1

Ch 2 Who severed us?

Sir George Grey was a remarkable 19th century British colonial governor and one of the
most remarkable people to have lived in New Zealand1, wrote historian Keith Sinclair.
There seemed to be a contradiction between Greys interest in Maori oral literature,
language and culture and his relentless pursuit of Maori land. He was sacked as Governor
of New Zealand by the British Government in 1868 for misusing the British Army to
arrogate Maori land and misinforming London about the state of race relations in New
Zealand and for ignoring the instructions of the Colonial Office.
Grey returned to politics in 1875 as a Member of Parliament for an Auckland
constituency. In 1878 he became Premier, commanding an unstable majority in the house.
His Cabinet included John Ballance and Sir Robert Stout, both of whom also espoused
the radical ideas (radical at that time) of the British philosopher and economist, John
Stuart Mill.
Grey had strong democratic instincts at a time when British political life was autocratic.
He also subscribed to J. S. Mills view that great estates and large landholdings were
wrong, and therefore felt that Maori refusal to sell land was an unjustified impediment to
the economic development of both races and the spread of British culture.
Greys views are set out in his comments on the controversy in 1881 over the Patetere
block. Two races of men, he wrote, are now in contact here: the one, highly civilised
and comparatively numerous; the other, not yet fully reclaimed from Barbarism, few in
numbers, but owners of large tracts of fertile lands. The civilised race, following the
example set by all other civilised nations who have been similarly circumstanced,
endeavoured to provide by enactment that the lands of the least numerous race shall be
disposed of in such a manner as shall be for the common good of all. This they also do
partly for the preservation of that race which is least civilised: to preserve them from
being made drunkards by speculators who desire to get possession of their lands, and to
protect them from other cognate evils. It is also done in great part to protect the interests
of the civilised race; for it is clearly just that such a thing as land, so precious to the entire
nation, the origin of all wealth, the sustainer of life, should be acquired, dealt with, and
held in a manner which is for the general advantage.2
This is a modern Utilitarian argument, which is still used to alter property rights by
legislation. The mistake made by Grey and others was, and sometimes still is, to give
greater weight to the interests of the European race, than to the interests of the indigenous
race. Giving equal weight to the equal interests of each person, regardless of such morally
irrelevant factors as race or gender, would have lead to different, more civilised
conclusions. As was argued in chapter one, Mill himself was concerned at the difficulties
that would follow from rapacious settlers in New Zealand arrogating Maori land. As a
member of the British Government which had sacked Grey, Mill would have been
unhappy about his views being used by Grey to justify retrospectively the actions for
which Grey lost his job.

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It is difficult for a New Zealander to develop a dispassionate assessment of Greys
attitude to race relations. We are too close to the consequences of his activities and too far
in time from his cultural context. Grey was not a primitive racist, unlike many of the
settlers with whom he had to deal. The Te Arawa rangatira, Te Rangikaheke, who lived
next door to Grey in Auckland for four years and taught him the Maori language, wrote
We are together every day of the week; we talked together, played together, were happy
together. 3 A recent British visitor to this country may have in passing given an accurate
verdict on Grey. In 2008 Duncan Fallowell published an entertaining but unsentimental
account of his travels in New Zealand, Going as far as I can, the ultimate travel book .
His own interests focussed on art, architecture, sex and the British theatrical connection.
He specifically disavowed any political interest in race.
Remarking that Grey had founded the Auckland Art Gallery, he went on to write that
Greys book Polynesian Mythology reflects a widespread attitude among British
administrators overseas which I feel goes a long way to explaining British imperial
success in general. Going on to quote Grey, Fallowell wrote I soon perceived that I
could neither successfully govern, nor hope to conciliate, a numerous and turbulent
people with whose language, manners, customs, religion, and modes of thought I was
quite unacquainted. In order to redress their grievances, and apply remedies which would
neither wound their feelings nor militate against their prejudices, it was necessary that I
should be able thoroughly to understand their complaints; and to win their confidence and
regard, it was also requisite that I should be able at all times and in all places patiently to
listen to the tales of their wrongs or sufferings, and, even if I could not assist them, to
give them a kind reply, couched in such terms as should leave no doubt on their minds
that I clearly understood and felt for them, and was really well disposed towards them. 4
In short Grey was a very professional public servant honing his skills to do his job better.
Although he was influenced by the number and character of Maori, he was not making a
virtue of necessity. He continued to attempt to advance the interests of Waikato Maori
even after they had been conquered and dispossessed of their land. The interests of Maori
were given less weight in breach of Jeremy Benthams utilitarian injunction that each
person was to count as one and no one to count as more than one. Grey at least gave
Maori interests some weight.
Furthermore, as with so many of his Victorian countrymen, Grey may have become
charmed over time by the Maori inclination to alternate daunting belligerence with
rational argument and an astonishing readiness almost cheerfully to reconcile martial
differences. For Maori, war and peace were a cultural norm.
Aware his administration was likely to be short lived, Grey devoted much of his energy to
achieving reconciliation with the central North Island tribes and Taranaki. The war
initiated by Grey had resulted in the confiscation of a million and a quarter acres of prime
Waikato land. A decade and a half later the unease expressed at the time by many
educated settlers and English visitors5 had not died away. Grey may not have been any
more affected by these sentiments than he was at the time of the Waikato war, but like
many politicians he was anxious that Maori should not be left completely landless and

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pauperised.6 The land redistribution he had sought, by fair means or foul, had been
successfully achieved by Anglo-Maori war initiated in 1863 when Grey ordered the
British army to invade the Waikato.7 The Government was now anxious to reach
reconciliation with the tribes in order to complete the Main Trunk Railway line through
the middle of the North without further conflict. It was assumed that Ngati Maniapoto
would not agree to the railway passing through their lands without Waikatos
concurrence.
After the war in the Waikato the Maori King, Tawhiao, and his followers lost most of
their land and took refuge in the remote district of their close supporters and military
allies, Ngati Maniapoto. The area was closed to Europeans. Ngati Maniapoto had also
extended protection to the turbulent Rongowhakaata kupapa, murderer, renegade and
prophet Te Kooti 8 and his followers, some years after Te Kootis escape from internment
on Wharekauri. Other less distinguished outlaws were also believed to be hiding out in
the Nehenehenui o Maniapoto, the great forests of Maniapoto, as the King Country was
originally known. This also posed a problem for government.
In January 1878, Grey held a preliminary meeting with the followers of the Maori King,
the Kingitanga, at Te Kopua on the northern edge of the King Country9. There were
some 2000 Kingitanga supporters at the meeting between Grey and Tawhiao. Maori
opponents of the Government came from Taranaki, Hawkes Bay, Wellington, Wanganui
and Kawhia. The Government party was lead by the Premier and the Minister of Native
Affairs John Sheehan, accompanied by the Minister without portfolio, the member for
Western Maori, Hoani Nahe. Nahes appointment as a Minister indicated Greys intention
to bring a final peace to the area covered by Nahes electorate, a project to which he
devoted the following 18 months. (Nahes electorate was one of four special Maori
electorates) Grey was also accompanied by a number of other settlers and
Parliamentarians.
The Premiers intentions and the meeting had been well publicised. E. W. Puckey, the
Native Agent in Thames, reported that other tribes were following with intense interest
the Governments negotiations with the Kingitanga.
The Auckland Weekly News prefaced its report of the meeting with an account of a
memorial ceremony, a tangi, for Takerei Te Rau, a recently deceased Waikato rangatira,
who had taken Greys name as his own, but had lost all his land in the war. Te Rau had
owned more land than Tawhiao himself and had consequently been very prosperous. He
and his wife had lived in a modern house. Their children were being educated. Te Rau
had gifted 1,600 acres of his own Waikato land for educational and religious purposes.
The large number of people in Te Kopua was attributed to the memorial ceremony for
Takerei Te Rau as well as the presence of the Premier. Because of the recent death of Te
Rau no powhiri was held for Grey and his party. However, the party was met by Hera,
Tawhiaos senior wife and Manuhiris daughter, bearing a long silver topped staff. They
were greeted by deep mourning and loud tangi. Tawhiao was reported as wearing a
wreath of green flax leaves around his head and stood leaning on a large staff staring at

4
the ground with a melancholy air. The women dressed in black wore mourning chaplets
of green in their hair. Grey would have realised that it was no coincidence that his first
meeting with Waikato since the land wars should be so framed by Waikato, who were
mourning not only their deceased rangatira but also their lost land and many relatives
who had died in the war.
When the British Army attacked Waikato, Te Raus son was killed and the British troops
shot his daughter while they were taking up positions at Rangiriri. Te Rau was taken
prisoner there. The Government took his lands and the paper reported that his widow,
Mata Okeroa, was in rags when Grey called to pay his respects. All the surviving younger
children were uneducated. Grey was able to organise a pension of 50 ($100) a year for
the destitute widow.10 Both Manuhiri (Tamati Ngapora) and Mata Okeroa died in 1886.
This post war degradation had ghastly consequences for the Maori of the district. The
subsequent repudiation by Waikato of schooling in particular and pakeha culture in
general were, arguably, to wreck greater havoc with development than the loss of Maori
land. Some rangatira adopted the view that that English education and Christianity were
not suited to Maori.11 The problems lasted well into the 20th Century.
For example the Waikato rangatira, Sir Robert Mahuta, wrote of the Maori King Koroki,
My mother and father never went to school; they couldnt read or write.12 He went on
to recount that his parents insisted that he read the paper to them. At the age of six he
found this a daunting task until he hit upon the solution of making the stories up as he
went along. But several generations of Waikato leaders missed out on the social and
cultural capital that comes with education, not to mention being hobbled with the
disadvantages of illiteracy.
The Auckland Weekly News reported that as well as the Maniapoto rangatira, Rewi,
Taonui and Te Rangi Ka Hurunui, the senior Waikato rangatira Manuhiri was also present
at the Te Kopua meeting. Manuhiri had once been a clergyman who officiated at the
Maori church in Mangere, in Auckland. Then he was known as Tamati Ngapora. He
apparently pledged his life as a guarantee of Aucklands safety shortly before Grey
invaded the Waikato.13 There had been rumours that Ngati Maniapoto radicals were
urging an attack on the city. Manuhiri told the Weekly News journalist that when he heard
that the British army had crossed the Mangatawhiri stream to attack Waikato on 12 July
1863, a Sunday, he had lost interest in the Church. He changed his name to Manuhiri and
joined the Kingitanga in their efforts to save their land.
The Auckland Weekly News journalist who had come into possession of it, presented
Manuhiri with a bible, inscribed with Tamatis name, which the former clergyman had
abandoned with his church a decade earlier.
Manuhiri also told Grey, when the Premier called on him, that he had abandoned his
testament in despair. Grey replied that there was no reason to be disgusted with the Bible.
The fault was with man. The Bible was written to correct the faults of man. Manuhiri said
he had been reading it and would continue to do so, and undertook to leave the book to

5
Grey, with his history written in it, on condition he preserved it for future generations. (It
would be interesting to learn if it still survives.)14
The Auckland Weekly News correspondent later shared a bottle of rum with Te Kooti,
who was keeping a low profile on the fringes of the meeting. He was still a man wanted
for murder and faced the prospect of being hanged if he were apprehended. Te Kooti was
not tattooed and had lost part of two fingers on his left hand. He had a gold watch, good
clothes and appeared to be well supplied.
One of the first New Zealand born pakeha politicians, Sheehan, was Minister of Native
(Maori) Affairs in Greys administration. Like Grey he had mixed attitudes towards
Maori. Of Irish descent, he shared with Grey a strong aversion to great landed estates and
made enemies of the Hawkes Bay and South Island run holders. He was an advocate of
small family farms and worked to bring about the purchase of Maori land by the
government for settling men of modest means and their families. However he felt that the
use of the British Army to obtain land was a mistake and felt less harm would have been
done and the same result achieved by expenditure on flour and sugar
Like Grey, Sheehan could speak Maori and was furthermore related to Nga Puhi through
the marriage of cousins. As a young solicitor he had acted as legal counsel for Hawkes
Bay Maori led by Karaitiana Takamoana, who claimed that men such as John Davies
Ormond, Donald McLean and Samuel Williams had swindled Maori out of many
thousands of acres of the Heretaunga plain. Later, no doubt on the convenient principle
that If you cant beat them, join them Sheehan himself was involved in the purchase of
the Patetere Block for 55,081, subsequently reselling it for 230,000.15
Tawhiao welcomed Grey with a short solemn speech noting the past that cannot be
brought back and recalling Grey as a friend of his sacred forbears and greeting the
Premier as one who would bring healing. Grey gave a short reply in Maori, greeting
Tawhiao as the son of Potatau, Greys friend who was dead. He greeted all the rangatiras
and all those who had passed away. The Premier then sat down.
The discussion at the meeting centred on the Kingitanga view that while they had no
further wish for war, neither did they want a peace that would involve sacrificing their
autonomy. Waikato expressed a desire to be reconciled with the Government. Tawhiao,
Rewi and Te Ngakau asked for loans and other rangatiras expressed their wish to send
their children to Pakeha schools and asked for farming implements so that they could
resume their pre war trade supplying Auckland. .For their part the Government explained
they were seeking improved race relations and access to the King Country for the
railway.
The government officials did not press their case. They stayed on for several days.
The upshot of the meeting, which officials described as a merely formal encounter, rather
than a substantive negotiation, was agreement to meet again later in the year. As a
preliminary meeting it was judged a success.

6
Sheehan and the member for Western Maori, Hoani Nahe, returned without Grey to
continue their discussions with Waikato at the end of the month. Tawhiao wrote to Grey
on the 1st of February to tell the Premier that he did not want to meet Grey alone since he
did not want to give rise to any murmuring on the part of the rangatira. They met the
following Saturday.
On this occasion the speeches were more fulsome and complimentary accompanied by
appropriate waiata and recalling the pre war past. There were handshakes all round.
Hoani Nahe and Grey spoke for the government side, the Maniapoto rangatira Hauauru
and Rewi spoke for Tawhiao, addressing some of their speeches to the Waikato. The
theme was peace and reconciliation, Grey recalling his love for Potatau and Waikato
before the outbreak of war and urged his listeners to leave the new tree he had planted
that it might thrive. This metaphor of the tree of peace continued to be used and
developed by Rewi in subsequent meetings.
Three tents had been pitched for the Government party and in the evening Tawhiao
visited Grey. His sister, Tiria, dined with the Premier, illustrating the role played by
women who could not speak publically.
The Auckland Evening Star reporter gave an account of the evening in the rest of the
camp. He attended the evening Tariao prayers. Some of the Hauhau radicals paid
subscriptions to the Auckland Evening Star in recognition of his piety. Thereupon
Tawhiao issued a proclamation prohibiting the distribution of any other paper in his
district! Later Grey, Sheehan and Mahe, held a Cabinet meeting on urgent issues. Nearby,
Tawhiao and his Councillors also had discussions. Other Maori let off jumping crackers
brought from Alexandra and played games of hunt the slipper and kiss-in-the-ring.16
On the following morning Tawhiao and Te Ngakau called on Grey. Grey gave his coat to
Tawhiao and another to a second rangatira, leaving himself without one. Fortunately it
was summer. Tawhiao was dressed European style in a black coat, white hat with peacock
feathers, brown trousers and riding breeches with a cavalry ammunition belt.
While nothing had been finalised, much had been discussed in the clear understanding
that agreement would be reached. Throughout these two meetings there had been no
mention about the return of the entire Waikato.
On his way back to Auckland Grey visited pakeha settlements and visited the mission
station in Te Awamutu. He noted that in former times he had seen between eighty and
ninety ploughs at work and very extensive Maori cultivations in the area around the
mission station. Little wonder at Waikatos reluctance to surrender such land to Greys
settlers. However Waikato had expressed their desire to return to their pre-war trade with
Auckland and Grey, Sheehan and their advisors continued to work to present Waikato
with a settlement offer for permanent peace in the Waikato.
It was assumed, in Wellington at least, that Tawhiaos policy of isolation was over.17
Hopes were high for a peace settlement and although the press reported that there could

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be no doubt about the bona fides of Waikato, ...every effort is being used, principally
through bribes and misrepresentation, by a number of land speculators to frustrate the
object of the meeting, and even to prevent its being held....Their conduct is treated by the
King with merited contempt. He forbids them to come near the place of meeting.18
Four months later in May, Grey and Tawhiao met at Hikurangi. At this meeting Grey
made his settlement offer to Tawhiao. Over 5000 Maori from throughout the North Island
were present. Seven decorated war canoes, each capable of holding 60 men, came up the
Waipa to Alexandra (present day Pirongia). Grey travelled in the canoe Te Atairehia,
named after one of the five wives of the Waikato ancestor Rapane. Arrangements were
more formal than at the previous meetings. Te Kooti and his followers, one of whom
threatened to kill the visiting Europeans, were turned away for drunkenness and sent back
to Te Kuiti by Tawhiaos police. Armed guards were mounted about Tawhiaos house and
he was accompanied by bodyguards throughout.
Tawhiao welcomed Grey. Grey was feeling unwell and he and Tawhiao chatted amiably
about their ailments and the trials of growing old. A wide and representative number
spoke at this preliminary gathering on 9 May. Among them were the Hauhau tohunga,
Tangata Iti, Tawhiaos cousin, Patara Te Tuhi (former editor of the Kingitanga newspaper
Te Hokioi), Wi Ropata from Wanganui, Tuhora and Hopa te Rangianini of Ngati
Maniapoto, the pro government Waikato rangatira Major Te Wheoro, the Ngati Whatua
Auckland rangatira Paora Tuhaere and Te Aroha te Akitai. Te Tihirahi broke up the
meeting suggesting they all go inside in view of the cold.
There was much discussion urging each side to speak frankly and openly. Tawhiao and
his supporters such as Patara Te Tuhi and Te Ngakau indicated that they knew what
Greys response would be because they would ask for what was impossible for Grey to
grant them, but they would have their say anyway. Grey made the point in response to
Patara Te Tuhis reference to the unity manifested at the earlier meeting that it had been a
meeting in mourning, but the current meeting was for business.
The next day Tawhiao put his proposals to Grey. The Pakeha were to retire to the north of
the Mangatawhiri stream, to let him and his rangatira manage their lands and the
Europeans to manage theirs. He was reported as saying, Let them have control of that
side, and let me have management of this side. His next point was that pakeha should
stay east of the Waikato River, from its mouth to Taupo. If any Maori wants a road to be
opened, I will not consent. Let him come to me; it will be for me to deal with the
question. Let the Maoris come to me. His next point was that, If anyone wishes to
survey any land, he should apply to the pakeha to survey it. I will not consent; but let him
first come to me, because I have the management. My last word is, if any man should
wish to lease or sell now, I will not consent. This is my last word: I will not allow it.
What I most desire is that you should look to me. This is my last word. Consult me. It is
for me to decide.19
This translation of Tawhiaos statement was published on 10 May by The Auckland Star.
It differs from the translation given in the New Zealander but the upshot was the same.

As both parties were aware, the demand for a return to the pre war status was beyond the
power of any Cabinet to deliver. Tawhiao had not actually asked for the return of the
land. Greys familiarity with Maori culture should have enabled him to see that Tawhiao
was more preoccupied with his own loss of mana than with the economic disaster that the
loss of their land had been to Waikato.
As expected, Grey told Tawhiao that it was beyond his power to return the Waikato (i.e.
to engineer a withdrawal of Pakeha to the north bank of the Mangatawhiri stream) but
that the Government would give him autonomy in his own district. He would be paid
500 a year, given 500 acres of land near Ngaruawahia (then known as Newcastle) and
the Government would put up a building in Kawhia for him in which his council could
meet. Furthermore, The portions of land not disposed of by Government to Europeans
on the Western side of the Waikato and Waipa will be returned to Tawhiao. 20
To provide income Grey offered town acres in the towns along the Waikato and Waipa
rivers, to be held in trust by Tawhiao for all his people.
On 10 May 1878 Grey put the settlement offer he had made at Hikurangi in writing and
handed it in person to the Maori monarch.
Rewi Maniapoto was in Te Kuiti consulting with his people but sent word that he wanted
to meet with Grey. While Grey and his secretary, Mr Mitchell, were translating the offer,
which Grey subsequently handed to Tawhiao in person, Hauauru and others seemed to
have a row on the side. Te Ngakau was accused of causing divisions between Ngati
Maniapoto and Waikato. Hauauru (of Ngati Maniapoto) accused Te Ngakau of having too
big a mouth, which kept Rewi and his people away. Tangohia called Te Ngakau Tutua
or Common Fellow. The row went on for some time.
(Greys proposal read etc: Include a photograph of the original document)
From the government point of view the offer was generous. It acknowledged Tawhiaos mana and
said the Government would augment it by making him a Director (Kai whakahaere) of his
district. Grey also promised Tawhiao five hundred pounds a year to enable him and his rangatira
to administer the district.
Grey also promised Tawhiao five hundred acres in the Ngaruawahia district near his father
Potataus urupa and pledged the Government to build a meeting house at Kawhia for the
administrative group. All the Waikato land not yet sold to Pakeha on the Western side of the
Waipa and Waikato rivers would be returned to them. Grey said he wanted to see Tawhiao prosper
quickly. To this end he would recommend that the Government give Tawhiao and his people
sections in the new and growing townships in the Waikato and Waipa districts, the income from
which Tawhiao would administer on behalf of all his people. Government assistance would be
given with farming equipment such as ploughs.
Other parts of the offer were more guarded. Tawhiao was assured that he could lease or sell land
in his district, but nothing was said about whether he could veto such alienations. A similar
approach was taken to the controversial issue of further land surveys and Grey wrote that roads

9
could only be built after consultation between Tawhiao and the Government. It was clear that at
the Hikurangi meeting Sir George Grey offered Tawhiao the opportunity to participate in the
future development of the western Waikato. 21
Grey and Tawhiao spent most of the following morning in discussion. Tawhiao was reported as
expressing his agreement to the proposals made. However a full consideration of the issues the
previous evening had convinced him and his advisors that there should also be agreement on the
part of those throughout the island who had traditionally supported the Kingitanga. He said he
was most anxious to achieve agreement. Other Kingitanga supporters at the meeting were
reported as holding the opinion that there should be an investigation into the war by an impartial
authority from which they believed they would emerge with flying colours. 22
On 12 May Grey and Sheehan met Rewi and other Ngati Maniapoto rangatira at the home of a
Waikato settler named Ross. The meeting lasted about an hour and a half. Obviously aware of
rumours that Rewi had held himself aloof from the huge gathering at Hikurangi, Grey asked Rewi
at least three times whether he approved of what had happened there. Rewi replied in the
affirmative each time and turned the conversation to the meeting he was planning in Waitara
where he was hoping to carry on with Taranaki the peace process begun so promisingly in
Waikato. He said that some years before the Taranaki and Whanganui rangatira, Wi Tako, Matene
te Whiwhi and Metekingi had asked him to agree to a large meeting at Waitara. Feeling that the
time had not been right then he had refused, but now that Tawhiao and Grey had reached an
understanding Rewi intended to go ahead with a large meeting in Waitara in June, for which
preparations were already underway.23 He told the Premier and the Minister of Native Affairs that
Wi Tako and the other two would be there. He urged Grey and Sheehan to be at this meeting as
well.
After the Hikurangi, meeting R.S.Bush, the resident magistrate in Raglan, reported to Sheehan on
25 May that although some 3000 natives were present, spirits had been prohibited by Tawhiao
and there had been no drunkenness. Tawhiaos ban extended to pakeha and a bottle of brandy was
confiscated from a European by Kingitanga police. Bush felt that the meeting had gone well and
that it would do much to assist Tawhiao in checking his more turbulent followers. He claimed
that Ngati Maniapoto had for some years been trying to persuade Waikato to leave their territory
and had succeeded in removing them from Te Kuiti to Hikurangi.
Tawhiao and about 80 followers from Hikurangi, Kawhia and Aotea paid a visit to the pakeha
settlement of Raglan on Thursday 7 June. They stayed for a week Word spread and such was the
relief and enthusiasm of the settlers that an effort was made to offer hospitality to their erstwhile
enemy. The Raglan Minstrels put on a negro entertainment which was followed by an
impromptu dance, to the apparent delight of the visitors. This was followed by a public dinner for
Tawhiao on Tuesday 12 June attended by over 100 Maori. Toasts were drunk to Tawhiao, the
Governor, the Queen and the guests of the evening. Tawhiao was said to have been in remarkably
good spirits. In his reply, Tawhiao expressed his delight at the friendly reception for him on this
his first visit among Europeans. He expressed appreciation of the hospitality, dancing and music.
Dinner and speeches were followed by a further dance at which Tawhiao stayed until the early
hours of the morning. His eldest son Tu Tawhiao danced with some of the pakeha women and
escorted one of them to supper.
Tawhiao had dinner with Bush on the Monday and told him, Ka pai nga korero o Kerei i
Hikurangi. Grey spoke well at Hikurangi.

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The Kawhia rangatira, Hone Te One, told Bush that Tawhiao had stated publicly in Kawhia his
approval of Greys proposals. Hone believed that Tawhiaos friendly visit to Raglan was a prelude
to his accepting Greys terms. Tawhiao had told him that one more meeting was all that was
required to settle everything.
Ominously, however, Tawhiaos cousins Honana and Te Tuhi (The Writer) 24 had also travelled to
Raglan. Tawhiao complained that they interfered and thwarted him and Bush felt that any
stumbling blocks to settlement would stem from such men as these.
1878 was a busy year for Rewi and the Maniapoto leadership. Rewi, who was known for fits of
enthusiasm, inspired by the apparently successful meetings between Tawhiao and the
Government wrote to other rangatira throughout the North Island inviting them to join the unity
between himself and Grey.25
Waitara, where the Taranaki war had broken out over a disputed sale of land, was chosen as the
venue for the June meeting. Rewi hoped for a meeting at which the Government could begin the
peace process with Te Whiti, Titokowaru and Te Rangitake (also known as Wiremu Kingi). Again
Sir George Grey, Native Minister Sheehan and Hoani Nahe and their public servants travelled to
Waitara for the meeting.
In the months that followed friction developed between Tawhiao and Rewi over Rewi and
Taonuis contact with Te Whiti and Tohu in Waitara. Tawhiao told Ngati Maho that nothing would
be gained by their going to Parihaka to join Te Whiti since everything would be arranged by
Tawhiao himself. Later concern was expressed in Waikato that Rewi was putting himself above
Tawhiao.26 !
The attitude of Rewi and the Ngati Maniapoto rangatira who accompanied him to Waitara was
signalled before the formal meeting had begun. Sheehan arrived at Waitara with the Ngati
Kahungunu rangatira and member for Eastern Maori, Karaitiana Takamoana, from Napier. Rewi,
who had not realised he was to attend the meeting and was still trying to contact him by telegraph
to invite him, was extremely pleased to see him. The two rangatira carried out a protracted tangi
over those who had passed away, after which they retired with Sheehan to Rewis whare to
discuss the format of the forthcoming meeting.
Karaitiana had opposed the concept of a Maori King when the movement began in the Waikato.
He had argued that the Treaty of Waitangi under Queen Victoria provided an adequate basis for
ordering relations between the races. Raising a Maori King would create only ill feeling between
the races. Waikato had rejected Karaitianas opinion in rather insulting terms, to which Karaitiana
had responded to the effect that Waikato could go their own way and take responsibility for it. For
his part he would follow the law and take responsibility for following that course. But, as Rewi
explained to his Ngati Maniapoto companions at Waitara, war had followed and both land and
people had been lost.
Rewi went on to say that when the war in Waitara broke out, Karaitiana had advised Wiremu
Kingi not to fight against the Europeans. He told Kingi that the best course to follow was to take
Taranakis case to the Supreme Court, or to entrust it to the Governor to settle. Wiremu replied
that he would follow his own path, to which Karaitiana had replied, You will have to think as I
do before you can settle your affairs. Rewi said that these words had also come true.
In welcoming Karaitiana and Sheehan to Waitara, in his whare with the other 12 Ngati Maniapoto
and Waikato rangatira, Rewi said, You are the man who gave us good counsel in the days that

11
are past. We see the evil of rejecting your advice. Karaitiana responded warmly saying, My
tears are shed in meeting you. They are tears of gladness, not of sorrow. He went on to say, I
shall be very glad to see the Waikato and Ngati Maniapoto come to friendly terms while Sir
George Grey has strength and our new Minister is in power. The Native Minister (i.e. Sheehan)
has always acted in a straightforward manner towards the Native people and it was on that
account that I so much desired to see him in the place of Sir Donald McLean. Karaitiana then
pledged his support to Rewi in settling the differences between Taranaki and the Government. He
urged the local people to educate their children and adopt English customs so that they might
participate in the same benefits as the Europeans currently enjoyed. Rewi told his secretary Te
Reinga, to take note of everything that had transpired.
There was no doubt or hesitation on Rewis part over where he stood at the beginning of the
Waitara meeting. Optimism among the friendly tribes and the Government party was high.
Unfortunately, however, the Waitara meeting was delayed several days by rain. Titokowaru,
Wiremu Kingi and Te Whiti stayed away, although other Parihaka rangatira were present and Te
Whitis settlement sent some 44 cartloads of food to the meeting. They were driven by
Titokowaru and Te Whitis men. Forty carts were drawn by 106 bullocks and another four by ten
horses. Twenty of the carts were loaded with live pigs. This was an extraordinary and extravagant
display by Te Whiti, to which was later added barrels of preserved birds, a very high status food.
The food was piled in a heap 23 yards long, five feet broad and five feet high.
The purpose of the meeting had been to start a peace process of the sort that had begun so
auspiciously earlier in the year with Tawhiao. The problem was that feeling between Waikato
supporters and Taranaki was not good. It was rumoured that Te Whiti would not attend a meeting
called by Rewi in case it would lower his mana vis a vis that of Rewi. Titokowaru may have felt
the same. Te Rangitake (William King or Wiremu Kingi) was very old and feeble and the weather
would have precluded his being carried in a litter. For his part Rewi was unwilling to initiate
anything without some of the principal men of the district being present.
In the end, in spite of the large attendance including Grey, Sheehan, Nahe and other politicians
and huge quantities of food and the presence of Rewi and Taonui and other Ngati Maniapoto
rangatira from the King Country, the wide publicity given to it and the widely publicised earlier
Hikurangi meeting with Tawhiao, the Waitara meeting did not have the success for which Rewi
and Grey had hoped.
At the opening round of discussions on the morning of 27 June the Premier had no inhibition
about acknowledging that he was present at Waitara on the invitation of Rewi. Grey went on to
talk about the rosy prospects that would be realised by peace and unity. He spoke about the access
Maori had to Parliament and of his plans to ensure that there were more Maori judges in the land
courts. He referred to the increasingly high rate of intermarriage and argued that both Europeans
and Maori might join to defend New Zealand or even form a single regiment to help England if
that nation were ever attacked.
Rewi responded by saying that he agreed that all should work together for the good of the island
and suggesting that the work should begin at Waitara, because that was the place where war
began. Referring to Greys image of planting the tree of peace at Hikurangi he said; Let us now
plant that tree, and should it grow well, we may plant cuttings at other places which will also
succeed. He invited Grey to return the next day to continue the discussion. He said they
should speak plainly and without reserve, they should say what is genuine and true and thirdly the
meeting should be final. Rewi then said he would now like to address other Maori present. Grey
misunderstood this and said he would leave, but Rewi countered that suggestion by saying that if

12
Grey left, who would there be to listen to what they had to say? He meant of course that no one of
suitable importance would remain. Part of the problem was that while leading Maniapoto
rangatira, Taonui, Wetere te Rerenga from Mokau and Rewi who had himself fought at Waitara,
were present, the leading Taranaki men were absent.
Rewi then made it plain to the assembled rangatiras that he was unified with Sir George Grey in
the project to make peace. He said, We are welded together as a piece of iron, and I am not going
to separate that welding. Other rangatiras present said they were pleased with what Sir George
had said but refrained from committing themselves any further. Apart from publically announcing
his support for Grey, to the applause of those rangatiras from tribes who had supported the
government during the land wars and the displeasure of some of those who had fought, there was
little achieved that day. Taonui did not speak nor did Wetere Te Rerenga, although Wi Parata from
Ngati Toa, Metekingi from Wanganui and the two parliamentarians Wi Tako and Karaitiana
Takamoana did. Rewi asked Paiako from Parihaka to sit down in case what he had to say caused
further controversy. He acceded to the request. Rewi soon called the meeting to an end.
When the meeting reconvened Rewi clearly expected Grey to make a settlement offer to the
Waitara rangatiras. Grey did not do this, arguing that Rewi had invited him to Waitara and he had
come to hear what Rewi had to say. For his part Grey was asking the assembled Maori, both
rebels and kupapa, or Friendlies what they had to say.
Rewi changed tack and invited Grey to settle the issue of Waitara with him before discussing
other issues. When I am clear about this I will be prepared to discuss with you about the
establishing of schools, the opening of roads, railways and telegraphs. Several times he asked
Grey to give Waitara back to him, apparently asking the Government to involve him in the
settlement of all hostilities between the races. But in the absence of the leading Taranaki rangatira
it was not clear to Grey and Sheehan that they could do this. Grey said, Rewi, make your
meaning clear. Speak at greater length. I do not understand you. Rewi again asked for Waitara
in the sense, perhaps, of reaching an initial settlement between himself and Grey. The
Government Ministers consulted briefly and Grey, who was in very poor health and found it
difficult to work at length, told Rewi that he was still not clear as to his meaning and suggested
they should defer the discussion until the following morning. The meeting broke up. Rewi shook
hands with Grey and said We will settle the matter between ourselves.
The following day on 29 June, after a private meeting between Grey and Rewi it transpired that
Rewi was suggesting that he and Grey should represent the two sides in the dispute between
Maori and the British settlers. Now that a public reconciliation between Grey and Rewi had taken
place Rewi felt that they should go ahead and bring about a lasting reconciliation between the two
races. In that respect, talk of Waitara was merely symbolic of the whole reconciliation process
envisaged. Local Maori felt Waitara was where the rift between the races had begun. Rewi
reassured local Maori and Pakeha settlers that they should not be alarmed. Let them rest safely
in their places he said to reassure them that he did not intend to disrupt existing occupations.
Reactions were mixed. Matene te Whiwhi congratulated Rewi and Grey for what they had had to
say. Tahana, however, drew attention to the fact that there were tribes who were not represented at
the meeting and ...people of wisdom and understanding are still absent. Rewi responded
awkwardly and brought the meeting to an end. But he avowed his support for Grey, his friend,
telling the assembled people, I must therefore act with my friend and not with you.
On the 30th of June further food exchanges were made in the traditional manner. Maori children
and others were given rides on the train running the few miles between New Plymouth and

13
Waitara. Greys health was in a parlous state and he was said to be making preparations to return
to Wellington. Titokowaru, a major opponent of government during the land wars, sent fifty cattle
as a gift to the meeting.
Rewi spent some time meeting with other rangatira. Sheehan attended the meeting for a short
while as a spectator only. The former member for Western Maori, Wi Parata, expressed approval
of the agreement to work for peace, but suggested that some consideration should be shown by
the Government by returning some of the confiscated land. Rewi had accurate reports of the
several meetings sent to Tawhiao and Wahanui.
No doubt unaware of the mixed outcome of the meeting the New Plymouth Mayor, Mr Standish,
declared 1 July a public holiday. Special trains were laid on to Waitara, where a celebratory lunch
was held. Grey, Sheehan and the ministerial party, Rewi, Taonui and Wetere from Maniapoto, a
number of important Taranaki and Whanganui rangatiras and the Mayor and leading settlers all
cheered one another. Toasts were proposed to the Queen, the Governor, the Premier, Rewi and
Tawhiao. Rewi said, Today we are seeking the means of uniting the two races, so that we may be
all one in the same Island. Sir George Grey and I have been made one. We will remain together,
and the laws of the Queen shall be made one. The meeting ended on 1 July, with Grey and suite
departing from New Plymouth on the Hinemoa at about 5pm.
Rewis meeting had dragged on for ten days with the only outcome being Rewis (and by
implication Ngati Maniapotos) declaration of support for Grey. This will have been given to
Grey in his own right rather than to the Government as an impersonal entity. It will have been
given by Rewi in recognition of Greys genuine effort to bring about reconciliation with Tawhiao
through the offer made the previous month, and Ngati Maniapotos clear recognition that Waikato
and Taranaki Maori had lost their land in the wars and should settle for what they could get.
On the other hand, Rewis initiative was clearly not seen in the same light by other tribes. Ngati
Maniapoto had sold no land, as was well known at the meeting, and had never been conquered 27.
They had not suffered any confiscations in spite of supporting their neighbours in Taranaki and
Waikato in their fights with the British army. They had never collaborated with the colonists and
the tribe was now looking forward to developing their own land in a climate in which the danger
of armed conflict had diminished. It would not have gone unnoticed by the other tribes that, for
Ngati Maniapoto it was a propitious time for them to encourage other tribes to make peace and
bring about a national settlement. Furthermore, Grey had made no offer to Taranaki comparable
to that made to Tawhiao the previous month. The leading Taranaki men, Te Whiti, Titokowaru
and Wiremu Kingi while showing their mana and approval of the peace process through their
extravagant gifts of food, were not prepared to meet the Government under the aegis of Rewi
Maniapoto.
Other factors having a negative impact on the meeting were Greys health, the foul weather which
would have been seen by some as a bad portent and the extreme enthusiasm of the settlers who
had got plenty of land and were looking to develop it free from harassment by its original owners.
Grey would also have realised that, great as Rewis mana was because of the role he had played
during the land wars, it was not sufficient to pull off the desired result. Tawhiao was held in high
regard by Taranaki and his lack of open support for Rewi would not have helped.
The failure of the Waitara meeting did not augur well for the Governments final meeting with
Tawhiao nearly twelve months later. Rewis mana would have been considerably diminished both
in Waikato and in Taranaki and his presumption of leadership without consultation or consent of
those centrally involved as well as his impetuosity would have been a worry to Grey. In fact in

14
the Waikato, in spite of his great mana and nationwide fame with both races, it was suggested that
he was putting himself above Tawhiao.28
A third and final meeting with Tawhiao to discuss Greys offer took place in May 1879.
Beforehand Tawhiao had expressed satisfaction with the understandings reached at Hikurangi and
had said that the forthcoming meeting would be his day and Sir George Greys day. But
turbulence had developed in the Waikato camp. In April Rewi invited Grey and Sheehan to Te
Kopua. Te Ngakau sent a telegram indicating that Tawhiao did not want ministers to attend the
meeting at Te Kopua. Tawhiao expressed surprise that there was a problem. He maintained that
Everything was arranged Another communication from Te Ngakau told Grey that Tawhiao had
finished with him at Hikurangi and that the Premier should wait at Alexandria (Pirongia) and not
travel on to Te Kopua. In discussion with Te Wheoro, the King later repudiated the authenticity of
this message in the presence of Te Ngakau. Tawhiao indicated that he meant that Ministers should
wait at Alexandria until sent for, so that the Iwi could meet first.
In the event the Te Kopua meeting was huge. Over 3000 were present. (Some of these crowd
estimates are questionable). The Premier and Sheehan travelled to Te Kopua on the war canoes
Te Atairehia and Te Aparanga, with a bevy of public servants and several other members of
parliament. Prominent members of the settler community were also present; the Wesleyan
missionaries Cort Henry Schnackenberg and Thomas Buddle, Majors Mair and Jackson, and
William Searancke. (A magistrate and ancestor to the Herangi family). Ministers were met by
the Waikato kupapa and former Maori Member of Parliament, Major Te Wheoro and other
rangatira. Two hundred Waikato, under the command of Te Ngakau, fired a salute from double
barrelled shotguns. Tribes from throughout the island were also represented in numbers.
Tawhiao opened the meeting claiming mana over the whole Island, by descent from Potatau,
whose whakapapa covered all the rangatiras of the country. He said, I therefore say this: Sir
George Grey has no right to conduct matters on this island, but I have the sole right to conduct
matters in my land- from the North Cape to the southern end. No one else has any right.
Tawhiao protested that war had been brought to the Waikato by the pakeha. He demanded that
pakeha custom be banished from his domain. In the uproar that followed, the Ngati Maniapoto
rangatira Wahanui Huatare, supported by Te Ngakau and the Ngati Tuwharetoa rangatira Te
Heuheu, managed against some opposition to bring the meeting to an end, arguing that
participants would be able to reflect overnight on Tawhiaos words.
When the meeting reassembled on Thursday afternoon, 8 May, the numbers had dropped to about
2000. On the suggestion of Te Wheoro, the speaking order began with the northern tribes and
proceeded south. Himini of Te Rarawa, Hone Mohi Tawhai of Nga Puhi and Te Hemera
Mahurangi of Ngati Whatua rejected Tawhiaos claim saying that they had placed themselves
under the protection of the Queen in terms of the Treaty of Waitangi. The issue to settle was the
land offer made by Sir George Grey.
Then there was an argument among a group of rangatira, Paiaka, Tuhaere, Te Wheoro and
Hauauru, over whether the meeting should continue in the absence of Tawhiao and Wahanui.
Paora Tuhaere suggested that Tawhiao had made his speech and it did not matter if he was present
to hear the responses since the people were present to listen. Maihi Te Rangikaheke, the Te Arawa
rangatira and scholar, suggested everyone should calm down.
Wi Pikahu from Muriwhenua said that his people were not interested in war or changing their
allegiance to the law. Hirini Taiwhanga of Nga Puhi argued that Waikato should accept the

15
settlement offer. If Grey were to die, there would be no one else to look to. We will never find
another friend like him. We ought to listen to all his teachings, and not hesitate, for there are
matters that may trouble us hereafter.
Other speakers reinforced these views, Te Wake from the Hokianga rehearsing Nga Puhi
arguments in favour of the Treaty. It gave a basis for nationwide governance. He said, In earlier
times each tribe had its own rangatira, and each hapu had its own rangatira. At that time no
pakeha were in the island. All the bad works were carried on by our ancestors in those days; no
good law was ever laid down. They did all that was evil in the world. When the Europeans
arrived they brought knowledge into this island. They landed at the Bay of Islands and Nga Puhi
took up the European ideas, and the former state of things was concluded. From that day to this
we still cleave to that opinion, that we should abandon the old customs. The advice yesterday was
that we should unite under the Kings word. I will not do so. I will not put myself under him. I
will have nothing to do with the King. Ngati Tuwharetoa also affirmed that they had declared
their loyalty to the government.
Some however were more circumspect. The Whanganui rangatira, Te Rangihiwinui, (Major
Kemp), Enoka of Ngaiterangi, Wata Tipa of Ngati Paoa and Nopera of Ngati Whatua indicated
that they had come to the meeting to listen and learn. Paratene of Te Whanau Apanui said he had
been sent to bring back news of what had passed between the Premier and Tawhiao, but not to
offer any opinions on behalf of his iwi.
Te Rangikaheke, urged Tawhiao to accept Greys proposals, accept peace and bring about unity.
Whitipatao of Raukawa then cast aspersions on Maihis whakapapa. The next day, Wi Maihi
went on to say that Te Arawa had not agreed to set up the Kingitanga. I told the meeting at
Ngaruawahia, though all the rangatiras of the island wished to set up our grandson 29 that they
should smother the name of King. The name of King is the cause of death. He urged Tawhiao to
make peace and to safeguard what remnants of land that remained to him. He went on to admit
that Some say I am standing under the Government for the sake of the money, but argued that
his views were unchanged from before the troubles began. Again an old supporter of the
Kingitanga heckled him, Sit down. You are a dog! Feelings against the kupapa Te Arawa for
their support of the Government at the time of the land wars were still strong.
Speaker after speaker urged Waikato to reach a settlement with the Government. Te Heuheu of
Ngati Tuwharetoa claimed the authority of his father, Te Heuheu, who had never agreed to
destroy the pakeha. Nor were Tuwharetoa the cause of trouble. Te Heuheu Te Iwikau had
accepted the Treaty of Waitangi through Nga Puhi. Hone Heke had offered the sword, he said, but
Te Heuheu had left it with Nga Puhi and had not turned on the pakeha. His father had agreed that
Potatau should be elected to defend the people and the land. However, Potatau had said Hold
fast to love and had pointed out that although the eye of the needle is small, all the threads can
pass through it.30 The laws of the Government are in my hands with all their works he said not
that I am going to sow them in your district, but I am going to sow them in my own district,
Taupo, under my own mana.
Arekatera of Ngati Raukawa, Puhata from Ngati Paoa, Noa Te Rauihi of Ngati Toa, Wi Paitaki
from Hauraki, Nini Kukutai of Ngati Tipa, Kerei Mangonui of Nga Puhi and Tuwhenua of Ngati
Haua all urged Waikato to reach agreement on the basis of Greys Hikurangi proposals. From
Wanganui one of Metekingis sons urged that Tawhiao and Grey should speak again. Paora
Tuhaere said that he would not agree to having a King and quoted Potatau again that Maori
should hold to love and cherish the Pakeha. Te Ngakau, for Waikato, said that he could not say
what he had on his mind since it was getting dark. Te Wheoro ended the meeting with a rousing

16
speech in which he rejected Tawhiaos claims of the previous day and urged acceptance of the
Hikurangi proposals.
The meeting resumed the following morning, Friday 9 May. More than 2000 were said to have
been present. The previous evening Te Ngakau would have consulted closely with Tawhiao and
his family and the Waikato leader ship on what his opening gambit should be. Wahanui and Te
Ngakau spoke first, both raising the rhetorical question; who had divided Maori and Pakeha?
Since Grey had ordered the attack on Waikato, this was a direct challenge to him. It may not have
been clear to Pakeha what reply Maori were seeking from Grey. However Grey himself would
have understood quite clearly that Tawhiao and his family wanted an admission that Grey had
ordered the invasion of the Waikato. Although Grey had been sacked for doing just that, he may
have felt such an admission was politically impossible.
Rewi, who had previously expressed his full support for the Hikurangi proposals 31, although he
had not been present at the meeting, drew back a bit. In spite of his declarations of support for
Grey at Waitara he hedged his bets. He said that after Hikurangi he had nearly become a
Government supporter. But Maori felt that what had been proffered at Hikurangi had been
undermined by the construction of the Raglan road. Rewi asked why it was that previous
understandings had not borne fruit. Rewi said that Sir George Grey wanted to know why things
were now different from the understandings reached at Hikurangi.
The issue of Tawhiaos mana began to assume more significance than the land on offer. Topia
Turoa, a rangatira from upper Whanganui, reminded Waikato that Grey had promised Tawhiao
local self government as part of the settlement. Wahanui retorted with an account of previous
breaches of the Treaty by other tribes without any involvement by Waikato. Waikato had been
attacked by Grey, he said, for setting up a King to generate the unity needed to make the Treaty
work. All that had been done was to seek a post to which to tie the canoe. 32
Wahanui became very impassioned that Grey would not accept responsibility for starting the war
and severing Waikato from Queen Victoria. Oh Lord they have destroyed your prophets, he
cried They have swept away your tabernacles, and I am the only survivor, and murderers seek
for my soul to destroy it this day. He went on to criticise those Maori who supported the
Government on the ground that they did it for money. Although a Maniapoto rangatira, Wahanui
had pinpointed the issue that was the remaining stumbling block to a settlement. The acceptance
by Grey of his responsibility for breaching the Treaty by attacking Waikato.
Te Ngakau, who was often described as Tawhiaos Prime Minister and would have been speaking
for him, reminded the Hui that on the previous day speaker after speaker had supported Greys
offer, but none had addressed the issue of most concern to Waikato. There is only one issue he
said Who severed us?
A long silence followed Te Ngakaus challenge. The Wanganui rangatira, Major Kemp, who had
supported the Government, saw an opportunity to apologise for his kupapa role and perhaps to set
an example Grey might have followed. He referred to his previous connections with Ngati
Kahungungu (who had fought on the side of the Government at various times during the land
wars) and to the mistakes he had made, admitting to Wahanui that he had been a naughty boy.
But he had been staunch in Wanganui and he would not criticise Grey.
Tumutumu argued that there was no one of sufficient stature to say Grey was wrong or to
investigate him. Timoti of Te Rarawa also made a conciliatory gesture to Wahanui saying that he
admitted Nga Puhi had started the war in the north, but that it had been 35 years previously. They

17
had made peace and kept it, and the war had not been a matter of ill feeling between Maori and
pakeha. He went on to say, I will not have the power of the King reach to the North Cape. The
Government and I have been good friends ever since the war (in the North). I will not allow my
lands in the North to be governed by a person here. No. I will control my own district. I will make
laws for them myself in conjunction with the Government. Let the king of Waikato control the
Waikato people, for they elected him as their king. I stand on the side of the Government. 33
Rewi, alarmed at the perverse turn events were taking spoke again of the tree of peace planted at
Hikurangi. It had not been allowed to mature. He mentioned the failure to resolve the Waitara
dispute. He invited Sir George Grey to explain his responsibility for both failures. Te Ngakau
denied that Waikato had any responsibility for starting the war.
Another Nga Puhi rangatira, Hone Mohi Tawhai, again urged Tawhiao to make peace, warning
him of Greys precarious political position. There are Europeans among you who are still
sharpening the razor to cut your throat. Those are the Europeans who wish to overthrow Sir
George Grey and Mr Sheehan.I praise Sir George Grey. I support this Government now.
The debate continued. The Ngati Whatua rangatira, Paora Tuhaere from Auckland, rebuked Te
Ngakau for intransigence. Paora Karetai said that his Ngati Raukawa people were divided on the
issue
Major Te Wheoro, who had fought on the Government side in the wars and who was to be the
Kingitangas unsuccessful parliamentary candidate for Western Maori in the 1886 election,
refused to blame Sir George Grey for the war in the Waikato. He referred to the initial
establishment of the King movement with the support of Ngati Tuwharetoa, Ngati Maniapoto,
Ngati Raukawa and many other tribes. He said You will say that Sir George Grey is the cause of
the trouble, but I tell you the trouble was caused by Te Heuheu, Turoa and Rewi. When Potatau
was brought into the Waikato, the words uttered by him and Sir George Grey disappeared, and
what was the result? Death!34
The Ngati Maniapoto rangatira Hopa Te Rangianini declared himself for Rewi, who he said had
gone over to the side of Sir George Grey. He said he would not be deceived by the Waikato
rangatiras. At the Hui he was sitting with them. After this statement he got up and walked away.
This move further widened the gap between Waikato and Ngati Maniapoto. Both tribes had
fought against the British army invading the Waikato in the land wars. The Maniapoto rangatiras
Rewi and Wahanui had taken a very prominent and public part in the hostilities. Waikato was
being increasingly isolated.
Speaking for Waikato, and Tawhiao, Te Ngakau again asked what they had done wrong. He made
the puzzling argument that if they had done no wrong, they had no reason to place themselves in
jeopardy again by trusting the Government a second time.
Then Sir George Grey spoke. He made three points. All the northern tribes had repudiated
Tawhiaos claims to exercise authority throughout the country, and he rejected that claim on
behalf of all the pakeha in the country. His response to the Maniapoto rangatira Wahanuis
question who was to blame for the land war was biblical. Let him who is without sin among you
cast the first stone. To Rewis question why the difference between the conversation at
Hikurangi and the conversation at Te Kopua, Grey replied that there was no difference from his
side.

18
Greys response was not adequate. Aporo said that both Rewi and Grey had shed blood, that those
who had migrated to New Zealand had produced war, that the words uttered at Hikurangi had
been belied by the work on the Waipa Raglan road. He said that when Rewi had sided with Grey
after the road works, Rewi had left many Maori behind. Tawhiao was blameless.
Rewi protested vigorously that although he and Grey had fought one another and shed blood, he
was now holding hands with the Premier. Contrary to rumours this was not because Grey had
offered him money. I am with Sir George Grey the fighting man he said. Furthermore, he
protested, he had left Tawhiao only temporarily, simply and solely to seek some way of
getting salvation for my own people, and when I had arranged things I was going to place him on
a sound foundation. Rewi repeated this intention to allocate some Maniapoto land to Tawhiao
again in 1882 when the external boundary of Ngati Maniapotos district was being discussed. 35
Rewi accused Waikato of dithering inconsistently, and ended his speech saying I am carrying out
my plan. I have not been bribed.
The days proceedings were brought to an end by Sir George Grey giving a spirited defence of
Rewi. Grey reiterated his objective of doing justice to Tawhiao and all his people. He said, There
was only one thing that bound Rewi and myself together, and that was love for all the people in
this island, and for Tawhiao and his people, and we determined to work for good. As two old
men, we determined to devote the rest of our lives for the good of the people of New Zealand, but
some wicked men have arisen to spread false reports about Rewi and myself
Grey had missed the point. Tawhiao fell short of asking for an apology, but he obviously wanted
it on the record that Waikato had been attacked by Grey. When the final settlement did arrive over
a hundred years later in 1995, Waikato settled for an apology from the Crown and a sum of
money paltry by comparison with the value of the settlement offered by Grey. This was an
example of two cultures talking past one another. Grey had assumed that Tawhiaos preference
would have been for land and autonomy, whereas an apology would have restored his mana,
justified Waikatos defensive war and raised the question of the justice of the land confiscations.
The final day of the meeting opened on a bright clear Monday morning. Tawhiao sat with
Waikato, his back to Grey and the Government officials.
Petera Tupahue of Te Arawa responded to the Kingitanga challenge to state what they had done
wrong. Your first error was that you did not act in the King movement with the approval of all
the tribes. Potatau was lying sick when trouble commenced. You did not look to all sides of the
question before setting up the king I say you have done wrong but if you had collected all
the peoples (i.e. the tribes) the results might have been different. He then enjoined Waikato to
accept Sir George Greys peace offer. In response to a sharp question from Te Ngakau he referred
to a previous hui in Te Kuiti saying, I am in earnest when I say that I see no evil will arise if you
come over to Sir George Grey. I spoke at Te Kuiti to Tawhiao, but I was never asked to visit him
after. I do not reject, but cherish the pakeha.
Te Ngakau then set out Waikatos terms for settlement. He said If my questions are answered (as
to who started the war in the Waikato) then I will come over and join Sir George Grey. I do not
know why I should come over and join without some reasons.
The Ngati Maniapoto rangatira, Wahanui, reiterated the Waikato position. Referring to the war he
said, At that time I held firm to Sir George Grey, the Governor. Grey and Potatau made a
covenant, but who broke it? No reply is given through fear. If Sir George Grey were not present,

19
you would all speak. You are afraid no money will be given you. The question has been put, who
severed us?
Clearly at this point Waikato required some acknowledgement from the Government side (which
in their mind included Te Arawa and the other kupapa tribes) that hostilities had been initiated by
Grey, who as Governor at the time, had responsibility for dealing with Maori. In fact some
acceptance of guilt was more important than compensation for the land taken. This attitude,
which reflected a Maori understanding of the mana of Waikato and Tawhiao, would have been
incomprehensible to the settlers, for whom land was everything in contention between them and
Waikato. Although Grey was knowledgeable about Maori culture and had lost his position as
Governor for misusing the British Army to seize Waikato land, he may not himself have fully
understood the counter-offer Waikato were making. Waikato wanted Grey to accept
responsibility, on the marae atea, in front of the assembled tribes and European journalists, in
public in short, for initiating hostilities in the Waikato, in breach of the Treaty of Waitangi. It was
clear to all Maori on that day that an acceptance of guilt and an apology would complete the
settlement.
On the Maori side there was complete understanding. Major Kemp attempted to show the way by
his apology for the role he and his people had played in supporting settler incursions into the
Wanganui area. Te Arawa was no doubt waiting to see what Grey would do before committing
themselves. In the event Grey missed his chance.
Following a break in the afternoon, Sir George Grey made his last speech and delivered an
ultimatum. He complained that he and Sheehan had now met three times with Waikato and other
tribes to make Tawhiao and his people a certain peace settlement offer. This was done on behalf
of the people and Government of New Zealand, ...at very considerable personal trouble and
annoyanceI have hurt my health by doing so, and my only object in undergoing these fatigues
was to serve you. He went on to say that there had been mutterings about three things. First the
Raglan road. There were no grounds for complaint. The road ran through land freely and fairly
purchased. It did not go through confiscated land. Furthermore, it was a road for Natives as well
as Europeans. Local Maori had been paid to build it.
The second complaint was that sections which had been bought from Europeans at Harapipi were
not included in the land offered in the settlement. This land was to be an endowment for a school
which Maori children would attend, so that Maori would have the benefit of the land in any case.
Grey also argued that Maori had refused an offer for the return of this land from a previous
Government because the land was unsuitably located. He added that the Government would be
prepared to give this issue further consideration if a mistake had been made.
The third source of grumbling was the proposal to build a railway line to Mokau. Grey assured
the meeting that that the proposed railway was merely an offer to the rangatiras if they wanted it,
as some of them appeared to.
Having dealt with what he saw as the current stumbling blocks in the way of settlement, Grey
went on to make a general plea that the lands currently closed to economic development should
be opened up. (This was a reference to Ngati Maniapoto lands in the King Country, adjoining the
Waikato.) Divine Providence had filled New Zealand with abundant riches, fertile soil, iron for
railways and coal to drag the trains along. Which is wrong he asked, Providence, who has
made all these provisions for your wealth and comfort, or the few men who try to shut out their
fellow men from using these provisions?

20
After various remarks on the wrongness of obstructing progress, such as the lack of medical care
causing the premature deaths of children in the area, he issued an ultimatum that if he were not
told by 10 oclock the following morning that Waikato was willing to accept the Hikurangi
proposals, or at least discuss them further, they would be withdrawn absolutely.
It is hard to believe that Grey seriously believed that Waikato would bend to such an ultimatum
given that Tawhiao had opened discussions with the statement he had made about the extent to
which his authority should extend. Grey made no mention of Waikatos demand that the Premier
should accept responsibility for initiating hostilities. He may have thought that to do so would
have had legal implications for the Government, but it is also possible that, in spite of having a
good cross cultural understanding of Maori custom, he had simply missed the point that Waikato
had accepted the settlement on the basis that it would be accompanied by a public statement
making it clear that Grey had waged war on Waikato and not the reverse. Such a statement would
restore their mana, not least in their own eyes.
The following day Grey wrote to Tawhiao formally withdrawing his offer. (Text of the letter is on
p.15 of AJHR Session 1, 1879, G2). The meeting had lasted ten days. It was the largest meeting
since the land wars. R S Bush reported that 6000 people had been present. 36
A few weeks after this meeting Te Wheoro wrote a conciliatory letter to the Native Minister
Sheehan.37 Te Wheoro was the leading rangatira among the Waikato kupapa, or loyalists who
had supported the government against the Kingitanga during the land wars. Others who had
accompanied him to the Te Kopua meeting were Hone Te One, Nini Kukutai, Hori Kukutai, Rev
Wi Patene, Ahipene Kaihau, and Te Awaitaia. In his letter to Sheehan, Te Wheoro said that both
the followers of Tawhiao and Ngati Maniapoto were living quietly, reflecting on what their
leaders had done.
He blamed Tawhiaos decision at Te Kopua on European agitators and warned that these people
were obstructing the Governments desire for reconciliation with Tawhiao. Many Europeans
would not have wanted any reconciliation between the Government and Tawhiao which would
have put stumbling blocks in the way of their own ambitions to own the fertile lands on the west
bank of the Waipa river. Te Wheoro reported that the people at Hikurangi were sawing timber to
build a mill; the Waikato people in Te Kuiti were building a canoe; the Hauhau were bringing
their sick to Alexandria (modern day Pirongia) for treatment.
Greys attempts at reconciliation and settlement, strongly supported by the now aging Ngati
Maniapoto rangatira Rewi and his Iwi and most of the other tribal representatives at the three
meetings, had failed. Life for Waikato and Maniapoto people returned to its previous tempo.
While some Europeans may have been making mischief, Maori were able to decide their own
course of action. It seems that Tawhiaos best judgement was overruled by his own close relatives
and tribal rangatiras.

Tawhiao was holding out for an admission from Grey that the then Governor had been
the aggressor, invading the Waikato and using the British Army to wage war on Waikato
hapu. Who was at fault? he repeatedly asked. To this challenge Grey offered no
answer.
In October Sir George Grey, in part owing to his failure to achieve reconciliation with Waikato
and Taranaki, lost a confidence vote and resigned as Premier.

21

22

1 Sinclair, K. , 1990, The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Allen & Unwin/Dept of Internal
Affairs, Wellington
2 AJHR, 1881 G13, p15
3 Sinclair K, Op Cit, p 161
4 Fallowell, Duncan, 2008, Going as far as I can, the ultimate travel book Profile Books Ltd,
London, p 35
5 Quotes from Fanny Trollope and Sam Butler
6 See for example New Zealand Parliamentary debates, vol 61, 1888, p670, where the then Minister
of Native Affairs, F Mitchelson, argued Therefore it is considered absolutely necessary that these
clauses should be re-enacted so as to prevent the Natives from selling the whole of their lands, and
so becoming a burden on the State.
7 Sinclair, Keith. Kinds of Peace A.U.P. 1991 p14
8 Te Kooti suffered at the hands of his father, who once buried him alive as a boy. He fought briefly
with government forces against Maori rebels. After giving up his criminal career he founded the
Ringatu Church.
9 AJHR, 1878, pp1-14
10 AJHR 1886,SessionIII, Vol.III, G1
11 See for example AJHR, 1878, G3 p26
12 Diamond, Paul, p117, A Fire in Your Belly; Maori Leaders Speak. Huia Publishers, 2003.
13 Orange C. ,1987, The Treaty of Waitangi, Allen & Unwin, Wellington p 164
14 Auckland Weekly News, 9 January 1878 (also reprinted AJHR 1878 G1-a p2)
15 NZDOB, Vol 2, p459
16 AJHR, 1878,G3 p12
17 New Zealander, Wellington, 6 May,1878
18 AJHR 1878 G3 p 15
19 AJHR, 1878 G3 p 35
20 Ibid p 19 & 20
21 1878, G3, p71 (English translation)
22 Op. Cit. p 25
23 AJHR, 1878 Session 1, G- 3A
24 Te Tuhi had been editor of the Kingitanga newspaper Te Hokioi
25 AJHR, 1878, G3, p53.
26 AJHR 1879 G 1-C
27 AJHR, 1878, p 54, speech by Joshua Jones
28 AJHR, 1879 G1-C
29 Grandchild or Te mokopuna o te motu is an honorific still used at the present time to refer to
the Maori sovereign.
30 This famous plea for multiracial tolerance is still much quoted in various forms in contemporary
whaikorero speeches. Ahakoa he iti te kohao o te ngira, e kuhuna ai te miro ma, te miro pango, te
miro whero. See for example p.56, Maori Proverbs by A E Brougham and A W Reed, revised by T
S Karetu. Reed Methuen 1987
31 AJHR, 1878, SESSION I, G3a
32 The term Te pou herenga waka is still used to describe the Arikinui of the Kingitanga. The
tethering post is the Arikinui or Monarch, and the canoe is the Treaty.
33 AJHR, 1879, G2, p9
34 In 1849 Potatau and Grey had made an agreement that Potatau would provide military protection
for Auckland. Several references were made to this agreement having been extinguished on the
setting up of Potatau as King in 1858
35 AJHR, 1882, G-4a
36 AJHR 1879 G1 R S Bush, Raglan, 2 June 1879
37 AJHR 1879,Session 1, G-9