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SCHOLASTICRATIONALES OF 'CONSCIENCE',
EARLY MODERN CRISES OF CREDIBILITY,
REVOLUTIONS
AND THE SCIENTIFIC-TECHNOCULTURAL
OF THE 17th AND 20th CENTURIES*
BENJAMIN
NELSON
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scholastic
rationales
of
conscience,6
the
see the translation by Parsons in Weber (1904- only for its convenience as a conceptual short5), pp. 13-31.
hand.
4 Herzen (1922, intro. Garnett), II, 121-22.
2 Intimations of this are less frequently to
be found among social scientists than among For Herzen's statement, see Appendix B.
5 Lenin, In Memory of Herzen. In Works
those who make themselves responsible for the
long-term diagnosis of the "spiritualdestinies" XVIII, p. 26. (I happily acknowledge the
of our civilizations. See e.g., P. Val6ry (1962), help of my student, Mr. Donald Nielsen in
P. Tillich (1936), Ortega y Gasset (195f, 1958). tracking down the above citations of Herzen
We are in need of studies which analyze the and Lenin.)
8 K. Kirk (1927), T. Wood (1952), B. Nelson
relations among these revolutions. Approaches
to this end will be found in recent works by (1967a).
7 For the views
J. K. Galbraith, Gunner Myrdal, and in a less
of Luther and Calvin on
formal vein by M. Harrington, D. Michael, the new science, see E. Rosen (1958), J.
and especially H. Marcuseand Paul Goodman. Dillenberger (1960).
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CONSCIENCE,
REVOLUTIONS,
AND
WEBER
159
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A second feature of Weber's work attracted me no less than the first: his
fascination with time's many faces. In
the spirit of Weber, I have ever needed
to discover the present-and the future
-in the past, and to experience the past
-and the future-in the present.'3
STUDY
the previous
OF RELIGION
era'6. . . or that we have
elsewhere20.
to
inner-
(1966).
17 R. La Piere (1959).
18 D. Riesman (1950).
19 McLuhan (1964), Whyte (1956).
20 B. Nelson (1965g, 1969b).
21 His strict commitment to his "ideal-type"
method did, however, sometimes have the effect of constraining his movement among the
"variables" between his coordinates. It always
needs to be remembered that though Weber
had a masterly knowledge of historical sources
-see B. Nelson (1965d)-his method was that
of a systematic theoretician of a scientific
sociology of comparative sociocultural process.
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My present thesis runs very differently: Ours is a PERSPECTIVAL-PLUS-TECHNOLOGICAL Revolution, actually a revolution newly unleashing fused resources
of Science-Art-Sensibility-Technique,25a
Revolution in which for the first time in
the history of our civilization, the fullest
potentialities of a new physics, mathematics, and logic are finding expression
in a sort of universal algebra (an Algorithm)26 now being powered by the world22
See Appendix C.
It is far too early to detail these landscapes
but see now two works which appeared while
our essay was on its way through the press.
Brzezinski (1968), Kahn and Weiner (1968).
See, also: D. Bell (1967) and C. Dechert (1968).
A full-length study of the cross-currentsof the
half-dozen revolutions in progress remains a
desideratum; cf. B. Nelson (1951), H. Lasswell
(1935).
24 Fresh surveys will be found in C. Moraz6
(1966) and D. Landes (1969).
25 Insights into this scientific and artistic
source of these newer fused powers will be
found in the work of Russell (1929), Whitehead
(1925, esp.ch. 2), Langer (1948), Cassirer(1955),
T. Dantzig (1954).
26 For the history of the notion of mathesis
23
161
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162
First: new ways have to be found of according due weight to the Rationales and
Rationale-Systems-the decision-matrices
of all action and thought-as active
factors in sociocultural process.
Second: we must learn to recognize
that, whatever Weber and others have
insisted, the mechanisms of spirit are
not to be confused with the spirit of
mechanism.28The relations between them,
always changing and ever paradoxical,
will have to be studied anew if we are
to spare ourselves from falling into confusions of thought and action greater
than those that beset us now.
In effecting this shift, we need to draw
upon two sources of fresh insight: (a)
the concepts of social scientists and humanists other than Weber who excelled
in the study of sociocutural process
(For the moment I mention only Sir
Henry Sumner Maine and Emile Durkheim); (b) the contemporary historians
and philosophers of science who have
made advances precisely in the analysis
of the logics of decision.29
Basically in complex societies and cultures of the western world, all social
action has regularly involved reference
to bodies of protocols which correlate
all notions and evidential canons, associated with the proof or disproof, of arguments for or against any given declaration or claim whether the declaration be
about what is or was or ought to be.
Among the most important instances of
such logics and technologies undergoing
development, in my view, are rationalesystems, structures of reasons, explanations, procedures establishing require28
29
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di3tortion.33
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of conscience.34As continuing Continent- ideas of self and group religious responal usage should serve to recall, the Latin sibility and political responsibility, recon-scientahad imbedded within it a dual ligious destiny and spiritual direction
reference:35 (a) the moral conscience in were reshaped in idiomatic ways in the
the sense of the "proximate" rule-after
distinctive new orders which came to be
the Reformation, many said the ultimate constituted in the different Protestant
rule36--ofright reason in the moral sphere culture-areas.
and (b) philosophical and scientific knowlNew civilizations fusing newer elements
edge. It is, therefore, no wonder that and reconstituted older elements occurred
all important cultural and social innova- everywhere and, indeed, efforts were octions in our period had to involve ref- casionally made everywhere to restore
erences to or a reconstruction of the integrated medieval patterns. But again
logics of decision in the spheres of ac- and again the embattled core of Prottion and thought, in the scientific and estantism has resisted attempts to reunite
moral domains alike.
"conscience-casuistry-and the cure of
souls" in a single tribunal or institution.37
PROTESTANT REFORMATION AND
Protestantism has persisted in moving
C.
SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTION:
16TH-17TH
in the dlrection of new structures of
The 16th and 17th Centuries saw two personal and social order.
2. The Scientific and Philosophical Revmajor revolutions within the frames
described here. Our story tells under two olution. The medieval union of "conscience-casuistry-and cure of souls" also
rubrics as follows:
1. The Protestant Reformations saw the forms a critical part of the background of
successful challenge to the Court of Copernicus, Galileo, Descartes, Pascal
Conscience, and other directive agencies and many others who pioneered in the
of the medieval church, in respect to "Early Modern Revolution in Science and
regulation of action and decision in the Philosophy"-a fact yet to be duly apmoral-religious spheres. Starting as early preciated by many sociologists and hisas Luther's Ninety-Five Theses, the main torians of the movements of science and
stream of Protestants regularly opposed philosophy. The appearance of the newer
the idea of a Court of Conscience, a Law developments in Catholic backgrounds
of Conscience,humanjudgesof Conscience, and in Catholic culture-areas made it
and so on. In the wake of these develop- inevitable that the aforementioned pioments, all the fundamental images and neers of the early modern Revolution
in Science and Philosophy would come
34 For the history of this structure of rationinto head-on conflict with the principles
ales, see K. Kirk (1927), P. Michaud-Quantin
and procedures of the established direc(1962), T. Wood (1952).
tive systems.
35 An unusually interesting use of this realizaHungering for truth and subjective
tion will be found in an early essay by the
certitude they struggled to establishlearned psychoanalyst, B. Lewin (1930). The
and thought they had established-knowlentire matter deserves to be freshly and in- edge and objective certainty. The inCf. B. Nelson (1965g)
tensively examined.
novators rejected the Establishment's acfor a survey of issues and literature; also see commodating logics of decision and the
M. Mauss (1935), L. Brunschvicg (1953).
certifications of proof in the sphere of
36 For Luther's stress on the element of scientific and philosophic knowledge. A
Wissen in Gewissen, see R. Bainton in Castellio
"prophetic" impulse spurred them to
(1554, p. 193); cf. B. Nelson (1965g), G. Williams (1957), Rufus Jones (1932), A. P. Woodhouse (1951), E. Battis (1962), L. Solt (1959).
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165
challenge the received casuistries of explanation-the fictionalism and probabilism-associated with the accommodating strategies of Osiander and Bellarmine
in respect to casuistry of opinion and
hypothesis. I have discussed these issues
at length in an article just published.37a
As different and even contradictory
as they were in many of their views and
motivations, there is one critical sense
in which the pioneers of the Reformation
and the pioneers of the Scientific Revolution converged. All the leadersLuther, Calvin, Galileo, Descartes, Pascal
-attacked the late medieval casuistry
of conscience and probabilism of opinion
at their very roots. Moreover, their attacks against every shade and grade of
conjecturalism, fictionalism, and probabilism were put forward in the name of
subjective certitude and objective cer-
39 See, esp. Koenig (1957), recalling an oftcited remark by L. J. Henderson: "The steam
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CONSCIENCE,
REVOLUTIONS,
its
bearings in respect to newer orientations toward self, society, and the city
of this world.
R. Boguslaw (1965); H. A. Simon (1965).
M. Mikulak in Dechert (ed.) 1967, pp.
129-168.
45 The recurring appearance of this phrase
in newer writings which seek to express the
spirit of the times hardly needs to be documented in any special way.
46 One does not have to accept all of the
claims and "proofs" of McLuhan in order to
accept this aspect of his argument, which was
anticipated by Paul Valery, among others.
See Valery (1962).
43
44
AND
WEBER
2. The Scientific
Revolution
167
and its
consequences in the way of a development of an universal symbolic mathematical science and technology. (The later
medieval-as well as Greek-antecedents
of many of the central turns of thought47
and the Catholic origins of many of the
foremost pioneers in this latter sphere
have not been sufficiently or accurately
stressed in previous research.)48
These fusions waited to occur at great
heats toward the close of the 19th Century
in Europe and the United States and are
now at the "exponential growth point."
The outcomes of the processes analysed
in this paper describe the integrals of
the aftermath of the revolutions touched
off by Luther and Calvin in the theological-religious sphere, and by Galileo,
Descartes-and, somewhat less significantly, Francis Bacon-in science, philosophy, technology.
The 20th Century World-Revolution
in Technoculture equals the new Universal Mathematics-Science-Engineering
powered by-and in the service ofProtestant life-ways. The Great Societies
associated with Protestantism integrate
new orders of self and society originating
in the 16th Century with Universal
Mathematics and Engineering-Science arising out of the revolutions of the 17th
Century.
Both of these movements-this point
cannot be too strongly emphasizedbegan as fundamental critiques of the
authoritative medieval integration of
"conscience-casuistry-and the cure of
souls," embodied in the Court of Conscience. In other words, the twofold
changes in the fundamental "Moralities
of Thought" and "Logics of Action" embraced in the earlier institution of con47 See Appendix
D.
B. Nelson (1968); also, now, for growing
awareness of the role of Catholic thinkers and
investigators in the early modern science, see
F. Russo in M6traux and Crouzet (1963); also
H. Kearny (1964).
48
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CODA
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(See Note 4)
In the midst of this feud [with Byelinskyl,
I saw the necessity ex ipso fonte bibere and
began studying Hegel in earnest. I even think
that a man who has not lived through Hegel's
Phenomenology and Proudhon's Contradictions
of Political Economy, who has not passed
through that furnace and been tempered by
it, is not complete, not modern.
When I had grown used to Hegel's language
and mastered his method, I began to perceive
that Hegel was much nearer to our standpoint
than to the standpoint of his followers; he
was so in his early works, he was so everywhere
where his genius had got out of hand and had
dashed forward forgetting the gates of Brandenburg. The philosophy of Hegel is the algebra
01 revolution,* it emancipates a man in an
extraordinary way and leaves not a stone
standing of the Christian world, of the world
of outlived tradition. But, perhaps with intention, it is badly formulated. Just as in
there with more justificamathematics-only
tion-men
do not go back to the definition
of space, movement, force, but continue the
dialectical development of their laws and
qualities, so in the formal understanding of
philosophy, after once becoming accustomed
to the first principles, men go on merely
drawing deductions....
[This remarkable statement by Herzen deserves to be read to the end. I have assumed
* Italics mine.
169
that Herzen meant to refer to Hegel's Phenomenology (1807) and Proudhon's SystOme
des contradictions tconomiques (1846) and have,
therefore emended the translator's rendering.
B. N.J
APPENDIX
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and technology have their source in the influence of the Protestant Ethic. Bacon and the
Puritan Ethic are assumed to have broken the
older mould and to have prepared the way for
the normative climate needed to sustain science.
As I have already contended elsewhere (B.
Nelson, 1965f), this view greatly simplifies the
situation. I would only stress one point now.
Science and technology are not one. Bacon
may have been a focus of inspiration in the
"Scientific Movement" but he can hardly be
called the intellectual progenitor of the Revolutions in astronomy, mathematics, physics.
The fact is that the indispensible keys to
the contemporary advance of Science were
new geometries, new philosophical perspectives,
new mathematical symbolisms, new combinatorial logics, new theories of order. Experiment
and technology hardly create the whole story
of the startling advances of the 20th Century.
The newer insights into the importance of
mathematics is having its impact on the newer
awarenesses of the history of science. Recent
work by a number of younger scholars, especially John Murdoch of Harvard, is helping to
make clear the vast importance of the work
of the Oxford mathematical logicians and physicists of the 14th Century, especially the
scholastics of Alerton College, Oxford. Richard
Suiseth or Swineshead, the famed Calculator,
exerted great fascination on Leibniz himself.
Combinatorial logics also owe a good deal to
the inspiration of Raymond Lull, who was
intent on converting Muslims by the device of
a "logic machine."
For history of this tradition, see now P.
Rossi (1960).
The "Protestant Ethic" had much less influence than scholastic formalism in encouraging the spread of mathematical-logical viewpoints in the early modern era. These threads
of my story have yet to be drawn together.
Incidentally, Luther had a horror of mathematics as the ultimate enemy of theology.
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