Journal of Bengali Studies Vol.4 No.2

ISSN 2277-9426
Journal of Bengali Studies

Vol. 4, No. 2
Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives
Olindo Juddho Dibosh, 21 Ogrohayon 1422

Winter Issue, Day of Storming Headquarters, 8 December 2015
Journal of Bengali Studies (ISSN 2277-9426) Vol.4, No.2

Published on the occasion of Olindo Juddho Dibos (Day of Storming
Headquarters), 21 Ogrohayon 1422, 8 December 2015
The theme of this issue is Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives
ISSN: 2277-9426
Journal of Bengali Studies

Vol. 4, No. 2
8 December 2015
Day of Storming Headquarters
21 Ogrohayon 1422
Winter Issue
Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives
Editor: Tamal Dasgupta
The commentary, article, review copyrightsindividual contributors, while the Journal of

Bengali Studies holds the publishing right for re-publishing the contents of the journal in future
in any format, as per our terms and conditions and submission guidelines. EditorialTamal
Dasgupta. Cover designTamal Dasgupta. Cover Image: Garhpanchakot, Purulia, West Bengal.
Further, Journal of Bengali Studies is an open access, free for all e-journal and we promise to go
by an Open Access Policy for readers, students, researchers and organizations as long as it
remains for non-commercial purpose. However, any act of reproduction or redistribution (in any
format) of this journal, or any part thereof, for commercial purpose and/or paid subscription
must accompany prior written permission from the Editor, Journal of Bengali Studies. For any
queries, please contact: shoptodina@gmail.com and editjbs@gmail.com
For details about our Editorial Team, general policies and publication details, please see our
website http://bengalistudies.blogspot.com and www.bengalistudies.com
Contents
Editorial
Commentary
Towards a Microhistoriography of Bengali People: Excavating the Ruins of Remembrance and
Forgetting
Tamal Dasgupta
Localizing Texts and Textualizing Locations: A Survey of the Historical Geography of Nabadwip
Somnath Sarkar
17
Article
Evolution of Folk Songs of Twentieth Century Bengal
Sayantan Thakur
21
Patni System and Subinfeudation Rights in Bankura

Arundhuti Sen
26
Situating Ramaprasad Chanda

Rahul Kumar Mohanta
38
Changing Role of Women in Vaishnavite Cult of 17
th
Century Bengal
Laboni Sarkar
47
Mythology and Folklore of Water Resources in Bengal

Sourav Maity
52
3 Journal of Bengali Studies (ISSN 2277 9426), Vol. 4, No. 2
The Bengali Othello in Pre-Independence Newspapers: The Question of Race and Hybridity
Abhishek Chowdhury
60
Vaidyas of Bengal
Raibatak Sen Gupta
74
Review
A Review of Jyotirmoy Roy's History of Manipur
Sanjay S. Ningombam
110
Disclaimer:
The contents, views and opinions occurring in the contributions are solely the responsibilities of
the respective contributors and the editorial board of Journal of Bengali Studies does not have
any responsibility in this regard.
The image/s appearing in the Journal are parts of a critical project, not for any commercial use.
Image/s are either provided by the authors/designers from their personal collections and /or are
copyright free to the best of knowledge & belief of the editorial board.
Journal of Bengali Studies is a double blind peer-reviewed online journal published since 2012.
For
the
previous
issues
please
visit
http://bengalistudies.blogspot.com
and
www.bengalistudies.com
We have previously published seven issues on the following themes, and all of them are available
online:
Ognijug (Vol.1, No.1)
Bengali Cinema: Bengalis and Cinema (Vol.1, No.2)
Bengali Theatre: Bengalis and Theatre (Vol.2, No.1)
Science and Technology in History: Modern Bengali Perspectives (Vol.2, No.2)
Literature and Movements: Bengali Crossroads (Vol.3, No.1)
Kolkata (Vol.3, No.2)
Bengali Music: Bengalis and Music (Vol.4 No.2)
Editorial
As 2015 comes to an end, this journal remembers its highs and its lows during the last four years of
journey. We have crossed milestones with issues which were collector's delight, we also had issues
which we thought could have been better. Sometimes we missed out some of the important topics
within the theme, but most often we have been able to address the strategic sites within our field of
study. We had our own problems to deal with as we were independently taking out this journal devoted
to the Bengali people, but we never capitulated to those problems. In the midst of increased
professional pressures, the two persons behind the inception of this journal (yours truly and Mousumi
Biswas Dasgupta) became proud parents of a baby boy one year ago. Happy preoccupations abound for
the editors of this journal.
Journal of Bengali Studies continues to thrive. It is the first of its kind to systematically usher an
interdisciplinary study of the history and culture of Bengali people. Four years down the line, it stands
apart by virtue of its merit. Perhaps we need to pause and savour our success today. JBS is now indexed
in various prestigious international directories, including DOAJ.
JBS continues to soar to new heights. In this issue, this journal glides with grace, like a majestic bird
that is being aided by the past momentum of its journey. This time we did not commission any piece
and have only published what our kind contributors have sent us, and enriched by the microhistorical
researches on various aspects of Bengal's cultural history, this issue surely emerges a collector's item.
My commentary aims to draw an outline of a nationalist microhistoriography of the Bengali people. Dr
Somnath Sarkar's commentary explores some heritage texts which illuminate the historical geography
of Nabadwip. Sayantan Thakur has worked on the evolution of popular folk songs in Bengal in recent
past. Arundhuti Sen's article explores the eighteenth and nineteenth century history of landed relations
and revenue system in Bankura. Laboni Sarkar investigates the role of women in Vaishnavite religion
of seventeenth century Bengal. Rahul Mohanta's article on Ramaprasad Chanda is a microhistorical
tribute to one of the greatest historians Bengal ever had, while Sourav Maity's article on the ancient
water reservoirs of Bengal is a delight to read.
Abhishek Chowdhury has written on the history of performance of Othello in Bengal. Sanjay
Ningombam's review of a Bengali author's (who as an academic in Imphal acquired a legendary status)
History of Manipur comes out as another testimony to the historical tie between Bengal and Manipur.
Last but not the least, Raibatak Sen Gupta's authoritative account on the history of the Vaidyas of
Bengal adorning this issue will be helpful for scholars and laypersons alike who are interested in this
unique and small caste of Bengal.
This issue is being published on the day of storming headquarters. 8 December 1930 was the day when
Benoy Badal and Dinesh stormed Writer's Building, the headquarters of British Raj in Bengal. We think
that this episode from the mutilated, silenced, fragmented history of Ognijug is an appropriate occasion
for publishing our microhistory issue. As my commentary in this issue suggests, in the midst of all
institutional hostilities, our history is preserved in our microhistory. And renaming that day as Day of
Storming Headquarters from the imperial jibe Battle of the Veranda is our political statement. Olindo
Juddho has a resonance in Bengali for a number of reasons, we therefore retain the Bengali term.
Journal of Bengali Studies has remained committed to the project of developing an interdisciplinary
Bengali nationalist discourse in academia since we started publishing, and the eighth issue of JBS once
more renews that pledge.
The editorial board (and the contributors) can be reached at editjbs@gmail.com and
shoptodina@gmail.com. Readers of JBS can find updates and call for papers for the forthcoming
issues, and post comments and responses at http://bengalistudies.blogspot.in/. Also, JBS can be
accessed at at www.bengalistudies.com . Our facebook page is www.facebook.com/BengaliStudies
Towards a Microhistoriography of Bengali People: Excavating

the Ruins of Remembrance and Forgetting
Tamal Dasgupta
If the task of the revolutionary historiographer is a pressing one, it is because the history that he or she
seeks to redeem is in constant danger of perishing. It is the fate of the dispossessed to disappear. They
are men and women who lack a lineage or succession, infertile creatures who thus require a different
kind of memorial. They represent what Antoine Compagnon has called 'the history of that which has no
descendants the history of the failures in history' of those obscure strivings for justice which have
melted and left no trace behind them in the annals of official history
Terry Eagleton, Hope Without Optimism (29)
What happened to Bengal's history? That is perhaps a rhetorical question that one may not strictly need
to answer, because the answer is obvious. So many years have lapsed since Bankim's well known
lament that Bengalis need history or else they will not be human enough. But history of Bengal still
stands in disarray. When we realise that Bengalis are yet to develop a coherent historiography which
will tell them of their past glory and defeats, of their land, people, culture and journey, we understand
that something is rotten in the state of Bishshomanobic Bengalis. Indeed, Ognijug is a case in point.
Such is the problematic of the history of Ognijug, that the official school textbooks of Bengal described
our revolutionary nationalists as terrorists a few years ago.
History of Bengal remains disorganized and fragmented. There are still no comprehensive,
authoritative accounts of our medieval and modern periods, which have not yet witnessed a work like
Niharranjan Ray's Bangalir Itihash (Adiporbo) that catered to the ancient period.. None whatsoever
undertaken at the level of government sponsored projects. But interestingly, scholars passionate about
Bengal's history have painstakingly worked on the history of various periods and places since the
Bengali revival of nineteenth century. They now constitute an obscure gamut of out-of-print works.
Most of them are not yet digitized and rarely reprinted. It is perhaps pertinent now to construct a
microhistoriography of the Bengali people in the light of these forgotten projects. Because we have our
history all scattered, it is only a revolutionary microhistoriography that can convert this crisis into a
critical opportunity, and can somewhat amusingly transform a compulsion into a commitment. Those
who only have a fragmented history, whose mainstream history is under occupation from alien forces
who like to tell us that the martyrs of Ognijug were terrorists, must learn to do with fragments and
miniscule histories themselves.
Let us remember these forgotten fragments. Each of these fragments has the potential to turn into a site
of pilgrimage, a destination for explorers, a site of Shakti, much in the vein of the pieces from the
mutilated body of Sati that gave birth to the rise of Shaktipthas.
Our ancient history was brutally mutilated and largely obliterated by invaders like Bakhtiyar Khilji, the
destroyer of ancient universities like Nalanda. Bengal's modern history, particularly the history of
Ognijug is likewise being mutilated by another bunch of invaders. The contribution of Bengal to India's
freedom struggle is not just downplayed but a Bengal-less history of struggle of independence has
become a possibility, as part of an official truth in a tripartite arrangement operating within our leftNehruvian-Sangh dominated academia. The impossible is achieved in this intellectual jugglery when
the people, the ideas, the struggle and the sacrifice of Bengal are completely obliterated in a version of
history which claims that the idea of India emerged during 1930s (which is, effectively after Bengal
was cut down to size in terms of importance and influence in all India politics). We shall come to that
presently. But first of all, we must note that 1930s are a watershed, as this decade was witnessing the
final eclipse of Bengal after a concerted effort of British which started during the last years of
nineteenth century, as Bengal became too big a threat, intellectually, culturally, politically and
philosophically. General Secretary of CPI(M), Sitaram Yechury in an article in the periodical Frontline
says, The emergence of the conception of the idea of India arose from a continuous battle between three visions
that emerged during the 1920s on the conception of the character of independent India. 1
Yechury then goes on to describe these three visions as those of (Gandhi) Congress, Left, and RSS.
They share some curious commonalities. Congress finally became Gandhi's fiefdom after the expulsion
of Subhash, which happened during this period. And Gandhi was instrumental in marginalizing Bengal
in all India politics. Congress under Lal Bal Pal was fighting for total independence, but under Gandhi
it ensured the convenience of the Raj by demanding dominion status. After C R Das's sad and untimely
demise in 1925, Gandhi became practically the unchallenged ruler of Congress till Subhash's rebellion.
Left (actually, the Communist Party) entered India with some active British patronage as my article in
the Ognijug issue of JBS demonstrated. And RSS never fought in the freedom struggle and was
subservient to the empire. The revolutionary nationalist movement which was launched in Bengal was
dead, and these three vultures made a feast over its dead body, as they came to divide the pie of India's
official history among them. So we shall forget that the idea of India was there in the reform
movements which constituted the signature contribution of Bengal in the nineteenth century, the idea of
India in the Bengal Renaissance must likewise be forgotten, we shall forget the contribution of Vande
Mataram in India's freedom struggle (albeit that was a song written specifically for Bengal, but it was
appropriated all over India and no honest history of the struggle of independence can be conceived
without it), we shall forget the history of boycott movement, we shall forget that in India the father of
the nation was a title that was originally conferred on Surendranath Banerjee, much before the name
M K Gandhi even was remotely heard in India. We shall forget Bankim, Vivekananda, Aurobindo,
because they are now without any powerful legacy-bearers who can restore history to its truth, and
reclaim the place of pride that Bengalis deserves in history writing. It is now high time for us to turn to
microhistory, to salvage whatever we can, from our past.
But what do we understand by the term microhistory? As we define this interdisciplinary field, in the
very beginning we need to be adequately resistant against any blind import of a western template.
While we must study the origin and development of the concept of microhistory in the west, we also
must adapt it for our own situation so that it benefits our own investigations. We should be driven by an
urge not to imitate, but to improvize and assimilate this western theory of microhistory.
In his insightful article titled Four Arguments for Microhistory published in the journal Rethinking
History, it has been observed by Istvn Szijrt that microhistory has four defining characteristics.
The first trait is that microhistory is more attuned to the little facts of history. Secondly, it is
enjoyably presented, and thus is more popular and can aspire to reach out to the the reading public
outside the circle of professional historians. The specificity of history when compared to the other
'verbal fictions' is that it must be based on the 'little facts.' Microhistory is necessarily built more
directly on the 'little facts' of the sources than traditional social history and it is more concrete (210).
Moreover, it is pointed out: In microhistory the reader feels that he is coming directly to the people of
the past, closer than it is otherwise possible in historical studies (210).
Further, it is observed: Modern social history has placed the experience (exprience, gelebtes Leben)
of real human beings to the centre of its attention. The third advantage of microhistory is that it can
convey the lived experience to readers (210).
Lastly, microhistory connects the individual, the specific with the general. A small event is likewise
engaged contextually to the longue dure that it might challenge and deconstruct as well. What we
observe here is that a microhistorical study applies a method that does not treat its subject matter in an
isolated manner but puts it within a perspective, investigating the larger framework.
Georg G Iggers considers that microhistory has sprung to life because of generalizations that do not
hold up when tested against the concrete reality of the small-scale life they claim to explain. 2
Microhistory has thus rebelled against universalism, and has been more interested in the exceptions
than in the generalized hegemony. It was with such an imperative, Carlo Ginzberg suggests, that the
term microhistory was coined by George R Stewart in 1959, and later it was first methodically applied
by Giovanni Levi during the late 1970s (1977 or 1978).3

Francesca Mari points out:
Microhistory arose largely in Europe and the United States in the 1970s and 1980s in reaction
not only to the top-down historical narratives common to political history but also to the
increasingly quantitative ones of social history. Microhistorians argued that the generalizations
of capital H Great Man History distorted the truth of how most individuals actually lowercase lived and therefore advocated telling the stories of what one practitioner called the normal
exception: the interesting small player who could stand in for the average person and, as a
result, offer a unique angle overlooked by elite texts and master narratives.4
The biographical article on Satin Sen that I authored might be presented as a case in point. This is a
microhistorical work that deconstructs the established hegemony in history writing, brings back the
events (in the sense of Badiou) that have been marginalized in history writing, highlights a life that is
full of sacrifice in the midst of growing communal tension in east Bengal which will soon culminate in
a long series of genocides for the remaining part of the century. First published as a Bengaliwiki article,
this biographical article was subsequently published in the Shoptodina Pujoshonkha .5
At an immediate level, physical shape and limits of our Journal of Bengali Studies (for that matter any
such journal) that is devoted to the history and culture of Bengali people might tend to intrinsically
favour microhistorical perspectives: voluminous studies are by default excluded in a journal. Indeed,
when we look back, we see that all of our past issues were dealing with the specific, had a localized
focus, and had microhistorical aims chalked out in their call for papers, without deliberately intending
to do so. Our issues on Ognijug, Bengali Cinema, Bengali theatre, Science and Technology: Modern
Bengali Perspectives, Literature and Movements: Bengali Crossroads, Kolkata, Bengali Music these
themes were fertile grounds for microhistorical enquiry.
An article meant for a journal like JBS (that focuses on Bengali cultural history) can very often be
oriented microhistorically by the very physicality of the medium, as the piece will be compelled to
choose a smaller unit of research, a compulsion that does not generally visit upon a voluminous book
length study.
At the same time, shape and size cannot always be dependable as criteria for determining a certain
work's status as microhistorical. A very small article on Bengal's history by Bankim Chandra can be
read as very much macro-historical compared to a large treatise on the history of Nadia. The focus, the
emphasis, the method, the design and the content are important factors when we decide on a work
qualifying as microhistory.
Microhistory is a relatively smaller project, and can survive independently without institutional
patronage, and can serve significantly to the cause of nationalist revival in any culture. One specific
example of that would be this very journal. We have survived on our own for last four years. Because
its primary aim is to challenge the master narratives, and at present the master narratives belong to
liberal hegemony which denounces nationalist history to the margins, it can be an instrument of
resistance.
Let us work towards a microhistoriography of the Bengali people.
Notes
1. <http://www.frontline.in/the-nation/the-need-for-a-new-agenda/article7447315.ece>. Accessed on 17
November 2015.
2. <http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/23720> Accessed on 17 September 2015.
3. Ginzberg, Carlo. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/1343946?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents>. Accessed
on 17 September 2015.
4.
Mari,
Francesca.
The
Microhistorian.
<https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/the-
microhistorian-2>. Accessed on 17 September 2015.

5. Shoptodina 1: 5 (2015). <www.shoptodina.com>. Accessed on 17 November 2015.
Bibliography
Szijrt, Istvn. Four Arguments for Microhistory. Rethinking History 6:2 (2002), pp. 209215.
Eagleton , Terry. Hope Without Optimism. London: Yale University Press, 2015.
Dr Tamal Dasgupta is founder editor of Journal of Bengali Studies and Asst Professor of English at a
Delhi University college.
Localizing Texts and Textualizing Locations: A Survey of the

Historical Geography of Nabadwip
Somnath Sarkar
Nabadwip in south Bengal is the melting pot of various cultures since historic times. The area is
notable for its rich Vaishnava cultural heritage in the form of temples, traditional arts and crafts,
festivals, rituals and so on. There are so many historical repositories in Nabadwip, where the important
manuscripts on vaishnavism are available. The repositories are Sashi Bhushan Pathagarh- Sri Gouranaga Mahaprabhu Tol Mandir,
Nabadwip Sadharan Granthagarh,
Nabadwip Adarsha Pathagarh,
Nabadwip Puratattva Parishat.
Thousand of manuscripts both Vaishnava and Nyaya philosophy are well preserved in those
repositories. The importance of those manuscripts available in that region cannot be overlooked
because of the fact that these manuscripts contain information regarding cultural interaction of south
Bengal with the other part of India as well as abroad. On the other hand, Vaishnava manuscripts contain
the history and culture of mediaeval Nabadwip. Undoubtedly, the loss of these manuscripts is a great
blow to the Indian knowledge system, literary and cultural heritage. In this present article I would like
to furnish in brief about the important manuscripts and their significance as revealed in those texts.
Sashi Bhushan pathagarh- Sri Gouranaga Mahaprabhu Tol Mandir at Nabadwip of the present time
holds a few important but yet unpublished rare texts which are quite important for heritage studies. A
few of them are the following, which need to be published for dissemination of cultural knowledge.
Nabadwipa-parikrama :
This text provides us with ancient history and geography of Nabadwip and its vaishnava heritage. The
language and poetic style is also unique. The text is authored by Narahari and the scribe and owner of
this manuscript is Thakurdas Sarman.
The text is written in mediaeval Bengali language and in mediaeval Bengali script. The text describes
the geographical location of ancient Nabadwip and its topological significance. The text is important
for the study of the history of Nabadwipa in Bengal. There are 9 (nine) folios in the manuscript and
condition is fair. So it has to be published as early as possible for the study of Vaishnavism in Bengal
with special reference to Nabadwipa.
Vamsavaliparichaya:
This is another text containing the genealogical data of the Goswami lineage. Hence it is an important
piece of historical document. The text is authored by Sanatan Goswami, the greatest poet of
Vaishnavism. The language is Sanskrit and written in Mediaeval Bengali script.
Purvavamsavrittanta-vivriti :
This manuscript also contains the genealogical list and the important contribution of Goswami-family,
the present custodian of the repository. It is also historically important for the study of vaishnavism in
Bengal with special reference to Gaudiya- vaishnavism. The text is written in Sanskrit language and in
mediaeval Bengali script.
Radhastottarashatanamastotra :
This important stotra type of text is authored by Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu himself. The text in the
manuscript is all probability a stotra revealed and pronounced by Mahaprabhu Sri Chaitanya himself. It
is a eulogy of 108 names of Sri Radhika. This is also very important for the study of Vaishnavism.
All above these texts are the best example of Vaishnava Principles most skilfully for which this work
becomes an authentic one to the Vaishnavas of Bengal. Those manuscripts contain the data of the
historical-geography of that period, philosophical approaches, cultural studies and cultural history also.
It is very important to furnish the socio- cultural history as revealed in those manuscripts as the Indian
knowledge system will glorify its dignity and significant.
Social history of the people of Bengal specially, South Bengal may gain more authenticity and
acceptability when it is reconstructed on the basis of those manuscripts available in that area. Study of
manuscripts is tough and troublesome but becomes easy and rewarding as a scholar goes on
deciphering its script to the extent of its enchanting essence. Manuscripts available in Nabadwip
definitely can explore the social aspects, economic and political developments, religious and cultural
heritage, and may be the traditional medicinal practices and ecology.
Manuscripts available in that area are mostly written in Sanskrit and mediaeval Bengali language. The
scripts are Mediaeval Bengali of early 16 th century to late 17th century. Many of those manuscripts and
the copies thereof were written for the welfare of the people. As a part of social welfare activities, the
royal rulers as well as the educated scholars of that area have given proper impetus to the preparation of
manuscripts. Those manuscripts were copied in order to propagate the knowledge embedded in them.
This might have been the only way, at that time, to disseminate the works of the elites among the
disciples, devotees and fellow brethren of the community.
The manuscripts, their subject matter as well as colophon and post- colophon therein- are correlated to
the prevalent religion and faiths of the people of that particular area. Several manuscripts belonging to
the Bhakti- cult were prepared by their copyists. The presence of these manuscripts authenticates the
influence of Vaishnavism in that area. Vaishnavism is still prevalent among the people of south Bengal
since 16th century AD. The author of those texts of Vaishnavism undoubtedly the staunch devotee of
Lord Krishna and the very first sloka of those texts mentions their faith in the worship of Lord Krishna.
So, to conserve and preserve these documents of immense historical importance, the scholars need to
have a dedicated system in place and publish those unpublished texts for the development of Indian
cultural heritage as well as Indian knowledge system.
Reference Bibliography :
Bhandarkar, R.G. Vaishnavism and Minor Religious Sects. Pune; BORI, 1915.
Cultural Heritage of India. Ed. S.K.De, U.N. Ghoshal & R.C.Hazra. Calcutta; 1937.
Dasgupta,S.B. Aspects of Indian Religious Thought. Calcutta; 1972.
Gonda, J. Aspects of Early vaishnavism. Wiesbaden; 1969
Goswami, Tripada Swami Maharaja. The Bhagavata: Its Philosophy, Its Ethics, Its Theology. Madras;
Gaudiya Mission Trust, 1933.
www.namami.org.in
www.nationalmanuscriptmission.com
Singh, M.R. Critical Study of Geographical Data of Early Puranas. Delhi; MLBD, 1981.
Dr Somnath Sarkar is Assistant Professor of Sanskrit, Kanchrapara College,University of Kalyani,
West Bengal.
Evolution of Folk Songs of Twentieth Century Bengal

Sayantan Thakur
Folk song has been bearing the cultural essence of Bengal for ages. It has always been the subject of
attraction for one who does have the power to appreciate the enriched essence of music. Its sahajiya'
(simple) tune can not only attract a man but also can steal his heart away from the mundane
complexities of this world of transition. But apart from its heart rendering appeal, Bengali folk song
also gets importance because of its ability to touch and represent the every sphere of Bengali society. It
is considered as one of those historical evidences that have witnessed the evolution of Bengal and its
long journey from stereotype to modernity. As it is written in the language of the common people, quite
naturally it represents the expression of them and at the same time upholds their way of visualising the
change that has been slowly but steadily occurring in Bengali society and culture. Sometimes it
celebrates the gradual progress of Bengali society and sometimes it laments on the loss of our own
culture and heritage. In other words, the minute changes that played a significant role in the
transformation of Bengal, get their manifestation in the folk songs of the region. Songs like Ekbar
Biday De Maa, Ami Tak Dum Tak Dum Bajai, E Gayer Naojoyan, Mayer Daoya Mota Kapr, O
Tunir Maa and many others delineate the several major incidents of twentieth century Bengal, ranging
from the partition of the region to the emergence of metropolitan culture, that played an important role
in the process of evolution in their traditional simple language.
Early Twentieth Century Bengal: Partition, Its Aftermath and Freedom Movement
The early decade of the twentieth century Bengal witnessed the partition of the region, its aftermath
and the freedom movement. Among those three major events, Partition of Bengal in the year 1905 was
a cataclysmic event that not only separated Bengal into two, but also created trauma among the people.
Folk artists, being the true representative of the soil, used their poetic gift to remind us of that historical
crisis and anxiety of the region. They play a vital role in developing popular consciousness among the
common folks and through their folk songs they tried to inspire the youth by upholding in front of them
the strength and beauty of a unified Bengal. In this regard the song that is worthy to be mentioned is
Ami Takdum Takdum Bajai Bangla Desher Dhol.
Though this song was written much later, it represents a picture of a unified Bengal. In the very first
line of the song the word Bangladesh is significant in the sense that it does not mean East-Bengal
alone but Bengal in general. The poet, instead of delineating the picture of a divided Bengal, portrays a
sketch where the gap between the east and the west gets blurred. There is a line in the song Maye Poye
badhan Cherar Sadhyo Karor Nai which suggests that just as an infant cannot be parted from his
mother, similarly the barrier between two Bengals can only make geographical separation not the
emotional one.
After partition, the major incident that annihilated Bengal is the communal riots. According to some
Historians, the divide and rule policy of the British imperialism resulted in breaking the communal
harmony of Bengal, which took violent aspect after partition and separated Hindu from Muslims and
Muslims from Hindu forever. Folk song writers, being the minute observer of the society, depicted the
aftermath of partition and lamented upon the loss of the harmonic relationship between the Hindu and
the MuslimsGramer nowjuan hindu musolman
milia baula gan ar murshidi gaitam
Age ki sundor din kataitam.
[Oh! The youth of the village, both Muslims and Hindus
How peacefully we used to apss our days by singing both Baul and Murshid songs]
The quoted song sustains the mourning of the poet at the division of two religions. The poet while
expressing his deepest sorrow says that how communalism grasped the fraternal atmosphere of Bengal
and changed the entire scenario of the region in order to give birth to a newly evolved, caste centric,
Bengali society.
The trauma of partition and its aftermath played a vital role in making the patriotic sense of the people
stronger than it was before. It became even more sensitive when Khudiram Bose, a young freedom
fighter, was hanged by the British in 1908. Folk writers of the period, by leaving aside the theme of
partition of Bengal for the time being, took this sensitive issue in order to inspire the youth by making
them aware of the pathetic condition of Bangla Maa under the colonial rules of the British Raj.
In this regard the song Ekbar biday de Ma ghure ashi (Bengali: , English: "Bid
me goodbye Mother") is noteworthy to be mentioned. This ballad was composed by Pitambar Das in
honour of Khudiram Bose, the first Bengali warrior rebel who was hanged by British Government
(source: Wikipedia). Though the song describes Khudirams sacrifice for the sake of the country, the
primary intention of the writer was to instigate the young freedom fighters of Bengal. A historical
analysis of the song will tell us that the song was composed at a time when the entire country was
under the colonial rule, the purpose of which was not only to destroy the cultural and historical
background of Bengal but also to create terror among young generation so that they could not even
dare to indulge themselves with the freedom movement.
Besides, the song also contains a line-
[I wanted to kill the master,
But killed some other English people] that reveals the honest principle of the freedom fighters, whose
intention was not to kill any innocent Englishmen but to those, who, in the name of civilizing us, were
doing the extortion. (wikipedia)
Apart from the song Ekbar biday de Ma ghure ashi (Bengali: , English: "Bid me
goodbye Mother") there were several other songs composed during the time by some anonymous folk
singers. Though they were not so popular, but they possess strong nationalistic views and hatred for the
British Raj. One among those, is a song by Pagla Kanai that depicts the predicament of the suppressed
and repressed farmer under the colonial ruleThis year, the dreadful rain is over flooded all jute and paddy
How the tax of Raja, the debt of Mahajan pay... (quoted from Liton,56)
Thus it can be said that the folk songs written during the first decade of twentieth century were more or
less patriotic in nature as their primary emphasis was on raising the Nationalistic creed among Bengalis
so that they could, by leaving aside their caste and religion, unify against the Britiash Raj.
Post-Independence Bengal : A New Beginning
The evolution of the twentieth century Bengal, in the real sense of the term, began after the
independence. The culture and society suddenly took a drastic change with the departure of the British
in 1947. After that, the omnipresence of the colonial hangover in the form of globalization starts
grasping the every sphere of Bengali life by leading them to accept the age of virtual reality. Folk songs
of this era, which themselves have gone through an evolution in terms of Tune, Melody and language,
have depicted this minute transformation of the society and showed how Bengalis, in order to cope up
with the change that Globalization has brought, have started running for the culture of the other by
discarding their own heritage. In this regard two songs are worthy to be mentioned. They are Ami Delhi
Gelam , Bombay Gelam by Gostho Gopal and Chital Macher Muitha garam bhate Duita by Kharaj
Mukhejee. The former one describes the emergence of Metropolitan culture during 70s and the change
of the perspective of the society, while the latter one indicates how Bengalis have changed their
traditional food habits and have devoted themselves towards the continental oneChital Macher Muitha garam bhate Duita
Chaira Bangli Khai China Japani luita Puita
The latter song by Kharaj Mukherjee is important in the sense for the each stanza of the song upholds
different spheres of Bengali life and shows how the change has occurred there. For instance, the second
stanza of the song highlights how Bengalis are feeling ashamed in using their mother tongue as a
medium of communication while the third one criticises how Band music in the name of making fusion
is actually destroying the original tune and charm of the Bengali folk.
The change of Bengali culture becomes even more explicit in the song called Tunir Maa. Though this
song has not been appreciated in the Bengali intellectual circle, it is able to depict the degeneration of
certain values of Bengali society. A critical analysis will tell us that this song, which is based on the
tune of a popular Bhojpuri song, represents the change that has come into the perspective of the
Bengali youth. It describes how the innovation of cell phone has changed the traditional idea of giving
love proposal through letters by bringing in the art of missed call as an important way of saying- I
love you or I care for you. Apart from this, the language and the tune of the song have themselves
become an example of the evolution that Bengali folk has gone through during the ages.
Despite the continuous propensity of the Bengalis to make them fit with the globalized culture, few
branches of folk song, like Bhadugaan and Jhumur, though have gone through the process of
evaluation, are still able to retain their past glory. Both these types of folk songs delineate the life of the
marginalized. Modern Bhadu songs describe how lower sections of the society are passing their days
while the Jhumur tells the story of the tribals of Bankura and Purulia. For instance a popular Jhumur
song Bankura Bazare Laz Lage portrays a picture of the tribal life of Bankura.
Like Jhumur, modern Bhadusongs also deal with the several problems of our society. The song deri je
saina prane ,o Khokar baap bhadu shital dao ane , for instance, shows how women from the lower
strata of the society are still forced to be remained away from the main stream of the society as if they
do not even possess the voice of their own.
The evolution of Bengal has reached its zenith by holding the hand of globalization. It has brought a
drastic change in Bengali culture and society by affecting the every sphere of it. Even folk song, the
true product of the soil, while coping itself up with the newly formed Band culture has gone through
several changes. It has not been able to retain its past glory. But whatever may be the fact, folk song,
while playing its role as a social observer, has witnessed the evolution of twentieth century Bengal and
its long journey from Ekbar Biday De Maa to Tunir Maa.
Works Cited
Liton, H. A. (2012, March 12). Minstrel Kanais quest for transcending communal barriers. The
Weekly Holiday, p. Miscellany.
Chaudhary, Sushil. IDENTITY AND COMPOSITE CULTURE : THE BENGAL CASE. Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 58(1), 2013, pp. 1-25.
Goswami, Karunamaya. West Bengal and Bangladesh
Chakravarti, Sudhir. Bangla Ganer Sandhane.(1960) Calcutta: Aruna Prakashani
Dev, Chittaranjan. Banglar Palligiti. Calcutta: National Book Agency
Sayantan Thakur is Lecturer of English, Kabi Joydeb Mahavidyaya, Birbhum, West Bengal.
Patni System and Subinfeudation Rights in Bankura

Arundhuti Sen
Abstract: Bankura or Baancorah, an intregal part of Rarh Bengal had vertical socio-economic
structure which remained unalterable for the years. With the British penetration in Rarh Bengal, and
simultaneous introduction of new land revenue system, the socio-economic structure changed slowly
which led to the breakdown of the Bishnupur Raj and converted Bankura into semi-feudal tract
affecting the landed relations of the region. While examining the transition, this paper brings out the
example of patni system a new trend of subinfeudation system which was implanted by the Burdwan
Raj in soil of Bankura. With the legalization of patni tenure in 1819,the system gradually spread it
tentacle throughout in Bankura affecting the patterns and trends of the land revenue administration in
Bankura. This paper in short tries to explore the origin, growth of the putni system in Bankura and the
subsequent respond of the socio-economic magnets with the changing socio-economic dimension in
Bankura, an aspect which so long have been neglected or relegated back in the history.
Keywords: Rarh, Bankura, suinfeudation, patni, landed- interest.
Bankura, the western district of the Burdwan Division, is situated between 22. 38 and 23. 38 north
latitude and between 86 36 and 87 46 west longitude. It has an area of 2,621 square miles and
situated on north bank of the Dhalkisor river in 2314 N and 87 4 E. 1
Bankura during medieval period was been part of ancient Bishnupur with the exception of thanas
Raipur and Khatra and of the western portions of the Bankura. When Bankura was seized The Raja of
Bishnupur was more or less reduced to the status of feudatory chief. With the British accession of
Bishnupur the settlement was made with raja Chaitnaya Singh the hustabood being fixed at Rs 3,86,708
payable to the government. The subsequent years were one the darkest chapter in the history of
Bankura. The Great Famine of 1770 drastically affected the vertical structure of Bishnupur Raj which
was so long based upon the allegiance of the local community who either perished or were apparently
eliminated from the scene within the few years after the introduction of Permanent Settlement.
The crisis of the Bishnupur Raj was accelerated by the mismanagement of the estate and the fratricidal
struggle of the Bishnupur Raj. By the year 1806 the whole of the ancient Bishnupur Raj had been sold
at public auction in lots from which originated the ten revenue paying estates of Bishnupur subdivision
of Bankura in the late 19th century- Bishnupur Karisunda, Jungle Mahals, Kuchiakol, Panchal, Jamtara,
Shahjora, Maliara. 2
With the displacement of Chaitnaya Singh the arch rival of the Rajas of Burdwan a new era ushered
in the History of Bankura. While the Rarhi Brahman the land farmers under the realm of the Bishnupur
Raj continued to enjoy their strengthold in the landed properties bestowed upon them by the former
Raja Up in the hiearchical relation it was the Tejchand the Raja of Burdwan who tried to dominate most
by introducing new experiments in land-tenurial rights in form of patni system, the most notorious one
which he had earlier implemented in his own estate. Before plunging into details about the complicated
land-tenure system in Bankura it is necessary to know about the historical background that led to the
origin of putni tenure in the soil of Rarh Bengal.
The term Pattani is most ambiguous one and probably had its origin from the Bengali word Pattani
system which means constituency or settlement. Hobson, Johnson also confirms the same.
Unlike
most of the other tenures of its time pattani had no pedigree. It had originated from the estate of
Burdwan within a few years after settlement and consecutively after availing its legal recognition
through Regulation VIII of 1819 it spreaded rapidly like wildfire throughout in the district of Bengal.
The creation of putni tenure saved the nascent family of Burdwan Raj and his newly built- estate from
the verge of salvation.
The idea of Putnee had its probable origin within the pros and cons of the Permanent settlement. As
Sirajul Islam observes One of the major drawback of the Permanent Settlement was its failure to take
to account the enormous changes that had been occurring in the agrarian relation from the beginning of
the 18th century4 .
As the intermediate interest remained undefined the leaseholders normally aggravated the situation. For
Raja Tejchandra was already stucked off with uncesant family feud, vagaries of weather, decline in
population that greatly affected the rent collection to add to his woes he fall out in arrears and his
position began to stumble out By 1799. At this juncture Raja Tejchand had to face the serious crisis and
the only solution to save the newly built estate from the verge of dismemberment was to divide it and
sell it off in lots. Thus he parcelled out his estate in form of numerous tenure between his officials and
his relatives in to a new tenure known as patni tenure. By 1802 unofficially this system had become a
practice and the patni leaseholders leased out their land in similar manner resulting into the growth of
similar form of intermediate tenures in 2nd and 3rd strata known as dar-patni, se-patni, chahram-patni.
By the year 1806 when the larger estates of Bankura including that of Bishnupur came in the hand of
Tejchand, he devised the patni system in the terrain of Bankura. Historian shortly differs while stating
reason behind the origin of patni system in the district. The exact number of dar putni and se-patni in
district at the beginnining of the 19 th century is unknown. The Bankura estates belonging to the
the
Maharaja of Burdwan contained 241 putni Taluk alone. 5Regarding the other estates that was within
the realm of Bankura many of them had fallen under the newly built political unit known as Jungle
Mahals, the number of the patnidars were comparatively to that of those which was under the
supervision of Tejchand. The same situation was prevalent even in the year 1825 when the entire estate
of Bankura except that of West Burdwan was let out as pattani tenures. Bankura being the jungle
mahals was not considered susceptible for cultivation.6
Before traversing the minute details available about the pattern of the development of putni system it is
necessary to know about the existing land tenure and the inferior rights which have developed in the
realms of Bankuras land revenue administration ever from the Mughal days. A parallel study of the
land-system and the existing tenure will help us to understand about the patterns and the contradictions
and strife which the older communities faced out the outset.
The land system of Bankura from the days of the Mughal rule was largely based on patron-client
relationship. As such there evolved an integrated
neighboring estate. Bengal
land system which were different from her
from the Mughal period had seen the growth of feudal-structure which
governed the administration of Bengal. With the onset of British administration these socio-economic
elements consolidated and led to the growth of pyramid structure agrarian system in the soil of Rarh
This shifting changes determined the agrarian relation in Bengal which have been mentioned
i)
Territorial Aristrocracy ( Zaminders of the Mughal period)
ii)
Intermediate Landowners
below:
iii)
Small Landing community( jotedar, haoladar,gantidar, mourassi moukhari peasantry)
While the Territorial aristrocaciesrwho constituted The old Zamindars of The Bengal enjoyed vast
territorial rights and styled themselves as nobelities in Mughal court. Beyond them were the prosperous
intermediate land-owners who derived their allegiance to the Zamindars, they drew their subsistence
from agrarian production . Beyond them were local independent small land-owning community known
as jotedar, haoladar, gantidar,who also drew their subsistence level from agricultural produce however
the income incurred from the agricultural produce was less in comparison to that of intermediate
landowners.7 While this was almost a regular feature of Bengal that dominated its society in end quarter
of the 18th century to the beginning of the 19th century. Bankura
bears an exception, as the
administrative structure under the Bishnupur Raj was centralized the Territorial magnets derived their
allegiance directly from the small landed gentry who enjoyed their landed rights in form of Jumma
pottah, jote, khoorfa and bhagjote. The leases were generally granted for an unlimited term and the
tenures were liable to an increase in rent. 8 This was the spectacular feature of the land system of
Bankura which had witnessed the absence of intermediary tenure. Beside the traditional structure The
Rajas of Bishnupur had the service tenures known as be-Panchak (rent-free) and Panchak (nominal quit
rent). There were two types of service tenures in the district one paying their panchaki directly to the
government and another to the zamindars. In Maliara be-Panchak or entirely rent-free tenure exist, and
in Ganagajalghati police circle the ghatwals pay their panchaks to the zamindars or talukdars 9.
Ghatwals and chaukidars usually derived their income from the service rendered to the authority. This
was more or less the land-owning structure of the Bankura which was predominant from the Mughal
days. With the disposition of Raja of Bishnupur the hierarchical relation got distrained. It was at this
juncture when the Raja of Burdwan Tejchand tried to dismantle the existing realm by imposing a new
section of puppet landlords in Bankura. What the Raja failed to understand that the imposition of
superstructure cannot ensure the development of the economy, what followed afterwards was the series
of clashes between the patnidars with the existing older communities who tried to protect their rights at
cost of their life.
From the late 18th century to the 19th century the patni system developed its root within the terrain of
Bankura. Nevetheless the pattern of development of patni system was
compared with her neighbouring counterpart
slow and sluggish when
of Burdwan, Birbhum, Hooghly, but yet the patni
system slowly developed here and gradually enrooted itself in the soil of Bankura. With the widening
land market, prospect of commercialization, prospects of and the entrance of the local person in the
market, patni system witnessed a tremendous changes in Bankura.
To begin with the process of subinfeudation in accordance with the patni system it is necessary to
declassify the entire 19th century into two parts. The year 1802-1820 when Maharaj Tejchand had
started to leas out his estates to the local farmers or the rentiers who was prosperous and eager to invest
in land. This trend was more visible in West Burdwan where the Sarkar Family of
Ukhra,
Chattopadhay of Andal, Roys of Banakati, Samanto of Palashdiha, Chattopadhay of Amrai deserves

special mention.10 Most of them were Rarhi Brahman who had acquired their land by virtue of their
allegiance. These Rarh cult Brahman played an important role in transforming the economy West
Rarh. The lower stratum of the society specially the jungle estate was dominated by the hillsman or the
tribesmen who formed the core of the Mandali system. The Mandali system played a pivotal role in
clearing off the extending the cultivation in the remote unaccessed forest land of Bankura, Birbhum
and even in West Burdwan.
The second phase commencing from 1820s onward is identified with the stage when the landed
property rose in value, more and more lands were brought under cultivation. These improvements were
undertaken by the Ghatwals who had held considerable amount of land in the service of the Bishnupur
and the immigratory Santhal tribes. As soon as the prospect of the land developed, The Santhals were
continuously ejected out and the rival parties of patni taluqdars and ghatwals laid claim to the land.11
Along with the ghatwals the lakhirajdar and other intermediate tenure came into clash with the
patnidars regarding their claimant. Such disputes were frequent and the issue largely dependent on the
basis of the documents available and the strength of the rival parties. The nature of the disputes related
to landed properties in 19th century could be deducted from the few case studies related to civil suits in
West Burdwan and Bishnupur division in Bankura.
Case no 1:(Instance of clash between mourassi moukharidars and patnidars
The mourassi moukharri rights were hereditary rights bestowed to the cultivators. At the time of the
Decennial Settlement all moukharidars who had held their land during Mughal period and got grant
since Companys accession were disposed. The moukharidars who had enjoyed title for more than 12
years were declared to be valid. Regulation Viii of 1819 empowered patni talookdar to right to sublet
the tenure to similar form of interest to the maner inconveniable to him. In the process of conduct of the
sale the purchaser of the saleable tenure were restrained to eject a khood-khast ryot or resident
and
hereditary cultivator, nor to bonafide engagements made with such tenant by the late incumbent or his
representative except any controversies arising on plea of adjustment of rent.
As the rights of the moukhari ryots remained undefined and they had to show the legal proof of their
occupancy of their rights for 12years mostly they fall prey to the patnidars who easily grab off the
former rights on flimsy pretext.
In Sheerocomaree Debia versus Keshub Chander Boose & others( High Court Calcutta 1872).
Sheerocoomaree Debia a moukhradar instituted a suit regarding the alleged possession of certain land
of Beesondopur and 7 mouzah in Bistopooria as patni which previously had been granted to her as
moukhaari Mouzari rights.
The mouzah was sold and portion of the property was given as durputnee
to kheeturnath Bose and Hungshewar Bose in 1849. When the Magistrate asked the widow to take
possession over her property the durpatnidar objected claiming the portion to be the part of their
durputnee which have been sold free of incumberence. 12After the series of hearing and on the basis of
documents of the widow confirming her moukharri rights The Sudder Dewaany adawalut gave verdict
in favor of Sheercoomaree Debia overruling the suit of Durpatnidar and patnidar against her while
protecting the rights of the former in accordance to the clauses of Regulation Viii of 1819.
Case No 2( Patnidars vs Ghatwals) The ghatwali tenure were the service tenure created by the raja
of Bishnupur. They were the body of military personnels employed by the king to combat The Maratha
Forces who had ravaged the frontier of Bengal in the beginning of the 18th century. The sarkari
panchaki mahals which was separated in 1802 and continued to be the part of Government estate was
roughly estimated as 35,282 Bigha and half mouza during the division. This mahals was part of
government even after Bishnupur had passed over in the hands of the Burdwan Raj in 1806. While the
Raja of Burdwan retained his control over the Zamindari panchaki, The sarkari panchaki mahals and
ghatwals under the control of the government enjoyed greater power in their terrain. The regulation
VIII of 1819 did not make any specification about the rights of the Zamindari ghatwali neither did it
make any regulation relating to ceiling of the land holdings of the sarkari ghatwali. As their rights
remained undefined it became easier for them to delude the authorities and to encroach more and more
land and bring it under their sway. This instance was true in court proceedings of two parallel cases of
Messers Watson & Company versus Gopal Bahador Sirdar. Messers Watson & Company Versus
Seerocoomaree Debi where Messers Watson and Company filed a suit against the ghat of Bakoondah
for serruptitiously holding apportion of plaintiffs land as ghatwali tenure. The plaintiff claimed that
the ghats had allegedy 2,890 acre land in excess of their possession. The allegation brought against the
appellant seemed to be true partly because of absence of written documents or maps giving proof to
the demarcation and largely due to the negligence of the authority by computing the area on basis of
assumption. Finally in its verdict in the year 1831 the Sudder dewanny adwalut dismissed the suit on
the ground that the alleged ghatwali land was part of the government property and as the ghatwals paid
their rent to the government , they owe their responsibility to the government solely. As such no
redemption on the part of the patniholders could be entertained. The plaintiff would not be liable to any
compensation.13
If
absence of the records was the principle problem for determining the amount of ghatwali land,even
the presence of cadastrial survey map was not enough to determine the area . Such instance was seen in
the court case of Ram Ballav Marwari vs Mriganka Lal Mukherjee in the year 1925. An appeal against
a decision of the District Judge of Bankura was bought by the plaintiff who sued the defendant to
recover the possession of plot of land about 1 bigha. The plaintiff bought land as lease from patnidar
Ali Zamin in the year 1285. Whereas the defendant purchased the patni right and the patni arid rent
sales in the year 1913 and 1914. The dispute between the parties was that whether the land in suit is
included in the land which was leased to the plaintiff The lease had not been translated to them. The
alleged land measuring 2.5 bighas from north to south , and 16 cothas from west to east The
plaintiffs father had taken settlement of ghatwals land immediately
to the land leased by the
patnidars . The ghatwali land measured would not include any in suit. After a series of observation
and on the basis of the survey concluded it was concluded that the disputed land was included in the
land leased under the patta of 1285 A.D. Even when the boundary was erected by the plaintiffs father
in between his ghatwal possession and the alleged land he had informed it to the patnidar. The case was
dismissed on the ground that the land was brought through adverse possession. It was further argued
that there could be no title by adverse possession since his purchase at a patni and rent sale would give
and right to the land as it was the creation of the patni tenure without any encumbrance subsequently
created thereon. 14
Case No 3: Patnidar Vs LakhirajdarRegulation VIII of 1819 and Regulation I of 1820 did not provide space for the lakhirajdar claimants
on any compensation to the patnidar over the disputable lakhiraj tenure falling within the ambit of the
patni tenure. As the Burdwan Zamindars subleted the land even from his Khas management most of
the time the lakhiraj tenure ( rent-free tenures) came under the jurisdiction of the patni tenure. This led
severe constraint on the part of the patnidar who had incurred severe loss due to reduction in rent. Such
instances were also seen in case of Bankura.
In the year 1825 when a certain portion of Talook of Rampal under the Jurisdiction of Court of wards
was bought to sale due to arrear. The defaulter filed a petition to recover the putni tenure which was
part of his lakhiraj claim in Jungle Mahals. As the defaulter failed to prove his lakhiraj claims over the
disputed lands his claims were sabotaged, and the tenure was sold out due to arrears on 8 th December
1825.
15
Similarly in the case of Maharaj Dheeraj Mahatub Chand Bahadoor vs Esharchunder Bonorjee in the
year 1833 the appellant brought a suit against the occupation of lakhiraj property and demanding the
reduction of the patni jumma for the loss incurred. The Court after a series of proceedings claimed that
the seller was not responsible for the loss sustained since it was not possible for the loss sustained and
it was not possible for the seller to hold tit-a-bit information regarding the nature of land included in the
patni tenure as such the plantiff will not be subjected to any redemption.16
From the case studies it was quite evident that regarding the question of service tenure or lakhiraj claim
the government failed to take any decision in the favour of the patnidars. As it was not possible for the
zamindars to keep minute details of the tenure the sezwals purposely bought the land under the aegis of
patni. This fraudulent was common and could not effectively ruled out due to absence of land records
pertaining to issue or subduing of the records as it was done during the preparation of Baze Zameen
Dufter.
The worst sufferer in the case was the ryots who stood at the bottom of the pyramidal structure. As the
practice was common, the patnidars was forced to incur his losses directly through the peasantry in
form of over taxation. As soon as the imposition in form of levies became more prominent
protracted struggles and occasional outburst in form of Bhumij Revolt of 1833 in the outskirts of
Jungle Mahals and also latter in other tribal outburst.
Another notable feature of the patni system was the rapid transfer of patni tenure in the hand of indigo
planters. 17From 1840s onwards the land was leased out in form of patni tenure to the indigo planters at
concessional rate for 5years. With the increasing profits and rapid growing market of the indigo, the
planters tried to grab more and more and more land from the zamindars. The planters often came into
clash with the local magnets for renewing their temporary contracts which under most occasion was
denied by the local zamindar.18 Bankura too witnessed a certain change in the sphere of landed interest
with the coming of Eriskine , John Watson & Company who emerged out as the potential business men
in Bankura.
The development and severe transition of patni tenure affected the society as it arrested the spheres of
progress partly due to the administrative intricacies and largely due to the transition from semi-feudal
to capitalist society which Bankura witnessed from beginning of the 18 th century to the late nineteenth
century . Administrative intricacy
and lakhirajdars had
faulty land revenue policy and regular collision with the ghatwals
disrupted the economy but at the root level it worstly affected the society
leading to social degradation. Another spectacular feature of the economy was the gradual substitution
of higher caste Hindus in place of old Hindu aristocratic families which T.R. Mclane rightly describes
a host of lesser parvenus. Though the superimposition of patni system have led to the beginning of
a complex process of subinfeudation of tenures . Although this have progressively reduced the
economic returns from individual estates it did permit an extra ordinarily families to share in
landholding.19
Thus the complete displacement of the Rajas of Bishnupur and their farmers by the patni taluqdars
and the zamindars by the Raja of Burdwan never did brought any significant changes in the transfer of
the land from the original occupants to the outsiders. Up above the top of the hierarchical relations
were altered with the emergence of the intermediary tenure and introduction of the patni tenure in the
realm of the Bankura, but lower below the stratum it worstly hid hard the interest of the ryots and the
tribal . In process to adjust
with the social stratum the patnidars came into clash with the existing
tenure holders in form of lakhirajdars ghatwals and the other interest . This clashes were the outcome of
transition from semi- feudal economy to the capital that Bankura underwent in the nineteenth century.
To add to the woe this transition coincided with the years of the famine and distress . This transition
affected the society resulting in the augmentation of criminal activities in the region. In words of Col
Gastrell the
surveyor General of Bancoorah district
the general condition of the people when
compared to the other districts of East was in complete distress. The complete removal of single
intregrated political authority was also responsible for this distress. However with the consolidation of
political authority and separation of Bankura as district things gradually developed the patni system
was well-implanted and economy got stable with sign of prosperity that ushered a new hope in the land
revenue history of Bankura.
Notes and Reference
1) L.S.S O. Malley, Bengal District Gazetteers Bankura, Bengal Secretariat Book Depot,Calcutta
1908 p-1
2) Ratnalekha Roy, Change in Bengal Agrarian Society (1750-1850) Manohar, New Delhi 1979 pp119
3) According to Hobson Johnson. The Hindi and Bengali word Pattani is derived from the word patta
which means to be agreed amidst.
4) Sirajul Islam , Bengal Land Tenure, The origin and growth of intermediate interest in 19 th century ,
K.P Bagchi & Co, Calcutta 1988, pp-10
5) William.Wilson. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Bengal vol-4, Trubner London 1877 pp-251
6) (Anonymous), The Territorial Aristrocacy of Bengal: The Bardwan Raj, Calcutta Review, vol-59,
no- 108, (1872) pp-180
7) Bisharup Goswami, Chirosthayi Bondobostho O Krishaker Gatishilata (1793-1814) (in
Vernacular) in Bankura Parichay edited by Amiya Patra & ors pp- 52
8)
8) Fourth Report from The Select Committee on Colonization and settlement(India) Together with the
Proceedings of the Committee Minutes of Evidence and Appendix, 23 July 1851 pp-435
9 ) William Wilson Hunter, op cited; pp-263
10) For details see Sushil Bhattacharya: Durgapurer Itihas Sobhotta O sanskriti (in Vernacular)
Samkal, Kolkata ,2006,p- 47
11) Ratnalekha Roy op cited; pp- 129
12)
For details see, D. Sutherland, Judgement of the Privy Council on Appeals from India 1831[-
1880], Vol-2, London, Thacker spinker & Company, reprinted in Calcutta and Bombay 1871, pp-582585.
13) Decision of the Sudder Dewanny adwalaut Recorded in conformity with Act XII, 1843, in 1860,
Calcutta 1861 pp-643-44.
14) Ram Ballav Marwari vs Mriganka Lal Mukherjee, http/ accessed/Indian kanon.org
15) Proceedings of Board of Revenue(Court of Wards) 1st February 1826, No 56-57
16) For details see, Report of Cases Determined in the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawalut vol-7,
Bhowanipore: 1875, pp-211-12
17) The existence of the putnee tenure within the ambit of indigo planters could be deducted from,
Chittabrata Palit- Tension in Rural Bengal, Landlords, Planters and Colonial Rule Cambridge 2011Appendix: pp-21
18) Parimal Bandopadhay, Bhumi o Bhumi Sanskar, Shekal O Ekal, Deys Publishing Kolkata 2007,
pp-98
19) John Broomfield, Elite Conflict in a Plural society, Twentieth Century Bengal, University of
California, Press, Berkley and Los Angles, 1968, p-6
Arundhuti Sen is a research scholar in Department of history, Visva-bharati, Santineketan, West

Bengal. She is currently working on the topic Society Economy and landed interest in South-west
Rarh Bengal (1820-1865). Her other research interest includes the cultural history of Rarh Bengal.
Situating Ramaprasad Chanda

Rahul Kumar Mohanta
Abstract: Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay and Rabindranath Tagore wanted the new historians to
search about countrys own heritage. Bankim was unhappy that the Bengalis had no recorded and
written history. He gave a call to the Bengal Scholars come and contributes to the history writing .This
motivation led to
establishment
of a research institution called Varendra Research Society by
Akshaya Kumar Maitra, Sarat Kumar Ray and Ramaprasad Chanda who set up to renovate the precise
history of Bengal. Chanda was one of the few historians of Bengal who had own style of thinking. The
present paper is an attempt to situate the works of Ramaprasad Chanda of a pioneer in Bengali
regional history writing .
Keywords: Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Rabindranath Tagore, Varendra Research Society
,Akshaya Kumar Maitra, Sarat Kumar Ray , Ramaprasad Chanda, Regional History Writing.
Ramaprasad Chanda (1873-1942) founder secretary of the VARENDRA RESEARCH SOCIETY at Rajshahi and
made substantial contributions to various disciplines of human knowledge such as ancient history,
archaeology, anthropology, literature and philosophy. He had proficiency in English, Pali and Sanskrit,
as well as his mother tongue, Bengali. Ramaprasad Chanda was one of the few historians of Bengal and
also India who had own style of thinking. The knowledge of the actual structure of the Indian society is
possibly only through archaeology and anthropology which were deeply understood by Chanda. It does
not mean that he was neglected to literary sources. He had a great mastery of Sanskrit language,
literature, epigraphy, paleography, art, architecture and sculpture, linguistics and anthropology. Chanda
was different as a historian because of his modernism outlook. His thinking towards historical
researches is greatly acknowledged by modern historians of our time. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay
wanted the new historians to search for Bengals own heritage.
The intellectuals of Rajsahi, like Akshaya Kumar Maitra, Sarat Kumar Ray and Ramaprasad Chanda
who set up a research institution called Varendra Research Society to reconstruct the precise history of
Bengal. The Varendra research Society (Varendra Anusandhan Samiti) was among one of these
societies which was established inRajshahi, now in Bangladesh, in the year 1910, primarily with the
objective of sequential investigation of evidences in Varendra 1 region.2For these reasons we can find
that Bankim Chandra Chatterjee had not only pleaded for historical studies but also emphasized upon
the importance of writing of history through his various essays like Muscle power of the Bengalees
(Bangaleer Bahubal), The Disgrace of India (Bharatkalanka), A Few Words Regarding the History of
Bengal (Banglar Itihash Sammondhe koekti Katha), The Disgrace of Bengal (Banglar kalanka) and
many others. Bankim Chandra has written:There is no accessible history of Bengal, whatsoever is there
is not history, rather fictionsonly some narratives of the alien, invaders of Bengal and their
biographies. We claim for the history of Bengal, else Bengal will be short of conviction. Who will
write?You will write, I will write, all of us will be writing it. Anyone who is a Bengalee needs to
scribble it down. Even if the mother is dead, yet what delight in retelling her accounts? And since this
Bengal, the land ofour birth is our universal mother, and then is there no obvious enjoyment in
chronicling about her? 3. After the death of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee in 1894, the cause was taken up
by Rabindranath. Under his editorial, the Bengali journal entitled Sadhana started publishing essays
related to the history of Bengal. In the preface to the first volume of Aitihashik Chitra,Tagore has
written:
.....in memorizing entirely the history written by others, one might become an scholar or might score
high marks in the examination, however, the impetus that is required in indigenous writing of history
by collecting the native historical ingredients, that results not into eruditeness alone. That will create
current in the stagnant pool of our mindscape. That instigation, that endeavor will enliven us. 4
Akshaya Kumar himself wrote: Due to the dearth of our indigenous history, we have become the
object of ridicule by the foreigners...we dont write our history; dont show deserving respect to
someone who is writing history; whether it is ancient or modern, we are equally indifferent to all.
Presently in the newly awakened realm of Bengali literature,fictions are acclaimed more day by day.
On the other hand, due to peoples apathy, history of our land is getting dormant. Whatever is
flourishing in the name of history is in majority, a mere derivation of the conclusions drawn by the
foreign writers.5
Ramaprasad Chanda was so very influenced by reading Bankim Chandras essays related to history that
he could not stop himself from meeting Bankim Chandra. In that interaction with Bankim Chandra he
had expressed of his preparation of writing an authentic history of Bengal. Having motivated him,
Bankim Chandrarecommended him to go for an effortful collection of evidences 22. Ramaprasad
Chanda confessed of BankimChandras influence upon him in his account entitled Bankim Chandra O
Banglar Itihash: - - - having going through this touching episode, many Bengalee Youth aspiring to
be poets had got inclinedtowards history. Having invited to play the leading role in the discourse of
historical criticism, I feel honoured and whatever hard work I have undertaken, seems to be
successful.6
Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay called every Bengali to participate in the mission of the writing of
Bengali peoples history. Bankim was unhappy that the Bengalis had little recorded and written history.
He gave a call to the Bengal scholars come and contribute to the history writing. 7 Itihase Bangali was
one of the remarkable composition of Chanda. His outstanding essays had been published in Prabasi,
Manasi o Marmabani and Sahitya patrika. 8 In this paper an attempt has been to situate the works of
Ramaprasad Chanda of a pioneer in Bengali regional history writing with some reflections.
He was born on 15 August 1873 at Sreedharkhola in Vikrampur Pargana under Munshiganj district.Son
of Kaliprasad Chanda, Ramaprasad passed the Entrance Exam in 1891 from Dhaka Collegiate School,
FA in 1893 from Dhaka College, and BA in 1896 from Duff College (now Scottish Church College), an
institution affiliated to Calcutta University. After graduation he remained unemployed for about five
years, during which period he studied regularly in the Imperial Library (now National Library) and
started writing. A few of his articles on ancient history were eventually published. As a result, he was
able to attract the attention of a British professor of the PRECIDENCY COLLEGE and got the job of a teacher
in the Hindu School of Calcutta. He grew up in utter poverty because of his fathers economic
condition was not stable. From Hindu School of Calcutta, Chanda was transferred to Rajsahi Collegiate
School in 1905.9
Chanda was a sincere reader of all subjects, but he became mainly interested in anthropology under the
influence of Sir H. Risleys Census Report of 1901 which soon occupied a position of prestige. Risley
divided the people of India into seven broad groups, labeled as Mongoloid, Indo-Aryan, Dravidian,
Mongolo-Dravidian, Aryo-Dravidian, Scythe-Dravidian and Turko-Iranian. But Chanda vehemently

disregarded Risley's views as arbitrary, politically biased, and based on inadequate data .While working
in the Hindu school two of his valuable papers were published in East and West , one dealing with the
relation between India and Babylon(1905) and other with the origin of the races of Bengal(1970) and
admired by contemporary scholars. Subsequently, these papers were published under the title of Indo
Aryan Races, considered an invaluable work by anthropologists.10
Ramaprasad at Rajsahi became acquainted with Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy of Dighapatia and Akshay
Kumar Maitra. The three of them had an identity of interest which contributed a lot to the cause of
historical researches. Their collective effort made the Vangiya Sahitya Sammelan, held at Rajsahi in
1909.Here Chanda read a paper on the races of Bengal which drew attention of scholars. The three
friends then decided undertake an antiquarian exploration in North Bengal. Ram Kamal Sinha and
RAKHALDAS BANDYOPADHYAY
joined them from Calcutta. And in their first attempt they were able to
collect as many as 32 sculptural specimens including the famous Parvati of Mandoli. This encouraged
them for further explorations and for the establishment of Varendra Anusandhana Samiti(Varendra
Research Society) in 1910. Roy and Maitreya became respectively the president and director of the
organization, while Chanda was its secretary. 11 North Bengal come into lime light of history since the
days of the emergence of the city in pundanagala (Pundranagara) on the bank of the Karatoya in C. 3 rd
century B.C. We had to wait for a few centuries more down to the age of Guptas to have a clearer
picture about the socio-economic life of the people of this land.The rise of Gaudadhipa Sasanka the
most significant event in the history of Bengal in the post- Gupta epoch.12
The Varendra Anusandhana Samiti published a series of research works. Chandas Gaudarajamala was
its first publication. This was first history of Bengal written purely on the basis of epigraphic
evidence.The Indo-Aryan Races published in 1916, is the fifth book of this series. This work , which
came to be regarded as a monumental work in the field of Indian anthropology. Kumar Sarat Roy was
very much attracted towards the
anthropological researches of Chanda. 13 Renowned historian
D.C.Sircar commented that the Varendra Anusandhan Samiti(Varendra Research Society) with its
museum was established by Akshaykumar at Rrajshahi in 1910 in collaboration with Kumar Sarat Roy
of Dighapatiya and Ramaprasad Chanda who was then a teacher at Rajshahi Collegiate School. The
aim of the trio was the collection and preservation of antiquities as well as encouraging the study of the
history and culture of Bengal in general but North Bengal in particular.Sarat kumar was the benefactor,
Akshaykumar the Director and Ramaprasad the Founder Secretary. The three of them took
considerable pains in touring the rural areas of the neighbourhood and not only succeeded in collecting
a large number of antiquities of great value but alo planned the publication of a series of scientific
treatises, of which the first two volume, viz, Chandas Gaudarajamala and Maitreya s
Gaudalekhamala, appeared as early as 1912.It is now well known how greatly significant has been the
contribution of the collection and publications and of the society the study of the history of Bengal ,
especially to the early period of its investigation. A number of younger students of the subject (such as
U.N.Ghoshal, R.G.Basak, D.C. Bhattacharyya and many others) received an inspiration for research
mainly from their contact with the said institution . 14 Panchkari Bandopadhyay commented about the
Gaudarajamala of Ramaprasad Chanda that
Gour bhabukgan gan kariachen,mone parilo re,- amar sei bajrabhumi!15
Chanda stated that Gour had ancient history. Rakhaldas Bandopadhyay had greatly praised the
Gaudarajamala but in certain point he disagreed with him. His writings on the heritage of Gauda can
be considered systematic attempt to write a history of Bengal, In Gaudarajamala he made a discussion
about the Khalimpur copper plate inscription of the pala king Dharmapala. 16Indo-Aryan Races was the
monumental work of Ramaprasad Chanda. Keith had rightly observed, this forms a valuable addition
to the literature dealing with the origin of the Indo-Aryan peoples.His opinions gain greatly both in
value and clearness from their ordered exposition, and whatever conclusions be arrived at as regards his
main these, all interested in the question must recognize the catholic character of his erudition , and the
ingenuity and effectiveness of his arguments which render his work a serious contribution to the subject
with which it deals.17
For a long span of time, big quantities of archaeological materials have been coming out from the land
known as Varendra bhumi. At the request of the Sir John Marshall, then director of the archaeological
survey of India, took Chanda as a paid scholar in his department in the year 1916.Having joined the
archaeological department, Chanda made an elaborate catalogue of the Sanchi findings and published
two valuable research works, of which the first was Dates of the Votive Inscriptions on the Stupa at
Sanchi. It was published in 1919 as the first Memoir of the ASI.In this work, in which the Brahmi
inscriptions from the third century B.C to the second century A.D. are chronologically arranged.
Chanda insisted on the importance of sculptures as criteria for determining the dates of the Indian
monuments. The second work, Archaeology and Vaisnava Traditions, published in 1920 as the fifth
Memoir of the ASI is one of the best works on Vaisnavism. For two years Chanda was associated with
the excavations at Taxila, Mathura, Sarnath and at many places in Southern India. Sir John Marshall,
who had a deep feeling of affection and respect for Chanda, wanted to make him the government
appointed superintendent of Varendra Anusandhana Samitis museum, but he could not succeed owing
to the indifferent attitude of the government of Bengal. Incidentally, however he got an appointment in
the post of a lecturer in the newly established post-graduate department of Ancient Indian History and
Culture of the Calcutta University. This was possible because of Sir Ashutosh who had a deep respect
for genuine scholarship. Very soon the university opened its anthropological department of which
Chanda, was appointed as the head. He was elected a fellow of the Asiatic society in 1920, since then
he was its anthropological secretary for many years. In 1921, at the request of Sir John Marshall, he
gave up the university service and accepted the post of the Superintendent of the Archaeological
Section, Indian Museum. For ten years until his retirement in 1932, Chanda was associated with the
Indian Museum.This was the golden period of his literary activities. Many of his valuable papers were
published in the Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India. In a paper entitled The
Visvantara Jataka at Bharhut (AR: ASI, 1921-1922) he gave a brief account of his discovery of a
representation of the said Jataka story in a bas-relief of Bharhut.
In another paper (AR: ASI, 1921-1923) he dealt with the history of Mathura school of sculpture, while
in a third (The Lingaraja or the Great Temple of Bhuvanevara,AR:ASI, 1923-1924) he pointed out that
like the Rajarani and the Meghesvara, the Brahmesvara and the Lingaraja represent a single line of
artistic tradition , the latter monument having been in all probability erected by one of the ancestors of
Udyotakeari. The Svetambara and Digambara Images of the Jains appeared in (AR: ASI, 1925-1926).
The lecture which he delivered in 1923 as the president of the history section of the Bengal Literary
Conference at Radhanagar was published from Calcutta in 1924 under the name Murti o Mandira. The
tiltle of Rai Bahadur was conferred on him in 1925 by the Government of India as recognition of his
historical researches.
In 1926 Chandas Indus Valley in the Vedic Period was published as thee Memoir No.31 of the ASI.
This work also entitled Survival of the Prehistoric Civilization of the Indus Valley (Memoir No.41 of
the ASI 1929) from the basis of the well-known theory that the barbarians who destroyed the Harappa
civilization were no other than the Vedic Aryans. In 1927 his Beginnings of Art in Eastern India was
published as the Memoir No.30 of the ASI. In this important work, Chanda dealt with the following
subjects:Art and Vedic religion, Art in the Primitive Religious of Eastern India, Pataliputra and
Persepoles, Imperialism of Asoka , Edicts of Asoka, Asokan Art , and later Mauryan Art.His
Excavations at Sarnath was published in AR: ASI for 1927-1928.Another work entitled The Bhanja
Dynasty of Mayurbhanj came out in 1929.His Exploration in Orissa came out in 1930 as the Memoir
No.44 of the ASI.In this book he dealt with the findings from Jajpur, Naiatigiri Udaygiri, Ratnagiri,
Kendrapara and Chauduar. The book also contains his valuable discussion on the Buddhist monument
of Orissa, medieval art, Maharaja Subhakara and Monk prajna and the Mother-goddesses.18
In 1934, Chanda went to England to represent India in the international Congress of Anthropological
and Ethnographical Science. The lecture which he delivered there was published in the same year from
London under the name Race and Cult in India. In the same year he was elected President of the
Anthropological Section of the Indian Science Congress, and in his presidential address he sought to
prove that the Buddhist and Jain ideas were not sudden reaction against Brahmanism and they
represented a stream of thought coming from the Vedic days. This also holds good in the cases of the
Saiva religion and the Yoga system. While in London, at the request of the British museum authorities
his Medieval Indian Sculpture in the British Museum was written which was published from London in
1936.19 Principal of this Museum R.L.Hobson had praised this book. 20In 1938, in collaboration with
Mr.J. K.Majumdar, he edited the Official letters and Documents relating to the Life of Raja Rammohan
Roy. This was his last major work.
Assessing the role of Ramaprasad Chanda on the history of Bengal, we consider the statement of
Kumar Sarat Roy as very significant. Following the death of Akshay Kumar Maitra, at the Annual
conference of Varendra Anusandhana Samiti in 1930 President Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy stated that In
June following (i.e.1910), I undertook the second trip to Khanjanpur in the Bogra district, accompanied
by Messrs.Moitra, Chanda and Babu(now Rai Shaheb) Rajendra Lal Acharyya, then in charge of the
Khanjanpur Khash Mahal, was our host and guide,It was Khanjapur
that the idea of
organizing ourselves into a society occurred to us and I was called president , Mr. A.K.Moitra Director
and Mr.R. Chanda Honourary Secretary. In this tour we began to collect specimen in the name of the
Rajshahi Museum.21Historian Radhagobinda Basak in his book History of North Eastern India in
introduction (12th December,1933) was written that the first inspiration and encouragement for
attempting to undertake such works on ancient Indian history came to me from the illustrious trio,who
founded the Varendra Research Society at Rajshahi(in the old Pundravardhanabhukti), I mean my
friend Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy of Dighapatia, M.A,M.L.C; the Late Akshoy Kumar Maitreya
B.L.C.I.E, and Rai Rama Prosad Chanda Bahadur, B.A. to whom I take this opportunity to pay tribute
of high respect. 22
He had inaugurated a new chapter in Bengal's historiography by using rock edict and copper plate
inscriptions. He was the first to use this. Ramaprasad Chanda passed away at Allahabad on the 28 th day
of May 1942.It goes without saying that he was one of the pioneer historians on the history of Bengal.
He had his own legacy. The establishment of the Varendra Research Society and the Varendra Research
Museum paved the way for nationalist awareness to search for the glorious past of the nation. Chandas
message generated an ideal and a model before the newly emerging group of professional young
Bengali historians.
Notes and References:
1. Chanda, Ramaprasad, Gaudarajamala, Varendra Research society, Rajsahi, 1912, see
Upakramnika (Forward) by A. K. Maitra; see also Annual Report for the years 1925-16,
1926-27, 1935-36 & 1949.
2. Maitra, A. K., Uttarbangyer Puratatva Sangraha in Uttarbangyer Puratatva: Sankhipta
Itihash, Akshaya Kumar Maitra Museum,University of North Bengal, 2005, p. 7
3. Sahitya, 7th year, No-1100, 1303 B.S., p.653
4. Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra, Banglar Itihash Sammondhe Koekti Katha, in Bankim
Rachnaballee, edited by Yogesh Chandra Bagol,calcutta, Sahitya Samsad, Part-II, 1401
B.S., p.291.
5. Aitihashik Chitra, Rabindra Rachanabali, part-V, p.599
6. Bharatbarsha, 1344 B.S., Magha, P. 282
7. Chattopadhay
, Bankim Chandra Banglar Itihas Sambondhe Koyekti Katha,
Bangadarshan, Agrahayan Sankhya, Bengali year 1287(1880),337.Later published in

Bankim Rachanaavali, Vol.II, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1950.
8. Chanda , Ramaprasad Itihase Bangalee with the Introduction by R.C.Majumdar published

in Bangiya Sahitya patrika Vol.III , under the name of Ramaprasad Chanda,1380 B.S., p.3.
9. Ibid, p.5.
10. Ibid, p.6.
11. Chanda, Ramaprasad Indo Aryan Races, Rajshahi: Varendra Research Society (1916),
p.iv.
12. Das, S.R Rajbadidanga, 1962, Calcutta, 1968,p.43.
13. Chanda Ramaprasad, Itihase Bangalee, K.P. Bagchi & Company, Calcutta, 1981,
Republished, 1997,with the Introduction by R.C.Majumdar published in Bangiya Sahitya
patrika Vol., under the name of Ramaprasad Chanda, , 1380 B.S., p.5.
14. Bhattacharya P.K. and B.N.Mukherjee(ed.) Early Historical Perspective of North
Bengal(Seminar Papers) ,North Bengal University, 1987, p.11.
15. Chanda ,Ramaprasad Gaudarajamala, Rajshahi, Varendra Research Society (1912),
Deys Publishers, 2005., p.173.
16. Ibid , p.171.
17. Chanda, Ramaprasad. Indo-Aryan Races, Indological Books Corporation, New
Delhi1976,(Introduction by Ramesh Chandra Majumdar), p.v.
18. Chanda, Ramaprasad Itihase Bangali with the Introduction by R.C.Majumdar published
in Bangiya Sahitya patrika Vol.III, under the name of Ramaprasad Chanda,1380 B.S., p.9.
19. Ibid , pp.9-12.
20. Ibid, p.10
21. Chowdhury, Nirmal Chandra. Akshay Kumar Maitreya: Jibon o Sadhana, p.97.
22. Ibid, p.102.
Rahul Kumar Mohanta is an Mphil Scholar in the Department of History, University of North Bengal.
Changing Role of Women in Vaishnavite Cult of 17th Century

Bengal
Laboni Sarkar
Abstract:
After the invasion of Turks in Bengal the period of Smriti Shastras started. The orthodox Brahman
leaders of Bengal created their own Hindu rules and regulations to protect the Hindu society from the
touch of Muslims, especially to protect Hindu women which made the condition of women miserable.
But Shri Chaitanya Deva and his liberal Vaishnava religion challenged both the oppressive Smarta
laws and buttressed the social modes. The social perspective of Bengal was conditioned by the
responses from the Vaishnavite movements. Especially the condition of women within Vaishnava society
was changed remarkably as a result of such movement. So it is interesting to ponder over the gender
question through the lens of Vaishnava movement. The central question is whether it could successfully
challenge the dominant patriarchal notions in a traditional society or not. In the recent past there is a
spate to look into the gender question and my present work, in a small capacity, wants to address these
questions.
Introduction:
The Culture and society of Bengal had undergone certain important changes after the invasion of Turks
on Bengal. The Islamic religion and culture had deep impact on the Bengali culture and society, if a bit
perversely in that the predominantly Bengali society and culture started to witness a breakdown of its
moral and ethical code. As a defensive response the Smarta tradition in Bengal (the scripture of Hindu
code of conduct) under Raghunandan and his Navyanaya group (the contemporary hegemonic
Brahmanic ideology) shackled the Bengali society with their orthodox rules and regulations. Shri
Chaitanya Deva and his liberal Vaishnava religion challenged both the oppressive Smarta laws and
butressed the social modes on the other hand.
Social perspective of Bengal was conditioned by the responses from the Vaishnavite movements.
Predominantly literary texts help us to construct the changing modes of society. A plethora of historical
works from the time of Tapan Raychaudhuri have already looked into these aspects. However, a picture
of women of 16th -17th century Bengal which can be constructed from many Vaishnavite literatures and
other sources remains a lacuna in this overall historiographic scenario which I propose to approach in
this work.
Actually after the invasion of Turks in Bengal the period of Smriti Shastras started. The orthodox
Brahman leaders of Bengal created their own Hindu rules and regulations to protect the Hindu society
from the touch of Muslims, especially to protect Hindu women. On the other hand the tantrism
degenerated into simply antinomian malpractices. All the suppressing rules and rituals over women
perpetrated by the conservative and superstitious Brahmins reached its zenith. From various kind of
religious texts, articles, and literatures we can find out a picture of the condition of women in preChaitanya and his contemporary period, which reflects on the depressing patriarchal ideology ruling the
roost. Child marriage, polygamy of koulinya-tradition, the Sati system (committing suicide into
husbands funeral pyre) and more than that, lots of restrictions within home made a pathetic picture of
the women of pre-Chaitanya period.
After the incarnation of Shri Chaitanya Deva (C 1486) the Vaishnava religion and literature started to
flow in a new direction. His liberal Namadharma (in the name of Lord Krishna) influenced all the
societies, religions and cultures. Though personally He was an ascetic keeping himself away from the
women, his disciples were ordered to preach the Nama majesty of Lord Krishna and Radha to the men
and women in general.
From Shri Shri Gouranga Champu, Shri Shri Chaitanya Charitamritam, Shri Shri Chaitanya
Mangala we can find a picture of polite, devoted, happy and sometimes truant women. Though it was
not a very radical change but it was much better than the society of pre-Chaitanya period. Within
Vaishnava society the women enjoyed much freedom, peace and happiness than during the Navya-naya
period (pre-Chaitanya period). But the remarkable change was noted in later half of the 16 th century
within Vaishnava society. (It can be attributed to His (Chaitanyas) follower Sri Nityananda
Mahaprabhu who preached Vaishnavism irrespective of gender, caste or creed. It is stated that he gave
shelter to Budhist Sahajiyas, Saktas and followers of other occult practices which widened the
democratic base of Vaishnava religion.)
All these changes happened due to various reasons. First of all, after Karrani dynasty Bengal was under
Mughal Empire and though political instability was within the political powers but there was no such
social suppression by the ruling power that time which means the social stability unlike sultanate reign.
Secondly, the Sufis who came during Sultanate period spread their very simple and liberal philosophy
reticently through the societies which were neglected either by upper class Hindu Brahmins or
economically solvent people. Thirdly, at that time some Buddhist Sahajiyas, Hindu Tantrics and other
Sahajiya sects who were committed themselves in transgressions, were making the society nasty. In this
perspective Sri Chaitanya Deva and then Sri Nityananda and his son Birabhadra took revolutionary
steps against the above mentioned sects.
It is found that though Sri Chaitanya Deva himself did not like to come in physical contact with
women, but his liberal Nama majesty changed the ongoing orthodox religious thought. This line of
thinking influenced His followers, specially Sri Nityananda Mahaprobhu who preached Vaishnavism
irrespective of gender, caste or creed. This tradition went on through his son Sri Birabhadra
Unlike pre-Chaitanya period Sri Nityananda Mahaprabhu began to treat women equal in the field of
religious rites and rituals since second half of 16 th century
which helped many women to read and
write, like Janhava Devi, Subhadra Devi, Hemlata Devi, Kanchanlatika Devi and so on? From the later
half of the sixteenth century they began to take part in scholastic endeavours. Even the literacy rate of
women among the Vaishnavite sects was somewhat higher than the other societies. From Shri
Chaitanya Bhagvatam, Chaitanya Mangala it is evident that, though the Sati system was in vogue in
the society, none of the Vaishnava widow women committed Sati which means that they succeeded to
some extent to break the fetters against the women. Even the Namadharma was preached among the
deprived or the social outcastes i.e. the prostitutes.
This trend continued even up to the reformation taken by Shri Virabhadra, son of Shri Nityananda
Mahaprabhu. It is said that he gave shelter 1200 Neda and 1300 Nedi (possibly Buddhist Sahajiyas who
practiced antinomian rituals) against the opposition of the orthodox Brahmin leaders and six
Vrindavana Goswamis, who followed a different type of Vaishnava practices more orthodox in nature.
With the inclusion of these sects the position of the women changed perceptibly. From the later half of
16th century and 1st half of 17th century inter-caste marriage started. Post puberty marriages and of
course opinion of the girls regarding the groom was sought. From 1 st half of 17th century many women
Gurus appeared in the Vaishnava society such as Janhava Devi, Kanchanlatika Devi, Ganga Devi,
Madhabi lata Devi and so on. And all these instances mean the gradual elevation of the status of the
women.
Conclusion:
The activities taken by the Vaisnavites towards changing the condition of the women in the society
which was controlled by Nabyanaya group and social leaders were remarkable. Occupying of women
in higher religious positions, shrinkage of child marriage and polygamy system, silent insurgency
against sati system, participation of women in Sahajiya and other mystic lineages etc helped to elevate
the women in Vaisnava society during 17th century onwards. But the women in rest of the society in the
then Bengal remained unaltered. Attitudes, rituals, principles and rulings of the society were going on
against the women as they were in the rest of the society.
References:
1. Sri Raghunandan Bhattacharya-Daytattam (2nd puplications),translated and edited by
Hrishikesh Bachashpati, Pub-Bangabashi Electro machin,1399(Benali year)
2.Sril Krishnadas Kabiraj Goshwami- Sri Sri Chaitanya Charitammritam, Reflect
Publication,1983
3. Sri Joyananda Goshwami-Sri Sri Chaitanya Mongal- edited by Biman Bihari Majumder and
Shukhomoy Mukhupadhyay, Pub-Asiatic Society1971
4. Sri Sri Rghunandan Goshwamipado- Sri Sri Gouranga Champu, translated by Sril Rakhaldas
Thakur Sashtri Mohoday and Sri Guru Charan Das, ist pub.-472(Sri Chaitanyabda).
5.Sri Sri Brindabon Das Thakur Sri Sri Chaitnya Bhagvat edt. By Upendro Kishor
Mukhopadhyay, 4th edn. 473Chaitanyabda.
6.Sutapa Mukhopadhyay- Vaishnav Jiboni Shahitye Nari Shomaj,Progressive publishers, 1st
edn.,1403b(Bengali year) .
7. Dr Bela Dashgupta- Srim Nityananda and Goudiya Vaishnava Shomaj ,Barman publication
House, 1961(1st edn.)
8. Asit Kumar Bandopadhyay Bangla Sahityer Itibritta, Pub- Modern Book Agency Pvt. Ltd. ,
1962(2nd edn.).
Laboni Sarkar is Assistant Professor of History, Mrinalini Dutta Mahavidyapith, North 24 Parganas,
West Bengal.
Mythology and Folklore of Water Resources in Bengal

Sourav Maity
Water is one of the precious natural resources. Our ancient religious texts and epics and also
Dharmastra gives a good insight into the water storage, consercration of water reservoirs (Kpa,
Vp, Pukari, Taga etc.) and water conservation systems that prevailed in those days.
Bengali religions have always imbued water with sacred meanings, probably in recognition of its lifesustaining qualities. Not surprisingly, water has played a central role in our religious rituals, as a result
of which many of our places of worship in Bengal have water bodies associated with them.
There are many interesting adventurous imaginary tales about 'Dighi' (big pond), Sarovara, water
reservoir (Jalaya or devajalaya) etc. In ancient time the problem of drinking water arises in Bengal
and also outside of Bengal. To solve this problem dug or consecrated many water reservoirs (Jalaya
or lakes, Sarovara etc.) for public benefit.
Water has been treated in the God (as like Hari) like fashion in 64 th chapter of Agnipura. And for the
supply of water of Conservation of water well, large and deep pond or tank have been consecrated. This
has been mentioned in this form
"Kpavptagan Pratih Vacmi t u/
Jalarupea hi hari Somo varuouttama//"
In the 67th chapter of Agnipura, it has been mentioned that for the repairment of decayed and
debilitated wells or ponds or tanks, one may earn the blessing of God.
"Kpavptagade jiroddhre Mahpala".
In the Matsyapura, various ways in which wells and ponds and tanks can be consecrated have been
described.
Dnnara Dighi : This dighi (big pond) is one of the most famous dighi of Bnkura district. It
was dug by queen of Biupura. It was set up many years ago to rescue the people of the locality from
severe water scarcity. Nowadays its in very bad shape because of lack of maintenance.
Llabdha, Pokbdha, Kabdha :-Biupura has some attractive large water reservoirs.
Llabdha, Pokbdha, Kabdha were built by the Malla kings around 17th and 18th Centuries.
These were made to provide water to the villagers and to protect the town from enemy.
HaldpukuraTank, Kmrapukura :- Haldpukur Tank is situated in the peaceful environs of
Kmrapukura village which is the birth place of Sri Rmakna. It has recently been re-excavated.
During the life time of Sri Rmakna, the water of the tank was used for bathing, drinking purpose
and other ritual purposes. It is said that once the Holy Mother Srad Dev came to Kmrapukura
and wanted holy Ganges water. Sri Rmakna assured her that the water of the tank was as holy as
that the Ganga. Even today, before any auspicious Ceremony the people take a holy bath in this tank.
araaka Dighi :- araaka, the hugeaqua tank or water reservoir, it a famous name in Indian
History. The pava Gha describing in the Mahbhrata is related to the araaka. The greatest
watercress with an ecosystem in biodiversity and environment is water pond in the planet. This is
called araaka pukari or Dighi or pokhra or 'Tla in many local languages.
Rmasgara Dighi :- Located in the village of Tejapurain Dinjapura district, is the one of
largest man made water reservoir. It was created in the mid 1750 A.D. funded by Rj Rmantha,
after whom the lake is named.
Maala pukari :- Located in the Garvet at pacim Medinipura. Maala pukari is
around by the temple of sarvamagala and the famous fort of Rjakoa. This fort is admired with
seven holy ponds on the northern side-Pthuriy, Jalatug, Indra pukari and Kovea dighi. The
ponds were dug by the cauha King of the Bgaris.
Tapana Dighi : This is famous lake in Dakia Dinjapura district. Behind the naming of this
lake there is a myth that with a view to offering Tarpaa for his ancestors. This lake is about 2 km in
length and 1 km in breadth.
Kla Dighi : Kla dighi is a historical and scenic water reservoir at Gagrmapura, Dakia
Dinjapura which has recently been renovated to attract tourist for a memorable short tripe.
Madhukara Bila : Located in pacim Dinjapura. Madhukara Bila is a most interesting
collection of shrewd and well-told in Bengali literature. It was a popular bila which was a like sea long
years ago. There was a popular myth about this bila is that Cdasadgaras Saptadi Madhukara
sunk in this place.
hkurapukura : It is located in south 24 th paraga. Long years ago this place was named
purva Vari. This village was named after a folklore of mythological pond.
It is said there is a big pond located behind the St. Elizabeth Girls' school at Vari. Wherever locals
wished something standing at the bank of the pond they were blessed with the desired things on the
very next day. Once a local wished some utensils for an occasion at his home and his prayer was
fulfilled with a condition that he had to return those things after the occasion. But he did not obey the
order and since then no one got anything from the said pond.
Hblukhurra Dighi:-It is located at the mbri area of coochbihar. Long ago a poor father
went to this dighi to get himself drowned to get rid of his daughters liability. But he heard a divine
revelation on the bank of the dighi that all the things required for his daughters Marriage would be
there the very next morning. But he had to return all of them after marriage. This wish was fulfilled and
it became a trend for quite a sometime. Someone violated the condition of returning things, and the
tradition stopped from then. Thats why this dighi is so significant.
Risgara :- There is a tank located at Risgara, village in Pacim Medinipurs
Nryaagaha. There is a myth on this tank, queen Madhumajar ordered to dig up a water reservoir
when Devi Brhma came in her dream thirsty. But Devi Brhma could not quench her thirst in that
reservoir. So Devi Brhma came in the royal priests dream and said him that she could only quench
her thirst if the reservoir would be dug where the queens tear would fall. But the queen was so happy
that she never cried. Months after seeing the subjects Miserable condition in the scorching heat of
summer the queen broke down in the tears. Where her tears fell the reservoir was dug up. People
named it Ranisagara.
Mnakara Bhskaradaha :- A water reservoir is found in between Berahampur and Srgchi
Station of Murhidbda which is known as Mnakara Bhskaradaha. Myth is that Mrh General
Bhskara was trickily killed by Navava livardi khna here and Bhskaras body was thrown at this
reservoir.
Knadighi : Kanadighi is seen beside the hospital at Mollrapura village in Bhrabhma district.
Once it was vast and deep. According to the folklore river Ganges had to flow from there. Condition
was that the river could flow in the night but it had to stopped in the light when river was flowing
through place suddenly a crow broke the silence and the morning light came out. So the flow of the
river was blocked at that very place. So the Ganges could not make its route from there.
Karaa Dighi :- The Karaa Dighi in Dakia Dinjapura was dug by the order of
Mahbhratas Kara when this place was his capital, as it is believed. The reservoir was for
KarasTarpaa (libation). There is a small temple of Lord iva at its bank. It is worshiped on the first
day of every Bengali New Year. A fair is also organized. Women who longed for a son used to swear to
god to offer a goat if their wish was fulfilled. When they gave birth to male babies they kept their
words by throwing goats in this reservoir. Thats why this reservoir named after legendary Kara is so
significant.
Bliy Dighi :- There is a reservoir in the Bliy village in Pacim Dinjapura. There is a
remaining of an old house on its bank. It is believed to be the place King Bliy. The reservoir was
used mainly for womens bathing. Once Fakira namely Burathna requested King Bliy to let him stay
there with his devotees. When the King denied to do so, Burathna started to show his magical power
by increasing a cows skin to cover the whole area. Being scared the king plunged into the water of this
reservoir to kill himself.
Candraketu:- This Pukari located at area of north 24th parga. Folklore is that the king
promise to send white pigeon for victory and a black pigeon for defeat to the queen. But in the ecstasy
of victory the king sent the black pigeon by mistake. The upset queen decided to plunge into the
Pukari to save her owner from the victorious tribes. Later when the king returned to the palace and
came to know the consequence of his mistake, he also plunged into the Pukari to put an end to his
life.
Htiduv :- The age old pond of Htiduv is located at Hemtvda at Pascim Dinjapura.
Folklore is that long ago a kings elephant drowned in this pond and formed a rock. Later a local
mroya merchant lifted this rock from the pond and consecrated it in a temple beside the pond. The
idol looks alike Lord Gaea but its limbs are damaged.
Llapukura :- This deep pond is seen at Egrs circuliy village in East
Medinipura.
It has no
sanitization system there is a pole namely Mieghi stuck in the mid of the pond. Water comes out from
under this pole. Amazing fact is that the level water never dips down. And however the water is drained
from the pond, the water never dries up.
Mati Jheel : This beautiful horseshoe shaped lake was excavated by Nawazesh Mohammad, the
husband of the famous Ghasseti Begum. In the palace adjoining it (now in ruins) Lord Clive celebrated
the acquisition of the Dewani of Sube Bangla (Bengal, Bihar & Orissa) in 1765. Moti Jheel was the
home of Warren Hastings when he became the Political President at the Durbar of the Nawab Nazim
(1771-73 AD). Sir John Shore, afterwards Lord Teinmouth, also lived here. Moti Jheel is also known as
the Company Bgha, due to the fact of it having been in the occupation of the East India Company.
The only old building existing is the Mosque of Shahamat Jang.
Jyatkua :This Kua (In such condition, Kua provided convenient, clean and sweet water
for ritual purpose and drinking) near Nimatit rail station.
There is a myth on this Kua that people have been earned re-birth by the accepting holy water of this
Kua. This Kuas water has super natural power. Once upon a time the kings follower thrown a
piece of beef into this Kua, so the holy water turned into unholy water. After then this water lost the
power of infusion of life.
Gaa Dighi :It is located in Dakia Dinjapura. Folklore is that long ago the house of
Birarj (character of Mahbhrata) was built in this place. There are three Dighi (lt dighi, Gaha
dighi, Mniyna dighi) around the Birarj palace. There are a big part of the landed portion of the
earth is remaining mid portion of Gaha dighi. There is a myth that the king Duryodhanas armed force
and vassals remained in this place.
Bengalis traditionally consider constructing water reservoirs a pious duty. For centuries, such an act of
philanthropy was believed to save a rich or powerful persons soul.
Accordingly a number of historical water reservoirs were dug up a long time ago. The oldest water
reservoirs within the present Kolkata area is the sena Dighi. The Senas are considered to have been the
last Hindu rulers of Bengal, before Muslim invaders conquered the region in the 13 th century. Many
artifacts from the years 750 to 1230 have been recovered from the Sena Dighi area.
Indian religions have an organic relation with water bodies. It is a general custom that worshipers take
a holy bath before going into the temple. Various rituals must be performed in water, so many water
bodies have a religious relevance. Caraka Mela is a religious festival celebrating Lord iva, it has
been taking place by the side of Padmapukura (Lotus pond) for more than 200 years. Other water
bodies have temples by their sides. For instance, six Siva temple dot the banks of cytyrjip pukura
in south east Kolkata. They are more than 150 years old. On the other hand, pgala pirera pukura (the
pond of the eccentric Muslim Saint) in southern Kolkata is named after a Sufi and is more than 350
years old.
Murri pukura locality is intricately linked to the history of Indias independence movement as
the locality was the underground headquarter of armed revolution area. The place used to have at least
eight ponds, but only one remains. A memorial to the freedom fighters was erected there by the side of
the only remaining water body.
So far, we have identified 59 ponds as heritage water bodies, of which 60% have been
characterized as such for the first time. Thirty six of the heritage water bodies are more than 150 years
old. About 40% of the water bodies are of religious relevance.

Generally old temples of Bengal, big and small, have a tank (Water tanks are storage contains for water,
these tanks are usually storing water for human consumption) mostly square or rectangular in shape
attached to them known as pukari, they are sacred in nature and are used as a source of water-supply
for the temples. Water drawn from this tank is used for the holy bath (abhiekam) of the idols enshrined
in the temples and the float festival of the deities during certain specified times of the year takes place
here.
The water of some of these pukari's are believed to have certain specific curative properties and
pilgrims have a dip in these waters to cure their diseases and also for cleansing themselves before going
into the temple.
The tanks also served to recharge the water of the wells in the vicinity during the dry seasons and water
scarcity was a rather rare occurrence in the ancient and medieval Bengal. It is rather unfortunate that in
the overcrowded towns and cities today, these inlets have been blocked by indiscriminate construction
activity and thus many of these temple tanks are totally dry and some are even used as dumping
grounds for waste matter. Some of these pukari's deserve special mention either on an account of
their shape, size or religious impotance.
Trpha : There are several legends narrated on the origin and importance of this place; all
related to the goddess Tara deified in the Trpha temple. A well-known legend relates to the
aktipha. The devotee take a holy bath at the sacred tank adjacent to the temple before entering the
temple premises to offer worship and even after the worship. The water of the tank are said to have
healing powers and even restore life to the dead.
Indias religions have always imbued water with sacred meanings, probably in recognitions of its lifesustaining qualities. Not surprisingly, water has played a central role in our religious rituals, as a result
of which many of our places of worship have water bodies associated with them.
Temple tanks come in a few set morphologies square, rectangular, stepped. They are usually located
to the north-east of the temple. Some are fed by an inlet; others are filled by rain or by aquifers or by
both. Most of Bengals temple tanks fall under this latter category. In other words, temple tanks were
multipurpose constructions, serving not only the temples ritual needs, but also acting as percolation
tanks that would recharge groundwater.
There are also some large temple which have more than one tank, and some are seen inside the
enclosure of the temple which some may be found immediately outside the temple campus. The king
considered it an act of great merit to construct these temple tank and innumerable inscriptions and
historical records have been discovered across Bengal which mention the names of the donors and also
the date of consecration.
Kalyavar Temple :- It is located in snsole subdivision of Burdwan district. The temple of
Goddess Kalyavar is believed to fulfill the wishes of childless women. This Hindu temple has a
simple structure. This temple is surrounded by Maithan dam. It has a big Thrtham (Temple tank or
devajalaya) which is linked with Barkara river.
Trkantha Temple : where Lord Siva is worshipped is situated in the town of Trkevara of
West Bengal. It was built in the year 1927 in the cl structure with a Naamandira in front.
Dudhapukura Tank is situated north of the Trkevara temple. Devotees invariably take a bath in the
tank as it is believed that it fulfills the wishes and prayers of the devotees. The legend also connects the
tank which the building of the iva temple. The water of the tank is believed to have curative powers.
Kligha kl temple : This is a famous temple in West Bengal. A famous water tank
consecrated in side of temple. This sacred tank is located to the south east of the Kligha temple. In
the 16th century Sati-Ago (the right toe of Sat) was discovered in this tank. It is believed that a
person who takes bath in this tank will be blessed with a child. The water of the tank is considered to be
as holy as that of the Ganges. Efforts to drain this tank have failed indicating that a subterranean stream
is running underneath the tank.
Vakrantha temple: This temple is one of the famous temple in West Bengal. It is located in
Brabhma district, West Bengal. This temple was designed in odisa style of architecture. This temple
is also called as Bakrevara temple.
The Vakrantha temple is one of the 51 saktiphas. This temple has a sacred, tank and also sacred tree
which is one of the best known with thousands of devotees bathing in it before going into the temple.
The grand spectacle of the float festival of this temple draws thousands of on lookers every year to this
sacred shrine.
Select Bibliography
Basak, Sila. Bglra Kivadant. Kolkata : Ananda Publishers, 1st ed. 2013.
Date, Ranjan. Water-Management in Ancient India. In : Bulletin of the Deccan College 68-69. Pune :
Deccan College, 2009.
Ghosh, Bidyut Baran, Saskta-Racanya Pratiphalita Parivea Sacetanat. Kolkata : Sanskrit Pustak
Bhandar, 2011. (1st ed. 2006).
Moberly, A. N. Miniature Tank Worship in Bengal. In : JASB, Vol. II, no. 10. Calcutta (now
Kolkata) : The Asiatic Society, 1906.
Mahulikar, Dr. Gauri. "The Apotheosis of water and its Inevitability in Indian culture". In : National
seminar on water and culture. Hampi : Karnataka, 2007.
Sadhale, Nalini. "water Harvesting and conservation in Ancient Agricultural texts." Vol. 10, 2006.
Sourav Maity is PhD researcher in the Department of Sanskrit, University of Calcutta.
The Bengali Othello in Pre-Independence Newspapers: The

Question of Race and Hybridity
Abhishek Chowdhury
Despite being a dramatization of male jealousy, doomed love and victimization of devoted female,
Othello fails to be a universal tale about a man coming to terms with the supposed betrayal and adultery
of those closest to him. It is the only tragedy of Shakespeare where the protagonists characters and
behaviours are always traced to his racial identity. The reason is Shakespeares arbitrary attempt to
make Othello stand on the complicated crux of contemporary beliefs about black-skinned people and
Muslims. Resultantly, reading or producing the play in a society where racial discrimination and
apartheid are practised is to lend a new powerful meaning to the play. Reference may be given in this
context to Bloke Modisanes (1923-1986) autobiography Blame Me on History (1963) where the South
African writer finds in Othello a mirror for his own oppression notwithstanding the wide gap of time
between Shakespeare and himself. Bloke Modisane in his Blame Me on History (1963) finds in Othello
(1603) a play written more than four hundred years ago a potent metaphor of his very own
marginalized existence under the racism of the twentieth century South African apartheid state. He also
confesses that the Venetian moor is, to him, a source of inspiration for his own determination to fight
this oppression:
I imposed myself upon the world which was rejecting me, challenging their attitude against the
colour of my skin, which they held up to my face as an exhibit of the stain against my person; I
qualified the challenge with the submission that the quality of the service I was performing to the State
cannot continue to be ignored, that it more than adequately compensated for the vices in my blood. I
argued the case that my worth cries out for recognition, even in place of acceptance, as it was said that
Othello was respected and recognized but not accepted into Venetian society, Roderigo describes
Othello as a wheeling stranger of here and everywhere, and Brabantio, in a fit of racial expectoration,
says:
Whether a maid so tender, fair and happy,

Would ever have to incur a general mock,
Run from her guardage to the sooty bosom
Of such a thing as thou, to fear, not to delight. (Modisane 1963, 167-68)
No doubt the struggle of Othello is different from that of Modisane, as Othello is displaced from his
aboriginal culture and is the only black man in an all white Venetian society and Modisane grows up in
South African society where a black majority is oppressed by a white minority. Yet he goes back to
Shakespeare to focus the question of racial prejudice in his own society. Such an attempt to elide two
different kinds of marginality: the one that springs from geographical displacement and another in
which black people and cultures are devalued without being isolated from each other is also evident in
Janet Suzmans production of Othello for the Market Theatre in Johannesburg. Being a South African
actress with the experience of living in Britain she makes her production radical by casting a black
actor in the protagonist's role. To borrow the words of Ania Loomba,
to place Othello in one of the cultures of his origin is to allow us to rethink the entire history of the
play. But at the same time, Shakespeares drama is about a black man trying to live in a white society,
assimilating yet maintaining his identity. His loneliness is an integral feature of the play. He is isolated
from other black people, from his history and culture. To place Shakespeares Othello in South Africa is
to open up a powerful new reading of the play, but also to elide two different kinds of marginality: the
one which arises out of displacement and another in which black people and cultures were victimized
but not literally isolated from each other. (Loomba 35)
Long before the publication of Modisanes book and Suzmans unique production of Othello, the
marginality of a black man in an all white society and that of brown skinned Bengali in the society of
colonial Bengal are unwittingly elided by the production of Othello at Sans Souci theatre in Calcutta in
1848. That production too was radical as it had a tawny Bengali Hindu impersonating the protagonist
violating the long history of Othello productions where the hero was supposed to be played by a
painted white actor. The man whose bold experimentation stirred the society of European Calcutta was
James Barry, the then owner of Sans Souci and the Bengali actor, the first Indian actor on the English
stage of Calcutta, was Baishnab Charan Addhya. In 1848, an innovative Othello was performed at the
Sans Souci Theatre in Calcutta. Production manager, James Barry, tried something new with his
production. He managed to cast a native Indian as the eponymous character. Before that, Indian theatres
were in the style of England with, plays produced for a western audience, and performers were
westerners.
Barrys Othello was an enormously revolutionary and influential event for the Indian stage as
well as for Indian society. Although the native Indian actor, Baishnab Charan Addy, was modestly
accepted in western society at first, his second performance was bitterly rejected. This situation is
similar to the character Othellos. Although Othello, a valiant general in Venice, was at first highly
esteemed by the Venetians, afterward he lost everything because he was a Moor. In India, there were
elite Indians like Othello, who were cultivated by the Westerners. Native Indians tried to enter the
English education system to obtain a higher status. This was the crafty strategy of the Westerners as the
ruler to control India as the ruled. This self-serving social structure created plenty of incomplete elite
Indians. They were anxious about their identities and suffered double differences: between the Western
and the Indian, and between the elite Indian and the primitive Indian. Barrys innovation on the stage
reflected the distressing social system as well as the agony of the elite Indian. Barry managed to present
his Othello to Western audiences despite bitter criticism. His production showed blistering discontent
and bitter irony.
Investigation of the news reports dealing with that revolutionary production and the reviews of it
published in different pre-independence newspapers, both English and Bengali, illuminates the
stereotypical reluctance to accept the histrionic talent of a non European actor, as non European, black
Othellos contribution to an all white society is ignored in Shakespeares play.
The advertisement of that unique production was published in the leading English dailies of the time
such as The Bengal Hurkaru, The Calcuttta Star and The Englishman from 1 August 1848 onward. The
play was to be staged on 10 August 1848 for one night only. The performance was eagerly awaited. All
were curious to know the identity of the Indian actor who was to take the title role, but no
announcement was made in this regard. The English papers of the city discussed the forthcoming
production, each from its own point of view. Some expressed grave doubts as to the ability of an Indian
actor to play the role of Othello. Others were more hopeful in this regard. But all displayed equal
curiosity as to how things would turn out. The Bengal Hurkaru of 1 August wrote,
This announcement is of an event to which we among many shall look forward with no little
interest and curiosity. Young Bengal is famous for his devotion to Shakespeare in the school and
in the closet; but it will, we believe, be something entirely new to see him endeavouring to
embody the glorious creations of that naughty intellect.

But they added that there could be no question as to the daring of the young actor. They were doubtful
if he would succeed in his ambitious endeavour, but promised to give him the fullest credit should he
prove worthy. They wrote, our apprehensions are stronger than our hopes. We may be mistaken and
we shall be glad indeed to find that we are so Again As we have said however, we shall be glad to
find that we are mistaken, if so, publicly to recant his expression of our distrust of the [peers] of Young
Bengal.
The advertisements in The Calcutta Star and The Englishman confirmed the news of the patronage of
some pro-British Bengali elites for the arrangement of the entertainment. The list of patrons included
Maharajahs such as Radhakaunt Bahadur, Buddinath Roy, Apurva Krishna Bahadur, Jabukissen and
Brothers, Bajendranarain Roy, Prutaub Chunder sing and Brothers: Baboos Prankisssen Mullick and
Brothers, Baboos Greeschunder Dutt and Brothers and Baboo Hurrowhauth Mullick. The
advertisement in The Calcutta Star of 1 August goes like thatMr. Barry having obtained the above patronages and also the kind and gratuitous service of a
Native Gentleman in conjunction with the valuable aid of several English Gentlemen Amateurs,
will present to his Friends and the public a novel evenings entertainment. On Thursday
Evening, August 10th, 1848, will be acted Shakespeares Tragedy of Othello. Othello The
Moor of Venice . by a Native Gentleman. etc. etc.
The epithet Native in the announcement highlights the otherness of the actor impersonating Othello
and the notice caused a furor among the white and Indian theatre going public. The English newspapers
debated over the histrionic talent and ability of a Native gentleman to enact a Shakespearean
protagonist. The Calcutta Star of 10 August, 1848 appealed to the spectators to tolerate a Native actor
on the English stage:
Shakespeares tragedy of Othello will be enacted this evening at the Sans Souci Theatre, the
character of the Moor of Venice being undertaken by a Native Gentleman an arduous
undertaking no doubt and we believe the first of the sort ever attempted. We hope that the
audience will make every allowance for a first appearance under such circumstancesthat if
there be any who imagine that as a matter of course such an attempt must result in failure, let
them bear in mind that Mr. Iva Aldridge, an African, has played Othello, Zanga, Mungo and
other characters with great success, not only in the provinces, but on the London boards.
In regard to the other members of the cast, the paper remarked that the amateur who was to take the
part of Iago could be relied upon to give a good performance, having earlier demonstrated his histrionic
ability in the role of Rob Roy. As Cassio was being played by Barry himself, they were confident that
justice would be done to this role. The paper expressed the hope that there would be a full house and
concluded by saying It is a move in the right direction.
The reports bear unmistakable stamp of racial prejudice. In questioning the potential of a Bengali actor
to impersonate a character of a canonized dramatist their aim was the construction of an ideology that
rendered colonized races as backward, inferior and cultureless. According to Abdul Jan Mohamed this
construction depends upon Manichean Allegory, in which a binary and implacable discursive
opposition between races is produced.4 Such oppositions are crucial not only for creating images of
non-Europeans, but also for constructing the cultural superiority of the European self. Another
important aspect of the announcement is the focus on the actors being a Young Bengal, a section of
elite Hindu community who hybridized themselves most powerfully by their attempt to mimic
dominant culture. For Fanon, this mimicry is fatal as it leads to a terrible schism between black skin
and white masks, to the black subjects disavowal of his roots and to his tragic attempt to fashion a
European self.5 But, recent postcolonial critic Homi K. Bhaba contends this view and renders such an
attempt to mimic European culture as subversion of authority. As he articulates his view,
a doubling dissembling image of being in at least two places at once. It is not the Colonialist self or
the Colonised Other, but the disturbing distance in between that constitutes the figure of colonial
otherness- the White mans artifice inscribed on the Black mans body. It is in relation to this
impossible object that emerges the liminal problem of colonial identity and vicissitudes. (Bhabha 1994,
117)
The eagerly awaited 10 August arrived. From early evening fleets of carriages and litters began to
converge on the Sans Souci and enormous crowds gathered outside the theatre. It was a very long time
since the Sans Souci had last attracted such a vast crowd. One of the Calcutta papers of 12 August
carried a long account of the scene outside the theatre on the night of 10 August. That evening was
climaxed by the strangest of happenings. The door of the theatre remained firmly closed even when it
was nearly time for the show to start. Everyone began to wonder what the trouble was, but no one
seemed to know. The crowd continued to wait long after the advertised opening time, but still the doors
remained closed. Eventually word was passed round that the performance was not going to take place,
but the reason for this remained a mystery. A spate of rumours started circulating among the crowd
such as Othellos sick! ... Desdemona inebriated! Barry drunk! Iago not come ... Emilia had eloped ...
etc. Finally the crowd began to disperse, thoroughly disappointed and disgruntled.
The papers of the following day informed the public of what had actually happened. The Calcutta Star
wrote that the play was ... doomed to be untimely nipped in the bud. They went on to say that Barry
had turned up at their office shortly after 6 p.m. the previous evening to show them a letter he had just
received from the Commanding Officer of Dum Dum. In same, the paper added, ... the Commanding
Officer at Dum Dum had refused permission to such of the men under his command as were concerned
therein to fulfil their engagements. No reason for this arbitrary act was mentioned in the letter. The
artists concerned were all amateurs and in consequence were obliged to obey the orders issued. The
paper suggested that there must be some impelling reason to cause a senior military officer to issue
such an order. They went on to say, however, that it would have been more considerate to have taken
this step a few days earlier, instead of at the very last moment as had been done. Barry had been put to
considerable expense in organizing the show, and the large number of people, including a great many
eminent citizens, both Indian and English, who had bought tickets for the performance, had been
subjected to unnecessary inconvenience and annoyance. The paper concluded by emphasizing that
Barry was making every effort to stage Othello within a week or ten days. He would, of course, have to
get new actors for the roles and would be put to additional expense. Nevertheless, with the sympathy
and aid of Calcuttas generous theatre going public, he would be able to retrieve his position, they
hoped.
The Bengal Hurkaru of 12 August alerted the police. They said,
... the parties who were severally to have played Iago, Brabantio and Emilia,
were prohibited from so doing by the peremptory military orders of the Brigadier of
Dum Dum ... moreover, the police were in attendance, having received military notice to
arrest the well-known amateurs should they have attempted to make their appearance.
They also said that Barry was doing his best to arrange for the stage production on the following
Thursday, and people should not imagine that, because of the initial set-back, Othellos occupations
gone!
The Brigadiers action is difficult to understand. His order was responsible for the last-moment
cancellation of a show which had as its patrons some of the most eminent and highly respected citizens
of Calcutta. A great many theatre-goers, both Indian and European, had been put to considerable
inconvenience. There seems justification for the conclusion that the motive behind this order was to
prevent an Indian from appearing on the English stage in Calcutta. This suspicion is reinforced by
certain regrettable incidents of rowdyism that occurred on the actual night of the postponed
performance. The Englishman of 19 August referring to these incidents went so far as to suggest that
... on a future occasion the police will be ordered to eject all such riotous characters.
In this connection the Calcutta Star of the same date indignantly remarked with considerable
justification,
A large sprinkling of natives attended and by their orderly conduct afforded a strong
contrast to the proceedings of those whose birth, education and position, in society ought alike
to have taught them better. We must admit that in some things and some places Young Bengal
sets a good example to, and is an infinitely more unexceptionable neighbour than Young
England.
Anyway, events proved the accuracy of the press assurances that a performance of Othello
would shortly be staged, in spite of the initial set-back. The determined Barry was not to be deterred by
any obstacles. Moreover, funds were probably no problem, as he had so many wealthy patrons backing
the show. For a number of days after the 10th the papers carried advertisements to the effect that the
postponed show would be held on 17 August. In a newspaper announcement on 12 August Barry
expressed his deep regret for the unfortunate incident on the night of 10 August. He offered assurances
that there would be no repetition of such a thing. He went on to say that the tickets issued for the 10 th
would be valid for the performance on 17th.
It is greatly to Barrys credit that he was able, within the short span of seven days, to train new
actors for some of the roles, and stage Othello with a Native Amateur in the title role as promised
earlier.
Othello was duly staged on 17 August, 1848 at Sans Souci and notwithstanding its decrepit state at that
time, and both white and Indian theatre lovers, filled the auditorium. The vernacular newspaper
Sambad Prabhakar (edited by notable Bengali poet of pre-Rabindranath era Iswar Gupta) of 22
August, 1848 showered encomium on the Bengali actor, Baishnab Charan Addhya who enacted Othello
that night. As the review focused on Addhyas credit,
etodesio nartak baboo baishnab chand addhya othelor bhangi o baktrita dara sakalke santusta
kariachen, tini konorup bhito athaba kono bhangi abalehan karen nai, tini chatur dik haite dui sabda
shraban kariachen, ebong tahar utsah ebong sahaso baddhamul hoiache, je bibi desdimona hoiachilen
tinio bilakshan pratisthata hoiachen,
[The Indian artiste Baboo Baishnab Charan Addhya pleased the audience representing Othello on the
stage. He did not display any sign of stage fright and words of praise showered on him. Resultantly, his
enthusiasm and courage were firmly rooted. The actress who played Desdemona had also proved her
worth.]
The English newspapers were more judicious in appreciating an actor of other race. The Bengal
Harkaru of 19 August, 1848 that carried a review of the performance under the title, Sans Souci
Theatre- The Hindu Othello informed,
Othello, of Shakespeares plays the latest and the best, was the great attraction on Thursday
night- the player, however, not the play. Performed by Baboo Bustomchurn Addhya, all expectations
were of course, centered in the young aspirant for dramatic fame, who has gallantly flung down the
gauntlet to the rest of the members of the native community.
The reviewer went on to describe the type of audience that attended the show and said ... it was highly
gratifying to observe that old Qui Hi himself had thrown aside the hooka, and had even abandoned the
accustomed siesta intent upon the novelty of the exhibition. Not merely that, the paper wrote,
Pleasanter still is to record the attendance of the most influential members of the Civil Service,
impelled, no doubt, some by curiosity, others, we trust, by a worthier motive. The house was full by the
appointed hour....
The theatre hall was full house and the vast auditorium was resounded with the thundering applause as
the Bengali actor appeared on the stage. Despite his debutant performance, he was devoid of
nervousness and stage fright. The reviewers remark about the style of acting was favourable.
Othellos self command before the Venetian senate was upheld, and by the time he had arrived at She
lovd me for the dangers I had passd; And I lovd her that she did pity them, the performer had
substantial demonstration that the feelings of the audience were fairly enlisted on his side.
The shortcomings that the columnist highlighted was his deplorable bye-play, poor acting in Act III and
in the final act where being racked with the tortures he gave full vent to his suspicion. Besides the
passionate soliloquy-It is the cause, it is the cause, my soul in Act V, Sc. II was hardly heard by the
audience because of the actor habit to turn back to the audience. Significantly, the columnist was
impressed by Othellos invocation of black vengeance (Arise black vengeance from thy hollow
cell) in Act III Sc. III. Perhaps to the white Christian audience a tawny Hindu Othellos invocation of
black and evil forces appeared more vivid and realistic. Thus the stereotypical templates for European
images of the outsiders or others played crucial role in reviewing such a unique show. In regard to the
elocution and pronunciation the reviewers comment also borders on racial prejudice. He described it as
somewhat cramped and remarkably good for a native. The phrase for a native remarkably good is a
refusal to give him the same status of a European actor. The columnist, however, concludes, if the
indulgent approval of the audience is to be taken as a criterion of success, Baboo Bustom Churn
Addhya, can have no cause to complain. They hoped for great things from him in the future and added
Unfortunately there is ample room for improvement, little reason to despair.
The phrase indulgent approval of the audience certainly challenges Addhyas histrionic talent and
focuses on the supposed impossibility of a Bengali to impersonate characters of the greatest bard of the
British colonisers. It is interesting to note that The Bengal Harkaru of 19 August, 1848 also published
another review by An anonymous critic who seemed to have his knife into the Indian actor. He
attacked the Bengali actor right through the review. He hoped that the production would not have taken
place for the reason the black Othello would have seized with stage fright. Here he concedes
conversely that the debutant actor did not lack self confidence. His article is, however, a critique of the
appearance of the actor. He delineates Addhyas figure as inelegant, manner as undignified and gait
as awkward and ungainly. Besides focusing on his other limitations such as his poor knowledge of
bye play, poor delivery of dialogues, he described the fifth act as unworthy of notice. Ultimately he
accredited the Bengali actor for committing the words of the protagonist to his memory and rendered
the performance as complete failure: we are bound to deliver a faithful account and are compelled
to pronounce his whole performance a total failure. Thus The Bengal Hurkaru takes an ambivalent
position in delineating the interracial production of Othello and it reflects the failure of the colonial
authority to produce a stable colonial discourse. Abdul Jan Mohamed argues that ambivalence is itself a
product of imperial duplicity and that underneath it there exists, a Manichean dichotomy between
coloniser and colonised that structures colonial relation.
The other leading English newspapers of the time too published reviews of the performance. The
Calcutta Star of 19 August, 1848 dwelt on the limitations of Addhya in common with the reviews
published in Hurkaru. The columnist stated that he had no intention to discourage the debutant artiste
and hoped that the native amateur would evince greater improvement and more power and artistic
skill in future. He also expressed his anxiety over Addhyas rising to fame overnight and referred to
the weary apprenticeship of canonized Shakespeare actors like Keane and Kemble before their reaching
the top of the tree. The Englishman of 19 August, 1848 attributed the success of Addhya to Barrys
able tuition. The paper too approved the Bengali actors perseverance and industry, yet the columnist
demonstrated it as wonderful for a native, in other words, in no sense the Bengali actor invites
comparison with any European artiste. Thus the racial identity of the actor always overrides his
histrionic talent. Thus the pre-independence newspapers subscribes to the conventional colonial
discourse of the inferiority of the colonised races for establishing the cultural hegemony and further
political end. But their attempt to uphold a stable ideology to undermine the literary, scientific and
cultural achievements of the colonised people, evident in the reports dealing with the performance of
Addhya is challenged by Addhyas performance.
The fear and anxiety for being subverted is further brought to lime light by the newspapers dwelling
upon Addhyas second attempt to impersonate Othello at Sans Souci on 12 September, 1848. Barrys
decision to rearrange the performance of Othello with Addhya in the title role was influenced by the
intimation from prominent citizens and solicitations from Bengali students. It was Addhyas 2 nd and
positively last appearance. The Englishman and The Calcutta star of 14 September, 1848 published
virulent criticism of The Bengali Othello. A letter written by Fretful, published in The Calcutta Star
rendered it as a total failure and expresseed great relief that Addhya would never present himself
behind the footlight. His appearance, gait, manner, voice and delivery of speeches appeared to him too
fit to impersonate a character like Othello and resultantly the attempt of Addhya amounted to
caricature. He concluded,
Indeed he had much better continue his study at the Kirk of Scotland school and not offend the
understandings of the public by attempting the personification of a character which no Hindustanee or
Indian Mahometan since Tipu Sahib has possessed.
The editor of The Calcutta star informed that he did not share the view of Fretful and their contention
unveils the ambivalent attitude of the master race to the interracial production of Othello. While for
Fretful any attempt to impersonate a Shakespearean character is a transgression on the part of an
artiste who belongs to the colonised race, the editor of the newspaper encourages such mimic imitation
of the dominant culture.
The Bengal Hurkaru, Calcutta Star and also discussed the other characters. Mrs. Andersons
performance as Desdemona was described as credible. Of Barry they remarked Barry as Cassio,
though decidedly out of his line, was very successful, and the same encomium will apply to the gulled
Roderigo and the frank hearted Emilia. Iago was a complete burlesque...
Praising the costume say Some of the dresses were very beautiful. But The scenery was
wretched. This was not surprising, considering that the theatre was altogether inaudible. The paper
completely disapproved of Barrys rendering of Cassio, and were quite scathing in their remarks. They
said that in the celebrated drunken scene he appeared to get drunk far too suddenly and too
boisterously in the early part of the scene, and too suddenly and too noisily sober at the conclusion.
Besides, like an actor in melodrama, he ... cut across the stage after every speech ... in the hope of
getting applause. They also explained why they had criticized Barry so severely, saying We feel no
hesitation as to criticizing Barry, because, first of all he is a professional man, secondly, because we
have seen him play the part in a purer style and much more effectively. Roderigo and Brabantio were
respectable. They praised highly the performance of Mrs. Anderson in the role of Desdemona saying
that
Mrs. Andersons Desdemona agreeably surprised us it was a quiet and at the same time
a feeling performance, recalling here and there, and especially where she sunk on her knees, a
lively recollection of her mother. It was in every respect a great improvement on anything we
have seen her attempt yet.
Of Emilia they said She did her best and the best can do no more.
It is of special interest to consider what The Englishman had to say of this performance as this paper,
founded by Stocqueler, had always been a firm friend and well-wisher of the English stage in Calcutta.
On the whole they spoke well of the Bengalee artiste Baishnab Charan. They said, Othello appeared to
enter into the spirit of his part heart and soul, there was no timidity, no mistakes, no turning of the back
to the audience all of which are faults invariably found with young actors. They attributed his success
in this role to Barrys able tuition. As the Bengal Hurkaru and Calcutta Star make no mention of this, it
is difficult to decide how far this may have been so. In regard to Addys English, the opinion of The
Englishman differs from house of the other two papers which said that for an Indian, he spoke well.
The two papers maintained a racist attitude towards the Bengalee actor taking him to be incapable of
speaking good English. The Englishman remarked In the delivery, however, the effects of imperfect
pronunciation were but too manifest. This was to be exempted but not to the extent it occurred. They
also said, scarcely a line was intelligible, and this did not arise from the low tone of voice, Othello
spoke quite loud enough, but he mouthed too much. Had he spoken in his natural tone, he would have
succeeded far better. The comment Othello spoke quite loud enough, but he mouthed too much can
be seen from another direction. It can be said that he learnt how to curse like Caliban in the language
of the master. So, therefore, it can be taken as a derivative discourse after Partha Chatterjee, where the
native actor answers back the colonisers in their own language. The newspaper also says of his acting,
His action was remarkably good in some parts, and once or twice when he delivered himself in a
modulated tone, we were much pleased with the effect produced. Taking it as a whole, we consider the
performance wonderful for a Native. They praised the artistes enterprise, saying: It reflects great
credit on his industry and perseverance. In fact, the paper heartily approved of the Bengali actors
efforts. But this appraisal of Addys acting by the newspapers should also be criticised. When this play
is enacted on Bengal stage, the entire white civilization becomes not only the spectator but the director
and judge of every facet of Othellos behaviour. Now an obvious analogy can be drawn between the
fate of Othello in the play and that of the Orient, when Said argues that the existence of the Orient was
not only displayed but was fixed in time and place for the West through highly impressive textual
successes of the Orientalists - the Orient is what Europe knew; Othello is what the play dramatizes; his
cultural history is what the playwright accumulated from a number of sources. Othello with his exotic
otherness amuses the exclusively white European characters and audience as well. The scope of
constructing the cultural other in European discourse has been inextricably connected with an insular
desire to disregard, essentialize and divide the humanity of different cultures, peoples and geographical
locales. Othellos case is no different from this as far as the indefinite representation of his
cultural/social identity in Shakespeares play is concerned. Therefore, Barrys representation of Othello
as barbaric, bestial truly conforms to the racist attitude of the West to Orient.
The best acting of the evening, according to The Englishman, was provided by the actor in the role of
Iago. They described him as the attraction of the evening. They wrote The part of Iago was ably
sustained, indeed it was, to our mind, the attraction of the evening. For although the Native Amateur
not only kept up but increased the interest with which the novelty of such a performance broke upon us,
we could not lose sight of the good acting of the other. It is surprising that the Calcutta Star said of
Iago Towards the end of the play he was altogether inaudible. The Englishman praised the way in
which Desdemonas part had been rendered saying Desdemona acted her part far better than we
expected.
Modisanes autobiography and Suzmans production invoke Othello to question the racism of their own
country. Hugh Quarshie, the black British actor of Ghanaian origin challenges the efficacy of such
attempts, if a black actor plays Othello does he not risk making racial stereotypes seem legitimate and
even true?8 His argument is that a black actors attempt to impersonate Othello encourages
stereotypically white way of looking at black men. It is true that Addhya was not black, but brown, yet
in the newspapers he is compared with black African actors like Mr. Iva Aldridge, also referred to as
unpainted nigger and his invocation of black vengeances thrills the columnist of Harkaru. In fact
Barry could have produced The winters Tale which too dwells on the theme of supposed adultery,
betrayal and revenge, but he decided to capitalize on the skin colour of an actor and by doing so
legitimized the stereotypical racial prejudices of the Europeans against the colonised races. It is amply
clear from the reviews of the English newspapers which worked as Ideological State Apparatuses that
their comment on the histrionic talent of Addhya, is determined by his racial identity. Shakespeares
Othello resonates with the contradiction between civility and dark skin, and Barry intended to exploit
that template for European image of other by presenting an unpainted black Othello on the stage.
Hence Barrys production of Othello with a Bengali actor in the title role may be defined as an attempt
to legitimize the white conceptualization of the other or black or colonised races.
Bibliography
Bhabha, Homi K. Remembering Fanon, Self, Psyche and the Colonial Condition. Patrick
Williams and Laura Chrisman, Eds. Colonial Discourse and Postcolonial Theory. New York:
Columbia, 1994: 11223. Print.
Chatterjee, Partha. The Nation and Its Fragments. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993.
Print.
Lal, Ananda and Sukanta Chaudhuri, Eds. Shakespeare on the Calcutta Stage: A Checklist.
Calcutta: Papyrus, 2001. Print.
Loomba, Ania. Colonialism-postcolonialism. London: Routledge, 1998: 35. Print.
Mitra, Amal. Kolkatai bideshi rangalaya. Calcutta: Dasgupta & Co. (Pvt.) Ltd, 2009. Print.
Modisane, William Bloke. Blame Me on History. London: Thames and Hudson, 1963: 167-68.
Print.
Othello. By William Shakespeare. Producer James Barry. Perf. Baishnab Charan Addy, James
Barry, Mrs. Anderson. Sans Souci Theatre, Calcutta. 17 Aug. 1848. Performance.
Said, Edward. Orientalism. New Delhi: Penguin Books India (P) Ltd, 2003. Print.
Abhishek Chowdhury is a PhD researcher at the Department of English, University of Kalyani, West
Bengal
Vaidyas of Bengal
Raibatak Sen Gupta
Abstract
In this article, different theories regarding the origin of the Bengali Vaidya community are considered.
First, the traditional Vaidya accounts, which are based on Vaidya Kulaji-texts and other later texts, are
discussed. Some interesting observations are also mentioned in this regard. Aferwards, many supposed
theories (some of which are popular in mainstream historical discourses) are discussed. Some
inconsistencies of these varied theories are pointed out. Next, certain important events in the course of
Vaidya history are touched upon and some possible reasons of the social change of the Vaidyas are
considered. After giving a brief outline of the different Vaidya lineages and locational clusters, the
paper concludes with a discussion about the importance of studying Vaidya history from a traditional
perspective.
Keywords: Vaidyas, Ashtavaidyan, Kulaji, Ayurveda, Brahmin, Ambashtha, Dvija, Kayastha, Vellala,
Mohyal, Saraswat, Siddha, Sadhya, Gotra, Samaj, Sen Kings, Ballal, Lakshman, Rajballabh, Adishur,
Bopdeva.
Introduction
History of the Bengali Vaidya community marks an important aspect of the social, cultural, political
and religious history of Bengal and Bengali people. The Bengali Vaidyas are a miniscule clan, but they
have visibly made significant impact on the various spheres of life. Together with Brahmins (i.e., castebrahmins who have traditionally been priests and scholars) and Kayasthas (the scribe community),
Vaidyas form the so-called Bhadralok stratum, occupying arguably the most important position of
Bengali social structure. The popular perception about the Vaidyas is that they are a very intelligent and
clannish people. Vaidyas have significantly contributed in shaping the present Bengali society and have
provided leadership in different Bengali movements, which is notable given that they form a negligible
part of the whole Bengali population.
Vaidya history has not been systematically studied in the post-independence era. This is not surprising
since caste-history has never been a popular subject among the modern historians. Universalist
paradigm and simplistic views regarding the caste-system (i.e., it is something which is entirely
despicable, forgettable and should be annihilated for good) have made the present generation
uninterested about caste-history. In the present Bengali society in particular, people get extremely
careful not to get involved in any kind of Jater name Bojjati (casteism) and consequently, are not
comfortable in discussing caste issues in public discourses. However, in the case of Bengali Brahmins
(This denotes the non-Vaidya Rarhi, Barendra, Saptashati and Vaidika groups, taken together) and
Kayasthas (both Kulin and Moulik), old books were made easily available. For instance, Nagendranath
Basus Banger Jatiya itihas (discussing Brahmins and Kayasthas) is still available in printed form
(Deys Publications), and other texts like Kshitish Vangshavali, Sambandha Nirnaya can be found in
many libraries. Even in general historical books, the accounts of the Brahmins (and Kayasthas) get
prominence and there is scant information about the Vaidya caste in general. All the old texts on the
history of Vaidya caste (these texts, unsurprisingly, were written by authors who were Vaidyas
themselves) are now out of print (some of them, fortunately, are now available in digitized form). As a
result, one is compelled to search in various books (on different subjects) to infer certain things about
the history of this clan. However, after consulting not more than four or five mainstream books, one is
bound to discover that there are huge inconsistencies in the opinions of the different authors regarding
the origin and accounts of this caste. Some places them at the bottom of the varna-hierarchy, while
some proposes a connection with communities of incomparable and unrelated background. The
speculations are often counter-intuitive and contradictory to the social position of the Vaidyas, and to
the different recorded facts. Again, some historians take a regional Sanskrit text as the only authentic
source of Bengali caste-history and that text is blindly cited in almost all modern textbooks.
In the modern Eurocentric paradigm, too much importance is given on finding a so-called unbiased
source when it comes to community history. The only thing they take into account to ensure neutrality
is that the text should be authored by someone not belonging to the community being discussed. This is
seriously problematic for the following reasons. Firstly, there is scope of antagonism if the author bears
any personal grudge against (or is from a community which is antagonistic to) the community being
studied. Secondly, the members of the community are expected to keep a more precise account of their
own roots and lineages, compared to others. Also, this disregard for oral traditions and familial texts
(which were authored by themselves in the case of Vaidyas) have made things very much difficult for
people who value genealogical history or caste-history, since the veracity of their writings is questioned
every time they refer to some old texts, unless they quote some foreign scholars or some recognized
Indian scholars. One wonders if it is at all possible do new research in this field if the discoveries are
mocked at as something having no historical value. This is the very reason behind history of India
becoming the history of only the kings; coins and inscriptions have been considered the only source of
authentic information in historical studies.
The origin of the Vaidyas has become the most confusing topic in these circumstances. Vaidyas have
excelled in many fields and many would even argue that the original accounts have little value in this
jet age, since Vaidyas are part of the topmost layer of the Bengali Hindu society (as we know, they are
generally considered to be placed 2nd in the Bengali caste-hierarchy, following the Brahmins; although
ritualistically they are Brahmins themselves) and are educationally, economically and socially affluent.
However, one has to keep in mind that obscuring the origin of a community creates problems in
analyzing many aspects of our past and in answering many questions and claims. This even stands in
way of persons getting their due credits. The Vaidya kings were directly involved in events leading to
two massive changes (viz., the establishment of Sanatan dharma and the Islamic invasion) in the
Bengali social and political structure. The social status of the Vaidyas seems to have been targeted by
certain groups for different socio-political interests, which is reflected in this seemingly contradictory
nature of the different opinions regarding the Vaidya history.
In the present article, the focus shall be on the written accounts of the history of Vaidyas (including the
origin accounts), as stated by the old Kulaji (familial) texts and subsequent texts (in early 20-th
century) which are written primarily by Vaidya authors. The various theories propounded by the
modern scholars (and in some cases, of those belonging to the earlier centuries) will also be analyzed.
Different social changes will be mentioned. We shall also have a brief outline of the lineage accounts
and different samajs of the Vaidyas of Bengal. Finally, the importance of these old texts (and of an
honest study of caste-history) shall be stated, and a conclusion of the identity of the Vaidyas in the
Varna-scheme by weighing different theories will be aimed at.
Origin: Vaidya traditional views

Vaidyas are the traditional Bengali community involved in studying, teaching and practicing medicine.
They have mainly restricted themselves to the traditional vocation and studies of other disciplines (e.g.,
Nyaya, Vyakarana etc.), but at the same time they have been kings, ministers and big land-owners from
the very beginning. The existence of a community solely devoted to Ayurveda is seen in only two other
places in India. One is Kerala, where a sect of Nambudri Brahmins, called Ashtavaidyans (eight
families of traditional Vaidyas) form a sub-caste [1]. Another is Bihar, where Shakdwipi Brahmins (with
a supposed Iranic past) practice astrology and Ayurveda in a traditional manner
[2]
. There is a
community called Bez (Bezbarua) which was traditionally involved in healing arts [3], but now they are
an indistinguishable part of the larger Brahmin caste. In other places, medicine is mainly practiced by
Brahmins[4] (and in surgical cases, by some barber-groups), but that is usually not done in a traditional
manner. One might come across Vaidya familes but a Vaidya community of considerable size is not
found.
First, let us concentrate on the word Vaidya. Etymologically, the word has its root in the word Veda
and Vidya. Charaka says that after completion of Vidya (education), a physician attains a new birth
and only then he is conferred the title Vaidya, it is not obtained by merely taking birth in some family.
The completion of the Vidya ensures that the physician gets enlightened with the knowledge of the
Brahma and attains a Rishi-hood, because supreme knowledge manifests in completion of Vidya and
thus makes Vaidya a twice-born [5]. Chakrapani Dutta, in his treatise of Charaka, says Vaidya is one
who has a remarkable knowledge. Durgachandra Sanyal, in his Banglar Samajik itihas writes that
Sanskrit Vaidya (and Kaviraja), English Doctor and Arabic Hakim all denote both a scholar and a
physician, which shows that practice of medicine in ancient times was confined to the most erudite
scholars[6]. Mahabharata states that Dvijeshu Vaidyang shreyangsha (i.e., the ones completing the
Vedas are the best among the twice-borns) [7]. Let us now look at some more definitions of Vaidya as
mentioned by Vaidya scholars in their texts. Maharshi Shankha defined that Vaidya is one who is born
of Vedas (Dharanidhar, in his commentary, explains that this means that one attains the title of Vaidya
by proficiency in Vedas) [8]. Maharshi Ushana says that a Vaidya is one who is proficient in all the
Vedas, is a master of different shastras, and is excellent as a physician [9]. Let us now look at this
completion of Vidya mentioned by Charaka more closely. Dallan Acharya, in his commentary of
Sushruta, states that after completing Rig, Yajur and Sama, the students must go through a second
upanayana ceremony before studying Atharva and Ayurveda, although they have already had a first
upanayana before the beginning of the regular course[10]. Thus, a student of Ayurveda had to first study
Rig Yajur Sama before studying Atharva and Ayurveda (note that Ayurveda, although sometimes called
an upaveda of Rigveda, is generally considered to be a Vedanga/Upanga of AtharvaVeda[11] and
Chakrapani Datta opined that Atharva itself is Ayurveda [12]. Charak instructed his students to remain
adherent to Atharva[13]). This explains why a student completing the study of Ayurveda is called a
Vaidya, i.e., one who has completed the Vedic curriculum (called Vidya, comprising of 4 Vedas,
Vedangas, Darshanas, Puran, Smriti, Ayurveda, Arthashastra etc.
[14]
). According to the Vaidya
scholars[15], the Charakasamhita verse mentioned above uses the word Trija (thrice-born), but the
versions available now show the words dvija instead of trija (eminent Sanskrit scholar Devipada
Bhattacharya mentioned this verse in his foreword to Shivkali Bhattacharyas Chiranjivi
Banoushodhi [16] to opine that a Vaidya is a Brahmin versed in Ayurveda). Brahmins, Kshatriyas or
Vaishyas were all accepted as students of medicine, but the full philosophical details were explained to
the Brahmins only[17], and the privilege of teaching in ancient times was also restricted to Brahmins[18].
Anyway, such stringent rules regarding the use of the word Vaidya probably ensured that medicine does
not become a family vocation in most of the places, as the son of Vaidya would not become a Vaidya
unless he completes the entire Vedic curriculum (a Brahmin physician, i.e., who did not attain Vaidyahood and is a caste-brahmin, was generally despised [19]) ending with Ayurveda. However, he may
become a Pande, Dwivedi, Trivedi, or Chaturvedi after completing 1, 2, 3 and 4 vedas respectively
without the Ayurveda part. In fact, all these hierarchical titles starting from Pande to Vaidya are found
in Sanadhyay Brahmins[20]). Brahmins adept in Atharvaveda are rather rare in present times.
Shakadwipis might have been helped by the Atharvan tradition they brought from their Iranic
ancestors, whereas in case of Bengali Vaidyas, the Sankhya philosophy (prevalent in Bengal) seems to
have played a part in keeping the Ayurvedic tradition dynamic (Vedic Ayurveda evolved into the
present Classical form due to many theoretical influences of Sankhya[21]).
In fact, use of the word Vaidya as a reference to a physician can be seen in Vedas itself. Verse 4.26.3 of
Rigveda describes Indra destroying 99 cities in Asur Shambars kingdom and gifting the 100 th to the
Vaidya Divodasa. Vaidya Divodasa seems to be a prototype of the Kashiraj Divodasa Dhanvantari [22],
who taught surgery to Sushruta and others. The medical profession is mentioned in Vedas not only in
praising the Ashwins, but also in praying for the success of a Vipra/Brahmin Bhishaka (physician) (cf.
verse 10.97 of Rigveda). Also, one of the nine shakhas of Atharvaveda was called Caranavaidya
(which is assumed to be followed by wandering physicians) [23], which has now become extinct.
Let us now look at the origin of the Bengali Vaidyas specifically. The earliest reference of Vaidyas in
Bengal found so far is in the famous scholar Bopdevas Shatashloki. Bopdeva (7th century AD[24]),
famous for his vyakarana text Mugdhobodha, discussed his own family history in Shatashloki. He
wrote that in Mahasthan region, thousands of Vedapada Dvijas (Veda-following twice-born) resided,
and among them were born Bopdevas father Vaidya Keshav and teacher Vaidya Dhanesh. In the
concluding parts of Mugdhobodha too, he described himself as a Vedapada Vipra and mentioned his
father Keshav Bhishaka. RG Bhandarkar and Sakharam Ganesh Deuskar had opined that Bopdeva was
a Maharashtrian Brahmin since his descendants are now part of the Maharashtrian Brahmin clan. But
Yadaveshwar Tarkaratna (in his article Bopdeva published in periodical Archana [25]) conclusively
proved that Bopdeva was a Bengali Vaidya born in the Mahasthan Desh near Bagura district [26]. Apart
from many Vyakarana and Smriti granthas, Bopdeva also wrote some books in Ayurveda.
Next, we come to know about some physicians belonging to the Pal era. The foremost among them is
Chakrapani Datta, who is famous for his Chakradatta and other medicinal texts. Madhav Kar was
another physician whose familial texts identify him as a Vaidya [27]. It is worth noting that both Datta
and Kar (along with Dhar) are found among the surnames of the Vedic Brahmins of Deccan and Orissa
(Dhar is found in Kashmir and Datta is found in Punjab also). Now according to the Vaidya oral
traditions[28], the first cluster of Vaidyas (i.e., Vaidya families other than the Dhanvantari Sens,
Moudgalya Dashs, Shaktri Sens and Kashyap Guptas) reached Bengal from the Karnataka region (old
Karnata desh) via Utkala (Orissa) and Rajmahendri (present Rajahmundry in Andhra). The Sen (also
written as Sena) kings have been described as Dakshinatya Vaidyaraja in the old text Viprakulakalpalatika[29]. So it sounds reasonable that after starting to reside in Bengal, some of the Vaidyas
practiced medicine and studied other disciplines like Nyaya-Vyakarana etc., while some became
feudatories (and gradually turned into powerful independent rulers) in Rarh region in and later in
Bikrampur. It is worth noting that Chakrapani Duttas father was a Patra (minister) of the king
Nayapaldeva[30].
Bengalis Vaidyas are predominantly followers of Kanva shakha (branch) of Yajurveda[31]. Compared to
Bengal and North India, this shakha has been more prevalent in Orissa and Deccan since the time of
Shankaracharya. Did Vaidyas come to Bengal as Chalukya kings Dandanayaka/ Senadhipati (who
were also Brahmins residing in Karnat [32]) then? More evidence is needed to reach any conclusion on
this, but the supposed Chalukya connection of the Senas (Ballal married a Chalukya princess [33]) make
this a hypothesis worth consideration. In fact, there were ministers and court-poets in Deccan who
identified themselves as Vaidyas (e.g.,- Vajravarma, Sattan Ganapati, Maran-kari or Madhurakavi) [34][35].
These vaidyas were considered as Brahmins, and physicians in general were described as
suvarna/savarna (an intermediate between Brahmin and Kshatriya)
[36]
. Probably this (together with
their functioning as ruler Brahmins) led to the Brahmakshatriya designation of the Vaidyas in Bengal
and Deccan alike.
It is interesting to note that Vaidyas often migrated to Maharashtra from Bengal (Bharat Mallik, a
Vaidya Kulaji-writter, says that many Nandi Vaidyas had settled in Maharashtra [37]), for example
Bopdeva migrated to Devagiri (Atul Krishna Mukhopadhyay, in an article in the periodical
Mandarmala, 1916, Vol 3., No.10, opined that Buddhist groups of Bengal was antagonistic towards
Vaishnavas of that time, and that is why Bopdeva Goswami settled in Maharashtra [38]) and his family
had assimilated into Maharashtrian Brahmin clan. Also, Vaidyas had marital alliances with Dash and
Mishra Brahmins of Orissa (although it was not preferred, as indicated by the word Durdaiba, i.e.,
misfortune, mentioned by Bharat) [39]. These settlements and marriages probably indicate that Vaidyas
still had a link with their previous homelands. In this connection, it should be pointed out that this
Bengal-Maharashtra movement was also seen in the case of Gaud Saraswat Brahmins belonging to the
larger (and ancient) Saraswat clan, of which Vaidyas are presumed to be a part, according to Kulajikars
like Durjoy Dash and later authors like Basanta Kumar Sengupta (in some cases, this seems to be
acknowledged by the Saraswats themselves. For example, the Census report of 1931 discusses reports
of Vaidyas being invited in the All India Saraswat Conference in Lahore[40]).
Apart from Durjoy Dash, Jay Sen Biswas was another kulajikar who highlighted this Saraswat
connection. The following points are to be noted in this regard:
1) Firstly, Saraswat, in practice, became the denomination of any Brahmin clan hailing from the
Northwestern India (the other northern denominations being Kanyakubja, Maithila, Utkala, Gaur).
Now the Ambashtha region, which is unanimously accepted as the ancestral homeland of the Vaidyas
by almost all the Vaidya historians and Kulajikars, was situated in northwestern India, as per
Vishnupurana and other sources[41]. Durjoy Dash said that the Ambasthas (another name for Vaidyas)
belonged to two branches Saraswata and Saindhava (i.e., those residing on the banks of Saraswati
and Sindhu river respectively) [42].
2) Secondly, the Saraswats migrated eastward and southward (reaching as far as Trihuta in east and
Karnataka-Kerala in south[43]), may subclans like Rajapur Saraswat or Gaud saraswats were created in
the process.
3) Thirdly, Saraswats often had a non-vegetarian diet (as seen in Punjabi, Kashmiri and Konkani
Saraswats).
4) Lastly, Saraswat Mohyal Vaid Brahmins of Punjab are evidently the only other clan (apart from the
Vaidyas) in India which belongs to Dhanvantari gotra. Mohyals maintain an identity markedly distinct
from common Brahmins (and do not have marital alliances with other Brahmins), do not take part in
priestly duties, and have always been powerful kings and landlords. All these characteristics are seen
among the Vaidyas to some extent. T.P. Russel Stracey suggested a connection between Bengali
Vaidyas and Mohyal Vaids[44]. It is also worth noting that Bharadwaja gotra Dattas are found in both
the clans. Moreover, the Lau clan of Mohyals has an oral tradition that they have an eastern origin and
one Ballal Sen was one of their ancestors. Panchanan Raya suggests that Laus descended from the Sen
kings[45]. The use of the surname Sen among the Laus even in 18th century[46], is interesting to note.
The above points are all consistent to the proposition stated in the Vaidya Kulajis (and in later texts)
that Saraswata Vaidyas (as mentioned by Durjoy Dash and Jay Sen Biswas) went southward from the
Ambashtha region and then eventually reached Bengal.
A second stream of Vaidyas, comprising of four gotras viz., Dhanvantari, Moudgalya, Shaktri and
Kashyap, came possibly during King Adishurs rule. As per Vaidya scholars they had taken a northern
route (via Kanyakubja, Magadh and Mithila) from the Ambashtha region [47]. The old text Bhavabali
(by Jagannath Gupta) states that four Vaidyas were brought in Adishurs court from the Ambashtha
region whose names were Shaktidhar (of Shaktri Gotra), Kabidash (Moudgalya gotra), Budha
(Dhanvantari gotra) and Sumati Gupta (of Kashyap gotra) [48]. Durjoy writes Ambasthas consolidated
their power in Bengal after coming from Aryavarta regarding these new migrants [49]. These Vaidyas
were proficient in many shastras and poetry, and they wrote the letter to the Kanyakubja king on behalf
of Adishur, requesting to send Yagnika Brahmins for officiating in Adishurs Yagna. It is worth noting
that Adishur himself is said to belong to Dhanvantari gotra in Vaidya and Brahmin kulajis alike (e.g.
Debibaras Kulaji)
[50]
, and his ancestral home was in Darad region according to Dhruvananda
Mishra[51]. Bhavabali also says that Adishur had a Navaratna sabha (court adorned with 9 gems) with
these 4 Vaidyas and 5 Yagnik Brahmins.
Dhanvantari and Shaktri lineages had the surname Sen, Moudgalya had the surname Dash, whereas the
surname of the Kashyapas is Gupta. These four lineages played the most prominent part in subsequent
Vaidya history, and seem to form the bulk of the present Vaidya population. They obtained the
designation Siddha (whereas the other lineages were called Sadhya and occasionally, Kashta. This
Sidhha-Sadhya-Kashta nomenclature is observed in Brahmins as well [52]) and many branches of these
families were recognized as Kulinas by Ballal and Lakshman (It is worth noting, however that Sadhya
Chakrapani Dutta described himself as a Lodhravali Kulina, i.e., a Kulina belonging to the Lodhravali
region). This Kulina status was often lost (and in some cases, regained) due to many issues related to
marriage (with a non-siddha family), personal enmity, shift of residence etc.
Almost all the Kulajikars belonged to these Siddha lineages, and as a result the Kulaji texts almost
singularly discuss accounts related to the Siddhas only. Sadhyas were mentioned only when some
marriage took place with Sadhyas (which became a rare event as time passed on). As a result, we have
many facts regarding the family-trees and marital details of Siddhas, but there is a paucity of
information regarding the Sadhya clans. Royal patronage, along with other reasons (e.g., Siddhas strict
disapproval of the occasional Buddhist/Pal associations of Sadhyas in earlier times), gave birth to a
condescending attitude towards Sadhyas in Siddhas minds (much like how Kulina Brahmins
disregarded the Shrotriya and other Brahmins). This proved costly as many lineages were lost by
assimilating into other communities, as they could not continue marital alliances with Siddhas,
specially in regions like Chattagram and Sylhet.
The Siddhas, evidently, first came to Bikrampur as it was the capital of Adishur. However, Bhavabali
suggests that they had quickly shifted to Baidyabati (in the bank of the Ganges) of Rarh [53] and then to
Manbhum (except Shaktri gotra Siddhas) after the end of Shur rule. Sriharsha Sen, the person with
whom all the available Dhanvantari gotra family-tree starts, was a king in Manbhum region (which was
called Senbhum also)
[54]
. His capital was named Kanjigramnagara [55]. The Shaktri founding father
Shrivatsa Sen lived in Tehatta in Rarh. Moudgalya Dashes resided in Gonagara whereas Kashyap
guptas lived in Karankakotha (last two places were situated in Manbhum region)
[56]
. Later on they
moved to Katwa-Nabadwip region in Rarh, from where many branches migrated to Eastern Bengal
during and after Lakshman Sens rule.
The Ambashtha angle must be studied regarding the origin of the Vaidyas. Vaidya Kulajis maintained
that Ambashtha was the name of the region from where Vaidyas moved to different place (as seen in
the Bhavabali verses mentioned above). It is a common thing to use the name of ancestral place for
naming a community. We thus have Mathur Brahman, Kanyakubja Brahman, Rarhi Brahman etc.
Vaidyas seems to have described themselves as Ambashtha due to this geographical reason. Any caste
having its roots in Ambashtha region can be called Ambastha (just like we have Rarhi Brahmins and
Rarhi Kayasthas). For the Vaidyas, however, there was a second connotation of the word Ambashtha.
The word Ambashtha, according to Prakritivada dictionary edited by Sarat Chandra Shastri [57] and
Saral Bangala Abhidhan edited by Subal Mitra[58], etymologically denotes one who stays like a father
or mother. Thus this was naturally used for physicians as they cared for a patient just like the parents do
for their children. This parental aspect is visible in the ancient use of the word Tat (father) while
addressing Vaidyas. In Rigveda verse 4.26.3, Indra describes Vaidya Divodasa as sarvatat (i.e., father
of all). Again in Ramayana, Ram asked Bharat to honour Tatvaidyas (along with other Brahmins) [58].
In Mahabharata, when some Vaidyas reached Kurukshetra to treat Bhishma during his Shara-shajya
(i.e., bed of arrows), he requested others to do proper Archana of the Vaidyas[59]. So this tradition of
denoting physicians as fatherly Ambashthas is quite old. It is very much possible that the Vaidyas
ancestral homeland was named Ambashtha because many famous physicians lived there (Northwest
India is the homeland of many ancient Ayurvedic luminaries like Charak, Drirhabala, Bagbhatta etc.).
Now in Manusmriti, the offspring begotten by a Brahmin in the womb of a Vaishya wife is called an
Ambashtha and is stated to have the vocation of medicine[60]. Ushanasamhita lists agriculture, cooking,
warfare and medicine among the duties of this Ambashtha. This Ambashtha was a Brahmin in the
varna-scheme, as Vyasadeva said that a children begotten by a Brahmin in the womb of a wife
belonging to any of the first three varnas, is a Brahmin [61]. Present version of the Manusmriti, although
not being clear on the varna-status of an Ambastha, has a verse saying that the six types of offsprings
born of parents belonging to same dvija varnas or born of anantara marriage between dvijas would be
a dvija[62]. Medhatithi, a commentator of Manu, equates anantara with anuloma (i.e., where the varna of
the father is higher than the varna of the mother) [63]. This Ambashtha was in some cases called as
Vaidya, as mentioned in the Haritasamhitas verse saying that among the five dvijas viz., Brahmin,
Murdhavishiktha (Brahmin-Kshatriya anuloma offspring), Vaidya, Kshatriya and Vaishya, the
comparative status is determined in the mentioned order, i.e., A Brahmin is superior to a
Murdhavisikhta, A Murdhavisikhtha is more respectable than a Vaidya and a Vaidya is superior to a
Kshatriya, and so forth[64].
However, there is nothing that definitely proves that the Bengali Vaidyas are the Ambashthas
mentioned in Manu and other texts, except the common medical professional link. However, medicine
was not a profession of Vaidyas per se, the tradition of the Vaidyas was to take a Dhanvantari Bhaga
(a token for the preparation of medicine) and a Dana or Pranami[65] (this finds mention in latest literary
works like Sharatchandras Obhaagir Sworgo). Vaidyas usually didnt take any money for cure,
unlike subsidiary healers like Barber-surgeons (also called Ambattan in southern India) or Snakecharmers. The physicians of the Ambastha clan might have worked in subsidiary healing, medicinepreparation and in some cases might have assimilated with Vaidyas, but there is no credible evidence to
conclude that the whole Bengali Vaidya clan is a part of the Ambashtha sect mentioned by Manu.
Umeshchandra Vidyaratna opined that the surnames of Sen, Gupta etc are Vaishya surnames and it
probably indicates a Vaishya maternal link. However, Sen was historically used a military title by all
varnas, Gupta was used by a Brahmin like Chanakya or Abhinava, and Dash, Datta, Dhar are Brahmin
surnames in many parts of India. Brihad-dharma Purana does not mention the Vaidya clan but
mentions Ambashtha as a Sudra clan (we shall see the inconsistency involved in this, very shortly). The
Vaidya scholars using the word Ambashtha (for Vaidyas) have all pointed to either its fatherly aspect or
the locational aspect. Agriculture and cooking have never been the vocation of Bengali Vaidyas.
Brahma-Vaivartya Purana, an Upapurana, distinguishes the Vaidyas from the Ambasthas and comes up
with a new story regarding the origin of Vaidyas. It narrates that a Brahmins wife was once
impregnated by Asvinikumars (the Vedic twin-gods of medicine) and a son was born. When the angry
Brahmin deserted both the wife and the child, Asvins taught the son Ayurveda other mantras with great
care. This verse is followed by the accounts of Grahavipras and Agradanis[66]. The regional nature and
the language of the verses makes it plain that these were interpolations aimed at fabricating origin
myths for non-priest Brahmins like Agradani, Grahavipra and Vaidyas (this connection between
Agradanis and Vaidyas is later seen in Mukundaram Chakravartys work Kabikankan Chandi, also
called Chandimangal, where they are shown to be seated together), which is a quite an old tactics of
priestly authors, as mentioned by Jogendranath Bhattacharya [67]. In any case, Vaidyas being descendants
of deities is undoubtedly allegorical in nature and holds no genealogical significance.
The oldest Kulaji of the Vaidyas, according to Umeshchandra Vidyaratna and others, is Rishisutra,
which is not available in any form since the last few centuries. Chaturbhuj Sen, another Kulajikar, gives
a version of Vaidya origin by probably combining the Rishisutra (which, as the name suggests,
discussed the origin of different Vaidya lineages according to their gotra) and the myth of
Amritacharya mentioned in Skandapurana. As the Skandapuran story goes, once Maharshi Galava was
wandering in a forest. Suddenly he felt thirsty and after a long search for water, he could finally quench
his thirst with the help of a Vaishya girl Birbhadra who was carrying a pitcher. The sage blessed him,
wishing that she gets a male offspring. Since Birbhadra was unmarried at that time, Galava created a
child from a stack of Kushagrass with the power of Vedic verses. The child was called Vaidya (born of
Vedas) and Galava instructed him to stay in his maternal residence.
The child went on to become a master of Shastras and Ayurveda and came to be known as
Amritacharya, an incarnation of Vishnu-Dhanvantari who brought Amrita (Ambrosia) nectar during the
Samudramanthana[68]. The following is what Chaturbhuj added: Amritacharya resided in the plains
between Ganga and Yamuna and married the three daughters of Ashvinikumars. 25 daughters were
born from his three wives. He managed to convince 25 renowned Rishis of different regions to marry
his daughters, and the different Vaidya lineages came into being from these marriages between Rishis
and Amritacharyas daughters[69]. This myth has certain underlying points. First, it aims to allegorize the
notion of Vaidyas being born of Vedas. Secondly, it tries to explain the title of Ambashtha by
suggesting that Amritacharya had stayed in his maternal home (Ambashtha=ambakule sthita i.e.,
belonging to the maternal clan). Thirdly, this too connects Ashvinikumars with Vaidyas. And lastly, the
genealogical history of the several Vaidya lineages is connected by mentioning the name and residence
of the ancestral rishis of the respective lineages while describing them as husbands of Amritacharyas
daughter. So although the account is legendary in nature, it is important since it has preserved the
names and old residences of Vaidya founding fathers.
Some contradictory theories on origin
In this section we shall look at several origin theories that are at variance with the Vaidya tradition that
Vaidyas are a community of Ayurvedic physicians/scholars belonging to the Brahmin varna and having
an ancient Sanskritist Ayurvedic heritage.
In general history books concerning Bengal/Bengalis, the most cited theory regarding the Vaidyas is
that they are Ambashthas belonging to the sat-shudra varna. The only source of this notion is Brihaddharma Purana and to some extent, Smarta Raghunandans Shuddhitatva. Interestingly, both of them
are silent about the specific clan of Vaidyas and have used the word Ambashtha as a sat-shudra clan,
but authors have freely equated Ambashtha with Vaidya and described Vaidyas as sat-shudras (it is
worth noticing that no verse of Brahma-vaivartya Purana describes Vaidyas as sat-shudras or
varnasankaras either, but many historians suggest that Vaidyas are among the sat-shudras, for reasons
better known to them). First of all, the argument behind declaring Ambashtha as Shudras is illogical,
since Mahabharata clearly indicates that the offspring of a Brahmin and a Vaishya wife is a Brahmin,
and Manu also hints that anuloma marriage within dvijas begets a dvija offspring, as we discussed
before. Brihad-dharma Purana (Uttarakhanda, verses 9.34 to 9.36) in fact described that Ambasthas, as
sons of Vipras, are worth of having dvija sanskaras (rituals), but then it comes up with a strange
argument that since Brahmins mercifully gave Ayurveda to Ambashthas, that itself washes away the
sins of having a mixed birth[70].
One wonders what is the logic behind acknowledging the washing away of sins of some sons of Vipra
and still listing them as Shudras. Raghunandan argued that Ambasthas, along with Kshatriyas and
Vaishyas, became Shudras due to not staying in contact with Brahmins for a long time [71]. This is also
preposterous, since Bengal always had a Brahmin (priest) population, even in pre-Adishur times. Only
the number of Brahmins was far less than in other places and the Bengali Brahmins often had nonVedic inclinations. Still, Ayurvedic physicians, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas have traditionally followed
Brahminical religious rituals both in Bengal and in other places like Deccan etc. Kings from the Vaidya
clan (which is supposedly being denoted as Ambashtha) in fact endeavored sincerely to revive
Brahminical religion in Bengal. One may presume that this supposed perception of Ambasthas being
impure, is somehow linked with the post-Manu smarta tendency to hold the medical duties with
contempt. However, it might also be the case that there were some community interests, personal
grievances or political tactics behind such a distortion regarding the varna-status of the Vaidyas.
Brihad-dharma Purana is not among the 18 authentic Puranas, and it was not even considered an
Upapurana until it listed itself as the last of the upapuranas. It was written by some Bengali individuals
(as evident by its language and topics [72]) in late 13th century[73]. One cannot help noting that the period
when it was being written was the time when Sen era had just ended and some Brahmins (together with
Kayasthas in some cases) were colluding with Muslim rulers to create a new power equation (Raja
Danujmadhav Deva had made an alliance with Mamluk sultan Ghiyas-ud-din Balban [74], later Raja
Ganesh or Danujmardan Deva assisted the Muslims very much and his son converted to Islam). In this
connection it is worth noting that the first available printed versions of both Brihad-dharma Purana and
Ballal Charita (to be discussed shortly) were edited /introduced by Haraprasad Shastri.
It is logical to assume that many steps were necessary for certain groups to prevent Sen kings from
regaining any social and political stronghold. Later, Raghunandan and others may well have tampered
with the text further due to their neo-smarta inclinations. It is surprising to see that the historians never
took a note of any of these points and blindly followed the late 13-th century Brihad-dharma Purana as
their only source to conclude about the history of Vaidyas, who have an ancient past and have been
residing in Bengal since 7th century or earlier.
As said before, equating Ambashthas with Vaidyas is problematic on many accounts. One important
point in this regard is that some important Vaidya gotras like Dhanvantari, Shaktri etc. are not found
among priestly Brahmins anywhere in India (note that they are not non-Aryan gotras since they are
found in the list of gotras given in Baudhayana and elsewhere). They are not found in other castes also.
Had Vaidyas been the offsprings of priestly Brahmins (with a Vaishya maternal line), they would have
belonged to common priestly gotras (in this regard note that Mohyals never officiated as priests so the
possibility of Vaidyas deriving their gotras from Mohyals is ruled out. Rather, it is reasonable to
presume that Dhanvantari Vaidyas and Dhanvantari Vaid Mohyals, both being non-priests, have a
common root, as discussed before). Vaidyas did not act as priests in usual circumstances, that is why
non-Brahmins, who acquire their gotras from their priests, do not belong to gotras like Dhanvantari,
Shaktri etc. In fact, this also strengthens the supposition that Vaidyas are from Brahmin varna, because
otherwise they would again have priestly Brahmin gotras.
The Shudra supposition is not supported by the literary works of Bengal as well. Kabikankan Chandi
describes the Vaidyas as sporting a Urdhafota [75] (a tilaka mark in forehead identifying a Brahmin [76]).
Bankimchandra in his articles mentioned that Vaidyas are not Shudras (e.g., - Bange Brahmanadhikar,
2nd Prastaba) and protested against Vidyasagar who had opined that Vaidyas are from the Shudra
varna[77]. In fact, Vaidyas of Rarh region always had a continuous tradition of Upanayana [78] (which had
been discontinued by East Bengali Vaidyas for a certain period due to a particular incident, until Raja
Rajballabh brought back the ritual among them). Durgachandra Sanyal mentions that the Vaidya king
Ballal used to wear the Upavita (sacred thread) [79]. In Calcutta Sanskrit college, Shudras were debarred
from getting enlisted (until the time of Vidyasagar), but Vaidyas were always allowed to study in that
college[80] along with other Brahmins and Ramkamal Sen (the grandfather of eminent Brahmo leader
Keshabchandra Sen) acted as principal of Sanskrit college for some time. Also, Jogendranath
Bhattacharya mentions that in feasts, Vaidya guests were made to eat at the same time with other
Brahmins, which was not allowed for Kayasthas or other Shudras [81]. The Grahavipras, or astrologer
Brahmins are described as born of Ambashtha father in texts like Parshurama Samhita[82]. It is
impossible that a caste coming out of Shudra lineages would be accepted as Vipras.
The Ambastha hypothesis was also used to suppose that Vaidyas belong to the Vaishya varna. This
theory depends on the notion that Ambastha Amritacharya had stayed in his maternal clan, and Vaidyas
being his descendants are also Vaishyas. However, Amritacharya was only the maternal grandfather of
the Vaidyas (according to Chaturbhuj) so his being Vaishya has nothing much to do with the status of
the Vaidyas who were sons of Rishis. Furthermore, Amritacharya, as the suffix Acharya suggests, was a
Brahmin. Some proponents of this Vaishya theory mention that anuloma offsprings always have the
varna of their mother (before marriage), this is contradicted by Mahabharata and Manusmriti alike, as
we have discussed. There is a saying that Vaidyas were Pitritulya (fatherly/Brahmin) during SatyaYuga
and TretaYuga, they were like Kshatriyas in Dvapara, and are like Vaishyas in Kali, but this is clearly
an allegory suggesting the decline of the philanthropic mindset of the Vaidyas through a war-ridden
Dvapara and sin-dominated Kali. A verse by Nulo Panchanan (an old author who wrote on Bengali
social history) mentions that the Vaidya king Adishur belonged to Vaishya Jati but in the very next
line goes on to state that he was a Vedic scholar ruling like a Kshatriya [83]. It is almost improbable that
Vaishyas could become proficient in Vedas (Adishur) or Smritis (Ballal Sen) at that time. Actually this
Vaishya theory got popular when Rarhiya Vaidyas started to perform 15 days of Ashoucha (mourning
period) as per a directive issued by Raja Ganesh who was reportedly coaxed into issuing the directive
by some Brahmins who had hold a long grudge against the Sen kings. This will be discussed later.
Probably, some authors could see the problem of equating Ambasthas with Vaishyas or Shudras. Some
new claims were being made suggesting an inglorious origin of the Vaidyas. For instance, a modern
edition of the text Ballalcharita (by some Anandabhatta) stated that the Vaidyas were sons begotten by
Ambasthas in Vaishya wives[84]. Needless to say, this did not have any scriptural support and could not
become popular. Again, Nagendranath Basu in his Biswakosha claimed that some commentator of
Manu had said that Ambasthas are of two type, the first coming from a Vaishya father and a Kshatriya
mother, while the second from a Shudra father and a Kshatriya mother [85]. This again, is a statement not
supported by any scriptural reference or evidences.
Next, we consider the theory involving the Ambashtha Kayasthas. Ambashtha Kayasthas are a clan of
Kayasthas residing in Bihar and eastern UP. As per their tradition, they have been named Ambashtha
since they lived in the Ambashtha region. Jogendranath connects the Vaidyas with these Ambastha
Kayasthas[86], totally disregarding the facts that Ambashtha Kayasthas never had a tradition of Ayurveda
and that Kayasthas were placed below Vaidyas in caste-hierarchy, as he himself had stated. It is
reasonable for any caste migrating from the Ambashtha region to use the name Ambashtha, just as any
caste hailing from Rarh region uses the tag Rarhi. In this regard, it is worth noting that Mathur was a
sect of Brahmins living in Mathura, but the Kayasthas of that region also use the surname Mathur and
the Vaishyas of that region are called Mathur Vaishyas. Jogendranath, even after stating all the
Brahminical features and heritage of Vaidyas, connected them with Kayasthas because according to
him the Vaidyas had non-Brahminic surnames.
At this point, it needs to be mentioned again that Dash, Dutta, Dhar, Kar, Nandi/Nanda are all found
among Brahmins (even in Bengal we once had non-Vaidya Brahmins using Dhar or Kar, as seen from
the family history of Ashutosh Shastri or Ramnarayan Tarkaratna), whereas Sen and Gupta (Guput) are
found among Gayali Brahmins[87]. Dash, with the talavya sha, specifically denotes a Brahmin famous
for Dana (donation), as stated by Panini and others [88]. Interestingly, Vatsya gotra is found among
Dashs of both Bengal and Orissa. Also, Vaidyas in some cases had titles like Pande (in Bankuras
Tiluri village[89]) or Dube (i.e., Dwivedi. Murari Sen Dube of Japsa village was a well-known Vaidya).
Furthermore, Vaidyas had the privilege of giving Diksha to even Brahmins, for example the Thakurs of
Srikhanda or the Goswamis of Bhajanghat have been the dikshagurus of many Brahmin families, as
seen in Vaishnava texts like Chaitanyacharita[90].
Another popular theory regarding the Vaidyas is that they are descendants of Vellala chieftains of
Tamilnadu. Bijay Chandra Majumdar claimed that Vellala (also called Vellalar) communities had been
Vedic scholars and the word Vaidya is related to Vedic studies only, not medicine. According to him,
the Vellalas became Vaidyas due to their Vedic studies and they often practiced medicine. He strongly
suggested that Bengali Vaidyas are originally Vellalas since many of them came from southern India
and were adept in Brahminical/Vedic disciplines [91]. Let us now see why this assumption is very
difficult to accept. Firstly, Vellalas did not have an Ayurvedic heritage of teaching, studying and
authoring Classical medicinal texts. They are mainly an agricultural community which sometimes acted
as local chieftains. In the orthodox Brahminical tradition of Tamilnadu, no non-Brahmin (especially if
he belongs to an agricultural Shudra caste) can be expected to be a Vedic scholar, there is no evidence
of Vellalas being Vedic scholars either. Secondly, Bijaychandra is clearly wrong when he says that the
word Vaidya had no connection with medicine. We have already discussed the definition of the word
Vaidya and all over India Ayurvedic scholars are known by the name Vaidyas. Thirdly, Sen kings came
from Karnataka, not from Tamilnadu.
Again, Dineshchandra Sircar was of the view that Vaidyas are a union of local physicians and
Ambastha (Ambattan) barber-surgeons coming from the Deccan [92]. Clearly, the Vaidyas oral tradition
of two clusters coming to Bengal at different times and Sen kings southern connections have led the
historians to connect them with many clans of Southern India (Sircar, in any case had a curious and
persistent southern complex, opined Dr. RK Ghoshal[93]). The basis of DC Sircars claim is that the Sen
Kings came from Deccan and Ambattan barbers act as physicians in Tamilnadu. He seems to have
interpreted the existence of two different clusters (Sadhya and Sidhha) as the crystallization of medical
profession by the assimilation of Southern barbers with Bengali local healer population during Sen
dynasty. He also equated the name Daman (Sen) of a Vaidya individual with Tamil Dommana.
What DC Sircar missed is that it is the first cluster which is believed to have taken a southern route to
Bengal during the Pal era, not the second one. Moreover, during the Sen dynasty, Siddha and Sadhya
became socially distant gradually, so the question of assimilation does not arise. The Siddhas were
there in the Shur courts and had come via Aryavarta. Thus the hypothesis that Pal era Vaidyas (Bengali)
assimilated with Siddha Vaidyas (southerners) during the Sen dynasty, does not hold water. Moreover,
barber surgeons did not have the heritage of writing volumes of Sanskrit texts on Classical Ayurvedic
topics and on other disciplines. The Bengali Vaidyas (both Siddhas and Sadhyas) never had a barbersurgical way of treating either. Equating Daman (a Sanskrit word) with Dommana is not only
unreasonable, but also irrelevant (since Dommana is not confined to Barber castes alone. It is
interesting to note in this regard that an anthropological paper had found out that the head-structure of a
Vaidya (Neem Chand Dasgupta) was Caucasian in nature and was markedly different from that of a
Barber-surgeon or that of a Kayastha[94].
Some authors claim that in Mahabharata, the offspring begotten by a Shudra male and a Vaishya female
is called a Vaidya. Ramsharan Sharma, in his Sudras in Ancient India[95], opined that this is a reflection
of the contempt towards medicine. This often leads some authors to infer that physicians were among
the first untouchables. One wonders how one can explain the incredible phenomenon of an untouchable
touching the pulse of the dvijas and having the exclusive right to prepare medicine (often in cooked
form) for Brahmins.
In the authentic version of the Mahabharata (Kisari Mohan Gangulis translation)
[96]
as well as
Manusmriti (verse 10.12), the Sudra-Vaishya pratiloma offspring is called an Ayogava, not a Vaidya.
Both the texts state that the profession of an Ayogava is that of a carpenter. It is not possible to link the
medical profession with carpentry in any manner. This is clearly a case of interpolation, as neither the
profession nor the profile/status of an Ayogava is comparable with an Ayurvedic physician.
Let us consider another theory which aims to dissociate Bengali Vaidyas from the classical Ayurveda
heritage (as opposed to Buddhist Tigiccha satta/Siddhai medicine). It suggests that the Vaidyas were
Buddhist healers/magico-healers appointed by the shramanas.
The theory that Vaidyas are casteless or shudras became popular mainly due to endeavours by certain
writers like Nagendranath Basu, Kailash Chandra Singha, Fakirchand Basu etc. At that time, the
Kayasthas endeavored to be designated as Kshatriyas (Nagendranath Basus book Kayasther borno
nirnoy was a part of that endeavour). Proving Vaidyas as casteless would have definitely helped them
(who are often identified with Karanas, i.e., Shudras with a Vaishya paternal lineage) to climb up to the
second position following the Brahmins (in case their bid for Kshatriya status fails). UC Vidyaratna,
among others, discussed about this at length in his Jati-Tatva-Baridhi. The mentioned group and their
associates (Shobhabajar Rajas, for example) even suggested that Vaidyas were born as illegitimate sons
of Ambashthas by changing the words of a well-known verse of Amarkosha[97], as seen in the
Shabdakalpadruma encyclopedia compiled by Radhakanta Deb[98].
The proposition that Vaidyas were earlier casteless local healers was propounded by Byomkesh Mustafi
(who, unsurprisingly, was a close associate of Nagendranath [99]). He opined that Bengali Vaidyas took
the surnames of Bengali Kayasthas (the reason given by Byomkesh for this is that Kayasthas are
Kshatriyas, but he did not explain why it became necessary for the Vaidyas to assume Kshatriya
surnames in the first place) like Sen, Dhar, Kar, Datta etc. and added Gupta since they wanted to
conceal their past [100]. Rajanikanta Chakrabarty, in his Gourer Itihas expressed a similar opinion,
though he specified that these physicians came from Brahmin and Kshatriya lineages. It is this
Buddhist association, Rajanikanta says, which lowered their status compared to the other Brahmins.
However, this theory is seriously problematic on many accounts. Firstly, the Vaidya kings (both Shurs
and Senas) were antagonistic towards Buddhism, and the four Siddha (note that this Siddha has no
connection with Siddhai medicine as the word Siddha was used for the Shrotriya Brahmins as well as
we have seen) clans were patronized and looked up to by the Vaidya kings. The Vaidya scholars who
were associated with Pal kings or who predate the Vaidya kings also showed no Buddhist leanings.
Bopdeva describes his family as Vedapada (devoted to Vedas) and Dvija (Twice-born), it is
improbable that a Buddhist would give such a self-description. Chakrapani Dutta, the court-physician
and minister of Nayapaladeva, didnt write a single Buddhist text and concentrated on Brahminical
Nyaya, Vyakarana etc. in his non-medical writings. Bengali Vaidyas always used Sanskrit for their texts
(instead of Pali), started the texts with salutations to Shiva, Vishnu, Saraswati, Parvati etc., discussed
Astrology and performed/instructed Shantihoma-Valikarma-Yagna etc. All these characteristics are
contradictory to the Buddhist hypothesis. Also, Dhar, Kar, Dutta etc. were not only Kayastha surnames
(as we have discussed) and Vaidyas had these surnames during Buddhist era itself. Moreover the
appendage of Gupta is a very recent phenomenon and there is no evidence of it being used in preRajballabh times, so the argument that it was a mark of concealing the Buddhist connection is
unreasonable. Amusingly, Mustafi connected the word Vaidya with Bouddha (Buddhist), totally
disregarding the fact that the word Vaidya has been used to denote physicians since pre-Buddha times.
So the opposing theories discussed above describe Vaidyas variously as Ambashtha Shudra, a mythical
caste born of deities, Ambashtha Vaishya, Ambashtha Kayastha, Ambastha-Vaishya varnasankara
(mixed
caste),
Shudra-Kshatriya
varnasankara,
Vaishya-Kshatriya
varnasankara,
Vellala
agriculturalists, Tamil Barbers, Illegitimate offsprings of Ambashtha, Shudra-Vaishya varnasankara

Ayogava carpenters and casteless Buddhist local healers (Add to this one online article by one KK
Debnath which claims that Vaidyas are illegitimate offsprings of Tantriks as suggested by the suffix
Gupta, or the various articles that supposes Vaidyas are Shudras from the surname Dash). So many
different, faulty, contradictory and counter-intuitive claims probably suggest that all these are outcomes
of Vaidya history being systematically obscured at some point of time. The varied and incongruous
claims also indicate that there were collective efforts to hush up the true history (and obscure it further)
of the Vaidyas for some reason.
Some important events leading to social changes among Vaidyas
The Vaidyas experienced certain social changes, which has resulted in the peculiar social position of
the Bengali Vaidyas of recent times. The Vaidyas now perform their rituals as Brahmins, including
Upanayana, 10 days of mourning and using of the title Sharma. They maintain a distinct identity than
usual Brahmins, as it is done by Mohyals, Ashtavaidyans, Shakadwipis or in some cases by Gaud
Saraswats/Shenvis also. The taboo related to issues of purity (influenced by both post-Manu neosmritis and Buddhist views) definitely played a part in this segregation, but that largely remained a
theoretical question and Classical medicinal groups were socially accepted as Brahmins (only that other
Brahmins did not prefer marital alliances with them in some cases, as it happened with Ashtavaidyans).
But what is different in case of the Bengali Vaidyas is that they underwent stages where they had to
perform rituals as Vaishyas or Shudras, and are still not considered as Brahmins in non-ritualistic social
life. Shivkali Bhattacharya in his Chiranjibi Bonoushodhi opined that the Vaidyas were demoted
from the Yajurvedi Brahmin status because they had started to demand money as fees for their
service[101]. This again seems to be inadequate to explain the phenomenon because many Brahmin sects
remained Brahmins even after taking up vocations totally prohibited for Brahmins. Let us now look at
the few significant events which have shaped the Bengali Vaidya history in many respects, and are
probably the main reason behind the apparent dillema regarding Vaidyas social status.
(1) Vaidya king Adishur had brought five Yagnik Brahmins (along with five Kayasthas) from Kolancha
(assumed to be Kanyakubja, or present Kannauj) to perform a Vedic yagna, according to the Kulajis of
Brahmins and Vaidyas. They resided in Bengal afterwards and were honoured by the kings. This
created discontent among the other Brahmins living in Bengal from an earlier period. Later, Ballal gave
the Koulinya status to certain lineages of Rarhi Brahmins, thus infuriating Barendra and Shrotriya
Brahmins. Ballal in fact had sent certain Brahmin families in exile to places like Assam. As a result, a
large section of Brahmins were very much antagonistic towards Vaidyas. When Sen dynasty ended,
they got the opportunity to target the social position of the Vaidyas. As we said, the Brihad-dharma
Purana was written in this period. According to Vaidya authors, Colebrookes Rituals of Bengal (Asiatic
Society) mentioned a letter which was addressed to Raja Ganesha by some Brahmins. The letter
requested the king to demote the Vaidyas from Brahmin status to Vaishya status, as the Vaidyas had
become fallen. The letter also requested that Vaidyas be debarred from Brahminical privileges and are
forced to observe a 15-day mourning like the Vaishyas. The book also contained a declaration where
Raja Ganesha directs the Vaidyas to observe 15-day mourning and not to take part in Brahminical
duties[102]. This declaration, if authentic, seems to have created the apparent contradictory social stand
of the Vaidyas viz., producing scholarly works in various disciplines of Brahminical curriculum,
teaching at Chatushpathis as Pandits (note that apart from the scholarly titles, some families even had
titles like Bhattacharya[103] and Mishra[104]) and yet not being recognized as Brahmins.
(2) Ballal Sen had enraged the Suvarnabaniks by demoting their status in connection with a dispute
between a Brahmin and Suvarnavaniks regarding the case of a golden cow-statue. Padmini, daughter of
a Suvarnavanik named Ballabhananda Sheth, decided to create a scandal which would bring disrepute
to the king. She posed as a Dom/Haddika woman and succeeded to have an affair with Ballal [105]. Ballal
eventually decided to marry her, which angered his son Lakshman very much. Lakshman persuaded
Ballal not to bring disgrace to the Sen clan, but Ballal was already head over heels for Padmini.
Lakshman decided to leave the Sen capital Bikrampur and started to reside in western Rarh. Ballal,
meanwhile was arranging for a grand feast where Vaidyas would have to eat food served by Padmini.
Many unwilling Vaidyas went away with Lakshman. Those who could not move away were advised by
Lakshman either to hide in distant regions like Chattagram or Sylhet or to pose as Shudras by removing
the sacred thread[106]. Some Vaidyas, however went to the grand feast. Lakshman returned to the capital
after the death of Ballal, and he punished the Vaidyas loyal to Ballal by demoting them to Shudra-hood.
Thus, a great majority of eastern Bengali Vaidyas lost their dvija status and the right to have sacred
thread.
This is mentioned in Ramjiban Sharmas poem recorded in Lalmohan Vidyanidhis text Sambandhanirnaya [107]. In places like Sylhet or Chattagram, they had to start marrying Kayasthas to conceal their
identity. In this connection, Parbatishankar Roychowdhuri opined that this social change of Vaidyas
(instead of other communities) due to an affair of Ballal and Lakshmanas instructions alone proves
that Sen kings were Vaidyas[108] (there are many more evidences for this, however they are outside the
scope of the present article), which a section of authors like Rajendralal Mitra refused to accept, despite
existence of traditional Kulaji-records (of Brahmins, Vaidyas and Kayasthas) identifying them as
Vaidyas[109].
Thus, Rarhiya vaidyas were made to observe 15-day Vaishya-like mourning (although the Upanayana
was continued among them) and Eastern (Bangaja) Vaidyas were demoted to Shudra social status by
two acts of Lakshmana, and the latter group had to forego sacred thread. This had a lasting impression
in the Bengali social perception and probably that is why Vaidyas are socially not perceived as
Brahmins in non-ritualistic level.
Later, Raja Rajballabh, who was a Bangaja Vaidya, invited Brahmins from different places to decide
about the possible return of Bangaja Vaidyas to dvija-hood. After a long discussion, the Pandits
concluded that since Vaidyas of Rarh and of places outside Bengal (this point is worth noting) perform
the Upanayana ceremony in a traditional manner, and since Bangajas lost the dvija status due to a
particular event, they should return to dvija-hood [110] after organizing a Shuddhi-yagna. This is again
narrated in Ramjibans poem mentioned in Sambandha-Nirnaya [111]. Raja Rajballabh performed many
significant yagnas in his lifetime including Vajpeya, Agnishtom, Kiritkona [112] etc., however this yagna
was probably the most significant one if its importance is considered. After this Yagna, Vaidyas of
eastern Bengal started following Brahminical rituals again. This event is described by some as the
beginning of the Upanayana ritual among the Bangaja Vaidyas, but in reality it was merely the return of
Bangajas to dvija-hood, as evident from the earlier accounts of Bangajas losing their sacred thread by
Lakshmanas directives.
Raja Rajballabh also tried to start Widow-remarriage, but his effort failed due to a cunning plan by Raja
Krishnachandra who wanted to become more famous and powerful than Rajballabh [113]. Supposedly,
there was also a plan to reestablish the Hindu kingdom after the fall of Siraj, and Rajballabh reportedly
was the first choice to ascend the throne (probably his Vaidya roots played a part, along with other
reasons). The killing of Rajballabh and his son Krishnadas by Mir Kashim strengthens this
proposition[114]. This indicates that the Vaidyas were perceived as the natural claimant of the Hindu
kingdom people were trying to re-establish (probably because Vaidyas were the last Hindu kings before
Muslim rule began in Bengal). One sees why some interest groups seemingly worked to keep Vaidyas
in check by different means. Fortunately, Gangadhar Roy Kaviraja started to look into scriptural
references and other recorded history to ascertain the history of the Vaidyas, and after him many
authors in 19th and early 20th century wrote texts in Bengali discussing about the many aspects of
Vaidya history. Sadly, almost all of them are now out of print.
A brief outline of the Vaidya lineages and locational Samajs
The oldest Kulaji (familial text) of Bengal Vaidyas, as the later authors like Umeshchandra suggest,
was Rishisutra. The name of the author of this Kulaji could not be known. Chaturbhuj Sen wrote a
Kulapanjika in which he discussed the origin of the Vaidya lineages in light of Rishisutra and
Skandapurans Amritacharya legend. The other famous Kulajis are Ramkanta Kabikanthahars SadVaidya Kulapanjika, Durjoy Dashs Vaidya Kulapanjika (Durjoy was an ancestor of eminent poet
Ishwarchandra Gupta), Jay Sen Biswas Thakurs Sad-vaidya Kulachandrika, Jagannath Guptas
Bhavabali and Bharat Malliks Chandraprabha and Ratnaprabha [115]. In recent times, Tribhanga
Mohan Sensharma wrote a text called Kuladarpanam which discusses mainly the Shaktri Gotra
trees, and Dinendra Kumar Sengupta complied Vaidyakula Panjika in 5 volumes (published by
Kolkata Vaidya-bandhab Samiti) which discusses mainly the Rarhiya lineages.
We first discuss the Siddha lineages according to Chaturbhujs text [116]. Shaktri Gotra Sen Vaidyas are
descendants of Shaktidhar Rishi who lived in Kanyakubja and was adept in four Vedas. Dhanvantari
gotra Sens sprung from Agnihotri Rishi Dhanvantari who resided in Madradesha i.e., Northern Punjab
(It is interesting to note that Mohyal Vaids of Dhanvantari gotras are also from Punjab). Moudgalya
Dashs are descendants of Mudgal Rishi of Koshala desha and Kashyap Guptas are descendants of
Kutsya Rishi. The verse also mentions Kashyap Dutta, Kashyap Deva and Shaktri Raj lineages which
had shifted to other places like southern India and had become fallen as they could not continue the
study and practice of Ayurveda. Sadhya lineages like Jamadagnya Dhar (descendants of Samavedi
Santapa Rishi), Vaishwanar Sens (they are descendants of Vaishwanar rishi of Avanti. Sen kings
belonged to this gotra according to Vaidya texts), Shalankayan Dash, Adya Sens, Krishnatreya Duttas
are also mentioned.
Let us look at the Vaidya gotras according to the surnames. Sens have Dhanvantari, Shaktri,
Vaishwanar, Adya, Mudgal, Kaushik, Krishatreya, Angiras as their gotras. Dash Vaidyas have 6 gotras
viz., Moudgalya, Bharadwaj, Shalankayan, Shandilya, Vashistha, Vatsya. Guptas are of three gotras
Kashyap, Savarna and Gautama. Duttas have Kaushik, Kashyap, Shandiliya, Moudgalya, Adya, Atreya,
Krishnatreya and 12 other gotras like Parashar etc. Kar vaidyas have Kashyap, Vatsya and Moudgalya
gotra whereas Nandis are of Kashyap Gotra. Dhar vaidyas belong to Jamadagni gotra. Deb vaidyas
have Atreya, Krishnatreya, Shandilya and Alamyan gotra. Vaidyas also had Kunda (Bharadwaj gotra),
Raj (Vashistha and Kashyap gotra), Rakshit (Bharadwaj gotra) lineages, which seem to have become
extinct now, or probably has assimilated into Kayasthas into regions like Chattagram [117]. In Chattagram
and Sylhet, new settler Vaidyas used to marry with Vaidyas who had turned into Kayasthas, this gave
birth to the notion that Vaidya-Kayastha marriages are allowed in a traditional manner in Sylhet (and
parts of Chattagram). Shyamacharan Kaviratna, in his book Bangiya Baidyajati discussed about this
at length.
In this respect it must be mentioned that evidently, Vaidyas either used the root surname (Sen, Dash
etc.) or academic titles like Vidyaratna, Bachaspati, Kabibhushan, Shiromani, Sarbabhouma etc [118]. The
practice of writing Sengupta, Dasgupta seems to have started since the time of Raja Rajballabh (he
used to sign as Rajballabh Sen Gupta), as a way to distinguish the Vaidyas from other castes bearing
surnames like Sen, Datta etc (the title Gupta is found in no other caste in Bengal). There is no evidence
of this Gupta appendage being used by Vaidyas in earlier times other than those whose root surname
was Gupta. Rajballabh was from Dhaka, probably that is why this Gupta appendage is seen among
Bangaja vaidyas mainly. During rituals, Vaidyas use Sen Sharma, Dash Sharma, Gupta Sharma (there
is an old inscription mentioning a donation of land to Pitabas Guptasharma [119]) etc. as it is customary to
end the name with Sharma for the rituals of a Brahmin. Some Vaidyas use Sensharma, Dash Sharma as
surnames as well, which theoretically is more appropriate than Sengupta, Dasgupta (as Brahmins, they
can use Sharma but it is historically illogical for non-Gupta Vaidyas to use Gupta). It is worth noticing
that Dash Sharma, Duttasharma etc are still used by Brahmins in other provinces too, (this is seen in an
Utkalakarika mentioned in Sambandhanirnaya[120] too). In some cases, Vaidyas like Nandi, Deb etc.
change their surname to Gupta to avoid being identified as non-Vaidyas.
Siddha vaidyas are often known by the respective sub-branches named by the founding fathers of the
subbranches. The branches Rosh, Goyi, Ram (for Dhanvantari gotra), Chayu, Pantha (for Moudgalya
gotra), Kashi Sen, Kushali Sen (Shaktri gotra), Tripurgupta, Kayugupta (for Kashyap Guptas) are wellknown lineages. In this regard, Kashi and Kushali are two sons of Dhoyi Sen the court-poet of
Lakshmana Sen and the author of Pavanduta. The lineages of Kashi and Kushali have been discussed
in details in Tribhanga Mohan Sensharmas Kuladarpanam.
There were 5 Samajs (clusters) among the Bengali vaidyas, based on place of residence. These are the
following[121]:
(1) Panchakot Samaj (Manbhum and Birbhum region).
(2) Rarhiya Samaj (Hooghly, Burdwan, part of Nadia and Jessore) further divided into Srikhanda,
Satshaika, Saptagram and Goyash Samaj.
(3) Bangiya Samaj (Khulna, Dhaka, Faridpur, Bikrampur, Barishal, Mymensingha, Pabna, Parts of
Nadia and Jessore) this was divided into 27 samajs according to 27 places in eastern Bengal like
Bikrampur, Senhati, Payogram, Chandanimahal etc.
(4) Purbadeshiya samaj (Chattagram, Sylhet, Noakhali, Tripura).

(5) Barendra samaj (Rajshahi, Dinajpur etc).
Each Samaj had certain characteristics but they were not permanently attached with respective familes.
If a family migrated to Chattagram, gradually it became a part of Purbadeshiya Samaj, irrespective of
its earlier Samaj association. Siddha Vaidyas (apart from Shaktri gotra) were residents of Panchakot
Samaj during the rule of Raja Sriharsha Sen in Manbhum (a small ruler belonging to Dhanvantari gotra
who was evidently allowed to rule the region by the Vaishwanar Sen kings). Later, Sriharshas
grandson Binayak came to Malancha (in Rarh) with Kulina status bestowed by probably Lakshman Sen
(Lakshman was staying in western Rarh at that time). Similarly, Moudgalya Dash Vaidyas (Chayu and
Pantha, two descendants of Adishurs court-poet Kabidash) moved from Gonagara of Panchakot to
Tehatta (Chayu) and Balinachi (Pantha) of Rarh. Kashyap Guptas resided in Karankakotha in
Panchakot, from there the Kayu branch went to Barahanagar whereas Tripur branch went to Chourala.
Shaktri Dhoyi Sen, the court-poet of Lakshman resided in Rarhs Trihatta from the very beginning.
Later, Srikhanda village went on to become a centre of Vaidyas (Rarhiya Samaj was often called
Srikhanda Samaj) as almost all non-Shaktri Siddha familes stayed there at some point of time and the
Srikhanda Vaidyas were famous in the Vaishnava world as many scholars and dikshagurus of Chaitanya
movement came from this village. After the end of the Sen dynasty, Siddha clans started to migrate to
different places in eastern Bengal including Khulna, Bikrampur and Barishal. Sadhya vaidyas were
already residing predominantly in Bikrampur. As a result, almost two-third of the Vaidyas have Eastern
Bengali roots in the present times (There were 67654 Vaidyas in east Bengal compared to 35216
Vaidyas in west Bengal as per 1921 census[122]). Many Vaidyas had moved to Srihatta and Chattagram
from Rarh during the Bargi raids, although the first Vaidya settlers in Chattagram came during the
Ballal-Padmini incident mentioned before. Differences in ritualistic status in pre-Rajballabh Muslim
era stopped marriages between Rarhiya and Bangaja Samaj, but Rajballabh restarted the alliances by
marrying one woman each from Rarhiya, Barendra and Bangaja Samaj.
According to the census of India, 1921, there were 102870 Vaidyas in Bengal (compared to around 13
lakh Brahmins and 13 lakh Kayasthas). Districtwise, Vaidyas were distributed in the following manner:
Bakhargunge (Barishal) 14803, Kolkata 12633, Dhaka 10935, Chattagram 10748, Tripura (Kumilla
etc.) 6105, Faridpur 5530, Mymensingha 4452, Bankura (including Purulia) 4068, Burdwan 3748,
Nadia 2740, Jessore 2456, Khulna 2351, Rangpur 2114, Murshidabad 1956, Hooghly 1846, 24
paraganas 1815, Noakhali 1749, Pabna 1708, Howrah 1585, Birbhum 1570, Dinajpur 1382, Midnapore
1337, Rajshahi 1105, Bagura 847, Tripura state 795, Jalpaiguri 758, Malda 627, CoochBehar 423,
Darjeeling 261, Hilly Chattagram 90[123].
Regarding the Vaidyas, the census report states that they have advanced further in education and in
civilization generally than the other too and prospered accordingly. It also adds that Practically all the
Baidya males have had the opportunity of acquiring the art of reading and writing Bengali Brahmans
and Kayasthas are rather behind the Baidyas and that the Baidyas have five times as great a
proportion of their females literate in English as the Kayasthas who stand next to them [124].
Conclusion
One might wonder why the main topic of this article was the origin theories and the varna status of the
Vaidyas. The main reason is that the ancient history is important in having a correct version of many
events of the past. We have seen in the second and third sections that Kulajis, oral traditions and
scriptural references, along with recorded facts, indicate that the Vaidyas were Brahmins practicing and
studying/teaching Ayurveda. The different theories aiming to dissociate Vaidyas from the glorious
Ayurvedic heritage (inherited from the long line of classical scholars) as well as the Sanskritist (i.e.,
dvija) stratum of the ancient society actually create serious problems and confusions in historical
discourses. For instance, many poems of Ramprasad Sen are now being considered as written by some
unknown Brahmin Ramprasad, since the poet has described himself as Dvija and the prevalent notion is
that Vaidyas cannot be dvija. This has been discussed in the book Sadhak Kabi Ramprasad by
Jogendranath Gupta.
Establishing Vaidyas as a Shudra caste, agriculturalist caste or a subsidiary tribal healer caste paves the
way for the notion that Vaidyas were not involved in scholarly, philosophical, literary and scriptural
classical discourses. Biswanath (Dash) Kaviraja, author of Sahityadarpana, is now being considered as
an Utkala Brahmin (although he is considered a Vaidya as per Bengali Vaidya tradition [125]). The
Bengali origin of Bopdeva will be at stake if the history of the vaidyas is distorted to establish them as
Shudras/varnasankaras (as Bopdeva had described himself as dvija). In the long run, the whole volumes
of
scholarly work
by Vaidyas (e.g. - Bopdevas works, Sankhiptasara by Mahamahopadhyay
Kramadishwar, Supadma-Vyakarana by Padmanabha Dutta, Kalapparishista by Shripati Dutta,

Biswaprakash by Maheshwar Acharya, Nidan by Madhavkar, Chakarapani Duttas works, Panchaswara
by Prajapati Dash, Vaishnava sanakrit texts by Vaidya authors, Bharat malliks works, Gangadhar Roys
smriti texts and innumerable Ayurveda-related texts) will be credited to some other imaginary Brahmin
scholars or worse, these Vaidyas would be linked with some non-Vaidya non-Bengali Brahmin lineages
(since Vaidya surnames are used by Brahmins of other provinces only). This is a historically an unjust
thing. Hence it is important for the interests of not only the Vaidyas, but for the whole Bengali
community, that an undistorted, logical and historically consistent history of the Vaidyas is brought in
mainstream discourses.
In fact, the debates regarding the identification of Sen and Shur kings also whirl around the varnastatus. We have seen that Vaidyas were supposedly considered as the rightful claimant of the Hindu
throne in the social psyche of the Bengali people as the Sen kings were the last Hindu kings to have
ruled Bengal (and extended their rule to Assam, Orissa, Mithila, Varnasi and even to Delhi). So it was
probably necessary for certain interest-groups to establish that Sen and Shur kings were not Vaidyas.
Disregarding the Madhainagar inscription[126] (which clearly mentions that Sen kings, after whom
important places like Bikrampur, Barendrabhumi, and Rampal [127] were named, were Vaidyas) and
obscuring the term Brahma-Kshatriya all seem to be parts of that scheme.
Vaidyas always have played a leading role in Bengali movements, starting from efforts to establish
Sanatan Dharma in Bengal and spearheading the Vaishnava renaissance (in many respects) as well as
the Shakta developments in earlier times, to Brahmo movement and revolutionary nationalism (during
Ognijug) in recent times. They have shone as scholars or poets (even in recent times, this clan gave
birth to poets like Ishwar Gupta, Jibanananda Dash, Kumudranjan Maliik, Kalidas Roy and Mohitlal
Majumdar, thus making the title Kaviraja an appropriate one) and maintained high educational standard
in general from the very beginning to the present era. They had to withstand many historical mishaps
too, starting from Turk invasions during Sena rule to the partition in 1947 making powerful Vaidya
landlords vulnerable and bankrupt overnight. In other words, almost everything important in the history
of the Bengali people is connected with Vaidya history in direct or indirect manner. To ensure that this
community remains rooted to its past and to settle many historical questions, an honest study of the
several aspects of the Vaidya history is extremely necessary.
References
1) Francis Zimmermann, The Jungle and the Aroma of Meats: An Ecological Theme in Hindu
Medicine, page 213.
2) http://www.shakdwipisamaj.com/aboutus.php
3) Jogendranath Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, page 172.
4) Ibid, page 159.
5) Charakasamhita, Chikitsasthanam, Rasayan Adhyay, Chaturtha pada, verses 52-53.
6) Durgachandra Sanyal, Bangalar Samajik Itihas, page 14.
7) Mahabharata, verse 5.6.2, Udyogaparva.
8) Jnanendramohan Sensharma, Baidyajatir Barna o Gourab, Bani Press, Kolkata, page 146.
9) Shyamacharan Kaviratna, Bangiya Baidyajati, Chattagram Saraswati Press, page 13.
10) Ibid, page 13.
11) V J Thakar, Historical development of basic concepts of Ayurveda from Veda up to Samhita, Ayu
31(4), 2010, page 400.
12) SKR Rao, Encyclopedia of Indian Medicine: Historical Perspectives, Dr. V. Parameshvara
Charitable Trust, Vol 1, page 7.
13) Santanu Chakraverti, Science in History, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian
Civilization, PHISPC- Centre for Studies in Civilizations, page 61.
14) BK Chaturvedi, Vishnu Purana, Diamond Books, page 58.

16) Devipada Bhatacharya, Chiranjivi Banoushodhi (Shivkali Bhattacharya), Vol 6, Ananda Publishers,
Foreword.
17) Eliot Freidson, Judith Lorbe (Edited), Medical Professionals and the Organization of Knowledge,
page 45.
18) Manusmriti, verses 1.88- 1.90.
19) Manusmriti, verse 3.152.
21) Debiprasad Chattopadhyay, Science and Society in Ancient India, B.R. Gruner B.V.- Amsterdam,
1977.
22) P Bala, Medicine and Medical Policies in India: Social and Historical Perspectives, Lexington
Books, page 17.
23) Surendranath Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, Vol II, Cambridge University Press, page
284.
24) Subal Chandra Mitra (Edited), Saral Bangla Abhidhan, New Bengal Press Private Limited, page
998.
999.
27) Basanta Kumar Sengupta, Baidyajatir itihas, Vol 1, 1913, page 291.
29) Jogendranath Gupta, Bikrampurer itihas, 1909, page 5.
30) Gurupada Haldar, Baidyak Brittanta, 1954, page 134.
32)http://www.whatisindia.com/inscriptions/south_indian_inscriptions/volume_9/chalukyas_of_kalyani
_213.html
33) Nitish K Sengupta, Land of Two Rivers: A History of Bengal from the Mahabharata to Mujib,
Penguin Books India, 2011, page 51.
34) A Butterword and V V Chetty, Copper-plate and Stone Inscriptions of South India, Vol 1, Caxton
Publishers, 1905, page 192.
35) R Tirumalai, The Pandyan Townships, Part-II, Department of Archeology, Govt. of Tamilnadu,
2003, page 47-48.
36) S Gurumurthy, Medical Science and dispensaries in ancient South India as gleaned from
Epigraphy, Indian Journal of Historical Science, Vol 5., No. 1, 1970, page 78.
37) Basanta Kumar Sengupta, Baidyajatir Itihas, Vol 1, 1913, page 239.
40) Census of India, Vol V. Part 1, 1931, pages 456-457.
41) Vishnupurana, Chapter 3, verse 6 (mentions that Sakala, Madra, Parasika, Ambashtha groups reside
near each other).
43) Kalanand Mani and Frederick Noronha, Picture-Postcard-Poverty, Goa 1556, 2008, page 53.
44) T.P. Russell Stracey, The History of the Muhiyals: The Millitant Brahman Race of India, General
Muhiyal Sabha, 1938, page 126.
45) Panchanan Raya, A Historical Review of Hindu India: 300 BC to 1200 AD, pages 11 and 176.
46) P.N. Bali, The History of Mohyals, 1995, page 91.
47) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, page 355.

49) Umeshchandra Gupta, Ballalamohamudgara, page 314.
50) Jatindra Mohan Roy, Dhakar Itihas, page 130.
51) H. Risley, The People of India, Asian Educational Services, 1999, page 164.
53) Ibid, page 365.
54) Ibid, page 367.
55) Ibid, pages 371, 374.
130.
58) Valmiki Ramayana, Ayodhyakanda, Chapter 100, verse 13.
59) Kisari Mohan Ganguli (Translated), Mahabharata, Bhishmaparva, page 309.
60) Manusmriti, verses 10.8 and 10.47.
61) G.S. Ghurye, Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakshan, page 85.
62) Manusmriti 10.41.
63) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, page 336
66) Brahmavaivartya Purana, verses 123-133.

68) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, pages 71-77.
69) Ibid, page 86.
70) Ibid, page 105.
71) Ibid, page 111.
72) Ludo Rocher, "The Puras", A History of Indian Literature. Vol.II, Epics and Sanskrit religious
literature, Fasc.3. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag., 1986, pages. 164166.
73) R. C. Hazra, The Upapuranas, S. Radhakrishnan (ed.) The Cultural Heritage of India (Edited by S.
Radhakrishnan), Vol.II, Kolkata:The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1962, p.285.
74) R.C. Majumdar (Edited), The Delhi Sultanate, Mumbai: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 2006, p.622.
75) Mukundaram Chakrabary, Kabikankana Chandi, Indian Press limited, 1921, page 88.
76) Gautam Chatterjee, Sacred Hindu symbols, Abhinav Publications, page 71.
77) Ambarnath Sengupta, Rarher Birol Matripuja, Anima Prakashani,
79) Ibid, page 29.
80) C.A.Bayley,. Recovering Liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire.,
Cambridge University Press, 2012, pages 144145.
81) Jogendranath Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, pages 21 and 160.
84) Ibid, page 331.
85) Ibid, page 337.

87) LP Vidyarthi, The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya, Concept Publishing Company, Delhi, 1978,
page 74.
89) Ibid, page 360.
91) Bijaychandra Majumdar, The History of the Bengali language, Asian Educational Services, 2000,
page 52.
92) DC Sircar, Studies in the religious life of Ancient and Medieval India, Motilal Banarsidass, pages
214-216.
93) Ibid, 216.
94) The Review of Dr. Wise on Race in Medicine, Anthropological Review, Vol. 7, No. 26, 1869, pages.
240-242.
95) Ram Sharan Sharma, Sudras in ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass, 1990, page 294.
96) Kisari Mohan Ganguli (Translated), Mahabharata, Anushasana parva, page 32.
97) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, pages 223-224.
1004.
100) Byomkesh Mustafi, Rogshajyar Pralap, Kolkata, 1923, pages 7-9.
101) Shivkali Bhattacharya, Chiranjibi Banoushodhi, Vol 4, Ananda Publishers, page 63.
102) Shyamacharan Kaviratna, Bangiya Baidyajati, Chattagram Saraswati Press, pages 68-69.
103) Tribhanga Mohan Sensharma, Kuladarpanam, Part-II, page 29.

104) Ibid, Part-I, page 630.
105) Durgachandra Sanyal, Bangalar Samajik Itihas, pages 29-30.
106) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-Tatva-Baridhi, pages 164-165.
107) Ibid, page 349.
108) Parbatishankar Roychowdhuri, Adishur O Ballalsen, page 57.
109) Umeshchandra Gupta, Ballalmohamudgara, 1905, pages 18-30.
110) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-Tatva-Baridhi, page 145.
111) Ibid, pages 146-147.
112) Pramod Gopal Sensharma, Baidya-Bangshabali O kichu Ajana Lupto Itihas, Hindusthan press,
2006, page 8.
113) Ibid, page 6.
114) Ibid, page 19.
115) Basantakumar Sengupta, Baidyajatir Itihas, Part 1, Preface.
116) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-Tatva-Baridhi, pages 86-92
117) Shyamacharan Kaviratna, Bangiya Baidyajati, Chattagram Saraswati Press, Introduction.
118) A list of eminent Vaidya scholars with academic can be found in UC Vidyaratnas Jati-TatvaBaridhi, pages 172-177.
120) Ibid, page 336.
121) Tribhanga Mohan Sensharma, Kuladarpanam, Part-1, page 174-192.
122) Calculated from census data (1921) given in Tribhanga Mohan Sensharmas Kuladarpanam,
pages 241-245.
123) Ibid, pages 241-245.
124) Ibid, pages 241 and 244.
126) Umeshchandra Gupta, Ballalmohamudgara, 1905, pages 486-492.
127) Jogendranath Gupta, Bikrampurer itihas, 1909, pages 5 and 27.
Raibatak Sen Gupta is an independent researcher in the history of the Bengali Vaidya caste, and his
works in this field in recent times have been pioneering in nature. He is a PhD researcher in
Mathematics at Jadavpur University.
A Review of Jyotirmoy Roy's History of Manipur

Sanjay S. Ningombam
Manipur and Manipuri have been in the headlines for various reasons. The episode of Irom Sharmilla
may come to mind with the mention of Manipur: she has been fasting for decades to repeal the Arms
Forces ( Special Powers) Acts, 1958. One of the prominent Hindi film actors playing the role of Mary
Kom, resident of Manipur, in the biopic film, Mary Kom, has also captured the attention for film critics
and common masses.
Any historian or academic or anyone who is keen to explore Manipur and the adjoining regions has a
reason to be thankful for this book, History of Manipur, (I am referring to the second revised and
enlarged edition). This book is the result of Prof. Jyotirmoy Roy, who joined the D.M.College, the
premier institution in the state, as lecturer in History in 1947 and later served the college in the capacity
of principal from 1947-1982.This book was first published in 1958 and it was considered as the
pioneer book of history of Manipur. In the first edition of the book the author attempts to reconstruct
the political history of Manipur up to the period of Independence in 1947. In the second and the revised
edition, three new chapters, From Integration to Statehood, The Sons of the Hills and Manipur and
Her Neighbours have been added.
The author gathered scientifically from various scattered indigenous and other sources and coherently
compiled the book by following two approaches of selecting the historical materials for various periods
to make it reliable history book.
For the period prior to the succession of Gharib Niwaz (Pamheiba) about 1714, the author narrates
with little historical evidence. The reasons being that there were hardly any written documents even if
there were the author could not read materials written in the old Manipuri script (Meitei Mayek).
Several folklores and legends are used while dealing with this period. The legend of Moirang is one of
them. Khamba and Thoibi story of Moirang legend is described vividly. All the Manipuris, especially
the Meities are familiar with the story of Khamba and Thoiba .
For the following periods the author uses scientifically recorded materials to describe the internal polity
of the royal families, its war with the neighbour, Burma, and the cultural assimilations of Manipuri to
the external forces. The relationship between Burma and Manipur were not friendly for many years.
The Burmese army ravaged Manipur several times. The book shows that for the first time Gharib
Niwaz attacked and defeated a Burmese force at the mouth of the Haglung river (49). The period of
Gharib Niwaz also witnessed the spread of Brahmanical Vaishnavism in Manipur on a larger scale (52).
In the chapter, the first Anglo-Burmese war (1824-26) and Gambhir Singh, the author gives a
comprehensive description for the factors leading to the war and Gambhir Siinghs restoration of
Manipur from the Burmese with British help (91). The author states that with the introduction of the
British Political Agent in 1835 and Western education theocratic monarchy in Manipur was weakened.
The detailed account of the hanging of the Indo-Manipur War 1891heroes Senapati Tikendrajit and
Thangal General and the deportation of Kulachandra and his brother Angou Sna to the Island of
Andaman needs appreciation. The annexation of the state to the British Empire leading in controlling
and maintaining peace in the Tribal areas of North-Eastern India and the tribal rebellions are also
described vividly. The description of the movement against the British in 1930s conducted by Rani
Gaidilue, a Kabui girl, shows that the author tries his best effort to present the history of Manipur
objectively though in nutshell. The description on Azad Hind Fauz formed by Subhas Chandra and
the success and the failure of movement is another characteristic of this book as the author was direct
acquaintance of the event. When India became independence in 1947 and government formed by the
elected representatives of the people appointed M.K. Priyobrata Singh on the capacity of Prime
Minister of Manipur. The annexation of Manipur to the India Union in 1949 and Manipur getting
statehood is described in the chapter From Integration to Statehood.
After this chapter/unit in the book, the author deals on different topics, not necessarily in chronological
order. The authors description on Government and Society needs special mention. In this part, the
author takes pains in organizing all the details available from various sources. The author gives detailed
description on political organization, military organization, weapons, judiciary, punishment, coinage,
land tenure, education, and the division and the type of community in the society . His description of
coinage known as Sell which was circulated in Manipur during the different rulers, Marangba,
Kyamba, Paikhomba, Charairongba , Gharib Niwaz and others is interesting to note.
In the chapter, Religion, Literature and Dance, the author gives a detail survey of religion which
needs much appreciation from any scholar or person who is keen to know the religion of Manipuri. The
word Manipuri used in the book mostly or simply means Meitei community though the meaning
may change in the contemporary society of Manipur. According to the author, the Manipuris are mostly
Hindu Vaishnavas though the old belief systems have not completely disappeared. Any Manipuri
Vaishnavite still worships Sanamahi, the supreme god though she/he is a devout Vaishnavite. The
author also mentions that maiba the doctor and priest of the old faith are still prominent though
Brahmin plays important role in any ritual and ceremony. Festivals like the Yaoshang (Doljatra),
Durga Puja, Diwali, etc. are celebrated along with some of the festivals of the old faith like Lai
Haraoba, Cheiraoba, etc. The author gives an extended description on Manipuri literatures which are
divided into three periods: Ancient, Medieval and Modern. He also talks about the popular form of
entertainment called Shumang Leela or Yatras. Various forms of dances of the Manipuri are also
described in details. This descriptive account of Manipuri cultures motivates any cultural studies
project to study and analyse Manipurs past with scientific approaches.
Sons of the Hills one of the concluding chapters of the book gives a comprehensive description on the
Naga and Kuki-Chin tribes. This chapter deals about the physical features, agriculture, tribal polity,
dress, language, religion, festivals, etc. The authors description on how Christianity was introduced to
the hills is given in detail.
In the concluding chapter of the book, the author traces the origin of the Manipuri which is
synonymous with the Meitei community. The ability of the Manipuri to act and react with the
neighbours through various modes of contact such as raid, war, conquest, acceptance of new forms of
cultures like foods, dresses, and languages shape the present identify of the Manipuri. The chapter
deals with political geography, the early contact between Manipur and the Hindu civilization of the
Ganga Brahmaputra valley. The author also problematise the concept of linking Manipur with the
episode of the third Pandava Arjun in the Mahabharata. Effect of the Burmese invasion of Manipur and
the Manipuri settlements in Burma is also given in detail. The author being an historian gives the
relation of Manipur with Assam, Cahar,Tripura and Bengal with authority. Bengal and Manipur have
been sharing various similar cultural forms for many years. Any form of culture prevailed in the state,
be it dances, food habits, festivals, dramas, literatures, songs, etc. evolved mainly due to the influences
of Bengali cultures. The new wave of these cultures came when Vaishnavism reached the valley in the
15th century.
This book also highlights how the different ethnic groups have been living together. Though the state
has been divided into two different geographical areas, valley and hill yet the book shows at different
periods that there had been interaction between the valley and the hill dwellers. To quote an example
mentioned in the book, it is widely accepted that Gharib Niwaz Pamheiba was brought up by a Naga
Chief in the midst of a Naga society.
There is also reference that for the first time they were first heard of as kukis, in Manipur, between
1830 and 1840: though tribes of the same race had long been subject to the Raja of Manipur ( 98).
Thangal general, the war hero of Indo-Manipur 1891, was a Naga by birth and atherwards by virtue of
his services he was taken into the Manipur community (134). Kuki rebellion during the First World War
and the Kabui rebellion in the early 1930s are also mentioned.
It is really a worthy to have a copy of it. The author has really tried his best efforts to represent the
historical events authentically. The division of the chapters and the heading in each chapter make it
very friendly readers and keep them engaged. Much has been written about Manipur and its activities
and achievements are recorded in the indigenous scripts which cannot be accessed by others. Some
indigenous scholars have also written about Manipur. Unluckily these scholars the author has made
significant contribution by following scientific ways in writing this history book of Manipur though it
might be described in a nutshell.
The maps of Manipur and Burma given in the book help the reader visualize the regions. If the author
could arrange a consolidated bibliography it would help many scholars who are keen to work or
working on Manipur and its surrounding places. As suggested by Rodney Needham, the reviewer of
the first addition, adding a chronological table in an appendix could have been very useful information.
In the chapter, Government and Society, the author lists various communities in Manipur. However, the
author fails to mention several communities who are of Aryan origins or Mayang , for example,
Biharis, Sihks, Bishnupriya Manipuri and others.
Any shortcomings notwithstanding, this is book is very much worth reading if anyone who is keen to
explore on Manipur and the author makes the book reader friendly by using simple, direct and clear
language.
History of Manipur. 2nd Edition. Jyotirmoy Roy. Culcutta. Firma KLM Private Limited, 1999.269 pp.
Rs.250.
Sanjay S. Ningombam is PhD researcher in the Department of English, University of Delhi, and he
teaches English at a Delhi University College.
Read us, reach us, post your comments and find the
Call for Papers at
http://bengalistudies.blogspot.in/
Contact us at
editjbs@gmail.com and shoptodina@gmail.com

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Journal of Bengali Studies

Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives

Olindo Juddho Dibosh, 21 Ogrohayon 1422

Journal of Bengali Studies (ISSN 2277-9426) Vol.4, No.2

Journal of Bengali Studies

Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives

Editor: Tamal Dasgupta

The commentary, article, review copyrightsindividual contributors, while the Journal of

Patni System and Subinfeudation Rights in Bankura

Situating Ramaprasad Chanda

Changing Role of Women in Vaishnavite Cult of 17

Mythology and Folklore of Water Resources in Bengal

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Towards a Microhistoriography of Bengali People: Excavating

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by Giovanni Levi during the late 1970s (1977 or 1978).3

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microhistorian-2>. Accessed on 17 September 2015.

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Localizing Texts and Textualizing Locations: A Survey of the

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Evolution of Folk Songs of Twentieth Century Bengal

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[I wanted to kill the master,

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Patni System and Subinfeudation Rights in Bankura

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land system which were different from her

Territorial Aristrocracy ( Zaminders of the Mughal period)

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Small Landing community( jotedar, haoladar,gantidar, mourassi moukhari peasantry)

bears an exception, as the

slow and sluggish when

of Burdwan, Birbhum, Hooghly, but yet the patni

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Chattopadhay of Andal, Roys of Banakati, Samanto of Palashdiha, Chattopadhay of Amrai deserves

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to the land leased by the

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surveyor General of Bancoorah district

the general condition of the people when

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Arundhuti Sen is a research scholar in Department of history, Visva-bharati, Santineketan, West