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TAMIL SPEAKING LAWYER


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Tamil leadership need not shy away or


react to unfair challenge coming from Sumanthiran
in Colombo, If the NPC does not
do it, the world will not take the
Tamils contention that they had been
subjected to genocide seriously.
In fact, the world seeing Tamils
subjected to genocide will not come
through by the added resolution urged
by Sumanthiran, as the so-called IC, the
UN and Sumanthiran himself showed
utter disregards to the earlier resolutions
of the NPC as well as the resolutions
of the Tamil Nadu State Assembly.

The Eezham Tamil leadership


should positively consider seeking
pardon from the Tamil-speaking
Muslims, explaining the dynamics,
going back to the root of the evil
lying in the mentality of the sections
of elite of all sides in upholding the
colonially created Colombo-centric
genocidal State in the island and its
patrons outside, commented Tamil
activists for alternative politics in
the island. The Muslim grievances,
as often highlighted by them, do not
begin from the LTTE eviction of
Muslims from Jaffna. They start from
Sir. P. Ramanathan, lawyering and
achieving impunity for the Colombocentric Sinhala leaderships crimes
against Muslims in the Puththa'lam
pogrom of 1915. The dynamics

of Colombo, now added with


international partners in deploying
lawyers to seek impunity continues
to this day, the activists said.
The activists were responding to
Colombo-based TNA parliamentarian
Mr. M.A. Sumanthiran urging the
Northern Provincial Council headed
by Justice C.V. Wigneswaran to
pass a resolution condemning the
en masse expulsion of Muslims by
the LTTE which amounts to ethnic
cleansing in 1990, just as it [NPC]
passed a resolution in condemning
the genocide conducted against the
Tamils.
According to Sumanthiran, cited
by The New Indian Express reporter

The LTTE act on


Muslims itself, its
antecedents and after
effects, need careful
perusal. The line of
talks in 2002 between
the LTTE leader V
Pirapaharan and SLMC
leader Rauf Hakeem
also needs consideration
in this context.
What Sumanthiran urges amounts

to ridicule of the Eezham Tamil


claim of a large-scale, internationally
engineered genocide, in order to
equate the crimes of both sides
and ultimately serve the agenda of
seeking impunity and integrity of the
Colombo-centric genocidal State and
its abettors.
But the Eezham Tamil leadership
and activists in the island and in
the diaspora need not shy away or
react to the unfair challenge coming
from just a lawyer engaged by
international culprits.
Eezham Tamils should be able to
see that Tamil and Muslim leadership,
at one point or another, and the
Sinhala leadership always, trying to
uphold the State in Colombo or the
agenda of its sponsors outside, is the
root cause of all evils.
The LTTE act on Muslims itself,
its antecedents and after effects, need
careful perusal. The line of talks in
2002 between the LTTE leader V
Pirapaharan and SLMC leader Rauf
Hakeem also needs consideration in
this context.
Eezham Tamil polity seeking
pardon from Tamil-speaking Muslims
should be unassuming, but it should
come in an enlightening way to the
edification of the Colombo-centric
agenda or the powers-guided agenda,
pursued in the past as well as in

the present. Otherwise, it may only


amount to conferring impunity to the
State in Colombo and its abettors.
Answering Mr Sumanthiran is
insignificant. The response should
be fundamentally revolutionary to
impact the agenda-setters behind him
as well as the Tamil mindset.

But the Eezham Tamil


leadership and activists
in the island and in
the diaspora need not
shy away or react to
the unfair challenge
coming from just a
lawyer engaged by
international culprits.
The apology may first come for
Tamil polity in the past securing
impunity to Sinhala leaders
committing crimes against Muslims
in a Colombo-centric State emerging
under the British. Seeking pardon for
the LTTE act may also follow. But,
the game of internationally lawyering
impunity to the genocidal State and
upholding its integrity continues.
This is what that most seriously
needs condemnation by Tamil polity.
- Courtesy: TamilNet

pg

NOVEMBER 06 - NOVEMBER 19, 2015

Political Participation Of
Oppressed Castes & The Need For A
Progressive Political Tamil Nationalism
struggle to be part of such politics.
The oppressed castes consistently
remain as potential voters rather than
potential political candidates/leaders.

By Thanges Paramsothy
he question of why a single
person from oppressed caste
T
groups could not become as a member
of parliament in the last parliamentary
election held on 17th August 2015
has not yet been asked or answered.
Seven members of parliament from
Jaffna electoral division were selected
as qualified members according to
the population ratio. Among them,
a single member is not from the
oppressed caste groups, while such
caste groups occupy more than half of
the Jaffna population. However, only
two individuals from oppressed caste,
Pallar, out of thirty-eight members
have become as members of northern
provincial council in the last election
held on 21st September 2013.
The criticism against the TNA is
that they appoint one person from
the oppressed castes as a candidate
at every parliamentary election
in order to show that they are
casteless in their selection process
of the candidates. However, the past
experience shows that the person
who was selected as a contesting
candidate in the TNA would be as a
potential loser than a winner.
The five oppressed castes groups,
who are now majority in numerical
terms, are in a position to become as
potential political leaders in Tamil
nationalist politics. Apart from the
numerical strength of oppressed
castes, they also have a higher record
in their educational achievement,
socioeconomic mobility. However,
they still fail to become as active
participants in the Tamil nationalist
politics. A number of left movements
functioned among Tamils before the
armed ethnic conflict had contributed
in demolishing untouchability to
a great extent from Tamil society.
However, they did not mobilise
the oppressed castes to question/
challenge the Vellalar-led Tamil
nationalist politics that in number
of instances fails to take affirmative
actions against internal backwardness
and discrimination in terms of caste,
gender, class and religion. The
question arises why are the oppressed
castes unable to enter into the Tamil
political mainstream? To what extent
does the Vellalar-led Tamil national

political system work to include


the oppressed caste persons as their
potential leaders? In order to answer
these questions, we need to analyse
the Tamil national political trend and
the psyche of both oppressed and
dominant caste groups.

Tamil armed groups


particularly the LTTE
challenged this casteoriented politics.
Those who were in
lower positions in the
constructed hierarchical
caste order became as
leaders taking upper
hand in the LTTE
movement.
Even though some authors see
the origin of Tamil nationalism
with the Tamil kingdom before the
colonial powers and Saiva revivalist
Arumukanavalar (Gunasingam1999;
Cheran 2009), the Tamil nationalist
politics has been increasingly
constructed in relation to defensive
or reactive nationalism, which denies
identifying the existing internal
differences. The Tamil nationalist
politics throughout its known history
systematically avoid seriously
looking at its caste-oriented politics,
where oppressed castes rarely or
never have a leadership position. As
the government of Sri Lanka fails to
take an affirmative action to the Tamil
national question, the Tamil nationalist
politics continuously fails to change
the traditional caste domination in
its political mobilisation. It has a
complete blindness on this issue. The
internal differences in terms of caste
are expected to continue as such
whereas the all Tamils are expected
uniting them under the Tamil
nationalist project. This political
mobilisation creates a scenario where
a segment of Vellalar and their close
associates take upper hand and others
particularly the oppressed castes

Apart from the systematic exclusion


of oppressed caste in the Tamil
nationalist political movement, there
is also a lack of awareness/motivation
among the oppressed caste groups in
articulating their social capital for
a betterment of the underprivileged
and marginalised groups in
particular and Tamils in general.
The educated oppressed caste groups
for some reason also avoid participating
in Tamil nationalist politics.
The younger generation of oppressed
castes who mobilised upwardly in terms
of education and economy see that
caste plays a little role in society.
However, most of such generation
contradicting to their view either avoid
identifying them with a particular
caste group or pretend that they
belong to dominant caste Vellalar.
Their attempt is not simply creating a
casteless society but rather achieving
status in caste ladder/hierarchical
order. This in turn supports the
Vellalar political leaders to continue
their domination in Tamil politics,
where the oppressed castes are simply
viewers/voters than participants.
As we know, caste struggle against
untouchability has much longer
history than the ethnic conflict in
Sri Lanka. If we count the date, it is
one century older in Tamil political
and social history. The internal caste
differences, which were openly
practiced in Tamil areas particularly
in Jaffna, had challenged the Vellalaroriented Tamil political mobilisation.
Some Vellalar leaders such as
Sivasithamparam, Amirthalingam
and Naganathan who contested
respectively
in
Udduppiddy,
Vaddukkoddai and Nallur electoral
divisions were defeated in the
parliamentary election in 1970 due
to the opposition of underprivileged
caste groups against the Vellalar
leaderships. This was also because
these Vellalar leaderships were not
supportive and in some instances
acted against the struggle against
castisim, which reached its peak in the
1960s. However, the increasing threat
to the notion of homeland (territory),
language, citizenship, employment
and educational opportunities
destroying the nationhood of the Tamil
people due to the Southern Sinhala
Buddhist extremism and its power
were utilised by the Vellalar political
leaders in order to unite people under
their leadership undermining internal
inequality, which went against their
political leadership in the previous
parliamentary election.
The Sinhala Buddhist extremism
threatening to Tamil ethnic identity
and political freedom in turn
were supportive for those who
want to exercise blindness on its
own inequality and maltreatment.
This was also the period when the
oppressed castes and left movements
achieved a notable success in
demolishing the untouchability

among Jaffna Tamils. Some authors


see the achievement of the struggle
against castisim as a symbolic
success considering its limitation
and boundary (Sivathamby 2007).
In order to fulfil the grievances of
oppressed castes, the mobilisation
against caste discriminations
also became as part of political
manifesto in the Vaddukkoddy
election campaign in 1977 along
with the demand for a separate Tamil
homeland. However, a single step
has not yet been taken by such Tamil
nationalist leaders in order to fulfil the
grievances of oppressed caste groups.
They continue their Tamil nationalist
project getting a tremendous support
from the oppressed caste groups
rather than providing an equal
opportunity to participate in Tamil
nationalist politics.
The Tamil nationalist project
led by the Vellalar went to its
extreme claiming a separate Tamil
state, Tamil Eelam due to the
failure of their negotiations with
Sinhala extremists for a political
solution. This has tremendously
helped them to achieve uniting all
Tamils irrespective of caste, class,
religious and gender differences for
their political purpose. Those who
previously voted against the Vellalar
leadership are now forced to vote
such political leaders considering the
threats to Tamil ethnic identity and
its nationhood. The Vellalar Tamil
nationalist politics soon capitalised
the extreme positions of the Sinhala
Buddhist nationalism in order to
unite the Tamils under the Vellalarled Tamil nationalism. However, the
Tamil armed groups particularly the
LTTE then challenged this casteoriented politics. Those who were
in lower positions in the constructed
hierarchical caste order became as
leaders taking upper hand in the
LTTE movement.

They continue their


Tamil nationalist project
getting a tremendous
support from the
oppressed caste groups
rather than providing
an equal opportunity
to participate in Tamil
nationalist politics.
The LTTE movement, which was in
power, to some extent had destroyed
this political domination within its
movement giving leaderships to all
caste groups. Thamilchelvan, for
example, who was from one of the
oppressed caste groups, Ampattar,
became as a leader of the political
wings in the LTTE movement.
Apart from the debate on success,
failure and problems in the political
mobilisation of the LTTE, it had the
negotiating power where people from
different social and caste backgrounds
became as participants. Soon after
the LTTE was defeated, the Tamil
politics is once again been dominated
by the Vellalar caste in Jaffna. The
oppressed castes have a little or no
space to become as potential leaders.
( Continued on page 24)

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NOVEMBER 06 - NOVEMBER 19, 2015

Bahu backs US cover-up


of Sri Lankan war crimes

change operation via a presidential


election that ousted Rajapakse and
installed Sirisena and laid the basis
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Karunaratne, for a pro-US United National Party
the leader of the pseudo-left Nava (UNP)-led government to come to
Sama Samaja Party (NSSP), is in the office in the August general election.
forefront of justifying the collusion of
Washingtons shift involves no
the United States with the Sri Lankan
ruling elites in covering up their war contradiction whatsoever. In both
crimes during the 26-year communal cases, the US used the phony banner
war against the separatist Liberation of human rights to advance its geoTigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). In political interests.
doing so, the NSSP leader has again
In a column published in the statedemonstrated that he is firmly in the
owned Daily News on October 3,
imperialist camp.
NSSP leader Karunaratne absurdly
Washington and Colombo worked hailed the US change as proof
together to pass a resolution at the that Washington was responding
UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to popular sentiment in Sri Lanka.
session on October 1 on human right Global powers were enthusiastic
abuses in Sri Lanka. The US supported for an international war crimes
the convening of a domestic investigation, he wrote. However,
inquiry with international help now together with the Lankan
that will enable President Maithripala Government, they favour a purely
Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil domestic process. Clearly the mass
Wickremesinghe to sweep the many uprising in Lanka has opened the eyes
of global powers.
atrocities under the carpet.

By : K. Ratnayake

A UN experts committee estimated


that at least 40,000 Tamil civilians
were killed by the Sri Lankan military
during the final months of the war in
2009. The army deliberately targeted
hospitals, aid centres and its own selfdeclared no-fire zones.
Previously the US called for
an international investigation as a
means of pressuring former President
Mahinda Rajapakse to end his close
ties with China. However in January,
Washington engineered a regime-

This stands for reality on its


head. What Karunaratne calls a
mass uprising or a democratic
revolution is the January presidential
election that the US orchestrated. The
Obama administration did so with the
assistance of the NSSP, which helped
corral public hostility to Rajapakse
behind
SirisenaWashingtons
chosen candidate. As for human
rights, the US firstly exploited the
issue to put pressure on Rajapakse
then, having installed its chosen
candidate, was quite content to drop

the matter, leaving it up to the new partner, has long advocated a political
solution as the means of ending
government.
communal conflict that has been a
One can trace how the NSSPs destabilising factor in the southern
positions abjectly follow in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The various
footsteps of Washington, at every bourgeois Tamil organisations, such
point justifying the US actions.
as the Tamil National Alliance (TNA)
and UK-based Global Tamil Forum,
* In March 2013, as it was with which the NSSP has close ties,
intensifying the pressure on Rajapakse,
also back a political solution as the
the US sponsored a resolution at
means of advancing the interests of
UNHRC sessions calling on Colombo
the Tamil elites.
to implement the proposals made by its
Lessons Learned and Reconciliation
In this context, NSSP leader
Commission (LLRC). Rajapakse Karunaratne now claims that the US
appointed the LLRC to deflect has fallen into linewith a policy
mounting international criticism of that it has backed all along! [The
his governments human rights record global powers] had to admit that
and whitewash its crimes. He simply though they supported [the] Mahinda
ignored the commissions limited [Rajapakse] regime there wasnt
recommendations.
the slightest prospect of a political
solution, whereas there is now at least
Writing in the Daily Mirror at the
a reasonable prospect for it.
time, Karunaratne supported the US
resolution, warning that any failure
The US and its allies have not
to implement the LLRC proposals backed Rajapakse since 2009,
could lead to international sanctions. when the defeat of the LTTE was
At the same time, he praised UNP imminent, and their thoughts turned
leader Wickremesinghe as a defender to the political situation in Colombo
of democracy and supported after the war. Having marginalised
the declaration of the UNP-led China through Rajapakses removal,
Vipakshaye Virodhaya (VV), or Washington is now encouraging
protest of opposition, that it was ready Sirisena and Wickremesinghe to reach
to help the government to implement a deal with the Tamil bourgeoisie
the LLRC recommendations.
in order to stabilise the political
situation.
* In 2014, the US toughened
its stand against Rajapakse and
The ruling UNP is already seeking to
sponsored another UNHCR resolution provide some sort of accommodation
which called for an international to the TNA, as has done in the past.
investigation.
Karunaratne In 1987, the UNP government enacted
enthusiastically
supported the 13th amendment to the constitution
Washingtons stance, even saying that as part of the Indo-Lanka Accord
he would fly to Geneva to add his voice to disarm and suppress the LTTE.
to the call for an international inquiry. The 13th amendment established a
provincial council system that was
The resolution passed but, not
supposed to give local autonomy to
wanting to alienate the Rajapakse
the Tamil minority but was never
government,
India
abstained.
implemented in the war zones of the
Karunaratne was furious, declaring in
North and East.
Ceylon Today: The step taken by the
Indian government has exposed the
Now some form of devolution is
close relationship between the back on the agenda as a means of
Rajapakse regime and the present Indian enlisting the support of the TNA,
rulers. In effect, Mahinda behaves like which has already given its indirect
a subordinate ruler of India.
backing to the government. The TNA
joined the National Executive Council
Now that a pro-US government
established by Wickremesinghe and
has been installed in office, the NSSP
Sirisena after Januarys election.
leader is enthusing that Washington is
Sirisena also helped TNA leader R.
backing a political solution to the
Sambandan to assume the post of
islands ethnic divisions. This term
parliamentary opposition leader.
is used in Colombo to refer to a
power-sharing arrangement between
The chief purpose of the moves
countrys Sinhala and Tamil elites. It toward a political solution is to
has nothing to do with meeting the consolidate the Sri Lankan ruling
democratic aspirations of the Tamil elites in the face of a mounting social
minority, or the working class and economic crisis. The political
Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim.
establishment is acutely aware that
implementing the austerity demands
India, Washingtons strategic
of the International Monetary Fund

13

will provoke widespread opposition


and resistance by working people.
The islands two longstanding
bourgeois partiesthe UNP and Sri
Lanka Freedom Partyhave formed
a national unity government to take on
the working class.
Once again, the NSSP voices the
deepest needs of imperialism, as
well as the islands ruling classes,
for a bloc against workers, young
people and the rural poor. The chief
obstacle to a political solution is
the communal politics exploited by
establishment politicians for decades
to divide the working class and shore
up their rule.

Having marginalised
China through
Rajapakses removal,
Washington is now
encouraging Sirisena
and Wickremesinghe
to reach a deal with the
Tamil bourgeoisie in
order to stabilise the
political situation.
NSSP leader Karunaratne calls for
a campaign outside the government
[of] trade unions, civil organisations
and social democratic political
groups to press the government
forward. The need of the hour is the
backing of the mass organisations
that will lead to a unity with power
sharing.
The working class should reject
this political trap which aims
at subordinating it to the political
establishment as the government steps
up the onslaught on living standards.
Workers need to forge their own unity
around common class interests and
mobilise independently of all factions
of the Sri Lankan bourgeoisie in the
fight for a workers and peasants
government to implement socialist
policies.
That is the perspective for which
the Socialist Equality Party fightsa
Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and
Eelam as part of a United Socialist
States of South Asiaand to which
the NSSP is fundamentally opposed.
Courtesy: wsws.org

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14

 

NOVEMBER 06 - NOVEMBER 19, 2015

Tamil Grassroots Organizations Seek


Clarity from Sri Lanka on UN Probe

Tamil organisations have expressed


doubts about the governments stance
on its understanding and approach
to the war crimes probe proposed
by the United Nations. In a meeting
with Sri Lankan foreign minister
Mangala Samaraweera on 29 October
in Colombo, the Tamil Civil Society
Forum (TCSF) has handed over a
discussion note outlining their
questions, concerns and expectations
about the victim consultation process
with regard to the resolution adopted
by the United Nations Human Rights
Commission in September.

process with Commonwealth and


other foreign judges, defence lawyers,
and authorized prosecutors and
investigators.

The resolution on accountability


for the war crimes and human rights
violations during the Sri Lankan civil
war revealed by a UN investigation,
strongly
called
for
victims
participation in a Sri Lanka led judicial

The discussion Note circulated at


the meeting:

In the discussion note reproduced in


full below, TCSF highlights that the
government has been sending various
mixed signals on the international
involvement in the process.
It says, One cannot have a process
of truth and reconciliation without
being honest and truthful about the
objectives and aims of the process.

1. Clarity as to aims of the


Transitional Justice Programme:
Prior to the victim consultation

process (VCP) the Government


should make its stance clear as to
their understanding and approach
to the UNHRC Resolution. The
Government is sending various mixed
signals, which aim at downplaying
the importance of the need for
involvement of foreign judges,
prosecutors and investigators in OP6
of the resolution i.e the setting up of
a hybrid mechanism. Some sections
of the Government are also dismissive
of the need for a criminal justice process
in its entirety. One cannot have a process
of truth and reconciliation without
being honest and truthful about the
objectives and aims of the process.
Hence clarity from the Government
as to its approach is an essential
prerequisite of a VCP.
2. What is the consultation going
to be about?:
The Government seems to have a plan
of its own (a TRC with a
compassionate council, a special
court, Missing Persons Office
etc). Is the Government going to
present a detailed programme on the
judicial and non judicial measures
it is contemplating and seek the
victims view on this or is it going to
have a more open process where
the victims can be more assertive
about their expectations as opposed
to commenting on an existing draft
plan? We think that a balance between
the two is necessary.

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The sittings of the Presidential


Commission on Missing Persons
(Paranagama Commission) laid bare
the key issues with regard to victim
protection. What is the Government
going to do to prevent the interference
of the armed forces, police and their
intelligence in the VCP?

Some sections of the


Government are also
dismissive of the
need for a criminal
justice process in its
entirety. One cannot
have a process of truth
and reconciliation
without being honest
and truthful about
the objectives and
aims of the process.
Hence clarity from the
Government as to its
approach is an essential
prerequisite of a VCP.
The larger question is as to how a
transparent and open VCP could be
conducted with the overwhelming

 

presence of the military in the NorthEast? If the Government accepts this


as a concern how does it hope to
tackle this issue?
4. Who will be consulted?
How does the Government propose
to identify the victims? Will the
consultations be held thematically
(victims of sexual violence,
disappearances, torture, etc)? Does
the government also hope to consult
civil society groups that work with
victims as part of the VCP? How does
the Government propose to conduct
the VCP among those victims not
living in the country?
5. Who will conduct the VCP?
Which arm of Government
would be involved? How does
the Government hope to ensure
independence and credibility?
6. How will the outcome of the
VCP documented and fed into the
Transitional Justice Programme
that will be finalized?
Mere tokenistic consultation will be
far from adequate. There has to be a
participatory process that guarantees
that the views of the victims are
systematically drawn into the design
of the TJ programme. How does the
Government proposed to do this? We
are of the view that there should be
victim representation on any mechanism
that is tasked with finalizing this
programme. We also think that there
has to be constant involvement of
victims in the whole of the process
implementation and its monitoring.
Courtesy: jdslanka.org

bO F !

SRI KANTH & CO SOLICITORS


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Fax: 020 8795 0649

Colouring - 252

KIDS
Chicken Feed : A Chinese Story
Let us enjoy reading this Chinese
Story of Chicken Feed.

TEENS
Duan Guangqinj was a Chinese magistrate who lived about a hundred years
ago. He was famed for the fairness of
his judgments.

One day while the magistrate was


walking through a market he saw a
crowd outside a poultry shop. On
enquiring what the matter was he learnt
that a peasant had accidentally dropped
a heavy sack on a chicken, crushing it
to death.
The chicken was small, worth only
about five coins, but the owner of the
shop had caught the peasant by his
throat and was demanding a hundred.
His argument was that the chicken
would have grown into a plump bird
in another two years and then it would
have fetched him the amount he was
asking for.

the magistrate. This man, through his


carelessness has caused the death of a
chicken that would have fetched me a
hundred coins in another two years!
Fear had made the peasants speech
incoherent. Nobody could understand
what he was saying.
The price put on the chicken is hundred coins, said the magistrate, to the
peasant. I advise you to pay.
There was a gasp from the crowd.
Everybody had expected the magistrate
to rule in the peasants favor.

is no one fairer than you!


The Law is always fair, smiled the
magistrate. Tell me, how much grain
does a chicken eat in a year?
About half a sack, said the poultry
shop owner.
So in two years the chicken that
died would have eaten a whole sack of
grain, said Duan Guangqinj. Please
give the sack of grain youve saved to
this man.

The owner of the chicken was overjoyed. They said you were fair in your
judgments, My Lord, he said, rubbing
his hands in glee, now I can say there

The chicken owner turned pale. A


sack of grain would cost more than
hundred coins.Cowed by the jeers of
the crowd, he declared he would not
take any money from the peasant, and
retreated into the safety of his shop.

Q: Why is Supermans costume so


tight?
A: Because he wears a size S.

Q: What do birds say on


Halloween?
A: Twick o tweet

Q: What do you get when you


cross a snowman with a vampire?
A: Frostbite.

Q: What do ghosts use to wash


their hair?
A: Shamboo!

Q: What do you get when you


cross a Cocker Spaniel,
a Poodle and a ghost?
A: A cocker poodle boo.

Q: What kind of pants do ghosts


wear?
A: Boo-Jeans.

Somebody recognized the magistrate,


and everybody made way for him.
Judge our case, My Lord! said the
owner of the chicken, letting go of the
peasant and bowing obsequiously to

Jokes...

Q: What do you get when you


cross a witch with sand?
A: A sandwich!
Q: What is a vampires favorite
fruit?
A: A nectarine!

Q: What do moms dress up as on


Halloween?
A: Mummies!
Q: What is a ghosts favorite fruit?
A: Booberries!

Q: What kind of dessert does a


ghost like?
A: I scream!

Q: What does a skeleton say before


dinner?
A: Bone appetit!

Q: When is it bad luck to be followed by a black cat?


A: When youre a mouse.

Q: What does a witch use to keep


her hair up?
A: Scarespray!

Kids Endless Questions

Q: Why do ghosts make good


cheerleaders?
A: Because they have a lot of
spirit.
Q: What did one owl say to the
other owl?
A: Happy Owl-ween!
Q: Why is a skeleton so mean?
A: He doesnt have a heart.
Q: What goes around a haunted
house and never stops?
A: A fence.

vithoosha

Q: Why do onions make you cry ??


A: Imagine each vegetable has a special recipe
which makes it that vegetable. An onion is made up
of different ingredients. When it is cut open, two of
the ingredients bash together and make a gas. This is
a bit like when some sweets go fizzy when you put
them on your tongue. When the gas hits our eyes, it
stings, and that leads to tears.

Vithoosa.C | Saajeesan Ravi


S.Chejan | S.Shobana
Krishni | Virada Ravindran

16

:I838a7KIt

I | | M | O |
| O F | O | | |
| c ! | | ? | |
| | | | J O |
| K | G | |
GC...

F M
Tel : 020 7043 4316
Web : www.tamil.com
Facebook.com/tamiltelevisionnetwork | @tamiltvnetwork

17

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18

nehtk;gu; 06 nehtk;gu; 19, 2015

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[ Continued from page 05]
Sy|eh ELR RUL S AR] TVT|R
X. GU TT|, SLL G GR]
The unsolved prolonged Tamil political issue particularly creates a space where
f\ CX.
the dominant Tamil political party and their appointed candidates from a similar
caste or social background to become as leaders. The prolonged political issues and
`TT TT]] LP R war related wounds once and again support such political leadership. This
TT]] Az' G TV N]R GR makes the task much easier in consolidating the sentiment of Tamils towards the
LLXU Nf\. C K C] Vellalar Tamil national project. It rarely gives an opportunity for those who do not
GR YRL AXY? H GY CR] have such backgrounds. In such a context, if the oppressed castes need to have
VpeLX. AR YefV SU DZ R an equal opportunity in accessing to political power, it is also essential to find
WUQLeh TU? U TTV a long-lasting political solution for the prolonged ethnic conflict.
R, TT]W AV RY|f
\.
By saying this, I do not simply motivate caste-based political mobilisation
in Tamil nationalist politics, as it is in India. I also strongly believe that the
`GT V V YeLy, AT solution for the contemporary conservative Tamil political mobilisation cannot
UT LT A' G\Y TV be achieved simply by inducing the caste-based sentiment in Tamil nationalist
YY. `V G] N], H, GRh, GTz politics. Such intention may satisfy those who want to divide the cohesion of Tamil
G L' A NefWz. `UR J A G\ political mobilisation. I do not expect to satisfy those who take advantages by
Ue. ARh RYjL G YR. dividing people in the line of caste. I also do not see such a space for engaging
UeL[ J|ehYRh URR BRUL TV caste divided politics in the contemporary Jaffna. My concern in this paper is
T|e LP] BeL NeL. A R to lead the Tamil nationalist politics as a progressive movement rather than a
UR R] UeqV LNT] UN]. UR conservative one bonding with a particular dominant caste, as it is now.
RWReL NUV] TTyP UeqV J
T UeLX.
Coming to the point that I made at the beginning even though the oppressed
caste groups are numerically high and mobilising themselves upwardly in socio| Nf\, GX LP| economic and educational domains, they consistently fail to articulate their
Y. UR eL NVTy|, SU TT|L[ social capital in their political participation apart from voting to the Vellalar
LP|Y. CXR CeLPyPjL candidates. This situation needs to be changed. The contemporary Tamil
F| R E Yf\]. AYL[ UfY nationalist politics should create such a space where all people irrespective of caste
SU YWy| R]U] LyT|L[e L| differences participate for a progressive social change. Even though the Tamil
H UT? GU ThR Q L| politicians particularly the TNA say that they do not see caste in their selection
eL YzVY\ ef, GX LP| process of candidates as well as supporting a candidate to become as a potential
Y. GXY\ LP|Y.
leader, it is not true. They consciously do it in contrast to what they say.

Political Participation Of ..

HKQ

TEL: 020 7043 4315 FAX : 020 7043 4312


?
TEL: 647 724 4188 FAX : 416 438 7855

pg

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S - LP .

High Commission of India, London has received a notice of intend marriage from Mr.Solvejit Singh,
S/o Anoop Singh, holder of Indian Passport No.L1195729 and Miss Mandeep Kaur, D/o Jagdev
Singh, Holder of Indian passport No. F6854871 under the foreign Marriage Act, 1969 of India.
Objection, if any (along with valid reasons), to the intended marriage may be conveyed to the High
Commission of India, London within 30 Days of publication of this notice at the following address:
First Secretary (Consular)
High Commission of India,
India House, Aldywch,
WC2B 4NA

Email :- fs.cons@hcilodon.in

pg

nehtk;gu; 06 nehtk;gu; 19, 2015

26

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S - maatram.org

| M |
H | G
M H | I
....

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nehtk;gu;; 06 nehtk;gu; 19, 2015

,ytr jpUkz tpsk;gu Nrit


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RV:

L]P:

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kzkfs; Njit
1. 32 YV, 58 Divorced, Born and
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in MSC IT and PGCE computer,
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degree in Business management.
Working in an American company
as a product manager, RhR UQ
UL[ R|f\] Ref 5636.
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working in a NHS RhR UQUL[
R|f\] Ref: 5500
40. 47 YV, 5'6'' British citizen
Graduate IT software consultant
working for leading IT consultancy
in uk RhR UQUL[ R|
f\] Ref: 1213
41. 33 YV, 5'5'' Discretionary visa
working as an electrical / electronic
engineer in a company RhR UQ
UL[ R|f\] Ref: 5218
42. 34 YV, 5'6'' British citizen RhR
UQUL[ R|f\] Ref: 5535
43. 41 YV, 6'0'' British citizen RhR
UQUL[ R|f\] Ref: 5542
44. 33 YV, 5'11'' work permit
graduate working in a Information
technology RhR UQUL[
R|f\] Ref: 4579
45. 43 YV, 5'8'' Canadian citizen
graduate working as an engineer RhR
UQUL[ R|f\] Ref: 5520
46. 29 YV, 5'5'' British citizen
graduate working in a services industry
RhR UQUL[ R|f\]
Ref: 5521

kzkfd; Njit
1. 29 YV, 53 Born & brought up
in Uk. Doctor, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5632.
2. 24 YV, 52 Born & brought
up in Uk. Now working in a supermarket manager, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5637.
3. 31 YV, 55 Born & brought up
in Uk. Finished master degree in social
worker. now working as a social worker,
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref 5639.
4. 27 YV, 52 born & brought up in
UK. Finished degree in Msc chemical
engineering. Working as a Global multi
asset analyst, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5647.
5. 36 YV, 54 British citizen,
Studied Phd. Now working as a
Consultant, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5648.
6. 36 YV, 58 British citizen,
Graduate working as an engineer,
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref 4153.
7. 36 YV, 52 Born & brought up
in Uk, Graduate, working in a Lawyer,
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref 5329.
8. 31 YV, 56 Living in Sri Lanka,
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref 5459.
9. 24 YV, 54 Living in India.
Graduate, RhR
UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5597.

10. 24 YV, 54 Living in sri


lanka. Finished degree in medicine graduate, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5625.
11. 43 YV, 56 Doctor, RhR UQ
UL] R|f\] Ref 5618.
12. 43 YV, 51 Living in Sri lanka.
Working as a secretary in a company,
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref 5631.
13. 28 YV, 55 Doctor, RhR UQ
UL] R|f\] Ref 5413.
14. 37 YV, 56 British citizen
doctor, RhR UQUL] R|
f\] Ref 5598.
15. 33 YV, 51 Living in sri
lanka Doctor, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5601.
16. 30 YV, 52 Born & brought up
in Uk, RhR UQUL] R|
f\] Ref 3627.
17. 26 YV, 54 British citizen Doctor, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5376.
18. 23 YV, 51
Graduate
Finished degree in computer science now studying MBA masters,
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref 5613.
19. 30 YV, 54
Born and
brought up in UK, Doctor, RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref
5575.
20. 40 YV, 54 British citizen.
Graduate working as an Accountant.
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref 5580.
21. 35 YV, 57 Born and brought
up in Uk. Doctor, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5582.
22. 27 YV, 56 Born and brought
up in Uk. Doctor, RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5583.
23. 36 YV, 54 Now studying
PHD in Norway working in a hospital as a medical researcher, RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref
5584.
24. 26 YV, 50 Divorced temporary visa, RhR UQUL] Ref
5585.
25. 30 YV, Divorced british citizen ,
UQUL] R|f\]
Ref
5588.
26. 30 YV, 53 British citizen.
Graduate working in NHS trust as
clinical physiologist, UQUL]
R|f\] Ref 5590.
27. 27 YV, 53 Born and brought
up in Uk. Graduate. Medical sector, UQUL] R|f\] Ref
5343.
28. 32 YV, 5'0'' British citizen
graduated in computer system &
electronic engineering now working
in a private bank with insurance broker
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5560
29. 29 YV, 5'5'' British citizen
finished pharmacist degree now
working in a Boots RhR UQ
UL] R|f\] Ref: 5564
30. 20 YV, 5'5'' Divorced living in
Sri Lanka RhR UQUL] R|
f\] Ref: 5567
31. 31 YV, 5'5'' Born and brought up
in uk. Graduate working as an Invest
ment Banker RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref: 5572
32. 42 YV, 5'3'' Divorced british
citizen working in a Food company
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5374
33. 32 YV, 5'2'' British citizen
graduate working as a clinical coding
supervisor RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref: 4388
34. 30 YV, 5'6'' work permit,

27

Graduate Administrative service


RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5543
35. 29 YV, 5'3'' Born and brought up
in Uk RhR UQUL] R|f
\] Ref: 5540
36. 28 YV, 5'3'' Graduate living in
sri lanka RhR UQUL] R|
f\] Ref: 5544
37. 32 YV, 5'7'' Divorced graduate
living in Sri Lanka RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref: 5519
38. 27 YV, 5'0'' Asylum seeker RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 5522
39. 24 YV, 5'4'' Born & brought up
in uk. Graduate working as a medical
sector RhR UQUL] R|f
\] Ref: 5526
40. 27 YV, 5'4'' living in sri lanka
graduate working in a international
school in colombo as a teacher RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 4536
41. 25 YV, 5'3'' Born & brought up in
uk finished degree working in a
pharmaceutical company as a
laboratory technician RhR UQ
UL] R|f\] Ref: 5530
42. 26 YV, 5'6'' Living in sri lanka
Finished Dance degree grade 6 RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 5532
43. 32 YV, 5'2'' Born & brought up in
uk. Finished degree in Finance RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 3914
44. 27 YV, 5'3'' Finished degree living
in Srilanka RhR UQUL]
R|f\] Ref: 5506
45. 33 YV, 5'4'' British citizen
Graduate working as an Accountant
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5504
46. 28 YV, 5'6'' British citizen
working in at Childcare, christian
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5505
47. 25 YV, 5'4'' Studying CIMA at
colombo, living in Srilanka RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 5507
48. 30 YV, 5'3'' British citizen
Graduate working as a podiatrist in
NHS, christian (catholic) RhR UQ
UL] R|f\] Ref: 5400
49. 36 YV, 5'2'' Born and brought up
in uk, working as a marketing manager
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5494
50. 27 YV, 5'2'' France Citizen RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 5481
51. 27 YV, 5'1'' living in Sri Lanka
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5485
52. 25 YV, 5'4'' UK Citizen graduate
working as a Financial Sector RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 5487
53. 30 YV, 5'4'' British Citizen
medical doctor, Catholic, seeking a UK
professional RhR UQUL] R|
f\] Ref: 5489
54. 33 YV, 5'4'' British Citizen
working as a research & policy officer
RhR UQUL] R|f\]
Ref: 5493
55. 29 YV, 4'9'' British Citizen RhR
UQUL] R|f\] Ref: 5495
56. 32 YV, 5'5'' Born and brought up
in uk working as a accounts Manager.
Graduates in BSC horns RhR UQ
UL] R|f\] Ref: 5497
57. 22 YV, 5'6'' British citizen
graduates RhR UQUL] R|
f\] Ref: 5457

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