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Leavon Anderson

Middle East Politics


Professor Amjad

Hezbollahs Influence in Lebanon


Introduction
The Middle East is an extremely unique area of the world. It was the
birth place of the three largest religions in the world Christianity, Judaism,
and Islam meaning there are many competing ideologies and influences. It is
also a relatively new geographic location in the sense of political
independence. Since the area attained its sovereignty from colonial powers it
has had its ups and downs. The area is not significantly developed
industrially because governments have been able (for the most part) to rely
on oil reserves as a source of income and this has enabled them to finance
large scale welfare programs for the populace. The area has a tumultuous
history including Jesuss birth, to the crusades pitting Muslims against
Christians fighting for control of the Holy Land, to a battleground for the
superpower influence during the Cold War. As the Cold War died down in the
90s the west began to take more notice of violence that was not sanctioned
by governments against governments, but caused by groups of radical
Muslims against civilians and the national government; as well as against
foreign states. Terrorism began to become a common word in western culture
and certainly became a mainstream word after the events of September 11th
2001.

Terrorism is not new to the world, and is certainly not new to the
Middle East. It afflicted the Middle East decades before it was noticed as a
serious threat to the western world. Inside the Middle East terrorism has
been extremely disruptive. It has diverted money from being spent on
economic projects, killed thousands, and in some cases severely hampered a
governments ability to control the state. Outside of the Middle East, terrorist
groups have been able to kill foreign nationals and cause violence due to a
nations response to such killings. The American War in Iraq or International
Security Assistance Force (ISAF) efforts in countries like Afghanistan (along
with American involvement in many other countries though generally on
smaller scales) are prime examples of the far reaching effects international
terrorist organizations can have.
As terrorist groups became more sophisticated so did their ability to
attack not only regional targets, but international ones as well. Al-Qaeda, the
group that masterminded the 9/11 attacks, is one such example of a group
that has an international reach. Hezbollah, which operates in Lebanon and
receives assistance from Syria and Iran, is another such group that some
have classified as a terrorist organization. However, Hezbollah is a unique
group because they do not necessarily seek to run or be in charge of the
Lebanese government, but all the same influence it, and they offer many
social services that the Lebanese government is unable or unwilling to
provide to the population. That being said, it is important to note that
Hezbollah has on many occasions committed violent acts. For example it has
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attacked and fought with Israel in the past and is currently fighting on behalf
of government forces in Syria. In some areas of Lebanon Hezbollah is more
popular than the government. The question I would like to answer is, Why is
Hezbollah so influential in Lebanon? I feel like this is an important question
because while the west views Hezbollah as a terrorist organization, many
people in the Middle East and Lebanon especially, view Hezbollah as a viable
alternative to the elected government and a defender of Islamic values.
Hezbollah is successful at caring for people the government cannot and
committing violence against certain groups while receiving funds from
outside parties. If this model is successfully replicated in other parts of the
world it could pose serious challenges and dangers to the international
community.
Background Information
Hezbollah is an Islamist Shiite organization that was founded in Iran,
but is operating in Lebanon. Its name means Party of God. The group
began to formulate in 1982 as Israel occupied Lebanon. Hezbollah follows
the theocratic ideology of Iran and looks to the current Supreme Leader of
Iran as a teacher to be emulated until the hidden Imam returns and revives
the glories of Islam. Hezbollah came into actual being in 1985 and self
described the organization in a letter. The original points of this letter
included the elimination of Israeli and other foreign influence in Lebanon,
and the creation of an Islamic Republic there. This was quickly edited to call

for the destruction of Israel. Other key statements are, We see in Israel
the vanguard of the United States in our Islamic world. This enemy is the
greatest dangerparticularly as it glorifies the ideas of settlement and
expansion, initiated in Palestine it then went on to say that Israel was built
on land taken at the expense of the rights of the Muslim people.
Therefore our struggle will end only when this entity is obliterated. We
recognize no treaty with it, no cease fire, and no peace agreements, whether
separate or consolidated (Encyclopedia of the Middle East, 2007).
History and Background
Muhammad Husayn Fadlalla, the religious mentor of Hezbollah, and his
early followers who formed the core of Hezbollah had studied at an academy
in the shrine city of Najaf in Iraq. When they returned to Lebanon they began
to associate with members of Irans Islamic opposition who were refugees in
Lebanon in the 70s and communication between these two groups began to
increase following the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Iran sent one thousand
revolutionary guards to train and organize Hezbollah during the Israeli
invasion in 1982. Soon after Fadlallah declared jihad against foreign forces
and pledged Hezbollahs allegiance to Supreme Leader Khomeini of Iran.
Hezbollah appealed to Shiite clans in Beqa province in the south, which
basically became an autonomous Hezbollah zone with posters of Khomeini
and the Iranian flag hung up everywhere. They also appealed to Shiites in
Beiruts slums. One of Hezbollahs armed wings, the Organization of Islamic

Jihad, propelled Hezbollah to fame with massive bombings that included the
attack on the United States embassy that killed 241 marines and caused U.S
and French peacekeepers to withdraw from Lebanon in the early 80s. This
retreat in the face of terror caused the Arab and Muslim world to view the
U.S. as a paper tiger and a victory for the doctrine of armed struggle and
confrontation. Friend and foe alike concluded that America was an unreliable
ally and the retreat emboldened Hezbollah. Israeli forces were soon targeted
causing them to retreat to a small security zone in the south. Bombings,
hijackings, and kidnapping of western targets became common to get
Hezbollah prisoners released, and further Iranian goals. For example, Paris
was bombed in 1986 in order to force France to quit supplying Iraq with
arms. While Hezbollahs religious leaders claimed no knowledge of such
violence their mosques swelled with supports. However, Hezbollahs actions
did not go unopposed. Fadlallah was almost killed in a massive car bombing
in 1985 that killed 80 people and in a separate attack Israel killed the
groups secretary-general when helicopter gunships attacked his motorcade.
Syrian forces intervened in the Lebanese civil war and allowed Hezbollah to
retain its arms, but only to attack Israel, any dissent was met with death.
Hezbollah participated in parliamentary elections in the early 90s and swept
the Shiite vote receiving eight parliamentary seats. Hezbollahs constant
attacks against Israeli military forces caused them to unilaterally withdraw in
2000. Hezbollah finances its activities by getting funding from Iran, taking
part in the drug trade in the south, and charitable contributions at home and
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abroad. Hezbollah has a history of funding Palestinian terror groups. Unit


1800 is responsible for operating and recruiting in Israeli occupied territories
(Encyclopedia of the Middle East, 2007).
The international community has on multiple occasions tried to disarm
Hezbollah. In 2004 the Security Council passed Resolution 1559 calling for an
end to occupation and militias. A Lebanese representative responded by
saying that there were no militias in Lebanon. There was only the
national Lebanese resistance, which appeared after the Israeli occupation
and which would remain so long as Israel remained. In essence Hezbollah
and its affiliates acts on Lebanons behalf and it recognizes this as so. It must
be realized that the government cannot act without Syrian or Hezbollah
interference and does not represent the Lebanese people. Hezbollah controls
the government and media through its own intelligence programs and
threatens violence against critics (Encyclopedia of the Middle East, 2007).
In July of 2006 Hezbollah rocketed Israeli towns and attacked an Israeli
patrol inside Israel, taking two prisoners. Israel retaliated with aerial
bombardment of cities, bridges, and the international airport. It then
launched a ground invasion. Hezbollah responded with daily barrages of
Northern Israeli towns which included targeting hospitals and other civilian
targets. During the war Lebanese President Emile Lahoud declared that the
state and government are behind Hezbollah and praised them as heroes
who defend south Lebanon.By the wars end 1,200 Lebanese had been

killed, but Hezbollah remained intact and declared victory (Encyclopedia of


the Middle East, 2007).
Hezbollah is still quite relevant politically and militarily today. After
Fadlallah died in 2010 Hassan Nasrallah became the leader. Despite Israels
withdrawal Hezbollah continues to attack Israeli forces (and civilians). U.S.
intelligence officials estimate that Hezbollah currently has between 40,000
and 80,000 rockets of all kinds. When the government ordered the shutdown
of the Hezbollahs communications network, Hezbollah responded with
violence. In the deal that ended the fighting the group was granted veto
power in the parliament. It lost political power in the following election but it
still retains a lot of influence; demonstrated by the inability of the
government to disarm them. In 2009 a Washington Institute for Near East
Policy report stated that Hezbollah was strong enough to drag the country
[Lebanon] into war against the will of the sovereign government (Council on
Foreign Relations, 2010).
Reasons for Influence
Much has been said about Hezbollahs operational success in Lebanon.
The organization uses a multi-faceted approach that encompasses political,
social, and military issues. First and foremost if a group or movement is to be
successful it needs to have a fully functioning command and control system
that effectively governs and directs all assets under its control; Hezbollah has
accomplished this. Amy Zalman, who has been writing about terrorism and
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violent conflict since the 1990s and holds a Ph. D. from New York
Universitys Department of Middle Eastern Studies, very briefly describes
how the group operates. The leadership that is currently functioning was
created in 1988. It is governed by a consultative council, which is an Islamic
form of governance highly focused on participation and consultation among
members (Zalman, undated).
The website Vital Perspective then breaks down the exact command
structure using a picture. From the top down it shows Iran as at the very top
of the command structure, with Syria one rung below that, on the same level
as Hezbollahs own secretary general (Nasrallah). Below that is the deputy
secretary general position and following that is the Shura Council, which
makes decisions about overall policy. Following this council are five
committees which are in charge of their respective areas implementation of
overall policy. These committees are broken down as follows: Executive
Council, Judicial Council, Political Council, Political Advisor, and Jihad Council
and Military Council. The Executive, Political Council, and Jihad and Military
Council each then have quite a few subcommittees that are under their
responsibility. (Vital Perspective, 2006).
It is not too hard to notice that Hezbollah enjoys significant admiration
across the Muslim world states Ethan Heitner of TomPaine.com, a project of
the Institute for Americas Future. It enjoys this admiration because it was
the only Arab group to have decisively defeated Israel militarily, and it was

the only faction to remain armed after the Lebanese Civil War. The particular
author of this piece points to former boss, Issander El Amrani who works at
Cairo Magazine and has contributed to The Economist and Middle East
Report, who states that Hezbollah is admired because, It successfully fought
a war of attrition against Israeli occupation, and caused them to move out.
It was cheered in the region because this victory appeared as if it were a
blow struck for Arab nationalism after a string of seemingly never-ending
defeats. This victory helped restore some dignity to what is otherwise a
humiliating situation for many Muslims. Another view, presented by Egyptian
journalist Hossam el-Hamalawy who has contributed to the Los Angeles
Times, argues that, As long as there is occupied Lebanese land Hizbollah
has the right to continue fighting Israel, but ones support for the group can
never be absolute. He likes Hezbollah because for the most part it limits its
attacks to Israeli military targets and has been successful at doing so. If
Hizbollah is fighting the Israeli army, demanding the release of detainees, or
fighting to liberate Sheba, then Im on Hizbollahs side. If Hizbollah members
go around enforcing moral codes on population under their control, then Im
with the population against Hizbollah. And whats even more important than
taking sides, is building an alternative secular movement to Hezbollah,
that would organize Lebanese from all sects to build a truly democratic
country in both the political and social spheres So while it appears that
Hezbollah has complete legitimacy as a resistance movement, it should be

noted that it does not have as solid support in other sectors of life (Heitner,
2006).
Journalist Ulrike Putz, who spent some time in Beirut during the Israeli
invasion of 2006, has another suggestion as to why Hezbollah is a popular
movement. The Organization is respected for the fact that it has never
split or betrayed its original cause unlike every other party in Lebanon.
Putz states that Thanks to an ideological and religious indoctrination with
any ambiguities, the militia is extremely disciplined no one has ever heard
of renegade activities by radical splinter groups. Saad-Ghorayeb, a political
scientist who lives in Lebanon, said that originally Hezbollah was blamed by
the Lebanese people (including Hezbollahs supporters) for starting the war
with Israel, but after a week of war, the mood had changed. The army has
proven only one thing during the last few days that is incapable of
reacting. This left the Lebanese people with the impression that only
Hezbollah was capable of protecting the country from Israeli aggression. The
government gave the appearance that it had abandoned the country (Putz,
2006).
This latest round of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah boosted
considerably Hezbollahs popularity following the Israeli pullout. Dahr Jamail,
who is a journalist that covered the Iraq War from 2003 to 2005; he was one
of the few not embedded with soldiers. He works for the Inter Press Service
and wrote during the 2006 war, Hezbollah appears to be gaining strength

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within the country and around the Arab world. It seemed as though Israel
wished to create animosity towards Hezbollah by damaging Lebanese
infrastructure with widespread bombing. This move appeared to backfire and
played to the strengths of Hezbollah. Hezbollah who, is counted among many
western countries as a terrorist organization, is viewed widely in Lebanon
as a political and social power with wide credibility. One such reason for this
credibility, according to Hamade the labor minister, is that We have never
intended to establish an Islamic state. He also states, Hezbollah is a
democratic party whose principles are based on the Lebanese constitution.
This means that we have to respect the cultural and religious diversity in the
country. Israel wants to terrorize the country and inflict as much damage as
possible. They call us terrorists, at the same time they are exercising state
terrorism. Are they not terrorists? Jamail writes that more and more
Lebanese are beginning to come around to this way of thinking. While the
war was going on Israel bombed places like churches and mosques, media
outlets, UN forces, and businesses were bombed using weapons banned by
international law such as cluster bombs and white phosphorous. The result,
rather than putting pressure on Hezbollah by destroying Lebanon is
increasing the groups popularity and bringing most Lebanese wishes more in
line with the goals of Hezbollah. With Hezbollah providing over 60% of the
relief in Lebanon, which originally gave it power, only increased its popularity.
The Inter Press Service interviewed a Hezbollah soldier who said The Israeli
aggression has only made him a more determined fighter. The man who
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called himself Ahmed said I care about my people, my country, and Im


defending them from the aggression. My home now in Dahaya (southern
Beirut) is in ruins. Everything in my life is destroyed now, so I will fight them.
He expressed the wish to push the Zionists out of Lebanon and keep them
out forever saying that Nasrallah had given him purpose and compared
their struggle to the French resistance against Nazi aggression. Mohammad
Slaibi, a 21 year old business student at the American University in Beirut,
expressed a similar sentiment. He never supported Hezbollah before, but he
now feels it is their right to defend Lebanon. And now I feel betrayed by
America. The U.S. supports Israel 100 percent in everything they do. Even
though my dream was to go to the U.S., now I hate the Americans for
supporting Israel. This is exactly the type of response Israel hoped not to
incite. Their attacks were aimed mostly at Hezbollah, but all of Lebanon
suffered and more than ever was Hezbollah enjoying the support of the
people (Jamail, 2006).
One large part of why Hezbollah enjoys so much support and holds so
much influence is that it provides services and support to many Lebanese
that the government will not or cannot, and does it better than the
government would. Hezbollahs headquarters in southern Lebanon looks
much like any other building in that part of the country; rundown. However,
take a step inside and you will see a modern setting, according to Shawn
Flanigan who writes for the Middle East Policy Council. Hezbollahs health
and social service organizations are highly organized. The Social Unit,
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Education Unit, and Islamic Health Unit make up the service system, and
provide an elaborate network of services that primarily help Lebanons
Shiites. Many of these organizations are registered as Non-governmental
Organizations (NGOs) because it provides unique legal protections and other
organizations can be wary of the Hezbollah name. These NGOs eagerly
cooperate with other local and international organizations in order to help
their community (Flanigan 2013).
The Social Unit breaks down into four organizations: the Jihad
Construction Foundation, the Martyrs Foundation, the Foundation for the
Wounded, and the Khomeini Support Committee. The Jihad Construction
Foundation, Jihad El Binaa, is one of Hezbollahs most important NGOs. This
organization is in charge of infrastructure construction, and in the early
2000s brought around 45% of southern Beiruts residents its water. After the
2006 Israeli war this group became essential, assessing property damage
and compensating residents for losses. Hezbollahs Martyrs Foundation
gives aid to those families of supporters who have been killed in combat.
Also, the Foundation for the Wounded gives aid to civilians wounded in Israeli
assaults. Due to these offers of assistance, the Shiite population en mass
trusts Hezbollah will meet its needs if they become victims due to conflict. By
September of 2006 Hezbollah had spent $281 million on rehab and
compensation following the Israeli war and was prepared to spend $300$400 million. (Flanigan 2013).

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The Islamic Health Unit serves a vital function of meeting public


health needs. It runs three hospitals, 12 health centers, 20 infirmaries, 20
dental clinics, and ten defense departments. This unit has been so effective
that the government has asked it to take control of several hospitals in the
south. The health-service unit gives care to low income Shiites at little or no
cost, and is involved in initiatives that offer free health insurance and
prescription drug coverage. These services usually benefit Shiites, except
following an Israeli attack. This is because the services usually enjoy a great
deal of media coverage (Flanigan 2013).
The Education Unit provides education to some of Lebanons poorest
families because the public school system is considered to be of extremely
poor quality. It serves over 14,000 students at fees far less than those of
private schools. As well as schooling Hezbollah provides scholarships,
financial assistance and books, and operates lending libraries for students.
These educational services put the group at the center of many ordinary
peoples lives (Flanigan 2013).
In 1996 when Israel attacked southern Lebanon, causing a great deal
of infrastructure damage. In two months time Hezbollah had rebuilt over
5,000 homes in 82 villages, repaired roads and infrastructure, and paid
compensation to over 2,300 farmers. When the 2006 war rolled around
Hezbollahs first action after the war was to stop military efforts and divert its
full attention toward social service and reconstruction (Flanigan 2013).

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Hezbollah enjoys substantial community support. While the


government has almost ceased to offer social services, Hezbollah has
become one of the countrys largest and most reliable providers. It is unclear
how much of the population is receiving support from Hezbollah. Estimates
range from 200,000 to 350,000 people. Hezbollah also provides monetary
assistance in the form of small loans and direct grants to families of martyrs,
credit assistance to small businesses and families, and agricultural
assistance services to farmers. Hezbollah is known for providing an immense
array of services, but it is also known for being highly efficient. One such
reason for this is that the volunteers and workers have a strong belief in the
morality of their work. An excerpt from a staff member gives an example of
Hezbollahs efficiency. If there is a problem in [one region of Lebanon], for
the government to move with its bureaucracy, it would take like a month. As
for us, we move the very next day. In [one village], there were 340 cases of
typhoid, so we took our medical teams, medicine, and our equipment and
went there, and we stayed for a week until we finished the case. Another
staff member states that they are so effective because they are in direct
contact with the population. We have a network within the party or the
institutions around the party, and this network identifies the people that
need the services Anyone who they send as a client, we will incorporate
him or her into the program that we have. Hezbollahs popularity is not due
solely to its ability to meet the needs of the community, but also to its
success in adopting rhetoric that validates Shiites frustration and desire for
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social justice. Much of the work Hezbollah has done has involved making
poverty a religious issue and tying it into military and political struggles.
Hezbollah has also managed to turn the surrounding culture into a
resistance society. Hezbollah NGO director Hajj Aleik states that, The
resistance society is our vision. It is the task to build a society that will refuse
oppression and fight for its rights. All the rest water provision, garbage
collection, agricultural training is only a working strategy(Flanigan 2013).

Flanigan sees Hezbollahs social services as a possible means of


recruitment. Events such as Ashoura parades, where it is easy to see rows of
elementary school children dressed in Hezbollah garb, makes one question
how Hezbollah uses boy scouts troops and schools to influence the wider
community. It has also been suggested that the people who work in the
health and social service sections of the group may be influenced to engage
in the violent activities of the group. As stated in previous parts, workers
within Hezbollahs NGOs value their role in the struggle against Israel and
see themselves as key parts of the resistance. This might suggest that
employees and volunteers for the NGOs might be willing to engage in
violence since it also serves the ultimate goal of building a resistance
society. A publication describes how a former employee of an NGO started
off as an ambulance driver, later became a fighter, and eventually a soldier.
His early faith pushed him to sacrifice and engage in jihad by frequently

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visiting the Islamic Health Society centers. He used his fathers car to
transport and assist the wounded in the middle of the war. Then he started
looking to the battlefields of the South to become a fighter (Flanigan 2013).
In early 2013 David Enders, of McClatchy Newspapers, wrote an article
briefly describing one such instance of Hezbollah providing aid to Syrian
refugees fleeing the violence; even those that did not support Hezbollahs
political positions. Imad al Wahda, a Hezbollah representative, said that by
early January of this year, We have provided more than 2,000 houses and
apartments in Nabatiyeh and the surrounding villages. Nasrallah also
reportedly said in regards to the Syrian refugees, We should deal with the
Syrian refugees with purely humanitarian responsibility, without politicization
of the issue. Attention must be paid to the displaced families, whatever their
political background. Hezbollah is definitely helping displaced Sunnis as well
as Shiites. One such refugee, Umm Ibrahim, a 22 year old mother of three
said that she had recently taken her children to a Hezbollah run hospital for
immunizations and when her family came to Nabatiyeh Hezbollah provided
them with blankets and heaters (Enders, 2013).
In recent years, with the fighting in Syria increasing and becoming
more intense and Hezbollahs contributions to it, it appears as though
Hezbollahs support is not as steadfast as it once was in Lebanon. David
Schenker, of the Weekly Standard, writes an article demonstrating that this
outlook is becoming more and more apparent. He starts his article off by

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stating, Hezbollahs days of dominating Lebanon are likely numbered, and


the militias recent behavior suggests that it sees the writing on the wall. In
late October 2012 an enormous car bomb killed the Sunni head of internal
security Wissam al Hassan, bringing back memories of the 2005 car bomb
that killed the former Lebanese premier Rafik Hariri. Hezbollah, who was
responsible for the 2005 car bomb, is suspected of this bombing too.
Schenker asserts that this attack was not a show of strength, but a show of
the insecurity that the militia is feeling. For much of this century Hezbollah
has been a confident actor. However, as the Syrian civil war escalates and
threatens Syrian President Bashar al-Assads grip on power, Hezbollah (and
the world) has realized that the groups supply lines through Syria could be
interrupted, leaving it surrounded by a sea of Sunni Muslims; this has put
unprecedented pressure on Nasrallah. The month before this bombing took
place, Nasrallah gave one of his Death to America, Death to Israel
speeches, but this time it did not inspire the same level of terror as previous
speeches have. While Hezbollahs position has caused it concern, it is far
from finished. It has responded to pressure by lashing out at detractors,
highlighting its anti-Israel agenda, and committing greater amounts of
resources to Assad. Considering the position that the group is in, it has hard
to predict how this normally calculated group will behave. Also in September
of 2012, reporters, journalists and a few anti-Hezbollah Shiites held a press
conference. They were careful to praise Hezbollahs resistance against
Israel, but bitterly complained about the organizations attempt to enforce
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ideology; complete with threats of violence. This is not the first time
Hezbollah has tried intimidation against its enemies, the group has for
decades threatened those who question the legitimacy of Hezbollahs
statements and actions. The campaign of intimidation, led by its media
station, Al-Akhbar, is certainly menacing, but it also suggests a feeling of
desperation. Hezbollah has definitely been struggling since the Syrian
uprising. As it backed subsequent revolts in other Arab Spring countries, the
group that calls itself the Organization of the Oppressed has had to justify
Assads atrocities. Hezbollah has even deployed its troops in Syria, but only
admitted its presence there in October of 2012 after a prominent Hezbollah
military commander was killed in Syria. Nasrallah, in a televised speech
talked about Ali Nassaf (the commander), and described how he was
defending Lebanese living in Syria. While it is a nice justification, it lacks
credibility says Shiite Lebanese journalist Nadim Koteich. Koteich spent ten
minutes on prime time television ripping into Nasrallahs speech. Koteich
said, the explanation, was just not convincing. Supporters of Hezbollah
are even starting to ask questions as their family members are brought back
in body bags after fighting in Syria. Around seven years have passed since
Hezbollahs last major operation against Israel, and in the absence of its
resistance it is struggling to stay relevant in Lebanon. Schenker goes on to
say that, even though these developments are serious, Hezbollah will not
unravel any time soon. Even if its supply roots are cut, it has well over
100,000 rockets and missiles. This gives Hezbollah the capacity to conduct
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several wars with Israel and maintain its current ability to withstand all
domestic challenges. The Syrian uprising will, however, certainly transform
Nasrallah and Hezbollah. It is and will be diminished in stature, though not
capability, putting it in a disadvantageous position in the region. While it will
still threaten and kill opponents and Israelis, Hezbollahs days of ruling
Lebanon are certainly numbered. And recent behavior suggests that
Hezbollah sees the writing on the wall (Schenker, 2012).
Conclusion
It is an irrefutable fact that the name Hezbollah holds a great deal of
influence with Lebanese society. It is so much more than a fiery anti-Israeli
terrorist group that it has been branded by the United States. While its
activities do include killing Israeli and Westerners, it is more complex than an
ordinary terror organization. So back to my original question, Why is
Hezbollah so influential in Lebanon? There is no single overarching answer
to this question, but many pieces that combine together to answer it. Some
of the answers are more important than others, but nonetheless they all
contribute to Hezbollahs enormous influence in Lebanon.
Hezbollahs success starts with its organizational and leadership
structure. The group has its hand in so many issues that if it did not have
such a highly organized structure it would probably not be able to be as
efficient and effective as it is. The division of labor allows each section to
concentrate on issues within its area of expertise and excel in that area.
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Another important facet of Hezbollahs influence is that it violently opposes


Israel. However it is not just the fact that they oppose them, but the key part
here is that Hezbollah has successfully done so. In the 80s Israel was driven
from Lebanese soil thanks, in no small part to, Hezbollahs involvement in
fighting the Israeli army. It has then fought several wars with Israel and
though it is difficult to say that Hezbollah has won these wars they
certainly have not lost, which is just as important. They have been able to
stay armed despite many efforts by the United Nations and Israel to disarm
them. Hezbollah also attacks and harasses the Israeli army and presents a
threat to civilians in many cities in northern and central Israel. The Lebanese
government has not been able to militarily oppose Israel and Hezbollah feeds
off this weakness by portraying itself as the defender of the Lebanese
people, especially Shiites. While Hezbollahs military fame and prowess is of
huge importance and contributes to its influence, it is not the part of the
group that touches tens of thousands of ordinary Lebanese on a daily basis.
Hezbollahs charitable and social and health services are an essential part of
the group and contribute the most to its influence. These services provide
free and low cost healthcare and education opportunities to the poor, build
and rebuild infrastructure, provide money for people to start businesses, and
provide assistance to farmers that need it. These services are but a few of
the many provided by Hezbollah and a crude oversimplification of what they
do because the group does so much for the Lebanese people. Also, another
reason for Hezbollahs influence, though one they have less control over is
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the weakness of the central government. If the government could defend its
borders, provide services for its people, and supply assistance to those that
need it, the need for a group like Hezbollah to fill the void would be greatly
diminished and the influence it gains because of the void it fills would be
greatly reduced. It is worth noting that in the past couple of years with
Hezbollahs involvement in the Syrian civil war its once untouchable and
infallible position has come under some criticism from ordinary Lebanese,
including some of its supporters. While this is something that Hezbollah is
not used to, it does not spell the end of the organization. All in all, as long as
Hezbollah continues to assist the Lebanese people on such a massive scale,
and oppose Israel militarily the group will be able to influence Lebanons
future greatly; though maybe not on the scale that they have in the past.
Nevertheless Hezbollah will continue to be a significant and influential force
in Lebanon for years to come.

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Works Cited
Jamail, Dahr. 2006. Hezbollah Rides A New Popularity.
http://rense.com/general73/hezz.htm. (April 20, 2013).
Council on Foreign Relations. 2010. Hezbollah. July 15.
http://www.cfr.org/lebanon/hezbollah-k-hizbollah-hizbullah/p9155. (April
18, 2013).
Encyclopedia of the Middle East. 2007. Hezbollah.
http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/hezbollah.htm.
(April 18, 2013).
Heitner, Ethan. 2006. Why is Hezbollah Popular? July 17.
http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2006/07/17/why_is_hezbollah_popula
r.php. (April 21, 2013).
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