revolutions
of rationales.
CULTURES OF CONSCIENCE
OF RATIONALES
REVOLUTIONS

First: new ways have to be found of according due weight to the Rationales and
Rationale-Systems-the decision-matrices
of all action and thought-as active
factors in sociocultural process.
Second: we must learn to recognize
that, whatever Weber and others have
insisted, the mechanisms of spirit are
not to be confused with the spirit of
mechanism.28The relations between them,
always changing and ever paradoxical,
will have to be studied anew if we are
to spare ourselves from falling into confusions of thought and action greater
than those that beset us now.
In effecting this shift, we need to draw
upon two sources of fresh insight: (a)
the concepts of social scientists and humanists other than Weber who excelled
in the study of sociocutural process
(For the moment I mention only Sir
Henry Sumner Maine and Emile Durkheim); (b) the contemporary historians
and philosophers of science who have
made advances precisely in the analysis
of the logics of decision.29
Basically in complex societies and cultures of the western world, all social
action has regularly involved reference
to bodies of protocols which correlate
all notions and evidential canons, associated with the proof or disproof, of arguments for or against any given declaration or claim whether the declaration be
about what is or was or ought to be.
Among the most important instances of
such logics and technologies undergoing
development, in my view, are rationalesystems, structures of reasons, explanations, procedures establishing require28

See B. Nelson (1968c).


A vast literature continues to pour from
the press in this immensely active field., Here I
mention selected items, for example: BochenslRi (1965), Hanson (1958), Popper (1962).
but very tangled, notion of RATIONALIZA- A fuller discussion of the contributions of these
TION have to be untied with a view to materials to the social sciences and humanities
effecting two outcomes critical for our will be found in an essay of mine now in press
(B. Nelson, 1969b).
present situation.

To do justice to these developments,


we have to go beyond Weber in the
spirit of his last days.
The knots in Weber's all-encompassing,

29

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CONSCIENCE, REVOLUTIONS, AND WEBER

163

ments in respect to truth, virtue, legality,


fittingness. Without such rationales, orderly social process and social accounting
are unthinkable; the work of the world
does not get done. Social and cultural
regressions to the so-called "state of
nature" manifest themselves when the
established rationales go out of phase or
lack a compelling and vital center.30
For our purpose, it suffices here to
speak of two logical matrices in two de-

means-ends rationalizations nor pure instances of value-rationality (as this notion


is defined by Weber) nor of "affective"
or "traditional" outlooks in Weber's
senses.32 Rationales are something else
altogether. Indeed, prescriptive cultural
logics and maps are best not studied
solely in terms of the motivational orientations of actors and action. When
this happens they regularly undergo

cision spheres of science and moral action:

On the broader view I am proposing


now, the transitions from later medieval
to modern (and post-modern) sociocultural worlds take on a fresh aspect-one
which accords greater salience than Weber
gave to the rumblings and structural
changes in the symbolic guidance systems
through which cultural decisions are elaborated and registered, the Rationales of
Conscience. The manifold meanings and
institutional frameworks which have attached themselves to these poignant notions in the course of their long wanderings across the centuries constitute crucial features in the life of man in the
Western world.
In the period under discussion, it must
be recalled that the logics of decision
were interdependent; in fact, they were
woven together in a unified web of
propositions centeriing around the notion

1. The decision-matrices, in the areas


of scientific proof are clear. In the
Western world, claims to the truth in
whatever measure anyone cares to make
-propositions of any sort one may wish
to state-have always needed to be confirmed by reference to some set of validated evidences, procedures, or proofs.
2. The decision-matrices in the second

sphere comprise the logical rationales of


all moral action (praxis) and opinions
relating to conduct and commitment.
Here, also-at least in the West-it has
always been necessary for anyone who
claims to act in the light of one or another
maxim or anyone who adopts one or
another moral opinion to offer proof that
his intentions or the consequences of
his acts are congruent with acceptable
values and rationales.
A sustained effort to give adequate
stress to the influence of these logics
and moralities of thought and action
will in the end break the frames of Weber's
social-action theory with its built-in
social-psychological biases.31 Despite Weber's numerous allusions to the power
of formalizations in the unique development of the West, he found no proper
place for these structures of rationales in
his fourfold classification of the orientations to actions. Cultural logics are no
30 Durkheim (1897); B. Nelson (1964a).
31 The usual view of Weber's action stresses
his distaste for psychological patterns of explanation. Our point needs, therefore, to be
discussed in a later paper.

di3tortion.33

32 Weber (tr. 1947), pp. 115-18, esp. Parsons'


critical note 38 on p. 115; cf. Parsons (1937,
ed. 1967), II, on 16. For other efforts to render
the spirit of these distinctions, see Mannheim
(1940), Pt. 1, ch. 5. Although it is implied in
our first Appendix, Mannheim's distinction between functional rationalization and substantive rationality does not precisely translate
Weber's meaning.
33 The failure to make this distinction weakens
many researches into the ways in which cultural
logics and maps function in sociocultural process. Certain unexamined suppositions of theories associated with the perspectives of the
"sociology of knowledge," "symbolic interaction," "social action" makes adequate analysis
of these problems impossible at this time.

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of conscience.34As continuing Continent- ideas of self and group religious responal usage should serve to recall, the Latin sibility and political responsibility, recon-scientahad imbedded within it a dual ligious destiny and spiritual direction
reference:35 (a) the moral conscience in were reshaped in idiomatic ways in the
the sense of the "proximate" rule-after
distinctive new orders which came to be
the Reformation, many said the ultimate constituted in the different Protestant
rule36--ofright reason in the moral sphere culture-areas.
and (b) philosophical and scientific knowlNew civilizations fusing newer elements
edge. It is, therefore, no wonder that and reconstituted older elements occurred
all important cultural and social innova- everywhere and, indeed, efforts were octions in our period had to involve ref- casionally made everywhere to restore
erences to or a reconstruction of the integrated medieval patterns. But again
logics of decision in the spheres of ac- and again the embattled core of Prottion and thought, in the scientific and estantism has resisted attempts to reunite
moral domains alike.
"conscience-casuistry-and the cure of
souls" in a single tribunal or institution.37
PROTESTANT REFORMATION AND
Protestantism has persisted in moving
C.
SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTION:
16TH-17TH
in the dlrection of new structures of
The 16th and 17th Centuries saw two personal and social order.
2. The Scientific and Philosophical Revmajor revolutions within the frames
described here. Our story tells under two olution. The medieval union of "conscience-casuistry-and cure of souls" also
rubrics as follows:
1. The Protestant Reformations saw the forms a critical part of the background of
successful challenge to the Court of Copernicus, Galileo, Descartes, Pascal
Conscience, and other directive agencies and many others who pioneered in the
of the medieval church, in respect to "Early Modern Revolution in Science and
regulation of action and decision in the Philosophy"-a fact yet to be duly apmoral-religious spheres. Starting as early preciated by many sociologists and hisas Luther's Ninety-Five Theses, the main torians of the movements of science and
stream of Protestants regularly opposed philosophy. The appearance of the newer
the idea of a Court of Conscience, a Law developments in Catholic backgrounds
of Conscience,humanjudgesof Conscience, and in Catholic culture-areas made it
and so on. In the wake of these develop- inevitable that the aforementioned pioments, all the fundamental images and neers of the early modern Revolution
in Science and Philosophy would come
34 For the history of this structure of rationinto head-on conflict with the principles
ales, see K. Kirk (1927), P. Michaud-Quantin
and procedures of the established direc(1962), T. Wood (1952).
tive systems.
35 An unusually interesting use of this realizaHungering for truth and subjective
tion will be found in an early essay by the
certitude they struggled to establishlearned psychoanalyst, B. Lewin (1930). The
and thought they had established-knowlentire matter deserves to be freshly and in- edge and objective certainty. The inCf. B. Nelson (1965g)
tensively examined.
novators rejected the Establishment's acfor a survey of issues and literature; also see commodating logics of decision and the
M. Mauss (1935), L. Brunschvicg (1953).
certifications of proof in the sphere of
36 For Luther's stress on the element of scientific and philosophic knowledge. A
Wissen in Gewissen, see R. Bainton in Castellio
"prophetic" impulse spurred them to
(1554, p. 193); cf. B. Nelson (1965g), G. Williams (1957), Rufus Jones (1932), A. P. Woodhouse (1951), E. Battis (1962), L. Solt (1959).

37 For details of this story, see J. T. McNeill


(1951): K. Kirk (1927); B. Nelson (1967a).

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CONSCIENCE, REVOLUTIONS, AND WEBER

165

challenge the received casuistries of explanation-the fictionalism and probabilism-associated with the accommodating strategies of Osiander and Bellarmine
in respect to casuistry of opinion and
hypothesis. I have discussed these issues
at length in an article just published.37a
As different and even contradictory
as they were in many of their views and
motivations, there is one critical sense
in which the pioneers of the Reformation
and the pioneers of the Scientific Revolution converged. All the leadersLuther, Calvin, Galileo, Descartes, Pascal
-attacked the late medieval casuistry
of conscience and probabilism of opinion
at their very roots. Moreover, their attacks against every shade and grade of
conjecturalism, fictionalism, and probabilism were put forward in the name of
subjective certitude and objective cer-

opinion largely failed. Galileo was in


the end forced to undergo humiliation
at the hands of the Supreme Tribunal
of the Court of Conscience, the Holy
Office. Even though the barbs by Pascal
and others against the largely Jesuit
systems of the lesser probability echoed
loudly in Rome as well as Paris, the
traditional triangulation of consciencecasuistry-and the cure of souls persisted
wherever Catholicism prevailed.

2. South of the Alps, the attack against

Western civilization had to wait longer


than many have supposed to arrive at
the contemporary take-off and "exponential growth-points." First a series of great
fusions had to occur. These fusions were
not effected, as so many have freely assumed, in 18th Century England, the
time in which the first industrial revolution gained momentum. Pure Science
was less a source than a beneficiary of
18th Century technology--an
insight we
owe to A. N. Whitehead, Lawrence J.
Henderson, and too few others after
them.39 The Revolution through which

FusIONS, TAKE-OFFS,AND THE


ALGEBRAS"OF CONTEMPORARY
REVOLUTIONS

For the revolutions of the rationales


of conscience to come to their fruition,
the Protestant Ethic had to pass beyond

Weber. The legacies of Luther and


Calvin, Galileo and Descartes had truly
to be linked together and become united.
The new ethics, energies, and lifetainty.38
The two Revolutions had different ways which had arisen in the successful
Protestant Revolution had to be placed
fates:
at the service of what contemporary
1. North of the Alps, the attack against
casuistry of conscience and the Court scientists call "new world-models"-the
Christian in the moral-religious succeed- natural philosophy, the mathematical
ed. The Apostolic Penitentiary, the Treas- physics, and the revolutionary new logic
ury of Merit, the so-caHledSumma Angeli- and algorithm, which oddly enough flowca of the cases of Conscience by Angelo ered first in Catholic centers, but were
da Calvasio and the Corpus of the Canon slowed in their progress there by official
Law-all these were dealt a death blow resistance, political no less than ecclesiastical.
by Luther and other reformers.
moral probabilism and the casuistry of
37a B. Nelson (1967a).
38

The point we have chosen to stress is not


impaired by the fact that Luther mocked
Copernicus. For Luther's remarks on Copernicus, see E. Rosen (1959). The familiar notion
assumes that the Theological Establishment
has always clung to certitude whereas Science
always stands for probabilism. This is contradicted by the fact that the quest for certitude
against the ruling probabilism of conscience and
opinion was especially strong among the leading
Protestant Reformers and the pioneers of the
Scientific Revolution.
See B. Nelson (1965f).

39 See, esp. Koenig (1957), recalling an oftcited remark by L. J. Henderson: "The steam

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we are now passing is Science's Revolution, actually a Perspectival-Technological-

OrganizationalRevolution. Our Revolution altogether dwarfs the earlier development.40.


In short, I am proposing that the
reshapings of the rationales of conscience
compose fundamental phases in the makings of early modern cultures and that
from the late 19th Century forward, first
mainly in Germany after an abortive
episode in Napoleonic France,41then in
the United States and elsewhere, the
by-products and the off-shoots of these
makings were fused at great heats. If
we find the pathos of Weber's judgments
overwhelming, it is because Weber was
a supreme witness of what in the spirit
of German philosophy and sociologyHegel, Marx, Simmel-he construed as
a succession of fatal mechanizations of
the spirit.
Regrettably, I must reserve for the
future any extended show of evidence
that the dynamic political and administrative environments of Continental Europe, notably Germany and France, proved
to be the setting for the decisive fusions
of the regenerated Logics of science,
technology, industry, and educatioi. It
is the thrust which occurred in Germany
after 1870 to which Weber bears witness.
A startling expression of the way things
seemed to stand at the outbreak of
World War I will be found in an unengine did much more for science than science
did for the steam engine." A striking phrase
by Bertrand Russell may also be mentioned
in this connection: "The nineteenth century,
which prided itself upon the invention of steam
and evolution, might have derived a more
legitimate title to fame from the discovery of
pure mathematics." B. Russell (1929), in Newman (1956) IV, p. 1576.
40 Cf. the references in Note 9 above.
41 For the political resistance, see, now, the
studies of L. P. Williams (1956, 1962) and the
interesting work of M. Crosland (1967).

STUDY

OF RELIGION

forgettable, but rarely cited, essay by


Paul Valdry.42
In present-day America is the highest
point reached so far by the runaway
processes here described. Not far behind
in the race are current allies and former
enemies-the Soviet Union, the European
Powers, Japan, China. Hourly reports
from the world's capitals, laboratories
and battlefields all spell out the story:
A new format is spreading as new societies, new nations, a new world, and,
indeed, a new universe are in the throes
of coming into being. The greatest intensity yet known of high-speed and
fully-automated mechanical technologies
and high-speed and fully-automated nonmaterial information-systems and electronic microcircuitries is now upon us.
1917 and 1945 have been left far behind.
There is no one way of reading the new
signs of our new times. I permit myself
now to make only a few selected points
which recall my first paragraphs.
When Herzen, and, echoing him, Lenin,
spoke of "algebra of revolution," they
were referring to Hegel's dialectic and
the revolution by the Proletarian Vanguard. What would they say were they
living now? Would they not-might
they not-be impelled to say that if the
contemporary revolutions did have any
"algebra", that algebra is Universal Algebra

itself, for it is Universal Algebra which


is the key to the contemporary revolution in Science and Technoculture. In
the end, the accelerated advance and
Universal Collectivization, of intelligence,
information, and insight, upon which all
parties to the conflicts are dependingwhether they say so, know so, or not-all
point to Universal Algebra. No wonder
that government agencies, managers,
directors and program men of Brainmachine and information-processing factories are working so hard to set the
pace in the development of "systems
42 Valery (1962).

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CONSCIENCE,

REVOLUTIONS,

research."43 Today, brain workers are


being linked to brain machines as once
brawn workers were obliged to leave their
cottage looms to become machine tenders
in new factories and factory towns. This
is occurring in all industrial or industrializing societies whether they are capitalist,
socialist, communist, or whatever.44
Even those who recoil from all Rationalizations and denounce all Rationality and
Rationales-are they not counting on
openings to new technologies-non-symbolic-as well as symbolic-to produce
unlimited "Mind-Expansion"?45
The 20th Century Revolution in Science
and Technoculture now moving across
the world involves the likelihood of a
near total reconstruction of the received
sensory, electronic, and political environments. New frames of reference and
new ecologies of experience become our
daily fare with every fresh explosion
of our 20th Century gadgetry.46
IN SUM

The breakthroughs to the modernworld


and the propulsive developments now in
progress have less to do with the "spirit
of capitalism" and the "profit motive"
in their narrow senses than to the runaway effects of the dynamic fusions of
the by-products, not always hoped for,
of two complex movements:
1. The Protestant Reformation-and

its

bearings in respect to newer orientations toward self, society, and the city
of this world.
R. Boguslaw (1965); H. A. Simon (1965).
M. Mikulak in Dechert (ed.) 1967, pp.
129-168.
45 The recurring appearance of this phrase
in newer writings which seek to express the
spirit of the times hardly needs to be documented in any special way.
46 One does not have to accept all of the
claims and "proofs" of McLuhan in order to
accept this aspect of his argument, which was
anticipated by Paul Valery, among others.
See Valery (1962).
43
44

AND

WEBER

2. The Scientific

Revolution

167
and its

consequences in the way of a development of an universal symbolic mathematical science and technology. (The later
medieval-as well as Greek-antecedents
of many of the central turns of thought47
and the Catholic origins of many of the
foremost pioneers in this latter sphere
have not been sufficiently or accurately
stressed in previous research.)48
These fusions waited to occur at great
heats toward the close of the 19th Century
in Europe and the United States and are
now at the "exponential growth point."
The outcomes of the processes analysed
in this paper describe the integrals of
the aftermath of the revolutions touched
off by Luther and Calvin in the theological-religious sphere, and by Galileo,
Descartes-and, somewhat less significantly, Francis Bacon-in science, philosophy, technology.
The 20th Century World-Revolution
in Technoculture equals the new Universal Mathematics-Science-Engineering
powered by-and in the service ofProtestant life-ways. The Great Societies
associated with Protestantism integrate
new orders of self and society originating
in the 16th Century with Universal
Mathematics and Engineering-Science arising out of the revolutions of the 17th
Century.
Both of these movements-this point
cannot be too strongly emphasizedbegan as fundamental critiques of the
authoritative medieval integration of
"conscience-casuistry-and the cure of
souls," embodied in the Court of Conscience. In other words, the twofold
changes in the fundamental "Moralities
of Thought" and "Logics of Action" embraced in the earlier institution of con47 See Appendix

D.
B. Nelson (1968); also, now, for growing
awareness of the role of Catholic thinkers and
investigators in the early modern science, see
F. Russo in M6traux and Crouzet (1963); also
H. Kearny (1964).
48

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168

JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION

science constitute the necessary foundations of the accelerated passage now in


progress towards the universal symbolizacollectivizaautomation-and
tion-and
tion of individual and social intelligence,
memory and insight.

My approach in this paper evidently


disagrees with those-especially historians of Europe-who interpret Weber's
purposes in The Protestant Ethic in terms

CODA

Have we-as Weber thought we hadturn


last-fateful
passed another-the
on the way to the very acme of rationalization, the ultimate coincidence of the
points of maximum extent and maximum
intensity of rationalization of both the
inner and the outer spheres ?
Are there no social and cultural
potentials to be expected from the cultural technologies and rationale-systems
now awaiting realization?
Do not the very developments Weber
processes of "rationalfeared most-the
ization" in the forms of the "mechanizathe hopes as well
tion of spirit"-contain
as the perils of the future of Revolutions ?
We have done no more herein than
hint darkly at some of our "hunches"and hopes.50

of a local historical proposition about the


relation of economy and religion in 16th
Century Europe. The time has come to
call an end to the unfounded notion that
Weber was mainly interested in proving
the affinities of Protestantism, capitalism,
and Mammonism.
In the end, the proving grounds for
Weber's views are not Prussia or even
England, but the Soviet Union, the Far
East, the Near East, Africa-in short,
the world. Weber always intended the
APPENDIX A
notion of the "Protestant Ethic" to refer
Note to Title.)
foundations
(Continues
to the existential and cultural
mastery
the
to
committed
society
of a
Two additional remarksabout the main terms
of this world through intensive discipline of our analysis may be allowed here. Unless
and organization of the personal and otherwise indicated, the term "Rationalizasocial orders.
tion" is used in Weber's meanings, especially
Weber's images of rationalization every- in the sense of Zweckrationalitat, i.e., in the
where reflect the mammoth machinery terms made popular by Karl Mannheim,
of the Age of Iron and Steel. It is no functional rationalization-as distinguished from
wonder that he did not foresee what we so-called substantive rationality. (More precise
have hardly begun to understand our- and detailed discussion of the shadings of this
selves, almost a half-century after his kind will be found in the successiveinstallments
death. Some of the effects of the era now of this study.)
unfolding are, indeed, as unimaginable
The second perspective from which we will
as the remote outcomes of the spin- study selected basic changesin directive systems
ning jenny once were to the Luddites, and symbolic technologies, e.g., "crisesof credor Rutherford's model of the atom was ibility" and "redefinitionsof rationales"is sugto many of the greatest physicists and gested by a resonant phrase which Alexander
chemists of his day. Mechanical mam- Herzen used about Hegel's philosophy: the
moths and inert organization are not "ALGEBRAOF REVOLUTION." (This phrase
having their way in everything.
was later echoed by Lenin who made it famous
New forms of experience-shared and
individual-are exploding at every turn
49 See the closing pages of Weber (1904-05)
-and all of us are being driven by intr. of 1930. Cf. B. Nelson (1965a).
in
visible leading strings to respond to and
50
I trust to deal with these "hunches and
directive
to create for ourselves new
at greater length in essays now in
hopes"
designs
new
to
discover
and
programs
progress.
for living and for making our livings.

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CONSCIENCE, REVOLUTIONS, AND WEBER


by his use.) I shall be speaking of different
algebras, different revolutions-in
the plural.
Background material on the history of the
ideas and institutions connected with the Court
of Conscience, the so-called "Court Christian,"
will be offered in a companion piece to this
present essay, which is expected to appear in
an early issue of Social Research. For other
reference points in our survey, see now the
following items in the References below under
B. Nelson (1949, 1963, 1964a, 1956b, 1965e,
1965f, 1965h, 1967a, 1967c, 1968a).
The passage from Herzen is given in Appendix B immediately following.
APPENDIX

(See Note 4)
In the midst of this feud [with Byelinskyl,
I saw the necessity ex ipso fonte bibere and
began studying Hegel in earnest. I even think
that a man who has not lived through Hegel's
Phenomenology and Proudhon's Contradictions
of Political Economy, who has not passed
through that furnace and been tempered by
it, is not complete, not modern.
When I had grown used to Hegel's language
and mastered his method, I began to perceive
that Hegel was much nearer to our standpoint
than to the standpoint of his followers; he
was so in his early works, he was so everywhere
where his genius had got out of hand and had
dashed forward forgetting the gates of Brandenburg. The philosophy of Hegel is the algebra
01 revolution,* it emancipates a man in an
extraordinary way and leaves not a stone
standing of the Christian world, of the world
of outlived tradition. But, perhaps with intention, it is badly formulated. Just as in
there with more justificamathematics-only
tion-men
do not go back to the definition
of space, movement, force, but continue the
dialectical development of their laws and
qualities, so in the formal understanding of
philosophy, after once becoming accustomed
to the first principles, men go on merely
drawing deductions....
[This remarkable statement by Herzen deserves to be read to the end. I have assumed
* Italics mine.

169

that Herzen meant to refer to Hegel's Phenomenology (1807) and Proudhon's SystOme
des contradictions tconomiques (1846) and have,
therefore emended the translator's rendering.
B. N.J
APPENDIX

(See Note 22)


Weber did, in fact, have other options, for
example:
a) He could well have placed greater stress
on the "universalism-particularism" motifs in
the history of institutions and ideas from the
Middle Ages to the present. Indeed, references
to the implications of the passage from the
caritative familistic strains to the more impersonal associational forms will be found
throughout his writings from the very earliest
days of his dissertation (1889) to his last
orations and university lectures. See B. Nelson
(1949), esp. Appendix, pp. 141-65. The growing
relevance of this perspective for the present
times is indicated in B. Nelson (1965, 1967
new preface);
b) Weber might also have spared himself
much criticism if he had given as much prominence in his text as he did in his notes to the
theme of the increasing importance of impersonal service on behalf of an impersonal end.
c) Also there is vast evidence that he would
have wanted one thing to give greater prominence to than he did to two points of reference
we have emphasized here: the role of developments in the logics of decision in the spheres
of conscience and the critical importance of
symbolic technologies. Weber had deep interests in both of the latter perspectives but
he never gave them the separate mention they
deserved.
It may be noted, in passing, that Weber
wrote very little on technology as such. I
hope to discuss this at greater length on another
occasion.
APPENDIX

(See Note 47)


Too many historians and sociologists of
science assume that all the important developments in recent as well as early modern science

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and technology have their source in the influence of the Protestant Ethic. Bacon and the
Puritan Ethic are assumed to have broken the
older mould and to have prepared the way for
the normative climate needed to sustain science.
As I have already contended elsewhere (B.
Nelson, 1965f), this view greatly simplifies the
situation. I would only stress one point now.
Science and technology are not one. Bacon
may have been a focus of inspiration in the
"Scientific Movement" but he can hardly be
called the intellectual progenitor of the Revolutions in astronomy, mathematics, physics.
The fact is that the indispensible keys to
the contemporary advance of Science were
new geometries, new philosophical perspectives,
new mathematical symbolisms, new combinatorial logics, new theories of order. Experiment
and technology hardly create the whole story
of the startling advances of the 20th Century.
The newer insights into the importance of
mathematics is having its impact on the newer
awarenesses of the history of science. Recent
work by a number of younger scholars, especially John Murdoch of Harvard, is helping to
make clear the vast importance of the work
of the Oxford mathematical logicians and physicists of the 14th Century, especially the
scholastics of Alerton College, Oxford. Richard
Suiseth or Swineshead, the famed Calculator,
exerted great fascination on Leibniz himself.
Combinatorial logics also owe a good deal to
the inspiration of Raymond Lull, who was
intent on converting Muslims by the device of
a "logic machine."
For history of this tradition, see now P.
Rossi (1960).
The "Protestant Ethic" had much less influence than scholastic formalism in encouraging the spread of mathematical-logical viewpoints in the early modern era. These threads
of my story have yet to be drawn together.
Incidentally, Luther had a horror of mathematics as the ultimate enemy of theology.
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