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TAMIL SPEAKING LAWYER Personal Injury Lawyer INJURED IN A ROAD ACCIDENT ? ACCIDENT AT WORK
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Personal Injury Lawyer
INJURED IN A ROAD ACCIDENT ?
ACCIDENT AT WORK OR PUBLIC PLACE
WE ACT ON “NO WIN NO FEE” BASIS
www.nmflawyers.co.uk
Ask
for
RAJ
BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY FREE PAPER - 12 ISSUE - 257 FRIDAY 08 JANUARY 2016
BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY
FREE
PAPER - 12
ISSUE - 257
FRIDAY
08 JANUARY
2016
LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED 70 Windmill Road, Croydon, CR0 2XP õ£èù Mðˆî£? àƒèœ îõP™ô¬ò£? Driver
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õ£èù Mðˆî£? àƒèœ îõP™ô¬ò£?
Driver / Passenger – within last 3 years
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Web: www.lacl.co.uk | Mail: info@lacl.co.uk
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[dtup 08 – [dtup 21 , 2016 3 pg LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY

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[dtup 08 – [dtup 21 , 2016 3 pg LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY 70
LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY 70 Windmill Road, Croydon, CR0 2XP TRAVEL & TOURS
LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED
BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY
70 Windmill Road, Croydon, CR0 2XP
TRAVEL & TOURS
õ£èù Mðˆî£? àƒèœ îõP™ô¬ò£?
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Driver / Passenger – within last 3 years
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Taxes
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Visa Service to Srilanka, Australia, India & USA
Call Free:0800 032 6798 | Tel: 020 8665 7667
119,Tooting High street, London, SW17 OSY
PAPER - 12
ISSUE - 256
FRIDAY
18 DECEMBER
2015
Web: www.lacl.co.uk | Mail: info@lacl.co.uk
àƒèœ õ£›‚¬èˆ ¶¬í¬ò Þ¬íòˆF™ «î´ƒèœ WWW.ORUMANAM.COM
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pg

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[dtup 08 – [dtup 21, 2016

pg 4 [dtup 08 – [dtup 21 , 2016 F R I D AY, J A
F R I D AY, J A N U A RY 0 8 , 2

F R I D AY,

J A N U A RY

0 8 ,

2 0 1 6 ,

I S S U E

2 5 7

‘நல்லாட்சியின்’ ஓராண்டுச் சாதைன

ைமத்திரிபால சிரிேசன சிறிலங்காவின் அதிபராகத் ெதரிவு ெசய்யப்பட்டு இன்றுடன் ஓராண்டு நிைறவைடகின்றது. அவரது ேதர்தல் விஞ்ஞாபனத்தில் தமிழ் மக்களின் அரசியற் பிரச்சைனகள் ெதாடர்பாக எதுவும் கூறபடாவிட்டாலும், ‘நல்லாட்சி’ அல்லது ‘சட்டத்தின் ஆட்சி’ ஏற்படுத்தப்படும் என்ற உறுதிெமாழி வழங்கப்பட்டிருந்தது. அவர் பதவிேயற்றதிலிருந்து சிறிலங்காவிற்கு பைடெயடுத்துச் ெசல்லும் ெவளிநாட்டுப் பிரதிநிதிகளும், இராஜதந்திரிகளும் ‘நல்லாட்சி’ ஏற்பட்டுவிட்டதாக சான்றிதழ் வழங்கி வருகின்றனர். கடந்த வருட இறுதியில் அெமரிக்க இராஜங்கத் திைணக்களம் ெவளியிட்டுள்ள அறிக்ைகயிலும், சிறிலங்காவில் ஏற்பட்டுள்ள மாற்றம் பற்றி விைதந் துைரக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. ஆனால் சிறிலங்காவின் நிலைமயில் மாற்றம் எதுவுமில்ைல ("Sadly, it’s very much business as usual") என உண்ைமக்கும் நீதிக்குமான சர்வேதச அைமப்ைபச் ேசர்ந்த யஸ்மீன் சூக்கா ெதரிவித்துள்ளார்.

பிரித்தானியாைவத் தளமாகக் ெகாண்டியங்கும் ேமற்படி அைமப்பு இவ்வாரம் ெவளியிட்டுள்ள அறிக்ைகயில் கடந்த பன்னிரண்டு மாதங்களில் சிறிலங்கா அரச பைடகளால் தமிழ் மக்கள் மீது ேமற்ெகாள்ளப்பட்ட இருபத்திேயழு கடத்தல் மற்றும் சித்திரவைதச் சம்பவங்கள் பற்றிய விபரங்கள், உடற் சித்திரவைதகளுக்கு உள்ளா னவர்களின் படங்களுடன் வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ளன.

கடந்த ஜுைல மாதம் லண்டனுக்கு வந்திருந்த முதலைமச்சர் விக்ேனஸ்வரன் ெவள்ைளவான் கடத்தல், ைகதுகள் என ஒன்பது சம்பவங்கள் பற்றி தான் அறிந் துள்ளதாகத் ெதரிவித்திருந்தார். இருப்பினும் தமிழ்மக்களின் அரசியல் உரிைமகள் ெதாடர்பாக ேபசும் அதிகாரம் ெகாண்டவர்கள் எனத் தம்ைம அைழத்துக் ெகாள்ளும் தமிழ் ேதசியக் கூட்டைமப்புப் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் இதுவிடயத்தில் கரிசைன காட்டியதாகத் ெதரியிவில்ைல. சிறிலங்கா எதிர்க்கட்சித்தைலவராக நியமிக்கப்பட்டி ருக்கும் இரா. சம்பந்தனும் இவ்விடயம் பற்றி ெமௗனம் சாதித்து வருகிறார். அேத சமயத்தில் இராணுவ ெசலவீனங்களுக்கு அதிகமான நிதி ஒதுக்கீட்ைடக் ெகாண்ட சிறிலங்காவின் பாதீட்ைட கூட்டைமப்பு பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் ஆதரித்து வாக்களித்துள்ளனர்.

இந்திய ஊடகெமான்றிற்கு ைமத்திரிபால சிரிேசன வழங்கிய ெசவ்வியில் சிறிலங்காச் சிைறகளில் தடுத்து ைவக்க்ப்பட்டிருக்கும் தமிழ் அரசியற் ைகதிகைள பயங்கரவாதிகள் எனவும் அவர்கைள விடுவிக்க முடியாது எனவும் கூறியிருக்கிறார். இைவதான் தமிழ் மக்கைளப்ெபாறுத்தவைர ஆட்சிமாற்றத்தின் ஓராண்டுச் சாதைன யாக இருக்கிறது.

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Tamils Need to Act Now What are we waiting for?

+ LÖ¡L· Tamils Need to Act Now What are we waiting for? By : Naga Narendran

By : Naga Narendran

The history and the sorry saga of the Tamils of the North-East of Sri Lanka in the last 60 years demands high level of vigilance, to be aware of the extent of progress being made and its context. Broken promises of the past require the people to be far more skeptical.

The people of the North-East of Sri Lanka has always been politically savvy and has expressed their franchises in a well-informed manner. Politics is only one dimension of what is required now. People have been subjected to a well-orchestrated marginalization campaign over many

years. They were being pushed to the brink of extinction economically, culturally and physically and now need to recover. This requires a multidimensional approach such as planning at the detailed level, capacity building at all levels, awareness campaign and advocacy to prepare people for progress and development.

Do we wait till a “political settlement”, “reconciliation”, “resettlement” etc. etc. to start thinking holistically and make progress in preparing ourselves for the next phase in our journey? Each of these are not an outcome of an “on” “off” switch. Behind every one of these labels there is a long list of actions and a

lot of efforts that will take long time to complete.

What is required is for us to outline what we want to achieve in the next one, two, three years. This will force us to think about what is required, to be in preparedness by way of enhancing our capacities to take on the new challenges anticipated.

Let politics take its course. Currently there are too many people engaged in and disproportionately high amount of energy being spent on politics. A lot of talk and no action, out-beating each other to grand stand and appear knowledgeable.

Singapore was not built based on political knowledge alone. Are we in readiness for our next phase? Irrespective of what lays ahead. People need to fortify themselves and enhance their capacity to respond to the next phase by rebuilding financially, emotionally and socially

Where do we start? In the current

context financial resources required will come centrally from the GOSL or Internationalcommunity.Whatactions havewetakentoreinforcethestructures that will ensure we receive funding without delay, and spend it and achieve outcomes. Do we have the capacity to undertake any major recovery and development?Isourpublicsectorready to cope with new demands? Can we handle twice the current load and more complexity?

Let politics take its course. Currently there are too many people engaged in and disproportionately high amount of energy being spent on politics. A lot of talk and no action, out-beating each other to grand stand and appear knowledgeable.

What is required is for us to outline what we want to achieve in the next one, two, three years. This will force us to think about what is required, to be in preparedness by way of enhancing our capacities to take on the new challenges anticipated.

Alternatively, we can keep talking

politics with no plan of actions and start reacting only when it happens, but Singapore was not built like that.

Politics is only one dimension of what is required now. People have been subjected to a well-orchestrated marginalization campaign over many years. They were being pushed to the brink of extinction economically, culturally and physically and now need to recover.

We need leaders who are nation builders economically, socially and ' less talk more action'. Can we afford to sit back relax and wait for a take- off? or do we want to catch it by the collar and drag it to the finish line.

We need to be more discerning and hold all parties accountable including politicalrepresentatives,GOSLandthe international community to ensure these areachieved.Wehavesufferedlongenough and we need this for our very survival.

Courtesy: Sangam.org

JANUARY 08 - JANUARY 21, 2016 pg 5 What’s missing out there? People or Politics?

JANUARY 08 - JANUARY 21, 2016

pg

5
5

What’s missing out there? People or Politics?

2016 pg 5 What’s missing out there? People or Politics? By : Kusal Perera T he

By : Kusal Perera

T he Rajapaksa rule was horrible in many ways in any language.

His nine year rule had two distinct phases. Beginning in year 2006 the

first phase geared up to wage war against what it called “Separatist terrorists” generalised as “Tamil terrorists”. The social ideology created for that war was a broad “anti-Tamil” Sinhala ideology sponsored by the Rajapaksa leadership with a partly coerced, partly willing Colombo based mainstream media. The JVP and the JHU worked overtime for him on this war project that wanted Tamil “separatism” eliminated at any cost. That did happen after 03 years,

in May 2009. This first phase under

emergency regulations and the PTA

in force carries with it all violations of

law, packed with everything indecent and savage in a civilised human society. This first phase that has on record many cases of abductions and enforced disappearances concluded with the mysterious disappearance of Ekneligoda in January 2010.

His second phase in power began after the two back to back elections in 2010; Presidential elections in January and the Parliamentary polls in April. The passage of the 18th Amendment allowed without a Referendum by then Chief Justice Shiranee Bandaranayake gave him absolute power. This second phase has only a single abduction with one Sunil from Wanathamulla abducted and dropped off in Dematagoda over protests against demolition of slum houses. The second phase is all about unbelievably heavy nepotism, mega plunder of public funds and national wealth under a Sinhala “Al Capone” tolerated and accommodated especially by the urban middle class.

Conclusion of the war that led to this “Al Caponic” second phase was

a multiple national tragedy. It left

Tamil society completely uprooted and dismantled without a political alternative to the absent LTTE. In the South it allowed the Rajapaksa regime to continue with a militarised Sinhala State accepted without qualms. The UNP and the JVP backed by so called “democratic” voices in urban Sinhala middle class chose to run Gen. Fonseka as their own “war hero” for the 2010 January presidential election thus endorsing militarisation. It is in such context

the TNA was expected to politically fill the void in North-East and face

a Sinhala “Al Capone” that lived on

a Sinhala supremacist social psyche.

That was no easy challenge; complex and immense. The TNA had to start its campaign for immediate humanitarian aid, resettlement with dignity, rehabilitation of ex-LTTE “surrenders”, release of all detainees without charges and early and quick judicial procedure to be in place for suspected LTTE cadres with charges and finally reconciliation and a consensual political solution for power sharing. Meanwhile there was lobbying by Tamil Diaspora groups for international intervention for investigation of “war crimes”, a UN

sponsored“referendum”anda“Thamil

Eelam” cried out loud by fringe Tamil

Nadu groups; all out of the orbit for

a decimated Tamil society groping

to once again have a foothold in life.

What gave the TNA an opportunity to push through its presence in local Tamil politics initially was international pressure from West that Rajapaksa in a way invited against him.Hisopenanddirectposturingwith China was problematic, especially

for the US. His very apparent ridicule of the West on the strength of China and Putin’s Russia to some extent provoked the UNHRC Resolutions on Sri Lanka. With international pressure thus conspired by the US and the Tamil Diaspora adding to it, resettlement of the displaced with basics were effected within a year though under military supervision. Rehabilitation was also quickened. Then came local government elections in March and July 2011 that became the first post war opportunity for the

TNAtopoliticallyaddresstheNorthern

and Eastern Tamil people. With a

resounding win at the LG elections, the TNA became the accepted “Tamil voice” in Sri Lankan politics. CHOGM in November 2013 was when the

TNA had its first major opportunity to press home its agenda for all reforms and remedies for especially the Tamil

peopleintheNorthandalsofortheNorth

and East as a whole. What is now being assessed is its performance thereafter.

The TNA leadership was no different to the Sinhala leaders in the South in how it engaged with the people. Led by ITAK, its leadership that was bogged down in electoral politics for decades and then having lived a displaced political life for

another few decades, the ITAK knows and is only capable of electoral politics. The fundamental error therefore was in not taking the people as the uncompromising strength in all lobbying and negotiations beyond and after elections. Post local government elections in 2011 when the TNA won 32 local government bodies in North and the Vanni with over 255,000 people voting for them, the ITAK leadership thought they could bargain their demands on those numbers. They thus allowed the collective strength of those numbers to vaporise without making them a mobilised, agitating force. Rajapaksa too was happy that way. He could call himself a “democrat” having allowed elections, TNA winning them handsomely and thereafter leaving it at that. Rajapaksa was happy he could sell his LLRC for time buying, with the TNA leadership keeping the affected Tamil society in limbo. Its recommendations including “de-militarising” of North and East

and the provincial administration

were not demanded by TNA.

The next biggest political blunder of the ITAK leadership came with the Northern PC (NPC) elections when they concentrated heavily in bringing a Chief Ministerial candidate of unquestionable integrity and very high quality all round but paid little heed to a people centred “development programme” that the NPC would ensure implementation for its people on the strength of the people. Instead the TNA leadership left the NPC to linger on without political guidance while they spent time with the Colombo government, New Delhi and other power centres in the West. While they were back to negotiations like “Thanthai” Chelva’s

old ITAK, while they were also trying to lobby Indian and international support for demands that were not high up in the agenda of the Northern and the Vanni people who survived the most bloodiest and brutal war in Asia after India helped install Awami League in power in December 1971, followed by wiping off the “Mukti Bahini“, Rajapaksa dropped all offers on a political solution having taken New Delhi on a “merry-go-round” for 04 years. He basically reduced all reconciliation efforts to massive constructions in North and East he called “development” that provided his cronies with huge kickbacks.

Between the NPC elections and the overwhelming victory that proved the TNA could easily bring the Tamil people to demand answers for themselves, people were not taken as a political factor. All attempts at negotiations by the ITAK leadership were wholly dependent on their legal expertise and electoral outlook in politics. People in the North and the East were made to understand the fault was with Rajapaksa’s Sinhala politics with its military rule and not in how the ITAK leadership handled their post war responsibilities. That common perception provided good enough reason for Tamil people to go en bloc against Rajapaksa at the 2015 January presidential elections. In North and the Vanni 76.5% of the people and 72.9% in the East voted for Sirisena, thus ensuring the defeat of Rajapaksa solely on the numbers of Tamil votes. They defeated Rajapaksa cultivating a high expectation the TNA leadership

would have a better opportunity in solving their festering problems in North and East.

Immediately after his swearing in as Executive President, Sirisena brought in a UNP dominated government for his promised 100 Day programme. The much-hyped 100 Day programme had nothing for the Tamil people. Not even the words “Tamil” and “Muslims” or “ethnic and religious minorities” were mentioned in it even by accident. Yet the TNA was politically naïve and was not prepared to challenge the 100 Day programme to at least demand inclusion of “de-militarisation” of North-East, release of all Tamil detainees under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) who for many years have been kept without any charges or even to demand a “Land Dispute Commission” to allow the Tamil people to have legal and official access to their own lands. Instead the ITAK leadership continued to hold out its promise for a total answer to long overdue Tamil problems from this government leadership even after the 100 Day programme was openly flouted and dragged on with very lame excuses. With the forthcoming parliamentary elections in August, Sampanthan addressing Trincomalee TNA members told them, “As far as the TNA is concerned, it does not want to further stretch the journey for a political solution for our people. We want to reach the end to our struggle. Hence the Tamil people must give us an overwhelming victory. If you will give us such a victory, we will definitely find the solutions in the year 2016.” That was in mid July this year. Three months later, the TNA could not even have the 206 Tamil suspects detained without charges released before Diwali. President Sirisena very casually backtracked on his promise given to the TNA leadership in late October and left them helpless.

This “change” that most Colombo middleclassisoverenthusiasticaboutis only a “Sinhala” change for the South and nothing more as I argued in an earlier essay titled “Is the Government afraid of ‘Sinhala’ racists or is it racist too?” And there I wrote, “That would therefore leave the hardliners in Tamil politics to question the wisdom of the TNA leadership in backing this government……”.The“TamilMakkal Peravai” seems just that. Questioning the capability and wisdom of the TNA leadership that seems a failure in advancing the political aspirations of the Tamil people for realistic answers.

Thus the most important question would be to see how the TMP would take over the responsibility of solving problems of the Tamil people entrenched too long in a political quagmire. Will they give the people theirdueshareinpoliticalparticipation to demand answers for their issues? Will they engage democratic Southern groups to storm the streets of Colombo demandinganswersfromagovernment that is afraid of Sinhala votes? In short, what is more important is to know how the TMP would differ from the TNA in facing up to this government. Will they garner the strength of the people the TNA never thought of using? Or will they be just a rhetorical “peravai”? The wait, if not too long, will be an interesting wait.

Courtesy: groundviews.org

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New Malden

Ayngaran

020 8949 6734

Megaa Superstore

020 8336 0061

Vaaniyan

020 8605 0434

Murugan Kovil

020 8942 4475

Vaishna Superfoods 020 8399 4488

Stoneleigh Amman . 020 8393 8147 Tooting

020 8767 8585

Yhaal House

Selvarajah Gold house 020 8767 3795

Niru Con.Store

020 8672 3200

Ayngaran

020 8540 1500

Suvai Aruvi

020 8543 6266

Adchaya

020 8540 8192

Croydon

Best Foods

020 8684 6269

Haran Bros

020 8686 2552

Chennai dosa

020 8665 9192

Eelam Video

020 8664 8351

Spice Land

020 8667 1700

Lewisham

Chandra

020 8333 8680

Eelam Shop

020 8690 6545

Katpagam

020 8694 8810

AJ Video

020 8691 8888

Sivan Kovil

020 8318 9844

KRS Supermarket

020 8297 9432

Best Food

020 8692 9811

Eastham

Seelans

020 8471 5733

Sakthi Cash & Carry 020 8394 4560

Murugan Temple

020 8478 8433

Station Super Store 020 8503 4711

020 8552 9578

Saiva Munneta Sangam 02085144732

Best Food

Akilan Enterprise Anjappar

020 8548 0033 020 8552 1155

Ilford Vinnayagar Kovil Nathan Angels Sri store ltd Edmonton

020 8911 8934 020 8514 1744 020 8553 0490 020 8553 7737

New Kannan Stores 020 8884 4979

020 8805 9529

Sayas

Nagapoosani Temple020 8884 3333

Walthamstow

Vinayagar Kovil Kumarans Prabas

020 8527 3819 020 7609 1912 020 8509 3322

Harrow Tsk food & Wine North Harrow C&C Prabhas

020 7622 4258 020 8863 6160 020 8866 0977

South Harrow F&W . 020 8423 6321

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Sambal Express

020 8799 7171

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Malar Super Market 020 8795 5797

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020 8795 4627 020 8900 0100 020 8795 0648

Ealing Amman kovil

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Greenford Ambiha Coventry

020 8813 0967

Eellakanthan Temple 02476663554 South hall

Thamilini C & C Abi Fast Food

020 8606 9900 0208 813 9494

Palm Palace Restaurant 020 8574 9209 Spicy Palace Restaurant 020 8574 4087

Luxmys C & C Tamilan C & C Lady Margret

020 8571 4599 020 8561 8174 020 8571 4434

8

THE MORTGAGE ORGANISATION AUTHORISED BY THE FINANCIAL CONDUCT AUTHORITY RESIDENTIAL & COMMERCIAL MORTGAGES
THE
MORTGAGE
ORGANISATION
AUTHORISED BY THE FINANCIAL CONDUCT AUTHORITY
RESIDENTIAL & COMMERCIAL MORTGAGES
Contact:
Commercial Loans
Residential Mortgages
David Eva
OR
Ernest Sri
Buy to Let
258- High Street North
Manor Park, London E12 6SB
Bridging Loans
Right to Buy
Help to Buy
Tel: 020 8475 0755
Fax: 020 8470 4755
Mob: 07803 600 543
Petrol Stations, Social
Clubs
Hotels, Restaurants &
Takeaways
Convenience Shops
Pharmacies, Care Homes,
Optician, Dentist
Children Nurseries
Re-Mortgages
Loans can be arranged for leasehold and freehold businesses
Arrangements are made to meet senior business manager from leading banks in our premisesTHE MORTGAGE ORGANISATION
How will a ‘YES’ make you feel ?
YOUR HOME MAY BE REPOSSESSED IF YOU DO NOT KEEP UP REPAYMENTS ON YOUR MORTGAGE
ܬùõ¼‚°‹ ÞQò ¬îŠªð£ƒè™ ï™õ£›ˆ¶‚èœ sarasas South Indian Restaurant ªî¡Q‰Fò,
ܬùõ¼‚°‹ ÞQò ¬îŠªð£ƒè™ ï™õ£›ˆ¶‚èœ
sarasas
South Indian Restaurant
ªî¡Q‰Fò, Þôƒ¬è, õì Þ‰Fò, ªê†®ù£† ñŸÁ‹ ¬êmv
àíM¡ ¼C¬ò ÜÂðM»ƒèœ.
àƒèœ i†´ˆ «î£†ìˆF™ Ü™ô¶ cƒèœ M¼‹¹‹ ÞìˆF™ âñ¶
«î£¬ê îò£K‚èŠð´‹.
êèô ð£ˆFóƒèÀ‹  ªè£‡´ õ¼«õ£‹.
cƒèœ âñ¶ àí¬õ ¼Cˆ¶ ñAö«õ‡®ò¶ ñ£ˆFó«ñ
* Outdoor catering * Function hall * Party orders
¹Fò Mö£‚èÀ‚è£ù ñ‡ìð‹ Bar õêF»ì¡ Fø‚èŠð†´œ÷¶
SARASAS CATERING
We make 30
different Types of Dosa
âñ¶ «ê¬õ, èŸð¬ù, ¼Cò£ù àí¾, Cø‰î ê¬ñò™ ÝAòõŸP¡ ªõOŠð£ì£°‹
630-634 Uxbridge Road, Hayes, Middlesex, UB4 0RY
TEL : 020 8561 8188
for further enquiries please contact : 07939 246 552
Email: raj@sarasasrestaurant.com www.sarasasrestaurant.com
Opening Times 12.00
noon to 11.00pm
(7 days a week)
CAR
PARKINGUPTO
FREE CARS
100
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[dtup 08 – [dtup 21 , 2016 11 pg ê‹ð‰î¡ - M‚«ùvõó¡ ê‰FŠ¹: «ðêŠð†ì¶ â¡ù

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11
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JANUARY 08 - JANUARY 21, 2016 pg 13 Tamils should identify natural allies against US-UK

JANUARY 08 - JANUARY 21, 2016

pg

13
13

Tamils should identify natural allies against US-UK military geopolitics

identify natural allies against US-UK military geopolitics By Viraj Mendis The strategic location of the island

By Viraj Mendis

The strategic location of the island of Sri Lanka becomes hot and very important, especially when the paradigm of war becomes more dominant than the peace paradigm

at a global level, says Viraj Mendis,

a progressive Sinhala rights activist

who is a long-term supporter of the struggle of Eezham Tamils. In an in-depth interview to TamilNet Palaka'ni, the exiled veteran activist details his understanding on how the successive external powers, pre- occupied with the war-paradigm and the geopolitical significance of the island in a military sense in the

Indian Ocean Region, have shaped the ‘genocidal consciousness’ of the Sinhalese to their benefit in the past

as well as at the present. The Eezham

Tamils, particularly their diaspora, should have no illusions about who their adversaries are and whom they should rely upon as their natural allies in their continued freedom struggle, he says.

Viraj Mendis begins his analysis with the question why a section of the International Community chose in 2002 to support the peace process between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)

The forces that promoted the process, even among the Establishments, belonged to what Mr Mendis calls ‘peace-paradigm’, although those who belonged to the

American ‘war-paradigm’ within the Western Establishments were at odds with the former section.

The sections belonging to peace- paradigm were interested in upholding a non-confrontationist and competitive world order, which is coupled with

their trade-oriented interests. These

forces, rallying behind the EU at that time, were initially supportive to the peace process between the GoSL and the LTTE.

But, Americans didn't belong to this section. They wanted the war-paradigm, Mendis

says. The US wants the military utility of all the places across the world. The Trincomalee harbour, situated in the Tamil homeland, was one of them, Mendis explains.

One part of the world within the capitalist world remains more productive than the other in Economy. These are the ones that belong to peace paradigm, Mr Mendis says. These

countries are capable of exporting more than the ‘other countries’ per capita. For them, Capitalism could proceed without war for some time.

But, Americans didn't belong to this section. They wanted the war- paradigm, Mendis says. The US wants the military utility of all the places across the world. The Trincomalee harbour, situated in the Tamil homeland, was one of them, Mendis explains.

The LTTE had clearly articulated in its propaganda material that Tamils intended to keep Trincomalee harbour as a zone of peace. They didn't want the Americans to use the harbour against the Middle-Eastern countries as well as against the Indians in a future global war scenario, Mendis observes.

Understanding military geopolitics is important to know who are the main adversaries of Eezham Tamils, the exiled Sinhala activist says. The same approach is still valid, he argues citing what happened in Geneva and why the USA wants to uphold the Colombo-centric genocidal ‘Sri Lanka’ as one construct.

Even though the US wanted to destroy the Tigers, the LTTE fought back the Sri Lankan military very hard, as it was demonstrated through the fall of the Elephant Pass base and the followed attack on Katunayake air base.

As a result, the American war- paradigm was blocked by the LTTE in the tiny island. And the forces that belonged to the opposed camp, the followers of peace-paradigm, were able to push for the peace process through the EU in 2002, he argues.

For those who belonged to the peace-paradigm in 2002, Sri Lanka was a unique case unlike other countries such as El Salvador, where the US influence was strong at that time. Viraj Mendis was citing the policies adopted by the ministries in Germany to illustrate the past trends.

Inside Germany, a split opened between the development ministry and the foreign ministry. The development ministry was strongly supporting the peace process while the foreign ministry was taking a

contradictory position with the US-influenced EU ban on the LTTE. There was a ‘massive pressure from the Americans’ on the German State, he says.

There were 8 countries opposed to EU ban. The US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, spoke with all of them and harassed them to drop their stand. If one of the 26 EU countries had strongly opposed the ban on the LTTE, one could have avoided the ban. Maybe, one could have even avoided Mu'l'livaaykkaal, Mr Mendis says.

People look at Norwegians as some kind of important stakeholders in the process. But, they were just figureheads, Viraj says. The Norwegians were actually conflicted between the American policy and the European policy in the beginning. At the end, they went with the American policy. Norwegians were talking about conflict resolution between the Tamils and the Sinhalese. But, actually the conflict was inside them.

The Norwegians were actually the ones who fell down in the peace process. They should have resolved their conflict first, the Germany-based Sinhala activist says. Norwegians went with the USA. The Americans at the end crushed the European line. Mendis cites the example of P-TOMS as a case promoted by the European line. But, the Americans and the ultra- racist sections in Colombo worked together in destroying the P-TOMS agreement signed between the LTTE and the GoSL, he says.

Even though the US wanted to destroy the Tigers, the LTTE fought back the Sri Lankan military very hard, as it was demonstrated through the fall of the Elephant Pass base and the followed attack on Katunayake air base.

The Tamil people should therefore approach those sections that did something right in the past.

And there are many others, including Latin American countries,

that are opposed to the same powers, which are holding a knife against the heads of the Tamils, Mr Mendis says. It is these sections the Tamils have to approach.

"It is madness to go to the people who are executing you and ask them to change their mind. Because, they know what they are doing,” he says.

“It is ridiculous if you go and drink tea with David Cameron and think that you have achieved something. You are not lobbying them. They are lobbying you. In fact, they are getting you to drop your principles.”

As a result, the American war- paradigm was blocked by the LTTE in the tiny island. And the forces that belonged to the opposed camp, the followers of peace-paradigm, were able to push for the peace process through the EU in 2002, he argues.

The power of the Tamils is gone with the destruction of the LTTE. Tamils should realise this and continue their struggle like it was in the beginning.

However, the LTTE didn't allow anybody to spoil the ideas and the social achievements it had achieved in Vanni and elsewhere. These were not yet achieved anywhere else in the Asian continent. This kind of the blueprint of the society they built, how they built it, the values of it, exist in the minds of the people. These have to be embraced and not compromised, Viraj Mendis says.

The interview also brings out the complicit role of the UK in the military geopolitics of USA working against the national interests of Eezham Tamils.

Courtesy: www.tamilnet.com

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JANUARY 08 - JANUARY 21, 2016

pg 14 JANUARY 08 - JANUARY 21, 2016 Colombo’s Military Build-Up: A Strategy of Deterrence What

Colombo’s Military Build-Up:

A Strategy of Deterrence

What might explain the recent increase in defense spending?

By :Ana Pararajasingham

Contrary to expectations that with the end of the civil war, Sri Lanka would reduce its spending on defense, Colombo has in fact increased its defense expenditure. Defense spending in 2009, the year the civil war ended with the comprehensive defeat of the Tamil Tigers, was Rs 175 billion ($1.2 billion). By 2011, this had risen to Rs 194 billion, and in 2013 it was Rs 235 billion. In late 2015, Colombo was looking to procure 18 to 24 new fighter aircraft to replace its obsolete fleet of MIG- 21s by 2017. The budget allocation for defense in 2016 is Rs 307 billion.

Colombo’s 2009 victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was achieved with heavy civilian casualties. Tens of thousands were killed and maimed. There was a purpose, to convince the survivors of the heavy price of war and remove the risk of any future uprising. Colombo was successful and knows it. Not only have thousands of Tamil Tiger soldiers been killed, but many thousands of former fighters and other young men and women have fled the country in fear of their lives Thousands of others are believed to

be in government custody. Another uprising is highly unlikely.

Why then should Colombo spend a significant proportion of its GDP on defense, funds that could otherwise be spent on restoring the country’s war-ravaged economy? What exactly is the rationale for this exponential increase in defense spending?

If internal threats are non-existent, the threat must be external. From Colombo’s perspective, the major threat has always been its giant neighbour, India. It is a fear that has plagued Colombo since the late 1940s when Sri Lanka was about to be granted independence following Britain’s decision to relinquish India, the Jewel in the Crown. In 1947, Sri Lanka’s first Prime Minister, D. S. Senanayake, based the strategy of his country’s security on the assumption that the most likely threat to its independence would come from India. The British saw in these perceived fears a strategic advantage, linking the granting of independence to the island under a unitary constitution that gave the Sinhala majority enormous political power, while defense agreements gave Britain the use of naval and air bases in Trincomalee. The base in Trincomalee was of strategic

significance to Britain, especially for securing links to Australia and New Zealand. D. S. Senanayake considered the unitary constitution as a safeguard against the Tamils federating with India, just as Ulster separated from the Irish Republic to federate with Britain, another of his fears and one that he shared with Lord Soulbury, the head of the commission appointed by the British to draft a constitution for the island.

Not only have thousands of Tamil Tiger soldiers been killed, but many thousands of former fighters and other young men and women have fled the country in fear of their lives Thousands of others are believed to be in government custody. Another uprising is highly unlikely.

Until the early 1980s, New Delhi sought to allay Sri Lanka’s fears through displays of generosity in bilateral relations. These included

accepting in 1964 over half a million Tamils of Indian origin who had been disenfranchised by the Sri Lankan government in 1948; maintaining a cordial relationship with Sri Lanka despite the latter’s pro-Pakistan position during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971; and conceding the disputed island of Kachatheevu to Sri Lanka in 1974.

By the early 1980s, however, India’s actions appeared to justify Sri Lanka’s suspicions when it armed and trained Tamil militants to exert pressure on Sri Lanka, which was showing clear signs of moving into the Western camp. These suspicions were only reinforced when India intervened directly in 1987 under the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord to deny the use of the Trincomalee Harbour to the U.S. and the setting up of a Voice of America broadcasting facility in Sri Lanka.

Although India provided Colombo with training and logistical support during Colombo’s final assault on the Tamil Tigers, this did not allay Colombo’s reservations about India. Colombo knows that New Delhi’s assistance to defeat the Tamil Tigers was to eliminate the organization that had assassinated Rajiv Gandhi, and was being made at the behest of Rajiv’s widow Sonia, who pledged full military support to Sri Lanka to achieve that goal.

Although Colombo’s war efforts had the support of New Delhi, it balanced that relationship by maintaining strong relationships with China and Pakistan. Without the help of the Chinese, who, in addition to

their military aid, gave the Sri Lankan government diplomatic cover at the UN Security Council, Colombo could not have won the long-running civil war. Subsequently, when Colombo’s relationship with China grew stronger under President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Washington and New Delhi played a crucial role in bringing about a new government in Colombo. Sri Lanka’s new leader is decidedly pro-Western, but like all its predecessors, the new government has its reservations about New Delhi. A Crisis Group report in 2011 noted that with the LTTE gone, New Delhi’s capacity to influence Sri Lankan policy has been greatly reduced. Yet still Colombo mistrusts New Delhi. To many Sinhalese, India’s overt intervention in 1987, citing the plight of Tamils was a humiliating affair. At that time Sri Lanka’s armed forces were a fraction of their current strength, and were barely capable of dealing with the Tamil insurgency underway.

And so the victory over its internal foe, achieved with Chinese assistance, has provided Colombo with an opportunity to build up its forces as a deterrent against any future actions by what many Sinhalese perceive to be their external foe: India.

Ana Pararajasingham was Director- Programmes with the Centre for Just Peace and Democracy (CJPD) and is the author “Sri Lanka’s Endangered Peace Process and the Way Forward”

(2007).

- Courtesy: thediplomat.com

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TheThe monthmonth "" Thai"Thai" isis consideredconsidered anan auspiciousauspicious monthmonth byby allall TamilTamil speakingspeaking people.people.

ings,ings, LordLord ShivaShiva (angry(angry destroyerdestroyer )) inin thethe afternoonsafternoons andand LordLord VishnuVishnu (peaceful,(peaceful, lifelife saver)saver) inin thethe eve-eve-

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¬îŠªð£ƒè™ ï™õ£›ˆ¶‚èœ àKˆî£°è     Kids’ Kids’ Endless Endless Questions
   

Kids’Kids’ EndlessEndless QuestionsQuestions

Q:Q: WhyWhy DoDo PeoplePeople GetGet SickSick ????

A:A: TellTell youryour kidkid Usually,Usually, it'sit's becausebecause ofof germs.germs. TheseThese tinytiny

critterscritters cancan findfind theirtheir wayway intointo ourour bodybody throughthrough thethe airair wewe

breathebreathe andand thingsthings wewe eat,eat, oror whenwhen wewe touchtouch ourour mouthmouth oror

eyeseyes withoutwithout washingwashing ourour hands.hands. MostMost ofof thethe time,time, germsgerms

don'tdon't affectaffect us,us, butbut sometimessometimes ourour bodybody can'tcan't fightfight themthem

offoff ---- andand that'sthat's whenwhen wewe getget sick.sick. Occasionally,Occasionally, peoplepeople

-- -- and and that's that's when when we we get get sick. sick. Occasionally, Occasionally,

'When'When thethe monthmonth 'Thai'Thai isis born,born, thethe pathpath toto solutionssolutions toto pressingpressing issueseissuese willwill alsoalso becomebecome visble',visble', isis aa popularpopular proverbproverb amongamong TamilTamil community.community. ('Thai('Thai PiranthalPiranthal WazhaiWazhai Pirakkum')Pirakkum')

nings.nings. Hence,Hence, itit isis bestbest suitedsuited toto treattreat thethe SunSun godgod asas thethe visiblevisible formform ofof thethe TrimurtisTrimurtis andand worshipworship him.him.

SomeSome peoplepeople treattreat thisthis dayday asas thethe firstfirst dayday ofof thethe TamilTamil NewNew YearYear (( PuthuPuthu varushamvarusham )) eveneven though,though, accordingaccording toto TamilTamil almanacs,almanacs, thethe firstfirst dayday ofof thethe TamilTamil monthmonth 'Siththirai''Siththirai' (( AprilApril -- MayMay )) isis treatedtreated asas thethe actualactual TamilTamil NewNew YearYear dayday allall overover thethe world.world.

 

OnOn thethe ThaiThai PongalPongal day,day, allall inin thethe familyfamily wakewake upup earlyearly inin thethe morningmorning andand afterafter bathingbathing andand cleansingcleansing themselvesthemselves andand wearingwearing newnew clothes,clothes, gathergather inin frontfront ofof thethe houseshouses toto prepareprepare sweetsweet PongalPongal rice.rice. ThisThis isis preparedprepared byby cookingcooking freshfresh rawraw ricerice inin milkmilk andand jaggery.jaggery. ThisThis sweetsweet foodfood isis offeredoffered firstfirst toto thethe SunSun godgod asas aa tokentoken ofof thanksthanks giving.giving. Then,Then, thethe sweetsweet ricerice isis distributeddistributed toto allall inin thethe familyfamily andand neighbours.neighbours.

alsoalso becomebecome illill becausebecause theirtheir bodybody isn'tisn't workingworking properly,properly, butbut youyou can'tcan't catchcatch thosethose kindskinds ofof

 

sicknesses.sicknesses. Fortunately,Fortunately, inin mostmost cases,cases, restingresting andand takingtaking medicinemedicine cancan helphelp youryour bodybody heal.heal.

WhatWhat youyou shouldshould knowknow It'sIt's importantimportant toto drawdraw aa distinctiondistinction betweenbetween commoncommon conditionsconditions

likelike thethe fluflu andand moremore frighteningfrightening onesones likelike cancer.cancer. "Children"Children wantwant toto knowknow thatthat they'rethey're goinggoing

OnOn thethe PongalPongal day,day, thethe farmersfarmers whowho cultivatedcultivated thethe paddypaddy cropscrops cookcook aa deliciousdelicious foodfood itemitem calledcalled 'Pongal''Pongal' withwith thethe newlynewly harvestedharvested ricerice andand worshipworship thethe SunSun godgod toto thankthank himhim forfor providingproviding thethe energyenergy inin thethe formform ofof sunlightsunlight whichwhich isis

toto getget better,"better," sayssays ParentsParents advisoradvisor DarshakDarshak Sanghavi,Sanghavi, M.D.,M.D., authorauthor ofof AA MapMap ofof thethe Child:Child: AA

Pediatrician'sPediatrician's TourTour ofof thethe Body.Body. "Explain"Explain thatthat mostmost seriousserious diseasesdiseases usuallyusually don'tdon't happenhappen untiluntil

oldold age.age. TheThe illnessesillnesses kidskids catchcatch typicallytypically cancan bebe easilyeasily treated."treated." WhileWhile you'reyou're atat it,it, promotepromote

germs

healthyhealthy habitshabits suchsuch asas washingwashing handshands frequentlyfrequently toto wardward offoff germs

16

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