International Relations

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
The Globalization of World Politics
Introduction
Introduction
World politics = globalization. There are various terms used to explain global politics. The
central point is: the main theoretical accounts of the world politics all see globalization in
different ways because some treat it as a temporary phase in human history and others
see it as the latest manifestation of the growth of global capitalism.
The word 'world politics' has been chosen because it is more inclusive as the interest of the
authors is the political patterns of the world and not only those between nation-sates (as
international relations, which is more exclusive). Actually, relations between cities and the
governments or international organizations are as important as states and other political
actors.
A theory is a king of simplifying device that allows you to decide which facts matter and
which not. There are many theories of world politics. By studying international politics
scientifically students can find the causes of the world's political problems and put forward
solutions. This is known as a normative position and its opponents are idealism and
realism, which has been the dominant way of explaining world politics. Despite of this fact
realism has some rivals such as liberalism, Marxism, constructivism, poststructualism and
postcolonialism.
Realism
The main actors on the world stage are states, which are sovereign (=no actors
above the state).
Human nature is important: nature is fixed and selfish so that world politics
represent a struggle for power between states trying to maximize their national
interest.
It sees diplomacy as the key mechanism for balancing various national interests.
World politics is a self-help system in which states must rely on their own military
resources to achieve their ends.
Neo-realism = recent variant of realism.

Liberalism
Long tradition
Human beings are perfectible.
Democracy is necessary for that perfectibility to develop.
Belief in progress
It rejects the realist notion that war is the natural condition of world politics.
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Introduction
It sees national interests in more than military terms and stresses the importance of
economic issues.
Order emerges from the interactions between agreed norms and international
regimes.
Interdependence between states is important in world politics.

Marxism
Marxist theory as known as 'historical materialism'
The most important feature of the world politics is that it takes place within a world
capitalist economy.
The most important actors are classes.
It sees world politics as the setting in which class conflicts are played out.
What matters is the dominance of the power of global capitalism.
The most important feature of world politics is the degree of economic authority.
Social constructivism
New theory developed in the late 1980s.
It says that we make and re-make the social world and so there is much more of a
role for human agency.
Those who see the world as fixed underestimate the possibilities for human
progress and for the betterment of people's life.
World open to change.
It is a mistake to think of world politics as something that we cannot change.
Poststructuralism
Influential in the last thirty years.
Definition by Lyotard: "simplifying to the extreme, I define post-modern as
incredulity towards metanarratives." Metanarratives: theory that asserts it has clear
foundations for making knowledge claims and involves a foundational
epistemology.
It is concerned with distrusting and exposing any account of human life that claims
to have direct access to truth.
It exams the conditions under which we are able to theorize about world politics.
Postcolonialism
Ignored in the field of international politics.
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Introduction
Dominant theories such as realism, liberalism are not neutral in terms of race and
class but have helped the domination of the western world over the global South.
It claims that global hierarchies of subordination are made possible through the
social construction of racial and class differences.
Theories and globalization

Realism, liberalism and Marxism: main theories that have been used to understand world
politics. They're in competition because of the truth about world politics. Each theory
focuses on different aspects of world politics and each view is claiming that is picking out
the most important features of world politics and that it offers a better account than do
the rival theories.
For realists, globalization does not alter the most significant feature of world politics, but it
affects our social lives and it does not transcend the international political system of states.
For liberals, globalization is the end product of a long-running transformation of world
politics. It undermines realist account of world politics since it shows that states are no
longer such central actors. Liberals are interested in the revolution in communications
represented by globalization.
For Marxists, globalization is the latest stage in the development of international
capitalism.
For poststructuralists, globalization does not exist out in the world.
For postcolonialists, globalization highlights the important degree of continuity and
persistence of colonial forms of power in the globalized world.
Globalization and its precursors

Globalization is defined as the process of increasing interconnectedness between
societies such that events in one part of the world increasingly have effects on peoples
and societies far away. It means that societies are affected by events of other societies.
Globalization has many features in common with the theory of modernization.
Industrialization brings into existence a whole new set of contacts between societies and
the result is that the old power-politics model of international relations becomes
outmoded. It seems that modernization is part of the globalization process. Writer Rostow
argued that economic growth followed a pattern in all economies as they were through
industrialization and he saw a clear pattern to economic development. In the 1960s and
1970s there was the visionary work of those associated with the World Order Models
Project, an organization that promotes the development of alternatives to the inner-state
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Introduction
system. They focus on the questions of global government that today are central to much
work going under the name of globalization. Liberal peace theory: the idea is that liberal
democracies do not fight one another. The reason is that public accountability is so central
in democratic systems.
Globalization: myth or reality?

The main arguments in favour of globalization are:
The pace of economic transformation is so great that it has created a new world
politics.
Communications have revolutionized the way we deal with the rest of the world.
There is now a global culture.
The world is becoming more homogeneous.
Time and space seem to be collapsing by the spread of modern communications
and media.
There is emerging a global polity.
A cosmopolitan culture is developing.
A risk culture is emerging with people realizing that the main risk that face them are
global and that the states are unable to deal with these problems.
There are also arguments that suggest the opposite.
Globalization thesis is that globalization is merely a buzz word to denote the latest
phase of capitalism. One effect to this thesis is that it makes it appear as if national
governments are powerless in the face of global trends. The extreme versions of
globalisation are a "myth" and writers such as Hirst and Thompson support this
claim. First, the present it internationalized economy is not unique in history.
Second, there is not trend towards the development of international companies.
Third, there is no shift of finance and capital from the developed to the
underdeveloped the world. Fourth, the world economy is not a global. Fifth,
Europe-North America-Japan could regulate economic markets and forces.
Globalization in uneven in its effects, in other words globalization applies only to the
developed world.
Globalisation may be simply the latest stage of Western imperialism.
There are losers as the world becomes more globalized. This is because
globalization represents the success of liberal capitalism in an economically divided
world.
Not all globalized forces are good ones, because globalization makes it easier for
terrorists to operate.
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Introduction
There seems to be a paradox in the globalization. On the one hand it is usually

portrayed as the triumph of western values, but realities such as Singapore, Korea,
Malaysia have highest growth rates in the international economy. These nations
reject the western values and so, the paradox is weather these countries can
continue to modernize so successfully without adopting western value.
Chapter 1
Chapter 1
Some people argue that the globalization is bringing about the demise of the sovereign
nation-state as global forces undermine the ability of the governments to control their
own economies and societies. The sceptics reject this idea and argue that the states and
geopolitics remain the principal agents and forces shaping the world order. Both are
exaggerating because globalization is associated with the emergence of global politics.
Conceptualizing globalization
It's a process that characterized by:
A stretching of social, political and economic activities across political frontiers so
that events that come to have significance for individuals and communities in
distant regions of the world.
A growing magnitude of interconnectedness in almost every sphere of social
existence.
The accelerating pace of global interactions and the processes as the evolution of
worldwide systems increases the rapidity or velocity with which ideas move around
the world.
The growing extensity, intensity and velocity of global interactions is associated with
a deepening enmeshment of the local and global creating a growing collective
awareness or consciousness of the world. (Globalism)
The concept of globalization carries with it the implication of an unfolding process of
structural change in the scale of human organisation. Central to this structural change are
informatics, technologies and infrastructures of communication and transportation. These
have facilitated coordination. Globalization embodies a process of deterritorialization.
Territories and borders under globalization: their relative significance as constraints upon
social action and exercise of power is declining. Territorial borders no longer demarcate
the boundaries of national economic space. In this respect globalization denotes the idea
that power is increasingly organised that and exercised at a distance.
Globalisation is a process that involves a great deal more than simply growing connections
or interdependence between states. It can be defined as a historical process involving a
fundamental shift in the spatial scale of human social organisation.
Contemporary globalization
Contemporary globalization is not a singular process, but it manifests in all aspects of social
life. To understand it, requires a mapping of the distinctive patterns of worldwide
interconnectedness in all the sectors of social activity. What is distinctive about the
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Chapter 1
contemporary globalization is the confluence of globalizing tendencies across all the key
domains of social interaction. it's a common misconception that globalization implies that
all the regions must be similarly enmeshed in worldwide processes; globalization is not
uniformly experienced across all regions. Contemporary globalization is described as
asymmetrical globalization. It combines a confluence of dense pattern of global
interconnectedness from the World Trade Organisation. That is to say that contemporary
globalization marks a new epoch in the human affairs and can be described as a thick form
of globalization.
A world transformed: globalization and distorted global politics

The peace treaty of Westphalia established the legal basis of modern statehood and has
formed that the normative structure of the modern world order; but it was only in the
20th century that the sovereign statehood and self-determination acquired the status of
universal organizing principles of world order. The Westphalian Constitution gave birth to
the modern states-system. It welded the idea of territoriality with the notion of legitimate
sovereign rule. It claimed that humankind is organized into exclusive territorial
communities with fixed borders. Furthermore, within its borders the state has an
entitlement to supreme and exclusive political and legal authority (sovereignity) and
affirmed that the principle of self-determination constitutes countries as autonomous
containers of political activity (autonomy).
Nowadays, a post-Westphalian order is emerging with a distinctive form of global politics.
Borders and territory still remain politically significant, even though a new geography is
emerging transcending territories and borders (new territoriality). The sovereign power
and authority of national government is being transformed and nowadays sovereignty is
the shared exercise of public powers (new sovereignty). Global political directs our
attention to the emergence of a fragile global polity, within in decisions and values are
conducted through international processes.
There is an involving global governance complex which comprises the multitude of formal
and informal structures of political coordination among governments. Within this complex,
private or non-governmental agencies have become increasingly influential in the
formulation of global policy. This private global governance involves the relocation of
authority from states and multilateral bodies to non-governmental organisation and
private agencies. Coextensive with the global governance complex is a transnational civil
society.
That sovereign power and authority of national government is being transformed but
states now assert their sovereignty less in the form of a legal claim to supreme power.
Sovereignty is shared and divided among the agencies of public power at different levels,
from the local to the global.
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Chapter 1
Global politics is a term that acknowledges that the scale of political life has altered politics
understood as the set of activities concerned primarily with the achievement of order and
justice is not confined within territorial boundaries. Inequality and exclusion are features
of contemporary global politics. There are two crucial factors: 1) enormous inequalities of
power between states; 2) global governance is shaped by unwritten constitution that
privileges global capitalism.
To conclude, we can say that:
-
Globalization is transforming the Westphalian idea of sovereign statehood,

producing disaggregated states.
Global politics is described as distorted global politics because it is afflicted by

significant power asymmetries.
Chapter 2
Chapter 2
There are different ways of characterizing the overall structure and pattern of relations
among political communities:
We can imagine a struggle of all against all

We might conceive a world government in which the individual societies retained
distinctions based on such features as language, culture or religion.
Between these, we find many forms of interactions that range from empires to
international systems. The term international society has come to be applied to particular
historical narrative and theoretical perspective derived from this historical narrative. It's an
association of distinct political communities that accept common values. Relations were to
be governed by the principles of sovereignty equality and the rules of international law and
the theoretical perspective that draws upon this experience is known as English School of
International Relations whose ideas came from Bull, whose starting point is that the states
exist in a condition of international anarchy.
Ancient words
Contemporary international society comprises the norms, establishes practices and
institutions governing the relations among sovereign states. No early international society
resembles this model mainly because none puts unambiguous emphasis on sovereign
equality. In some cases one powerful state would deal with others only on the basis of an
acknowledgement of its own superior standing. In others different forms of supranational
religious authority coexisted in uneasy relationship with their counterparts. The terms
international society may be still used in all of these cases, since they all engaged in regular
interaction that was non-violent and characterized by rules and shared values.
In the ancient Middle East treaties concerned matters such as borders, trade... they were
accompanied by ceremonies and rituals and were negotiated by diplomatic envoys.
However, like ancient treaties, the institution of diplomacy was invested with religious
solemnity. China, India and Greece were divided into separate polities but they also
retained a sense of their cultural unity. In Greece the city-states had a common language
and religion and all the city-states placed high value on their independence. There was a
rudimentary institutional basis of international society in the form of the Amphyctionic
Council: a religious institution that provides some protection for shrines. Arbitration
helped settled city disputes. Greek international society was underpinned by shared moral
understandings about rightful international conduct. Also India had numerous religion
forms that applied to international relations. India had a more complex set of norms.
These ranged from conceptions of what constitutes just war through various rituals to be
observed. In the case of China, international relations took place in a context of cultural
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Chapter 2
and intellectual richness and dynamism. Great improvements in the technique of warfare
produced a fierce struggle for dominance that was won by the China state. Its civilization
was superior to all the others that relations with foreigners were possible on the basis of
an acknowledgement by the foreigners of China's higher status. Rome was obliged to deal
with rival powers. Such relationships were based on principle relating to treaties and
diplomacy similar to those found in Greece and India, but Rome developed a more
extensive legal terminology than any other ancient society and acknowledged norms
known as ius gentium.
The Christian and Islamic orders

In the west the papacy maintained its claim to have inherited Rome's supranational
authority over medieval Europe. The Pope's role was usually conceptualized in terms of its
authority rather than its power and papal edicts were ignored. The Catholic Church was an
important unifying element in medieval Europe's international society. The Church
constructed an elaborate legal order comprising numerous rules called canon law. The
Church also elaborated the most systematic doctrine to date of just war: the norms to be
observed in embarking upon a war in the first place and in the actual conduct and
conclusion of war.
The other great religion of this period was Islam and it had profound implications for
international politics. First, the expansion of the Arab people created a dynamic new force
that found itself at odds with both Roman and Byzantine Christianity. Second, Islam was
originally conceive as creating a single unifying social identity that overrode all the kinds of
social identity. In early Islamic theory, the world was divided into the abode of war and the
abode of Islam, which were permanently in war. The period of truce required treaties, so
that the Islamic world had to accept the necessity of peaceful coexistence with
unbelievers for rather longer than the ten-year truce.
The emergence of the modern international society

Contemporary international society is based upon a conception of the states as an
independent actor. Logical corollaries of this include the legal equality of all states since
any other system would be hierarchical, hegemonial or imperial, and the principle of nonintervention by outside forces in the domestic affairs of states. The three central
institutions of an international society based on these principles derive from its essential
attributes. First, communication between states was carried on by diplomats who should
have the same immunity as their master. Second, rules given the status of international
law could not be binding upon states without their consent. Third, given that, order in
international affairs could not be maintained by a higher authority. By the 18 th century, the
balance of power had come to be seen not just as fortuitous occurrence in international
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Chapter 2
relations, but as a fundamental institution and even as part of international law. The key
development was the emergence of the modern state, but 3 elements were also
important: a professional diplomatic service; an ability to manipulate balance of power;
the evolution of treaties, from interpersonal contracts between monarchs sanctioned by
religion, to agreements between states that had the status of law. Other 3 key
developments played a crucial role in shaping the post-medieval European international
society.
The larger more powerful states were increasingly dominating some of the smaller
states.
The Protestant Reformation dealt a devastating blow to the Catholic Church's claim
to supreme authority.
Columbus's voyage in 1492 had consequences for European international relations.
(new spatial awareness in cartography)
The first 16th century writings on international law came from Spanish jurists (Francisco de
Vitoria). Later writers on international law attempted to define the rights and duties owed
by sovereign states towards each other and the nature of the international society. The
Thirty Years War is often seen as Europe's last religious war. The Peace of Westphalia,
which ended the conflict, is regarded by many as the key event in the contemporary
international system. The peace established the right of German states that constituted
the Holy Roman Empire to conduct their own diplomatic relations. The peace may be seen
as the very idea of a society of states. The American and French revolutions were to have
profound consequences for international society. In the case of the USA, these stemmed
from its emergence as a global superpower in the 20th century. With the French revolution,
the revolutionary insistence, that sovereignty was vested in the nation, gave a crucial
impetus to the idea of national self-determination. After the defeat of Napoleon, the
leading states set themselves apart from the smaller ones as kind of great power clubs.
This system lasted until the First World War.
1919 - League of Nations (=universal international organization); based on a new
principle of collective security rather than a balance of power. It represented an attempt
to construct a more organized international society.
The globalization of international society

A significant cause of the League's weakness had been the refusal of the American Senate
to ratify the post war Versailles Peace Treaty. Cold war prevented agreement between
USA and Soviet Union; the rough balance of power between the two super powers helped
to secure a degree of order and there were also many non-contentious areas where the
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Chapter 2
two were able to agree to further development of international law. The collapse of Soviet
Union in 1989 completed the globalization of international society. The Soviets stood for
an alternative conception of international society: one based on the notion that the
working classes of all countries enjoyed solidarity that cut across state boundaries.
Conclusion: problems of global international society

In most earlier international societies some measure of independence coexisted with
hegemonial or imperialism elements. International society after the cold war was the first
occasion when sovereign equality was the central legal norm for the whole world. UN
members agreed to global covenant and also agreed to severe constraints on their right to
go to war and to promote respect for human rights.
First, globalization itself is serving to dissolve traditional social identities as countless
virtual communities and as the global financial markets limit states freedom to control
their own economic policies. Others use examples of humanitarian intervention to argue
that a more solidarist international society is emerging in which a strict principle of non
intervention can be qualified in the event of serious humanitarian emergences. Some
suggest that we have moved from a conception of international law as a minimum set of
rules of coexistence to one enabling greater cooperation.
Second, the post cold war order has produced an increasing number of collapsed, failed or
fragmentized states, especially in Africa.
Third, American military power is greater than that of the ten most powerful states
combined. After 9/11 the USA showed a willingness to employ its power to defend what it
saw as its vital interest.
Fourth, earlier European International societies were underpinned by a common culture
and shared values. Norms are often interpreted very differently by different societies.
Fifth, the environment and severe poverty are at the same time increasing importance and
are difficult to accommodate within a sovereignty based on international society. Dealing
with climate change may need not just extensive international legislation, but enforcement
mechanisms that also severely curtail states' freedom.
All these issues revolve around two questions:
Can international society, founded on the principle of sovereignty, endure?
Should it?
English School theorists (like Bull) argued the need for international society to have a
foundation of agreed ideas and values. One possible future starts from the assumption
that Western and non-Western values are incompatible. Another argues for a more
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Chapter 2
assertive Westernism including the imposition of Western values. A third claims the need
to develop globally an institutionalized political process, by which norms can be negotiated
on the basis of dialogue. In this, sovereignty remains the cornerstone of international
society, but with more inclusive decision-making processes. In the 20th century the term
came to be linked to the concept of national self-determination, bringing an end to the
European powers' ability to insist on respect for all their sovereign rights.
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Chapter 3
Chapter 3
First World War: first modern, industrialized total war as belligerents mobilized their
populations.
Second World War: brought Soviets and Americans politically deep into Europe.
Cold War: originated in Europe, but then spread around the world.
Since 1990 world politics transformed in different ways, reflecting 3 major developments:
Transition from European crises to modern, industrialized total war
End of empire ad withdrawal of European countries from their imperial acquisitions
Cold War as the confrontation between Soviets and Americans.
Modern total war

Origins of the war were retrospect, the motivations of those who fought were more
motivated. The masses of the belligerent nations shared nationalist beliefs and patriotic
values. Defensive military technologies (like the machine gun) triumphed over the tactics
and strategies of attrition.
The Versailles Peace Treaty: a new framework for European security and a new
international order. The treaty failed to tackle what was for some the central problem of
European security and precipitated German revanchism by creating new states.
Great depression: weakened liberal democracy in many areas and strengthened the
appeal of Communist, Fascist and Nazi parties.
End of empire
Demise of imperialism in the 20th century: fundamental change and contributed to
decreasing importance of Europe as the arbiter of world affairs.
Self-determination: guiding principle in international politics.
Decolonization: due to the attitude of the colonial power, the ideology and strategy of the
anti-imperialist forces, the role of external forces.
BRITAIN:
FRANCE:
British empire extended all over the world.

1947: Independence of India.
1948: Apartheid in South Africa seen as the internal equivalent of
imperialism.
Occupied during the Second World War.
In Indo-China, Paris attempted to preserve colonial rule.
In Africa, France withdrew from empire attempting to preserve its
influence.
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Chapter 3
Nationalism or Communism?
The principles of self-determination were slow to be implemented.
In Asia, the relationship between nationalism and Marxism was a potent force. The global
trend towards decolonization was a key development in the 20th century. Other forms of
domination took shape. Hegemony used as criticism of the behaviour of the superpower
with Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe and American hegemony in Central America.
Cold War
The onset of the Cold War in Europe reflected failure to implement the principles agreed at
the wartime conferences of Yalta and Potsdam. Soviet policy towards Europe was guided
by ideological expansion. While the origins of the Cold War were in Europe, events and
conflicts in Asia were crucial. Chinese civil war and the North Korean attack on South Korea
was interpreted as part of a general communist strategy.
The impact of Cold War in Middle East was more difficult. The founding of the state of
Israel in 1948 reflected the legacy of the Nazi genocide and the failure of British colonial
policy. Both the USA and the Soviet Union helped the creation of a Jewish state.
The idea that communism was a monolithic political entity controlled from Moscow
became an enduring American fixation. As the Soviet Union developed its ability to strike
the USA with nuclear weapons, the credibility of extended deterrence was questioned.
Death of Stalin in 1953: Khrushchev modernized soviet society, but helped reformist forces
in Eastern Europe (revolt in Hungary that condemned Moscow. It was seen as the spasm of
European Imperialism).
Crises over Berlin (1961) and in Cuba (1962): the most dangerous moments of Cold War.
Rise and fall of dtente

Dtente between USA and Russia = rapprochement between China and USA.
Soviet support for revolutionary movements in the 3rd World reflected Moscow's selfconfidence. The perception that the Soviet Union was using arms control agreements to
gain military advantages was linked to Soviet behaviour in the 3rd World. The view from
Moscow was different.
December 1979: point of transition in East-West affairs. NATO agreed to deploy land-based
missiles in Europe. The Soviet Union was condemned in the West and in the 3 rd World for
its actions and soon became committed to a protracted and bloody struggle.
Soviets were acquiring nuclear superiority and that generated new anxieties. The period of
tensions and confrontations between the super powers was called second cold war.
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Chapter 3
Gorbachev's aim in foreign policy: transform international relations with the USA. He
paved the way for agreements on nuclear and conventional forces that helped ease the
tensions that had characterized 1980s. He used agreements on nuclear weapons as a
means of building trust and demonstrated the serious and radical nature of his purpose.
Conclusion
Enormous changes in the 20th century politics.
The transformation of warfare into industrialized total war reflected a combination of
technological and social forces.
Nazi idea of racial supremacy brought mass murder across Europe and culminated in
genocide against Jews. Consequence: the creation of Israel (1948).
The period since 1945: witnessed of European empires.
Both Cold War and Age of Empire are over now, but the age of other weapons of mass
destruction continues.
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Chapter 4
Chapter 4
The end of Cold War
When major war end, they pose great problems. The Cold War was the product of the
Second World War that left the international order divided between two superpowers:
USA and URSS. This rivalry began in Europe when URSS refused to withdraw from countries
originally liberated from Nazism. The Cold War created a degree of unit and cohesion and
should be regarded less as war in the conventional sense and more as managed rivalry. In
other words, the Cold War was a complex relationship that assumed competition, but
remained cold in large part because of nuclear weapons. Its end weakened the intellectual
hold of realism in the international relations and helped popularize constructivism as a
methodology.
The USA in a world without balance

The post-Cold War order was characterized as one where states were compelled to play
within an increasingly integrated world economy. This new order was called globalization.
The most significant consequence was the triumph of the USA over its rival and the
emergence of the unipolar world system, but it soon became clear that this new order was
one in which the USA held a privileged position, or hegemony. On one hand, its power
seemed unrivalled, but on the other hand it seemed to have little ideas about how to use
this power.
Europe, a work in progress

Europeans issues: how to manage the new enlarged space after 1989. Europeans were the
beneficiaries of what had taken place. Reasons:
A continent divided was now whole again
The states of Eastern Europe had achieved the right of self-determination
The threat of serious war with potentially devastating consequences for Europe had
been eliminated.
However, there were still any problems to overcome before Europe could realize its full
global potential.
Russia: from Yeltsin to Putin and Medvedev

During the 1990s, it was provided to Russia to a declining power with diminishing
economic and ideological assets. President Yeltsin's foreign policy did little to reassure the
Russians and his decision to get close to Russia's old capitalist enemies gave the impression
that he was selling out to the West, as he was trying to turn Russia into a Western
dependency, not standing up for Russia's national interest. His successor, Putin had a clear
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Chapter 4
vision for Russia including nationalism at home, a recognition that the interests of Russia
and the West would not always be the same, ensuring that Russian economy served the
purposes of the state and not the rich West. He also provided a new definition of
democracy, leaving intact the outward of democracy, while its inner content in terms of an
independent parliament and equal access to a free media was hollowed out. Americans
and Europeans understood that it was important to work closely with Russia for economic
reasons, for its geographical proximity to Europe and because Russia was a permanent
member of the UN Security Council and a nuclear weapon state.
However, the impact of Putin's policies damaged Russia's relationship with the West and in
this sense Russia hardly represented a global rival because Russia itself should be worried
about the machinations of the West and USA.
East Asia: primed for rivalry?

Whereas Europe managed to form a new liberal security community during the Cold War,
East Asia did not and, in part, this was due to the formation of the EU and the creation of
NATO. In fact, whereas the end of the Cold War in Europe transformed the continent, this
not happened in Asia, where powerful communist parties continued to rule.
USA played a crucial role by opening its markets to East Asia goods while providing the
region with critical security, permitting to this continent to develop economically. When
new powerful states emerge, they are bound to disturb the peace. This leads to China,
which adopted policies to reassure its neighbours that it can rise peacefully. All strategic
roads in Chins lead to the USA, whose presence in the region remains critical.
The war on terror: from 9/11 to Iraq

11 September 2001 was a reminder that the international order was not one that found
ready acceptance everywhere, like the Middle East that threatened to use the weapon of
mass destruction to achieve its objectives. The various controversies surrounding the Bush
Administration's responses to international terrorism should not obscure the fact that that
the impact of 9/11 was to have upon the USA and US foreign policy more generally. The
events of 9/11 had changed the original formula whereby the USA turned a blind eye to
autocratic regimes in exchange for cheap oil and stability and in this way the intellectual
ground was prepared for the war against Iraq in 2003. The USA went to war because it
thought it would win fairly easily, because it got its intelligence wrong and because it
thought that building a new regime in Iraq would be as easy as getting rid of the old one.
The world economic crisis

Two things during the global terror appeared to change the word politics. One was internal
to the USA and involved the critical transition from one president to a leader, who sought
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Chapter 4
to change the terms of the debate about the USA's role in the world; the other was linked
to meltdown of the world's financial system in 2007 and 2008.
Financial crisis
brought a profound shift in the international order.
Conclusion
USA
uncertain future; USA no longer look or sound as self-confident as it once

appeared.
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Chapter 5
Chapter 5
The timeless wisdom of realism
Idealist approach was substituted by a new approach based on timeless insights of realism
in order to define the idealist position. Realism taught to focus on interests rather than on
ideology and to recognize that great powers can coexist even if they have antithetical
values. The theory of realism is often claimed to rest on an older tradition of thought, but
the insights that contemporary realists offer are grouped under the doctrine of raison
d'tat.
This concept is the fundamental principle of international conduct. The state is identified
as the key actor in international politics and for realists the survival of the state can never
be guaranteed, because the use of force culminating in war is a legitimate instrument of
statecraft. There is one issue that realist associated with raison d'tat which is the role that
morals and ethics occupy in international politics. Realists are skeptical of the idea
universal moral principles exist and warn state leaders against sacrificing their own selfinterests in order to adhere to the notion of ethical conduct and furthermore they claim
that leaders have to distance from traditional morality.
Proponents of raison d'tat:
often speak as a dual moral standard: one moral standard for individual citizens
living inside the state and a different standard of the state in its external relations
with other states;
argue that the sate represents a moral force because it's its existence that creates
the possibility for an ethical community.
Statism, survival, self-help: present in the work of a classical realist. (Thucydides)
STATISM: term given to the idea of the state as the legitimate representative of the
collective will of the people. Outside the boundaries = anarchy (it emphasizes the
point that international realm is distinguished by the lack of central authority).
SURVIVAL: under the anarchy the survival of the state cannot be guaranteed. States
with more power stand a better chance of surviving than states with less power,
which is crucial to realist lexicon.
SELF-HELP: is the principle of action in an anarchical system where there is no global
government. Realists think that if a state feels threatened it should seek to
argument its own power capabilities by engaging in a military arms. The balance of
power is the most common definition when the survival of a state is threatened.
Critics claimed that realism was unable to provide a persuasive account of a new
development such as regional integration and the emergence of security community in
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Chapter 5
Western Europe. Proponents of globalization stated that realism's privileged actor (the
state) was in decline to non-state actors such as transnational corporations.
One realism, or many?

There are different types of realism:
CLASSICAL REALISM
It begins with Thucydides representation of power politics as a law of human
behaviour. The drive for power and will to dominate are fundamental aspects of
human nature. Classical realists argue that it's from the nature of man that the
essential features of international politics can be explained. They believe in the
primordial character of power and ethics. Classical realism is about the struggle for
belonging and, furthermore, they engaged with moral philosophy. Two classical
realists: Thucydides and Machiavelli. The former was the historian of the
Peloponnesian War. His work has been admired for the insights he raised about
many issues of international politics. The latter suggested that the logic of power
politic has universal applicability.
STRUCTURAL REALISM
Structural realists concur that international politics is a struggle of power. Structural
realists attribute security competition and inner-state conflict to the lack of an
overreaching authority above states and, according to them, the relative
distribution of power in the international system is the key independent variable in
understanding important international outcomes. They're interested in providing a
rank-ordering of states so as to be able to differentiate and count the number of
great powers that determines the structure of the international system. Waltz
argues that states have to be sensitive to the capabilities of other states and power
is a means to the end of security and in other words states are security maximizers.
Waltz' s structural realist theory is termed defensive realism. A different account of
power dynamics that operate in an anarchic system is provided by the structure of
the international system compels states to maximize their relative power position
and states are continuously searching for opportunities to gain power.
CONTEMPORARY REALISM VS STRUCTURAL REALISM
Some contemporary realists are skeptical of the notion that the international
distribution of power alone can explain the behaviour of the states. A group of
students, characterized by Rose as "neoclassical realist", have attempted to move
beyond. Neoclassical realism places domestic politics as intervening variable
between the distribution of power and foreign policy behaviour. What matters is
how state leaders derive an understanding of the distribution of power. They argue
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Chapter 5
that different types of state possess different capacities to translate the various
elements of national power into state power.
The essential realism

REALISM For realists state=main actor. Realist international theory operates according to
the assumption that the problem of order and security is solved. They claim that
states compete with other states for power and security. The competitive logic
of power politics makes agreement on universal principles difficult, apart from
the principle of non-intervention; but even this principle is suspended by realists
who argue that non-intervention does not apply in relations between great
powers. Realists think that power us a relational concept. Critics argue that
realism has been purchased as a discount because its currency has been
inconsistently used. An additional weakness of realist power concerns its focus
upon state power.
SURVIVAL The second principle that unites realists is that of survival. Defensive realists
such as Waltz argue that states have security as their principal interest and seek
only the requisite amount of power to ensure their own survival. According to
this view, states are defensive actors and will not seek to have greater amounts
of power. In terms of survival, defensive realists hold that the existence of
status quo powers lessens the competition of power, while offensive realists
argue that the competition is always keen because revisionist states are always
willing to take risks with the aim of improving their position in the international
system.
SELF-HELP Security can only be realized through self-help. In a self-help system structural
realists argue that the balance of power will emerge even in the absence of a
conscious policy to maintain the balance. There is a debate among realists
concerning the stability of the balance of power system. This is the case of
today, in that many argue that the balance of power has been replaced by
unipolarity. What the balance of power demonstrates is that states are at best
able to migrate the worst consequences of the security dilemma but are not
able to escape it.
CONCLUSION Realists have held that continuities in international relations are more
important than changes, but problematic in the age of globalization. What is
important about a realist view of globalization, is the claim that rudimentary
transnational governance is possible, but at the same time it is dependent
on the distribution of power.
22
Chapter 6
Chapter 6
Liberalism: has a strong claim to being the historic alternative. In 1990s it appeared
resurgent as Western state leaders proclaimed a new world order and intellectuals
provided theoretical justifications for the inherent supremacy of their liberal ideas over all
other competing ideologies. The essence of liberalism is self-restraint, moderation,
compromise and peace. All citizens are juridically equal and possess certain basic rights to
education and religious toleration. The legislative assembly of the state possesses only the
authority invested in it by people. Besides, a key dimension of the liberty of the individual
is the right to own property. Liberalism contends that the most effective system of
economic exchange is one that is largely market driven. However, there is a contrast
between liberal values of individualism and conservatism, which places a higher value on
order and authority and sacrifices the liberty on the individual for the stability of the
community.
Liberals have agreed with realists that war is a recurring feature of the anarchic system
but, unlike realists, they do not identify anarchy as the cause of the war. Liberalists see the
causes of war in imperialism, in the failure of the balance of power, in the problem of
undemocratic regimes.
Core ideas in liberal thinking on international relations

Kant: liberals of Enlightenment. Kant's claim, that liberal states are pacific in the
international relations with other liberal states, revived in 1980s. He argued that if the
decision to use force were taken by people the frequency of conflicts would be reduced,
but this argument implies a lower frequency of conflicts between liberal and non-liberal
states. Liberal democratic states are more peaceful and this idea continues to attract a
great deal of scholarly interest.
Free trade: would create a more peaceful world order
idea of the 19th century

liberalism.
The idea of natural harmony of interests in international relations came under challenge in
the 20th century. The First World War shifted liberal thinking towards a recognition that
peace is not a natural condition, but is one that must be constructed. This is the reason
why the League of Nations was created. It called for collective security and for the selfdetermination of all nations. However, this experience was a very disaster because states
remained imprisoned by self-interest. Another important phenomenon was that of
transnationalism, but it remained a theoretical concept.
23
Chapter 6
Liberalism and globalization

Two clusters of responses to the problems posed by globalization. The first is the
liberalism of privilege. The problems of globalization need to be addressed by a
combination of strong democratic states in the core of international system. In common
with liberal democratic principles, the USA was an example as its political system is
opened: they think that free trade brings benefits to all participants. The potential for
liberalism to embrace imperialism is a tendency that has a strong history. Liberty increases
wealth and drives for new markets; expansion is often the best means to promote a state's
security. This strategy of preserving and extending liberal institutions is called radical
liberalism and the kind of economic liberalization comes into conflict with the norms of
democracy and human rights. Radical liberals argue that the hegemonic institutional order
has fallen prey to the neo-liberal consensus and elevates the markets.
After the Westphalian order, there was a rapid democratization in states, but this has not
been accompanied by democratization of the society of states. Instead of the Westphalian,
a cosmopolitan model of democracy took place. This requires the creation of regional
parliaments and the extension of the authority of such regional bodies. The least aspect of
the radical liberal projects was the injunction to reform global capitalism.
Conclusion
The pattern of conflict and insecurity of the war on terror suggests that liberal
democracy remains an incomplete project. One response to this argument is to call for
more liberalism; a deeper reason for the crisis in liberalism is that it's bound up with an
increasingly discredited Enlightenment view of the world.
24
Chapter 7
Chapter 7
The debate between neo-liberals and neo-realists has dominated international relations
scholarship in the USA since 1980s. Neo-realism and neo-liberalism are the progeny of
realism and liberalism. They're paradigms that define a field and define an agenda for
research and policy making.
Neo-realism refers to Waltz's theory of international politics, which emphasizes the
importance of the structure of the international system and its role as the primary
determinant of state behaviour. Neo-realist theory focuses on issues of military security
and war and for neo-realists the core research question is how to survive in an anarchic
system.
Neo-liberalism refers to neo-liberal institutionalism. In the policy world, neo-liberalism
means something different, that is to promote free trade and Western democratic values
and institutions. But in reality, neo-liberal foreign policies are not wedded to the ideals of
democratic peace, as national interests take precedence. Neo-liberal theorists focus on
issues of cooperation and environment. For them, the core question for research is how to
promote and support cooperation in an anarchic international system.
Both theories represent status quo perspectives, are problem-solving theories and both
address the issues of security.
Neo-realism. Structural realism

Realism: introductive theory. Neo-realists think that the effects of structure must be
considered. Structure is defined by the ordering principle of the international system which
is anarchy. To realists, power is and end in itself. States use power to gain more power and
increase their influence and ability to secure national interests. Military power is
considered the most obvious element of a state's power. For neo-realists power is more
than the accumulation of military resources. States are differentiated in the system by
their power that gives to the state a position in the international system. To realists,
anarchy is a condition of the system, while to neo-realists anarchy defines the system.
Relative and absolute gains

Grieco: realist/neo-realist scholar who focuses on the concepts of relative and absolute
gains. He claims that states are interested in increasing their power and influence. They're
concerned with how much power other states might achieve in any cooperative
Endeavour. Neo-realists claim that there are two barriers to international cooperation:
cheating and the relative gains of the actors. They argued that leaders must be vigilant for
cheaters and must focus on those states that could gain a military advantage when this
weapon system is removed.
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Chapter 7
Security studies and neo-realism

Security studies scholars have suggested a more nuanced version of a realism that reflects
their interests in understanding the nature of security threats. The two versions of
offensive and defensive realism are more policy-relevant than Waltz and Grieco's version
of neo-realism. Offensive neo-realists accept most of Waltz's ideas and many assumptions
of traditional realism. Defensive neo-realists suggest that our assumption of relations with
other states depends on whether they are friends or enemies.
Difference between offensive and defensive when they're dealing with expansionary or
pariah states. Mearshmeier is an offensive realist who suggests that relative power is most
important to states and that leaders of countries should pursue security policies and
increase their power relatives to others. Leaders must always be prepared for an
expansionary state that will challenge the global order.
Mearshmeier and Waltz are critical of the decision by Bush to go to war in Iraq. This war
was unnecessary because the containment of Iraq was working effectively and there was
no compelling strategic rationale for this war. With Iraq, Afghanistan and the global war on
terrorism, the US military is over-extended. Defensive neo-realists claim that the use of
military force for conquest and expansion is a security strategy that most leaders reject in
this age of complex interdependence and globalization. Defensive neo-realists are often
confused with neo-liberals even if they do not see institutions as the most effective way to
prevent all wars. Defensive neo-realists are more optimistic than the offensive ones.
They're less optimistic than neo-liberals for several reasons. First, defensive neo-realists
see conflict as unnecessary only in a subset of situations; Second, leaders can never be
certain that an aggressive move by the state is an expansionary action intending to
challenge the existing order or simply a preventive policy aimed at protecting their
security; Third, defensive realists challenge the neo-liberal view, according to which it is
relatively easy to find areas where national interests might converge and become the basis
for cooperation and institution building. Defensive neo-realists are concerned about noncompliance or cheating by states.
Neo-liberalism
There are 4 varieties of liberalism:
COMMERCIAL LIBERALISM: Advocates free trade and a market or capitalist
economy as the way towards peace and prosperity.
REPUBLICAN LIBERALISM: States that democratic states are more inclined to respect
the rights of their citizens and are less likely to go to war with their democratic
neighbours
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Chapter 7
SOCIOLOGICAL LIBERALISM: The notion of community and the process of

interdependence are important elements.
LIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM or NEO-LIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM: Is considered the
most convincing challenge to realist and neo-realist thinking. The roots of this
version are to be found in the functional integration scholarship of the 1940s and
1950s.
Complex interdependence presented a world with four characteristics: increasing linkages

of multiple channels for interaction, the decline of efficacy of military force. Complex
interdependence scholars would suggest that globalization represents an increase linkages
and channels for interaction.
Neo-liberal institutionalism shares many of the assumptions of neo-realism. Its adherents
claim that neo-realists focus on conflict and competition and minimize the chances for
cooperation. Neo-liberal institutionalists see institutions as the mediator to achieve
cooperation. For them, the focus on mutual interests extends beyond trade and
development issues. Neo-liberals support cooperative multilateralism and are critical of
the unilateral use of force.
The core assumptions of neo-liberal institutionalists include: states are key actors in
international relations but not the only significant actors. States seek to maximize absolute
gains through cooperation and are less concerned with gains or advantages achieved by
other states. The greater obstacle is non-compliance or cheating by states. Neo-liberal
perspective is more relevant in issue-areas where states have mutual interests.
The neo-neo debate

The neo-neo debate is not particularly contentious nor is the intellectual difference
between the two theories significant. The main features of the neo-realist debate: both
agree that the international system is anarchic.
- Neo-realists say that anarchy puts more constrains on foreign policy; Neo-liberals claim
that neo-realists minimize the importance of international interdependence and
globalization.
- Neo-realists believe that international cooperation will not happen unless states make
it happen; Neo-liberals believe that cooperation is easy to achieve in areas where
states have mutual interests.
- Neo-realists claim that neo-liberals overlook the importance of relative gains; Neoliberals think that actors with common interests try to maximize absolute gain.
- Neo-realists believe that the fundamental goal of states in cooperative relationships is
to prevent others from gaining more; Neo-liberals want to maximize the total
amount of gains for all parties involved.
- Neo-realists state that anarchy requires states to be preoccupied with relative power,
security and survival; Neo-liberals are more concerned with economic welfare or
27
Chapter 7
international politic economic issues.

Neo-realists emphasize the capabilities of states over the intentions and interests of
states; Neo-liberals emphasize intentions and preferences.
Neo-realists state that neo-liberals exaggerate the impact of regimes and institutions
on state behaviour and say they do not mitigate the constraining effects of anarchy on
cooperation; Neo-liberals see institutions and regimes as significant forces in
international relations and claim that they facilitate cooperation.
Neo-liberals and neo-realists on globalization

Most realists do not think that globalization changes the game of international politics
much at all. They think most evidence suggests that states are increasing their
expenditures and their jurisdictions over a wide variety of areas. Furthermore, they
assume that conditions of anarchy and competition accentuate the concerns for absolute
and relative gains. What they are most concerned with are the new security challenges
presented by globalisation and they are concerned with the uneven nature of economic
globalization, which accentuates existing differences in societies creating instability in
strategic regions. Realists and neo-realists tend to favour elitists models of decision-making
especially in security areas. Some neo-realists have expressed concern that globalization
might contribute to an unwanted democratization of politics in critical security areas. Most
of the discussion of globalization among neo-liberals falls in 2 categories:
a free-market commercial neo-realism that dominates policy circles around the
world.
an academic neo-liberal institutionalism that promotes regimes and institutions as
the most effective means of managing the globalization process.
Free-market neo-liberals believe that governments should not fight globalization or
attempt to slow it down. These neo-liberals want minimal government interference in the
national or global market.
Neo-realists scholars have been criticized for their inability to explain the end of the Cold
War and other major transformations in the international system and for their
minimization of the importance of culture, traditions and identity. Neo-liberalism is a
rejection of the more utopian version of liberalism. Neo-liberal institutionalism may offer
the broadest agenda of issues and ideas for scholars and policy-makers. A neo-liberal
institutional perspective that focuses on the nature of international society may be more
appropriate for understanding contemporary international politics.
Neo-realism and neo-liberalism institutionalism are theories that address status quo
issues.
28
Chapter 8
Chapter 8
With the end of the cold war and the triumph of capitalism it became commonplace to
assume that the ideas of Marx could be safely consigned to the dustbin of history. While
Communist Parties retained power in China and Cuba they did not constitute a threat to
the hegemony of the global capitalist system. These parties were forced to submit to the
unassailable logic of the market. The lack of a credible alternative to capitalism may have
led to a crisis in Marxism, but two decades later there appears to be a renaissance, due to
2 reasons.
The first was that for many theorists the communist experiment in the Soviet Union
had become a major embarrassment and some Marxists were openly critical of the
Soviet Union.
The second was that Marx's social theory retains formidable analytical purchase on
the world we inhabit.
A particular strength of Marx's work is his analysis of crisis. Liberal accounts of capitalism
suggest that free markets will move towards equilibrium and will be inherently stable. Our
day-to-day lived experience suggest otherwise. Compared to realism and liberalism
Marxist thought presents an unfamiliar view of international relations. Marxist theories
aim to expose a deeper, underlying truth: all occur within structures that have an
enormous influence on those events. Marxist theories are also discomfiting, for the they
argue that the effects of global capitalism are to ensure that the powerful and wealthy
continue to prosper at the expense of the powerless and the poor.
The essential elements of Marxist theories of world politics

Marx, most of this writing was journalistic in character. All the theorists share with Marx
the view that social world should be analysed as a totality. For Marxist theorists the
disciplinary boundaries that characterize the contemporary social sciences need to be
transcended if we are to generate a proper understanding of the dynamics of world
politics. Another key element is the materialist conception of history. Economic
development is effectively the motor of history. The central dynamic that Marx identifies is
tension between the means of production and relations of production. As the means of
production develop the relations of production become outmoded and become fetters
restricting the most effective utilization of the new productive capacity. Class plays a key
role in Marxist analysis which hold that society is systematically prone to class conflict. In
capitalist society there is a conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Marx
affirmed the need to change the world and for that he was committed to the cause of
emancipation.
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Chapter 8
Marx internationalized
Although Marx was clearly aware of the international and expansive character of
capitalism, his focus is on the development and characteristics of 19 th century British
capitalism. In the 20th century writers started to develop analyses that incorporated the
implications of capitalism's trans-border characteristics, in particular that of imperialism.
The best-known work is that of Lenin "imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism". Lenin
accepted much of Marx's thesis but argued that the character of capitalism had changed.
Lenin's views are developed by the Latin American Dependency School, adherents of which
developed the notion of core and periphery in greater depth. Feminist Marxists have also
played a significant role in theorizing the development of an international capitalist
system. The role of women is necessary for the reproduction of capitalism. Mies argued
that women play a central role in the maintenance of capitalist relations as there is a
sexual division of labour.
Gramscianism
Marxist theory that emerged from the work of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. He was
one of the members of the Italian Communist Party. The key question that animated
Gramsci's the founding al work was: why had it proven to be so difficult to promote
revolution in Western Europe? Gramsci's answer revolves around his use of the concept of
hegemony. he used the term "historic bi .0c to describe the mutually reinforcing and
reciprocal relationships between the socio-economic relations that together underpin a
given order. If the hegemony of the ruling class is a key element in the perpetuation of its
dominance, this society can only be transformed if that hegemonic position is successfully
challenged.
Robert Cox
The person who has done most to introduce Gramsci to the study of world politics is Cox.
He has developed a Gramscian approach that involves both a critique of prevailing theories
of International Relations and International Political Economy, and the development of an
alternative framework for the analysis of world politics. He said "theory is always for
someone and for some purpose". This suggests that all knowledge must reflect a certain
context, a certain time and a certain space. Cox suggest that we need to look closely at
each of those theories that claim to be objective or value-free. He subjects realism and
neo-realism. According to Cox, these theories are for those who prosper under the
prevailing order and their purpose is to reinforce and legitimate the status quo. Cox
contrasts problem-solving theory, that is theory that accepts the parameters of the
present order and thus helps legitimate an unjust and deeply iniquitous system with
critical theory. According to Cox, successive dominant powers in the International system
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Chapter 8
have shaped a world order that suits their interests and have done so not only as a result
of their coercive capabilities.
Critical theory
there are many overlaps between critical theory and Gramscian approaches to the study of
world politics. Both Gramscianism and critical theory have their roots in Western Europe.
However, there are differences between them. Contemporary critical theory and
Gramscian thoughts about international relations draw upon the ideas of different
thinkers. In addition there is a clear difference in focus between the two stands with those
influenced by Gramsci tending to be much more concerned with issues to the subfield of
international political economy than critical theorists. Critical theorists have involved
themselves with questions concerning international society and security. Critical theory
developed out of the work of the Frankfurt School. This was an extraordinarily talented
group of thinkers. Intellectual concerns are rather different from those of most other
Marxists in that they have not been much interested in the further development of
analysis of the economic base of society. They have concentrated on questions relating to
culture, the social basis and nature of authoritarianism and on exploring in concepts such
as rationality. Frankfurt School theorists have been innovative in terms of their analysis of
the role of the media. In other words, in classical Marxist terms the focus of critical theory
is superstructural. Critical theorists have been highly dubious as to whether the proletariat
in contemporary society does in fact embody the potential for emancipator transformation
in the way that Marx had believed. Frankfurt School thinkers have argued that the working
class has simply been absorbed by the system. Critical theorists have made some of their
most important contributions through their explorations of the meaning of emancipation.
Marxists have equated emancipation with the process of humanity gaining ever greater
mastery over nature through the development of ever-more sophisticated technology.
New Marxism
New Marxists are those writers who derive their ideas from Marx's own writings. They
have returned to the fundamental tenets of Marxist thought and sought to reappropriate
ideas that they regard as having been neglected by subsequent generations.
Justin Rosenberg
The focus of Rosenberg's analysis is the character of the international system and its
relationship to the changing character of social relations. Rosenberg challenges realism's
claim to provide an ahistorical timeless account of international relations by analyses of
the differences in the character of international relations between the Greek and Italian
City-states. Rosenberg argues for the development of a theory of International relations
that is sensitive to the changing character of world politics. He finally argues that
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Chapter 8
globalization is a descriptive category denoting the geographical extension of social

processes.
Benno teschke
He provides not only a critique of existing International Relations theory but also a means
of analysing changes in the constitution and practice of actors in the international system.
His work can be seen as building on Rosenberg's observation that social relations provide
the indispensable starting point for an analysis of international relations.
According to Marxist theorists, the globe has long been dominated by a single integrated
economic and political entity that has gradually incorporated all of humanity within its
gasp. They insist that the only way to discover how significant contemporary developments
really are is to view them in the contexts of the deeper structural processes at work.
Globalization is now cited as a reason to promote measures to reduce workers' rights and
lessen other constraints on business.
32
Chapter 9
Chapter 9
Constructivism: one of the leading schools in International Relations. Today constructivism
is recognized for its ability to capture important features of global politics and viewed as an
important theory of international relations.
In the beginning
Its origins are to be traced to the 1980s when neo-realism and neo-liberal institutionalism
dominated American international relations theory. The 1980s were characterized not only
by the dominance of neo-realism and neo-liberal institutionalism, but also by a growing
interest in social theory and the relationship between the structure and the actors. In the
1980s there were many contributions but 4 were influential for the establishing
constructivism's theoretical orientation and conceptual vocabulary. Ruggie attacked
structure and argued that we should pay more attention to differentiation and that the
states-system has been organized according to alternative principle. Ashley published an
influential critique of neo-realism. He levelled a variety of charges. In his view, neo-realism
is so fixated on a state that it cannot see a world populated by non-state actors. His
critique revealed neo-realism's limitations and the power of poststructural and critical
theory. In 1987 Wendt introduced the agent-structure problem saying that the problem is
that structures do more than constrains agents. He also argued that an international
normative structure shapes the identities and interests of states and through their
interactions states recreate that structure.
Kratochwil introduced international relations scholars to the distinction between
regulative and constitutive rules. Regulative rules regulate already existing activities while
constitutive rules create the very possibility for these activities. The rules of sovereignty
not only regulate state practices but also make possible the idea of a sovereign state.
The rise of constructivism

Constructivism is a term coined by Onuf. Four background factors sponsored its rise in the
1990s: one was the end of the cold war. Across the world the end of the cold war triggered
national debates over what was the national interest. States were actively debating their
national identity in order to determine their interests and the desired regional and
international order. The end of the cold war clipped the prominence of traditional security
themes, neo-realism's advantage and raised the importance of transnationalism and
human rights. Constructivism's success derived from its ability to further an understanding
of issues of central concern to neo-realism and neo-liberal institutionalism.
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Chapter 9
Constructivism
It's a social theory and not a substantive theory of International politics. Social theory is
concerned with how to conceptualize the relationship between agents and structures.
Constructivism is best compared with rational choice which is a social theory that offers a
framework for understanding how actors operate with fixed preferences that they attempt
to maximize under a set of constraints.
There are many different kinds of constructivists. Some prioritize agents and others
structures. Some focus on inter-state politics and others on transnationalism and human
consciousness. The focus on human consciousness suggests a commitment to idealism and
holism. Idealism demands that we take seriously the role of ideas in world politics.
Idealism does not reject material reality but instead observes that the meaning and
construction of that material reality is dependent on ideas and interpretation.
Constructivism also accepts some form of holism or structuralism. The emphasis on holism
does not deny agency but recognizes that agents have some autonomy and their
interactions help to construct and transform those structures. The social construction of
reality also shapes what is viewed as legitimate action. Distinction between the logic of
consequences and the logic of appropriateness. The logic of consequences attributes
action to the anticipated costs and benefits. The logic of appropriateness highlights how
actors are rule-following, worrying about whether their actions are legitimate.
Constructivists also examine how actors make their activities meaningful. They attempt to
recover the meanings that actors give to their practices and the objects that they
construct. Constructivists have offered two important additions to the view of power. the
forces of power go beyond material and they also can be ideational. Considering the issue
of legitimacy, states crave legitimacy and there is a direct relationship between their
legitimacy and the costs of a course of action. Moreover, the effects of power go beyond
the ability to change behaviour. Power also includes how knowledge and the construction
of identities allocate differential rewards and capacities. Constructivists add that structures
can have a casual impact because they make possible certain kinds of behaviour and
generate certain tendencies in the international system. Sovereignty produces them and
invests them with capacities that make possible certain kinds of behaviours. Constructivists
reject the idea that explanation requires the discovery of timeless laws. It's impossible to
find such laws in international politics. Constructivists adopt ethnographic and interpretive
techniques in order to recreate the meanings that actors bring to their practices relate to
social worlds. They use genealogical methods to identify the contingent factors that
produced the categories of world politics that are subsequently taken for granted. They
even use computer simulations to model the emergent properties of world politics. Some
use constructivism to identify how identify shapes the state's interests and then turn to
rational choice for understanding strategic behaviour.
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Chapter 9
Constructivism and global change

Constructivism focus on how the world hangs together, how normative structures
construct the identities and interests of actors and how actors are rule-following.
Constructivism claims that what exists need not have existed. A central theme in any
discussion of global change is diffusion. Stories about diffusion concern how particular
models, norms and strategies spread within a population. Constructivists have highlighted
2 important issues. One is institutional isomorphism, which observes that those
organizations that share the same environment will resemble each other. In their
discussion of changing identities constructivists have also employed the concept of
socialization. Discussion of diffusion and socialization also draw attention to the
internationalization of norms. Norms of humanitarianism, trade, arms. Norms do not erupt
but rather evolve through a political process. A central issue is the internationalization and
institutionalization of norms or life cycle of norms.
Key concepts of constructivism

Agent-structure problem: problem to think about the relationship between agents and
structures. One view is that agents are born with formed identities and interests and then
treat other actors and the broad structure that their interactions produce. Another view is
to treat the structure not as a constraint but rather as constituting the actors themselves.
Constructivism: an approach to international politics that concerns itself with the
centrality of ideas and human consciousness.
Holism: the view that structure cannot be decomposed into the individual units and their
interactions because structures are more than the sum of their parts and are social.
Idealism: it argues that the most fundamental feature of society is social consciousness. It
does not disregard material forces but claims that the meanings and consequences of
these material forces are not given by nature but by human interpretations.
Identity: the understanding of the self in relationship to another. Identities are social and
are always formed in relationship to others.
Individualism: the view that structures can be reduced to the aggregation of individuals
and their interactions.
Materialism: the view that material forces are the bedrock of society.
Normative structure: it includes the collectively held ideas such as knowledge.
Rational choice: approach that emphasizes how actors attempt to maximize their
interests, how they attempt select the most efficient means to achieve those interests.
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Chapter 10
Poststructuralism part of the International Relations in 1980s. influenced by social and
philosophical theory that had played a major role in the humanities since the 1970s.
poststructuralists held that the key to the cold war lay in the enemy constructions that
both East and West promoted.
Poststructuralists bring a critical perspective to the study of world politics in two important
respects. Theyre critical of the way that most states conduct their foreign policies and
they are critical of how most IR theories tell us to study what states do. Postructuralists
disagree with realism and say that the state is a particular way of understanding political
community and tell us to take the state and power very seriously.
Studying the social world

Poststructuralists adopt critical attitude to world politics. This raises questions about
ontology and epistemology. Ontological assumptions come into view only when theories
with different ontological assumptions clash. As long as one works within the same
paradigm, there is no need to discuss ones basis assumptions. One of the strength of
Poststructuralism has been to call attention to how much the ontological assumptions we
make about the state actually matter. Poststructuralism also brings epistemology to the
fore and it argues in favor of a constitutive, post-positivist, anti-foundationalist position.
Furthermore, poststructuralists hold that causality is inappropriate, not because there are
no such things as structures, but because these structures are constituted through human
actions. Constitutive theories are still theories, not just descriptions or stories about the
world. The distinction between causal and non casual theories is also captured by the
distinction between explanatory theories and constitutive theories.
Poststructuralism as a political philosophy

IR poststructuralists bring philosophical ideas and concepts to the study of world politics. 4
influential concepts: discourse, deconstruction, genealogy and intertextuality.
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Discourse
Poststructuralism holds that language is essential to how we make sense of the world.
Language is social because we cannot make our thoughts understandable to others
without a set of shared codes. This is captured by the concept of discourse.
Poststructuralism understands language not as a neutral transmitter but as producing
meaning. Using the concept of discourse we can say that each discourse provides different
views of the body. Poststructuralists stress that discourses are not the same as ideas and
that materiality or the real world is not abandoned.
Deconstruction
to see language as a set of codes means that words make sense only in relation to other
words. The theory of deconstruction adds that language is made up by dichotomies
between the developed and the underdeveloped, the modern and the pre-modern, the
civilized and the barbaric. Deconstruction shows how such dichotomies make something.
Poststructuralists agree that a central goal is to problematize dichotomies, show how they
work and open up alternative ways to understand world politics.
Genealogy
Its another of Foucaults concepts, defined as a history of the present. It starts from
something contemporary.
The concept of power

The concepts of genealogy and discourse point us towards Foucaults conception of power,
power to Foucault is productive and actors do not exist outside discourse. When states and
institutions manage to establish themselves as having the knowledge to govern a particular
issue, this is also an instance of power, poststructuralists in IR have also picked up one of
Foucaults more specific conceptualizations of power, namely that of biopower. It works at
two levels: at the individual level we are told to discipline and control our bodies and at
the collective level we find that governments and other institutions seek to manage whole
populations.
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Intertextuality
The theory on intertextuality is developed by the semiotic theorist Julia Kristeva. It argues
that we can understand the social world as comprised of texts. But intertextual relations
are also made in more abstract ways. Intertextuality also implies that certain things are
taken for granted because previous texts have made the point so many times that there is
no need to state it again. At the same time as intertextuality points to the way in which
texts quote past texts, it is also holds that individual texts are unique.
Popular culture
Poststructuralists hold that there are several reasons why we should pay attention to
popular culture. One of the reasons is that film, television, music and video are watched
and listened to by many people across the world and so popular culture has spread from
one place to another.
Finally, popular culture might foreshadow events in the real world and provide us with
complex, critical and thought-provoking visions of world politics.
Deconstructing state sovereignty

Poststructuralists use the 4 key concepts to answer the big questions of IR what is the
status of the state? Is the international system doomed to recurring conflicts and power
politics, as realism holds?
The inside-outside distinction

Poststructuralists agree with realists that the state is central to world politics. They
deconstruct the role the state plays in world politics as well as in the academic field of IR.
State is not a unit that as the same essence across time and space, but the state is a
particular way to organize political community. The sovereign territorial state has an
unrivalled position as the political community, but it only came to have this position as a
result of a series of events and process that began with the Treaties of Westphalia. State
sovereignty implies a division of the world into an inside the state and an outside. The
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world inside states is not only different from the international realm outside; the two are
constituted as each others opposition. Poststructuralists have shown how the insideoutside dichotomy is held in place by being reproduced again. States reproduce state
sovereignty but so do academic texts.
The Harmony and justice that are possible within states cannot be extended to the
international sphere as this fraught with anarchy and power politics.
The strength of state sovereignty

One of the strengths of Poststructuralism is that it points to how state sovereignty is often
questioned and supported.
Universal alternatives
Poststructuralists hold that claims to global and universal solutions always imply that
something else is different. And that which is different is almost always in danger of being
forced to change to become like the universal. The good universal categories were aimed
at those who were not part of that universal project and the universal discourse reinforced
the West as the one that could define real universalism. Poststructuralisms critique of
universalism shows that although poststructuralists are critical of realism, they agree with
realists that we should take power and the state seriously.
Identity and foreign policy

Poststructuralists have also moved from the study of state sovereignty to ask how we
should understand foreign policy. Poststructuralists hold that there is no stable object from
which foreign policies are drawn but that foreign policies rely upon and produce
understandings of the state.
Identity as performative
Poststructuralism conceptualizes identity as relational and performative. The concept of
performativity comes from Butler and holds that identities have no objective existence but
that they depend on discursive practices. The most important development of a
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performative theory of identity and foreign policy is David Campbells book. He takes a
broad view of what foreign policy is and distinguishes between Foreign Policy (policies
undertaken by states in the international arena) and foreign policy (discursive practices ).
It might involve gender and sexual relations. By looking at both Foreign Policy and
foreign policy, postructuralism casts light on the symbolic boundaries that are constituted
within and across states.
Subjects position
When poststructuralists write about identities they usually use the term subjectivities or
subject positions to underscore that identity is not something that someone has but that it
is a position that one is constructed as having.
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Chapter 11
Post-colonialism: new approach to the study of IR. It entered the fields in the 1990s.
The new entrances stretched the field by refusing the idea that nation-states are always
the key actors in IR and emphasizing the many locations and relations that could be
considered as IR. The main contributions of post-colonial analysis have been threefold: to
bring historical relations of colonial powers with colonies into the study of IR; to provide
views and theories of those relations from the perspectives of colonized peoples: to
encourage the use of novels, poetry, diaries as sources of valuable information on the
nature of colonialism and post colonialism. The use of term postcolonial means lingering
colonial hierarchies of race, class and gender despite the winding down of the formal
colonial period and the tendency of IR to pay more attention to the foreign policies. Postcolonial is used throughout to refer to the analysis of colonialism. Postcolonial is used to
indicate a turn since the 1990s towards analyzing the current era of IR as the postcolonial
era.
Revising history, filling gaps

Post-colonialism was influenced by research trends in India, where a group of historians
were developing social histories that they referred to as subaltern studies. Subaltern
analysis focused on people who up to that point were seen as victims of history or quaint
examples of local culture. The key question for these scholars was: what does history and
contemporary life look like when it starts from subaltern points of view, from the bottom
up instead of from the top? One avenue was to analyse colonial and postcolonial fictional
literatures and diaries. Post-colonial literary analysis became a central methodology of
post-colonial studies. Turner (Australian scholar) argued that local stories are ultimately
produced by the culture, thus they generate meanings, take on significances and assume
forms that are articulations of the values, beliefs of the culture. One of the most
influential post-colonialist writers, Said, used imaginative literatures extensively in his
writings. He is best known for his work on Orientalism. The Orient was invented as a place
that Western men could praise as gentle, sensuous and feminine, where men and women
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would luxuriate and indulge themselves in modes considered degenerate by European

mores. That Orient was a powerfully pictured but vague location that the Western believes
he can control and enjoy and posses and hide in to escape Victorian morality. The Orient
that fascinated Said is so different from the West that it cannot be incorporated into
frameworks of Great Power international relations. Saids work is canonical in post-colonial
studies, but it has also come in for criticism. One concern is that it represents colonized
people through stories written by Western men. Culture is another topic that IR has had
difficulty apprehending. During the cold war years culture was synonymous with ideology,
politics and economics rather than beliefs and history. People living in former colonies
were as invisible to IR as other people in the world, except that their invisibility was born
of colonial disregard and Orientalist notions. People from former colonies appeared in IR
as terrorists and mass victims or mass celebrators. The eminent post-colonial scholar,
feminist Spivak, has raised the related question of whether the subaltern can even speak
to social science interviewers from the West. Spivak has raised important questions about
interacting across cultures and differences of class, race, generation and language. Wordtravelling is a post-colonial methodology associated with feminist scholars of Latin
American background. The world-traveller strives to achieve a space of mutual
understanding using the tool of empathy, which is the ability to enter into the spirit of a
different experience and find in it an echo of some part of oneself. World-travellers can
learn to travel knowingly within their own repertory of identities and experiences.
A post-colonial interviewer will probably be less practiced in skills she doesnt have to hone
to get through the challenges of the day.
Becoming post-colonial
Post-colonial theorizing was taking several directions by the 1990s. one steady path was
literary analysis and a second one takes up robust theorizing of the present moment in
history. Its a time of the present and that extends into the future; yet it is a time when
colonial patterns of trade, governance and social relations persist. Bhabha's work straddles
concerns with the post-colonial and the postcolonial. Bhabha has addressed how colonial
discourses constructed the colonized, which we recognize as a central question of power in
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post-colonialism. Bhabha argues that colonialism was never successful in defining and
restricting the lives of colonial and post-colonial subjects. Bhabha maintains that colonial
discourse was always ambivalent about the people it colonized. Bhabhas theory of
identity formation in colonial contexts contest Bhabhas theory of identity formation in
colonial contexts contests genealogies of origin that lead to claims for culture supremacy
and historical priority. He also has ideas that relate to the world-travelling methodology
of politics described earlier. He talks of disseminations that become diasporic, travelling
physically from South to North to live. By focusing on the contemporary period, a shift
occurs that is bigger than the minor change in spelling from post-colonial to postcolonial. A
Global South exists in various forms within and across former colonial powers as well as in
former colonies associated with the southern hemisphere. People of the South migrate in
great numbers to northern countries now because information flows more easily to the
South and cultures interpenetrate. Postcolonial thinking expands the spatial reach of te
post-colonial to regions of the world that have vastly differing temporal relationships with
colonialism. Some colonized countries were politically independent by the early 1800s and
other countries experienced colonialism from the 1800s on. Postcolonial perspectives also
consider within-country conflicts with indigenous groups over land and rights and lingering
colonial situations that do not entirely make sense within a post-colonial tradition.
Contemporary theorists remove the hyphen from the term post-colonial to indicate that
the current era is postcolonial and has continuities with colonialism.
Conclusion
Post-colonialism/postcolonialism did not start as a branch of IR or even as a companion to
it. The neglect of topics now identified as postcolonial reveals a fields shallow interest
historically in politics outside Great Power states. Postcolonialism highlights the
international relations of colonial actions in the Third World, the continuities of that past
and the present. And it does so with a mission that still includes the liberation of subaltern
statutes in todays world-time, a phenomenon that would surely be the ultimate answer to
discourses and deeds that uphold global relations of dominance and subordination.
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Chapter 13
War has not disappeared as a form of social behaviour and shows no signs of doing so.
Since the end of the cold war the annual number of wars have all declined sharply
compared with the cold war period.
The utility of warfare

In the contemporary world, powerful pressures are producing changes to national
economies and societies. Some of these can be seen to reflect the impact of globalization,
others are the result of the broader effects of postmodernity. The two world wars of the
20,h century typified this approach to the instrumentality of war. In the post-cold war
period the kinds of threats that have been driven the accumulation of military power in the
developed world have not taken the form of traditional state-to-state military rivalry but
have been a response to rather more amorphous and less predictable threats such as
terrorism. The nature of war refers to the constant, universal and inherent qualities that
ultimately shape war as a political instrument throughout the ages such as violence,
chance and uncertainty. Clausewitz also distinguished between the objective and
subjective nature of war, the former comprising the elements common to all wars and the
latter consisting of those features that make each war unique. For Clausewitz the novel
characteristics of war were not the result of new inventions, but of new ideas and social
conditions. Military technology is becoming available to more and more states. This is
important because highly advanced military technology is becoming more widely available.
One of the effects of the end of the cold war has been a massive process of disarmament
by the former cold war enemies.
Definitions
Some have seen war as any form of armed and organized physical conflict. General
descriptions of this sort are not particularly helpful for understanding contemporary war,
the first because it is insufficiently specific and could equally describe gang warfare, the
latter because it makes an unreasonable assumption. War is simply any form of armed
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violence between groups of people, but it valid to ask what sorts of goals are involved and
how much violence is required for an armed clash to be called a war.
The nature of world

War has taken on new forms in the post-cold war era or has even seen an evolution in its
essential nature, then it is necessary to compare these recent examples with traditional
forms and interpretations of war in order to determine what has changed. War is a form of
organized human violence and when conducted by states using significant quantities of
personnel, materiel and firepower, it is easy to recognize. Wars are fought for reasons. The
Western understanding of war sees it as instrumental, a means to an end. Wars in this
perspective are not random violence; they reflect a conscious decision to engage in them
for a rational political purpose.
War and society

War is a form of social and political behaviour. This was one of the central arguments of
Clausewitz. It remains true at the start of the 20th century but only if we operate with a
broad and flexible understanding of what constitutes politics. Contemporary warfare takes
place in a local context but it is also played out in wider fields and influenced by nongovernmental organizations, intergovernmental organizations. War is an extremely
paradoxical activity. In one sense war is very clearly made up of acts of enmity rather than
cooperation, of imposition rather than negotiation. In another sense war is clearly a
profoundly social activity, an example of humanitys huge capacity for friendly
cooperation. War is both a highly organizing phenomenon. War made the state and the
state made war. The modern state was born during the Renaissance, a time of
unprecedented violence. The intensity of armed conflict during this period triggered an
early revolution in military affairs.
Modernity and warfare

Modernity: new phase of historical development which would dominate international
history for the next 300 years before giving way to post-modernity. The period of
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modernity was characterized by the rise of nationalism and increasingly centralized and
bureaucratic states with rapidly rising populations, by the scientific and industrial
revolutions. The warfare that was characteristic of the period reflected the forces of
modernity. They armed and equipped them with the products of industrialization and
expected their populations to sacrifice themselves for the state. At the same time, another
feature of warfare during the modern period was that, at least in the conflicts between the
developed states it was governed by rules. An entire body of international law was
developed to constrain and regulate the use of violence in wartime.
War and change

During the period of modernity the conduct of war compelled governments to centralize
power in order to mobilize the resources necessary for victory. War may be a powerful
catalyst for change but technological or political modernization does not imply moral
progress. War is a profound agent of historical change but it is not the fundamental driving
force of history.
The revolution of military affairs

The concept of RMA became popular after the American victory in the 1991 Gulf war. The
manner in which superior technology and doctrine appeared to give the USA an almost
effortless victory suggested that future conflicts would be decided by the possession of
technological advantages such as advanced guided weapons and space satellites. RMA
proponents argue that recent breakthroughts and likely future advances in military
technology mean that military operations will be conducted with such speed and selective
destruction that the whole character of war will change. The speed, power and accuracy of
the weapons employed enabled them to be carefully targeted so as to destroy vital
objectives without inflicting unnecessary casualties on civilian populations. The RMA
emphasis on military technology and tactics risks producing an over-simplistic picture of a
complex phenomenon .
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Military responses to the RMA

Most of the literature and debate on the RMA has been American and has tended to take
for granted the dominance conferred by technological superiority. Techniques such as
guerrilla warfare and terrorism are now being used as strategies in their own right. RMA
authors also tend to work within a Westphalian state-centric model that overemphasizes
the traditional state-to-state confrontation and may not be particularly relevant in the
intra-state insurgency warfare that has been prevalent since 1991.
Technology and the RMA

The danger in the emphasis on technological aspects that is central to the RMA literature is
that it can lead to an underestimation of the political and social dimensions of war. Some
conflicts are being influenced by elements of the RMA such as specific technologies. While
some authors have questioned the existence of a true RMA, there are arguments for
seeing it as an inevitable outcome of the era of globalization and postmodernity. A major
part of the appeal of the RMA concept in Western societies is that it suggests the
possibility of using so-called smart weapons to achieve quick victory in war.
Postmodern war
Global society is moving from the modern to the postmodern age. This is a process that
has been under way for several decades and is the result of a wide range of economic,
cultural, social changes that are altering the meaning of the state and the nation. In some
parts of the world the state is transferring functions to private authorities and businesses.
The media have become far more important in terms of shaping or even constructing
understandings of particular wars. Another postmodern development has been the
increasing outsourcing of war. More and more states have contracted out key military
services to private corporations. The 20th century saw the advent of total war which
involved the complete mobilization of the human and military resources of the state in the
pursuit of victory and which recognized few if any moral restraints in terms of who could
be the targeted if their destruction would bring victory closer.
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New wars
The new wars occur in situations where the economy of the state is performing extremely
poorly or collapsing so that the tax revenues and power of the state decline dramatically
producing an increase in corruption and criminality. As the state loses control access to
weapons and the ability to resort to violence are increasingly privatized. One of the effects
of these developments is that traditional distinction between the soldier and the civilian
becomes blurred or disappeared. The relationship between identity and war is also shifting
in terms of the gender and age of the combatants. The feminization of war has grown as
women have come to play increasingly visible and important roles. The majority of the
violence of the new wars is directed against women. Children have also become more
visible as participants in war.
Post-Westphalian warfare
The assumption that war is something that takes place between states is based on an
acceptance of the Westphalian state system as the norm, war wars an armed conflict
between opposing states. They were regulated by formal acts including declarations of
war. Many of the features of the new wars are not new in the sense that they have been
common in earlier periods of history. It can be argued that the initiators of the new wars
have been empowered by the new conditions produced by globalization that have
weakened states and created parallel economies and privatized protection. Such conflicts
occur in failed states, countries where the government has lost control of significant parts
of the national territory.
Conclusion
The end of the cold war has not altered the dominant patterns of war that have been in
place for the past fifty years. The new forms of conflict are for the most part not new as
such, but have received more Western attention since the end of the cold war.
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Chapter 14
International global security: is it possible to achieve it in the kind of world in which we
live?
There has been a difference between realists and idealist thinkers who have been
pessimistic and optimistic in their response to this central question in the international
political fields. War and violent crime were seen as perennial features of inter-state
relations stretching back through human history.
What is meant by the concept of security

Security is a contested concept dominated by the idea of national security which was
defined in militarized terms. The focus on the tension between national and international
security is not accepted by all. There are those who argue that the emphasis on the state
and inter-state relations ignores the fundamental changes that have been taking place in
world politics, especially in the aftermath of the cold war. Others argue that the stress on
national and international security is less appropriate because of the emergence of an
embryonic global society in the post-cold war era. These writers argue that one of the
most important contemporary trends is the broad process of globalization that is taking
place. They accept that this process brings new risks and dangers.
These threats to security are viewed as being outside the control of nation-states. At the
same time, other writers on globalization stress the transformation of the state.
The traditional approach to national security

From the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648 states have been regarded as by far the most
powerful actors in the international system. This has meant that security has been seen as
the priority obligation of state governments. The international system was viewed as a
rather brutal arena in which states would seek to achieve their own security at the
expense of their neighbours. Interstate relations were seen as a struggle for power as
states attempted to take advantage of each other.
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Key neo-realist assumptions

The international system is anarchic; theres no central authority capable of
controlling state behaviour.
States claiming sovereignty will develop offensive military capabilities to defend
themselves and extend their power.
Uncertainty is inherent in the international system. States can never be sure of the
intentions of their neighbours and must be on their guard.
States will want to maintain their independence and sovereignty and survival will be
the most basic driving force influencing their behaviour.
According to this view national security is the result of the structure of the international
system. For neo-realists writers like Mearshmeier, international politics may not be
characterized by constant wars but a relentless security competition takes place.
The difficulties of cooperation between states

Neo- realist writers illustrate that we continue to live in a world of mistrust and constant
security competition. Cooperation between states occurs but is difficult to achieve and to
sustain. Two main factors make cooperation difficult: the prospect of cheating and the
concern that states have about relative gains.
THE PROBLEM OF CHEATING
There are distinct limits between states because states have always been fearful
that others will cheat on any agreements reached and attempt to gain advantages
over them.
THE PROBLEM OF RELATIVE GAINS.
States tend to be concerned with relative gains rather than absolute gains. Instead
of being interested in cooperation, states always have to be aware of how much
theyre gaining compared with the state they are cooperating with.
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The opportunity for cooperation between states.

LIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM: One of the main characteristics of the neo-realist approach to
international security is the belief that international institutions do not have an important
part play in the prevention of war. Although the past may have been characterized by
constant wars and conflict, important changes are taking place in the international
relations at the beginning of the 21st century. This approach, known as liberal
institutionalism, operates within the realist framework but argues that international
institutions are much more important in helping to achieve cooperation and stability than
structural realists realize. International institutions cooperating on the basis of reciprocity
will be a component of any lasting peace. International institutions are unlikely to
eradicate war from the international system but they can play a part in helping to achieve
greater cooperation between states.
Alternative approaches
CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY: The fundamental structures of international politics are social
rather than strictly material. This leads social constructivists to argue that changes in the
nature of social interaction between states can bring a fundamental shift towards greater
international security. Many constructivists share realist assumptions about international
politics. Some accept that states are the key referent in the study of international politics
and international security, that states cannot be certain of the intentions of other states
and that states attempt to behave rationally. Constructivists think about international
politics in a very different way from neo-realists. The latter tend to view structure as made
up only of a distribution of material capabilities. Constructivists view structures as the
product of social relationships. The emphasis on the structure of shared knowledge is
important in constructivist thinking. The idea of power politics has meaning to the extent
that states accept the idea as a basic rule of international politics. According to social
constructivist writers power politics is an idea that affects the way states behave but it
does not describe all inter-state behaviour. For some the fact that structures are socially
constructed does not mean that they can be changed. Many constructivists are more
optimistic. They point to the changes in ideas introduced by Gorbachev which led to a
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shared knowledge about the end of the cold war. According to this view understanding the
crucial role of social structure is important in developing policies and processes of
interaction that will lead to cooperation rather than conflict.
Critical feminist and discursive security studies

Constructivists and realists agree on the central role of the state in debates about
international security. Critical security studies include a number of different approaches.
These include theory feminist approaches and poststructuralist approaches. Robert Cox
draws a distinction between problem solving theories and critical theories. Problemsolving theorists work within the prevailing system. They take the existing social and
political relations and institutions as starting points for analysis and then see how the
problems rising from these can be solved. Critical theorists focus their attention on the
way these existing relationships and institutions emerged and what might be done to
change them. Feminist writers also challenge the traditional emphasis on the central role
of the state in studies of international security. Feminists argue that if gender is brought
more explicitly into the study of security the result will be a different view of the nature of
international security. Recent years have seen the emergence of poststructuralist
approaches to international relations. They share the view that ideas, discourse are crucial
in understanding international politics and security. This is because realism is a discourse
of power and rule that has been dominant in international politics in the past and has
encouraged security competitions between states. The aim for many poststructuralists is
to replace the discourse of realism or power with a different discourse and alternative
interpretations of threats to national security.
Global society and international security

Writers from the global society school of thought argue that the process of globalization
has accelerated to the point where the clear outlines of a global society are now evident.
The emergence of a global economic system, global communications and the elements of a
global culture have helped to provide a wide network of social relationships. Supporters of
the global society school accept that globalization is an uneven and contradictory process.
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The end of the cold war has been characterized by the fragmentation of nation-states. The
result of this fracture statehood has been a movement away from conflicts between the
Great Powers to new forms of insecurity. Such conflicts pose a critical problem for the
international community of whether to intervene in the domestic affairs of sovereign
states to safeguard minority rights and individual human rights. Man global theorists argue
that its now increasingly necessary to think of the security of individuals of groups within
the emergent global society. Some argue that while the state is being transformed by
globalization, it remains a key referent in the contemporary debate about security.
According to this view of globalization, states are being transformed as they struggle to
deal with the range of new challenges that face them.
No doubt that national security is being challenged by the forces of globalization.
Globalization appears to be having a negative effects on international security because it is
associated with fragmentation, inequality and terrorism.
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Chapter 15
International political economy (IPE) is about the interplay of economics and politics in
world affairs. The markets of the world economy are not like local street bazaars in which
all items can be traded and exchanged. The relationship between states and markets was
highlighted by the fact that some states failed to restrain their financial markets. They let
their banks make massive profits at the expense of societies which ended up paying the
costs when the banks failed. Globalization and who benefits most from it was revisited in
the wake of the crisis, particularly by countries that benefited little from financial
liberalization but were affected by the crisis. Relations between the North and the South
were transformed as emerging economies carved out a new position for themselves in
international institutions.
The post-war world economy

The institutions and framework of the world economy have their roots in the planning for
a new economic order that took place during the last phase of the Second World War. In
1944 policy makers gathered at Bretton Woods. They needed to ensure that the Great
Depression of the 1930s would not happen again. They had to find ways to ensure a stable
global monetary system and an open world trading system. The international monetary
fund was created to ensure a stable exchange rate regime and the provision of emergency
assistance to countries facing a temporary crisis in their balance of payments regime. The
international bank reconstruction and development was created to facilitate private
investment and reconstruction in Europe. The bank was also charged with assisting
development in other countries. Finally the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade was
signed in 1947 and became a forum for negotiations on trade liberalization. The period of
high growth enjoyed after the Second World War came to an abrupt end leaving very high
inflation. In the trading system cooperation had steadily grown in negotiations. In the
1970s the gains that had been made in reducing tariff barriers were reversed by policies of
new protectionism. As each country grappled with stagflation many introduced new forms
of barriers. The new protectionism in industrialized countries further fuelled the anger of
developing countries. The determination of developing countries to alter the rules of the
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game was further bolstered by the success of oil-production developing countries in raising
oil prices. Developing countries sought better representation in international economic
institutions, a fairer trading system, the regulation of foreign investment, the protection of
economic sovereignty and reforms to ensure a monetary system. A kind of summit
diplomacy was that between North and South. These negotiations were underpinned by a
different kind of thinking and scholarship about IPE. The developing countries push for
reform of the international economic system reflected dependency theory and
structuralist theories of international economic relations that highlighted negative aspects
of interdependence.
Traditional and new approaches to IPE

An old-fashioned way to describe the competing approaches to IPE is to divide the subject
into liberal, mercantilist and Marxist traditions. These labels still describe different
economic traditions.
THE LIBERAL TRADITION
The liberal tradition is the free market one in which the role of voluntary exchange
and markets is emphasized both as efficient and as morally desirable. The
assumption is that free trade and the free movement of capital will ensure that
investment flows to where it is most profitable to invest. Free trade is crucial, for it
permits countries to benefit from their comparative advantages. The economy is
oiled by freely exchangeable currencies and open markets that create a global
system of prices which ensure an efficient and equitable distribution of goods across
the world economy.
THE MERCANTILIST THEORY
It stands in stark contrast to the liberal one. Mercantilists share the presumptions of
realists in international relations. They do not focus on individual policy-makers and
their policy choices but rather assume that the world economy is an arena of
competition among states. The international system is like a jungle in which each
state has to do what it can to survive. States will seek to do this by ensuring their
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Chapter 15
self-sufficiency in key strategic industries and commodities and by using trade

protectionism. The most powerful states define the rules and limits of the system:
through hegemony and balances of power.
THE MARXIAN THEORY
It sees the world economy as an arena of competition, but not among states.
Capitalism is the driving force in the world economy. It means that world-economic
relations are best conceived as a class struggle between the oppressor and the
oppressed. In international relations this description of class relations has been
applied to describe relations between the core and the periphery. Comparing the
different traditions highlights 3 levels of analysis: the structure of the international
system, the nature of a particular government and the role of interest groups and
societal forces within a country.
New approaches to IPE

International political economy is divided by the different normative concerns and
analytical questions highlighted by the traditions outlined above. The discipline is now
subject to a lively methodological debate about how scholars might best explain policies
and outcomes in IPE. In the USA the study of IPE has become dominated by a rational
choice or neo-utilitarian approach. Rational choice focuses on the incentive structure faced
by those making decisions. It is assumed that actors interests and preferences are known
or fixed. The term rational choice is a useful one to describe this approach since it
proposes that even though a particular policy may seem stupid or wrong. Rational choice
has been applied to interest groups and their influence on IPE in what has been called a
political economy approach. The analysis proceeds on the assumption that governments
and their policies are important but that the policies and preferences of governments
reflect the actions of specific interest groups within the economy. The assumptions of
rational choice are applied to explain how particular groups within the economy emerge
and what their goals and policy preferences are. A different application of rational choice
lies in the institutionalist approach to IPE. Drawing on theories of delegation and agency, it
offers an explanation as to why institutions exist and for what purpose.
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SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM: In contrast to rational choice analysis, other approaches to

international political economy assume that policies within the world economy are
affected by historical and sociological factors. Rather than assuming that a state or
decision-makers preferences reflect rational choices within given constraints and
opportunities, analysts in a broader tradition of IPE examine the beliefs, traditions and
patterns of influence that shape preferences. New approaches to IPE highlight a powerful
debate within the subject about whether we should treat states interests and preferences
as given or fixed.
The globalization debate in IPE

The nature and impact of globalization is the subject of profound debate within IPE. The
term globalization is used to refer to at least four different sets of forces or processes in
the world economy. Internationalization describes the increase in economic transactions
across borders that has been taking place since the turn of the century. The technological
revolution describes the effect of new electronic communication, which permits firms and
other actors to operate globally. One effect of the technological revolution is to speed up
deterritorialization and seek political voice or recognition. Liberalization describes the
policies undertaken by states that have made a new global economy possible. In IPE
several competing claims are made about globalization. Liberal enthusiasts of globalization
focus on technological innovation and the non-political objective forces that are shrinking
the world economy. Terrorist networks and the growth of transnational crime grow easily
and are harder to combat in an era of globalization. Focusing on liberalization, several
analysts highlight the role of powerful states in setting the rules of the new globalized
international economy. The post-war order and institutions were created by the USA,
which was at the time the worlds largest creditor.
International institutions in the globalizing world economy

Globalization increases interdependence among states and increases the need for
governments to coordinate. Realists disagree with institutionalists. Realists reject the idea
that institutions emerge as a solution to universal problems. They argue that international
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institutions and organizations will always reflect the interests of dominant states within
the system. Once created these institutions will not transform the way states define and
pursue their interests. The institutionalists argue that policy-makers will consider the
absolute gains to be made from the agreement. If other states stand to gain more, then
the advantages of signing up are outweighed by the fact that the power of the state will be
diminished. Constructivist reject the idea that institutions reflect the rational calculations
of states either within inter-state competition or as a part of a calculation of longer-term
economic advantage and benefits from cooperation. They argue that any one states
interests are affected by its identity as a state and that both its interests and identity are
influenced by a social structure of interactions and ideas. The realists are wrong to assume
that institutions can only be reflections of power politics. Constructivism and the neoGramscian approach highlight actors and processes involved in globalization that are
neglected in realist and institutionalist accounts and have important ramifications for
institutions.
Conclusion
Globalization increases the challenges faced by all actors in the world economy: states,
firms, transnational actors and international organizations. Strong states are trying to
shape institutions to manage financial crises. Weak states are trying to survive increasingly
precarious and changeable economic circumstances.
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Chapter 17
International law best understood as a core International institution, a set of norms, rules
and practices created by states and other actors to facilitate diverse social goals. It is an
institution with distinctive historical roots.
Order and institutions

Realists portray international relations as a struggle for power, while war has been a
recurrent feature of international life, it is a crude dysfunctional way of states to ensure
their security or realize their interests. To achieve international order, states have created
international institutions which are defined as a complexes of norms, rules and practices
that prescribe behavioural roles. International organizations are physical entities that have
stuff and head offices. International institutions can exist without any organizational
structure. While institutions can exist without an organizational dimension, international
organizations cannot exist without an institutional framework, as their very existence
presupposes a prior set of norms, rules and principles. In modern international society,
states have created 3 levels of institutions. There are deep constitutional institutions such
as the principle of sovereignty, that comprise the primary rules and norms of international
society. States have also created fundamental institutions which provide the basic rules
and practices that shape how states solve cooperation and coordination problems. States
have developed issue-specific institutions or regimes which enact fundamental
institutional practices in realms of inter-state relations. They are the sets of rule and
decision-making procedures that states formulate to define who constitutes legitimate
actors in an international life.
The modern institution of international law

The contemporary international legal system is a historical artefact. Like most present-day
institutions, it bears the imprint of the revolutions in social thought that from the 18lh
century transformed the political landscape of Europe and then much of the world. The
present international system has its roots in Europe and before the 19,h century the
majority of European states were monarchies. Derived from the law of nature,
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international law was understood as a set of divinely ordained principles of state conduct,
accessible to all endowed with right reason.
Multilateral legislation
The legislation of international law takes place formally and informally. Customary norms
are a special category of international law that have a high normative standing in the
community of states that they are considered binding upon all states irrespective of
whether they have consented. In addition to these informal modes of law-making, states
have also developed more formal methods of legislation, the most distinctive being the
practice of multilateralism.
Consent and legal obligation

States are obliged to obey the law of nations even though they have made no promise. The
emphasis on consent is integral to much contemporary discourse on international law.
Leaders of states will often use the fact of their consent to display their sovereign rights.
The status of consent as the principal source of modern international legal obligation is
complicated by two things. The first is that states are bound by rules to which they have
not formally consented. In determining whether a norm constitutes customary law,
scholars look for general observance of the norm and the recognition by states that theyre
observing the norm because it constitutes the law. Second, the idea that consent is the
principal source of international legal obligation is philosophically highly problematic.
Consent can only be obligating if there exist a prior rule that specifies that promises to
observe legal rules are binding.
Language and practice of justification

The modern institution of international law is characterized by a peculiar language and
practice of justification. International law operates as more than a pristine set of rules
calmly and logically applied to clear-cut situations by authoritative juridical interpreters.
International legal arguments is rhetorical. It is tempting to believe that legal argument is
strictly logical, that it is concerned with the straightforward, objective application of a rule
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to a situation. International legal argument is analogical because its concerned to establish

similarities among different.
The discourse of institutional autonomy

The final distinctive characteristics of the modern institutions of international law is its
strong discourse of institutional autonomy. One of the most interesting insights of recent
studies is that political actors regularly speak and act as if at some point in a negotiation
action moved from the political to the legal realm. Imaging the political and legal realms as
separate and distinct is a modern phenomenon.
From international to supranational law?

So long as international law was designed primarily to facilitate international order it
remained a circumscribed institution. States were the primary subjects of international
law, the principal bearers of rights and obligations. Besides, states were the primary agents
of international law, the only actors empowered to formulate, enact and enforce
international law. It was viewed as an artefact of state practice, not the legislation of a
community of humankind. International law was concerned with the regulation of interstate relations. The scope of international law was confined to questions of order not
justice. In recent decades states have sought to move beyond the simple pursuit of
international order towards the ambitious objective of global governance and international
law has begun to change in fascinating ways. The development of an expansive body of
international human rights law has given individuals clear rights under international law.
Non-state actors are becoming important agents in the international legal process. While
such actors cannot formally enact international law. They often play a crucial role in
shaping the normative environment in which states are moved to codify specific legal
rules. The international law is increasingly concerned with global regulation. The
penetration of these laws through the boundaries of the sovereign states is facilitated by
the growing tendency of national courts to draw on precepts of international law in their
rulings. Finally, the rules and principles of international law are no longer confined to
maintaining international order. It has been suggested that international law may be
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gradually transforming into a system of supranational law. While these changes have not
yet prompted the rewriting of international legal texts, scholars are responding cautiously,
current developments have injected new excitement and energy into the field of
international law.
The laws of war

International law governing the use of force is considered the core of the modern
international legal system. Such law has divided into two types: jus ad bellum and jus in
bello. From their earliest articulations, they have always been entwined. The most
dramatic change has occurred in the central precepts of jus ad bellum. Early writings on jus
war stressed the importance of jus cause, the idea that waging war was justified. This was
complicated by norms that appeared to cut in the opposite direction. During the 19th
century the idea that just cause established just war gave way to the much more
permissive notion that war was justified if it served a states vital national interests that
the state itself had the right to define. The precepts of jus in bello have evolved as well.
Here the trend has been less one of radical change in core principles than a gradual
expansion of the scope of international legal constraints on permissible conduct in war.
Three areas of constraints are noteworthy. The first relates to the kind of weaponry that is
legally permitted. The second area of constraint relates to how military combatants must
be treated. The third area concerns the treatment of non-combatants. The evolution of the
laws of war is one of the clearest examples of the shift from international to supranational
law. Since 2001 the laws of war have come under sustained challenge, as the USAs
conduct in the war on terror has pushed the limits of both jus ad bellum and jus in bello.
Theoretical approaches to international law

REALISM
Realists are sceptics about international law and theyre hostile to the liberalidealist notion of peace through law. The absence of a central authority to legislate
adjudicate and enforce international law leads realists to doubt whether
international law is really law at all. Within the state, citizens are obliged to obey the
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law because sanctionists exist to punish illegal behaviour. To speak of states having
strong international legal obligations is nonsensical for realists.
NEO-LIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM
Neo-liberals shied away from directly discussing international law, even though their
concept of regimes bore a close affinity, since the end of the cold war neo-liberals
have been at the forefront of calls for a more productive dialogue between
international relations and international law. States are treated as rational egoists,
law is seen as an intervening variable between the goals of states and political
outcomes.
CONSTRUCTIVISM
Constructivists argue that normative and ideational structures are as important as
material structures. They hold that understanding how actors identities shape their
interests and strategies is essential to understanding their behavior. These ideas
provide clear openings for the study of international law, and it is not surprising that
constructivists have found considerable common ground with legal theorists.
THE NEW LIBERALISM
The new liberalism in international relations seeks to reformulate liberalism as a
positive social scientific paradigm. The theory rests on 3 assumptions. The first holds
that the fundamental actors in international politics are individuals and private
groups, who are on average rational and risk-averse. The second proposes that
states represent some subset of domestic society on the basis of whose interests
state officials define state preferences and act purposively in world politics. The
third assumption is that the configuration of interdependent state preferences
determines state behavior. The new liberalism is a second image theory that gives
analytical priority to the domestic sources of international relations.
CRITICAL LEGAL STUDIES
During the 1980s a body of critical international legal theory emerged to challenge
the inherent liberalism of modern international legal thought and practice. They
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argue that the underlying logic of liberalism in international law is incoherent. Such
liberalism denies that there can be any objective values beyond the values of
individual states and it imagines that international conflicts can e resolved on the
basis of objective and neutral rules. Critical legal scholars claim that international
legal thought operates within a confined intellectual structure. Critical legal scholars
challenge the determinacy of international legal rules. Legal positivism holds that a
rule has a singular and objective meaning. Critical legal scholars also argue that the
authority of international law can only be self-validating. Its only through its own
internal rituals that it can attain the legitimacy needed to attract state compliance
and engagement.
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Chapter 18
An important dimension of globalization has been the establishment of worldwide regimes
within the International system. It was during the 20th century that regimes became a
global phenomenon: It may seems unremarkable that states have established regimes to
ensure that mail gets delivered anywhere in the world and that aircraft can fly safely from
one country to another. The existence of these regimes becomes rather more surprising
when it is acknowledged how much controversy can surround the formation of regimes
and how frequently attempts to form regimes can fail. Regime theorists are located within
two broad schools of thought: realism and liberalism. Realists are often skeptical of or
uninterested in international law. At the same time regime theorists in the liberal camp
identified as liberal institutionalists, have accepted key assumptions made by neo-realists.
But despite the shared theoretical assumptions, liberal institutionalists and realists adhere
to very different assessments of regimes. Realists are interested in the way that states use
their power capabilities in situations requiring coordination to influence the nature of
regimes and the way that the costs and benefits derived from regime formation are
divided up.
Both consider regimes to be the product of rational self-interested actors. They approach
the establishment of rules from a very different perspective to social constructivists, who
assume that the existence of rules can help to shape how actors define their identity and
interests and demonstrate that they share a common view of the world. During this era,
the USA, because of its hegemonic position, had been able to establish and maintain a
complex array of economic regimes in the West. Liberal institutionalists and realists
reacted to this development in very different ways. Liberal institutionalists were concerned
because while the need for regimes was becoming increasingly urgent, they believed that
the loss of hegemonic status by the USA made it difficult to establish these regimes. After
the cold war, the USA became more hegemonic than in the past but concern also began to
grow that USA was losing interests in the formation of new international regimes. Realists
focus on the growing conflict of interest that exist between the developed and developing
world. The developing world argues that the problem has been precipitated by the
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developed world and that the developed world must shoulder most of the costs for
resolving the problem.
The nature of regimes

There are many definitions of regimes. Krasners definition reveals that a regime is more
than a set of rules, it presupposes a high level of institutionalization. One useful
classification establishes a typology of regimes along two dimensions. The vertical
dimension highlights the formality of a regime, the horizontal axis focuses on the extent to
which states expect or anticipate that their behaviour will be constrained by their
accession to an implicit or explicit set of agreements. If there are no formal agreements
there is no regime in existence.
Four defining elements of a regime:
Principles
Norms (that specify the standards of behaviour and identify the rights and
obligations of a state)
Rules
Decision-making procedures (that identify specific prescriptions for behaviour)
Security regimes are a phenomenon of the 20th century. They permit states to escape
from the security dilemma. As scientists have become aware of the damage being done to
the global environment, the importance attached to environmental regimes has risen.
There have also been attempts since the mid 1980s to regulate the international
movement of hazardous waste material. At the same time there is a growing sense that
governments are doing too little too late. Regimes in the economic arena are more
entrenched than those in any other. Trade requires stable domestic economies and a
stable monetary system. A range of international organizations such as the International
monetary fund was established after 1945 to promote an environment where trade could
flourish.
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Competing theories of regime formation

For liberal institutionalists regimes help to overcome the problem of anarchy. To explain
why anarchy impedes regime formation, liberal institutionalists turn to microeconomics
and game theory, microeconomists study economic units operating under the conditions
of perfect competition found and liberal institutionalits draw an analogy between the
economic market and the international system. The microeconomic approach becomes
more relevant when attention is turned to the concept of market failure. The market is not
effective when it comes to the production of public goods and there are circumstances
when unrestrained competition produces public bads. The state can intervene in the
marketplace and require economic actors to collaborate. Within the international system
no global equivalent of the state exists to enact legislation compelling sovereign states to
subscribe to a common policy. All instances of market failure can be modelled by the game
known as Prisoners Dilemma. Its seen by liberal institutionalists to account for why a wide
range of irrational outcomes in the international arena can be explained in rational terms.
All represent cases of market failure with states choosing to pursue competitive rather
than collaborative strategies. They fail to pursue collaborative strategies because they
expect the other members of the anarchic system to pursue competitive strategies. If the
Prisoners Dilemma game does map this situation, it explains why anarchy inhibits
collaboration and indicates that stated acknowledge the advantages of collaboration. The
Prisoner s Dilemma demonstrates the importance of identifying a mechanism that will
convince all the actors that there is no danger of defection.
Liberal institutionalists have followed different routes in their attempt to explain the
emergence of regimes. First, they have drawn on the work of microeconomists who have
insisted that states intervention is not the only mechanism available to produce public
goods. It is widely accepted that the economic regimes established after the Second World
War owe their existence to the presence of the USA as a hegemonic power, although the
Prisoners Dilemma indicated that market failures occur because in an anarchic system
there is an expectation that states will compete rather than collaborate, once states have
moved away from the sub-optimal outcome resulting from mutually competitive
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strategies, there is no incentive to defect from the mutually collaborative strategies and
return to the sub-optimal outcome. It is argued that if the Prisoners Dilemma is played only
once then the game exaggerates the difficulty of generating collaboration.
Realists contest the liberal institutional approach. They attack the comparison drawn
between a hegemony providing public goods in the international system and the state
dealing with domestic cases of market failure. Realists deny that regimes emerge as the
result of states endeavouring to overcome the pressure to compete under conditions of
anarchy. The realists account of regimes must explain why states adhere to the principles
and norms underlying a regime that they oppose. They argue that states wishing to form a
regime confront the problem of coordination as illustrated by the Battle of the Sexes, not
collaboration as illustrated by the Prisoners Dilemma. States observe the regime because
they are operating in a coordination situation and a failure to coordinate will move them
into a less advantageous situation. The situation is somewhat different in the area of
communication regimes. All forms of electronic communication use electromagnetic waves
that are emitted along an electromagnetic spectrum. Coordination is essential because
interference occurs in more than one user adopts the same frequency of the spectrum at
the same time over the same area.
Conclusion
Although liberal institutionalists and realists acknowledge that regimes are an important
feature of the international system they reach very different conclusion about the
circumstances in which regimes emerge. Realists link the emergence of regimes to
situations where there is a mutual desire to cooperate but where anarchy generates a
problem of coordination. For liberal institutionalists power may be used by a hegemony to
pressure other states to collaborate and conform to a regime. For realists power is seen to
play a crucial role to determine the shape of a regime around which all states will
coordinate their actions. The Prisoners Dilemma game help to understand the kind of
problems they have to overcome. These problems revolved around the uncertainty about
what the other states were going to do.
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Chapter 19
The United Nation made up of a group of international institutions: World Health
Organization WHO, International Labour Organization ILO + UNICEF +UNDP (un
development programme). UN reflected the hope for a just and peaceful global
community. The only global institution with legitimacy that derives from universal
membership, and a mandate that encompass security economic and social development,
human right and environment's protection. Nonetheless remain key issues the meaning of
sovereignty and the limits of UN action , however UN keep a moral status in International
society.
Institutions and mechanisms of UN reflect the needs and interest of people and of states,
the tension between these various needs are a key features of UN development.
Brief history of UN
UN established (derives from the league of nation born after the I WW to stop wars in the
world * ) 24 October 1945 by 51 winners states after the German-Japan conflict (II WW).
When joining member states agree the United Nation Charter
an international treaty
that sets the bases for international relations. The four purposes are:
maintain the international peace;
develop friendly relations among nations;
cooperate in solving internal problems and promoting respects for human rights;
be a centre of harmonizing the action of nations ;
In UN every states has voice and are able to vote in this process.
*The major problem of the League of nations was the lack of effective power: both the L.
Assembly and the L. Council could only make recommendations, not binding resolutions,
and this recommendation has to be unanimous, but any government was free to reject any
recommendation.
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The structure of the UN was intended to avoid some of these problems. It's composed by
six organs: the security council, general assembly, the secretariat, the economic and social
council, the trusteeship council and international council of justice.
SECURITY COUNCIL: main responsibility of maintaining international peace and
security, made up of 15 states (5 permanent: US, UK, China, Russia , France with veto
power).
When the Security Council consider a threat to international peace it first explores
ways to settle the dispute peacefully under the terms of chapter VI of UN charter. Can
impose economic sanctions or orders an arms embargo. On rare occasion security
council has authorized member states to use all necessary means including collective
military action.
(schema a pagina 314
UN system)
Reform of security council

1965 the only significant reform of security council when was enlarged from 11 to 15
members (required majority from 7 to 9 votes) veto power of the 5 permanent was left
intact.
The security council does not reflect the today's distribution of military and economic
power and the geographic balance. Developing countries have demand more
representation on the security council
impossible to reach agreement on new
permanent members.
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY: all UN member are represented in general assembly, It is a
''parliament of nations" which meets to consider the world's most pressing problems,
each member state has one vote, required to decision a two-third majority. The
decisions taken by general assembly has the status of recommendation. Since general
assembly resolutions are non-binding, they cannot force action by any states, but its
recommendations are important indications of world opinion and represent the moral
authority in the community of nations.
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THE SECRETARIAT: carries out the substantial and administrative work of UN
led
by the secretary-general. The role of the secretariat remains primarily bureaucratic

and it lacks the political power and the right of initiative. The one exception to this is
the power of the secretary-general under article 99 of the charter to bring situations
that are likely to lead breakdown of international peace and security to the attention
of the security council.
THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL: ECOSOC under the authority of general
assembly is intended to coordinate the economic and social work of the UN and it also
consult with non-governmental organizations NGOs maintaining a vital life between
UN and civil society. ECOSOC is responsible for overseeing the activities of a large
number of other institutions known as the United Nation System: specialized agencies
and the programmes and funds. Specialized agency aren't under the control of central
system, the programmes and funds are much close to the central system are subject to
direct General Assembly supervision, can be modified by Assembly resolution and are
largely funded on a voluntary basis. Since 1945 new issues have come onto the
international agenda (rights of women, climate change, resource depletion,
terrorism...)
this issues have brought to UNDP ( development programme).
ECOSOC was not given the necessary management power. It can only issue
recommendations and receive Reports from the specialized agencies.
THE TRUSTEESHIP COUNCIL: established to provide international supervision for 11
trust territories ( ex colonized territories administered by seven members states an
ensure that steps were taken to prepare the territories for self-government or
independence acquired in 1994.
THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE: the main judicial organ of UN. With 15 judges
elected by general assembly and security council, the court decides disputes between
countries.
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The UN and the maintenance of international peace and security

There have been changes in international society since the UN was founded in 1945 that
have had impact on the UN system.
cold war blocked the functioning of the UN
security council. From 1945 to 1990 invoked 193 vetoes in the security council, only 23
between 1990-2010.
Nation could not agree about the arrangements of chapter VII of the charter, especially
about the idea of setting a UN army
followed a series of improvisations to how to solve
peace and security's problems,

security council send an agent to act on its behalf (see Korean conflict in 1950);
there have been many instances of classical peacekeeping. No reference in chapter
VII about peacekeeping but classical peacekeeping mandates and mechanism are
based on chapter VI of the UN Charter: a mechanism that consist in a UN force
under a UN command placed between the two parties and that uses its weapons
only in self-defence. Mechanism first use in 1956 in Egypt during the Suez crisis;
new kind of peacekeeping: multidimensional peacekeeping/peace enforcement
(this missions use military forces to achieve humanitarian ends) emerged after cold
war and sometimes based on chapter VII. Such forces have been used when order
collapsed within states
rose a problem for UN to maintain neutral position (
Somalia 1990, Yugoslavia 1990 and democratic rep of Congo 2009).
Increased attention to conditions within states

The new peacekeeping challenged the traditional belief that diplomats should ignore the
internal affairs of states in order to preserve international stability. Many people think
that international community should consider as well as basic provisions like water, food,
health care and accommodation, also individual political and civil rights. Under this view a
law of internal justice risked an international disorder so UN reinforces the perception that
ensuring human security was (also) an aspect of national interest. *
*after the cold war it became more difficult for states and diplomats to accept that what
happened within states was of no concern to outsiders.
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This idea is reflected in state's creation (ex: a colony that become state) in fact, in this
situations, there's the need to pay attention on the interest of citizens and their rights
before statehood.* Cold war proved that international stability isn't threatened only by
aggressions between states but especially by civil conflict, humanitarian emergencies,
violation of global standards of human rights , and problem such as poverty. More recently
other types of non-state-based threats (terrorism and arms and weapons of mass
destruction) have an increasingly prominent place on the UN security agenda.
*the cold war and the decolonization process had discouraged more active involvement by
the UN within states.
Peacebuilding commission established in 2005 and provides target support to countries in
the volatile port-conflict phase to help prevent the recurrence of conflict.
The united nations and intervention within states

Intervention: traditionally defined as a deliberate incursion into a state without its
permission by outside agency in order to change the functioning, policies, and goals of its
government and achieve effects that favour the intervening agency. At the founding of UN
sovereignty was considered the central point of interest. States were equal members of int
society and were equal with regard to international law.
Sovereignty implied that states recognize no higher authority than themselves inside their
own frontiers, and that there was no superior jurisdiction.
By the 1990s, after many cases of not justified intervention between states for internal
affairs, some people believed that there should be a return to this earlier period where
intervention was justified, but only with the introduction of a licence granted by the UN to
intervene, in the fully respect of states right and sovereignty in accordance with UN
charter. As an example the extreme transgression of human rights could be a justification
for intervention by the international community, (example: Kosovo 1999, Iraq war 2003,
Afghanistan 2001).
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Difficult to relaxing the principle of non-intervention should not be underestimate some

fear that this will lead a military action by individual states without UN approval. The
increasing commitment of UN in operate intervention within states is the signal that we
are moving towards GLOBAL GOVERNANCE and away from unconditioned sovereignty.
Case study: the 2003 intervention in Iraq (remove Saddam Hussein from power)
Was not justified because Iraq didn't have weapons of mass destruction moreover the
violation of human right was not given as a main justification for the invasion until later.
The UN credibility was damaged by the failure to agree on a second security council
resolution and by the decision of US and British administration to use forces against Iraq
without clear UN authorization. After the Iraq's invasion emerged the need for
international cooperation due to the continued difficulties in establishing security.
The united nations and economic and social questions

The more integrated global context has meant that economic and social problems in one
part of the world may affect other areas
promoting social and economic
development is a goal on UN itself The number of institutions within the UN system that
address economic and social issues has significantly increased. Several programmes and
funds were created in response to global conferences.
Despite a shortage of funds and coordination problems, the UN has dine important work in
key economic and social areas.
The millennium development goals( millennium summit 2000) have focused attention on
measurable socioeconomic targets and have further integrated the work of the UN at the
country level, but progress towards reaching the goals has been uneven.
UN climate change cooperation in Copenhagen (2009) COP15: the most recent global
conference focusing on environmental issues (the first on humanitarian environment was
in Stockholm in 1972). The conference made clear the environmental issues remained
prominent in UN agenda. [vedi cap 21]
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REFORM PROCESS IN THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ARRANGEMENTS OF THE UN during the
years this process develop in two levels:
COUNTRY LEVEL: key feature of the reforms at the country field level was the
adaptation of country strategy notes: statements about development process to the
specific need of each country, they clearly set out target roles and priorities.
Moreover another reform was the strengthening of the role of resident coordinator,
an UN's employee that became the responsible officer at country level. +
improvement communication facilities and information sharing
the activities of
UN organisation brought together in "UN houses". New country level approach was
called: Integrated Programmes Approach.
HEADQUARTERS LEVEL: UN family of economic and social organizations has always
been a polycentric system
historically there was no organisation or agent
capable of managing the wide range of economic and social activities under the UN
umbrella. Reform of 1990s : reorganisations and rationalisation of economic and
social council (ECOSOC), before it could only issue recommendations and receive
reports
it became more assertive and took a leading role in the coordination
of the UN system.
ECOSOC was given the power to take final decisions on the activities of its subsidiary
bodies and other mattering relating to system-wide coordination in economic.
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Chapter 20
Chapter 20
Transnational actors and international organizations in global policy
In diplomacy, global law international relations consist of the relations between states but
the better understanding of political change is the analysis of relations between
governments and other actors. Global politics, in facts, includes companies and nongovernmental organizations (NGO). The main categories of political actors:
Nearly 200 governments, 192 of them are also members of the UN 82100
transnational companies ex. Shell, Mitsubishi, Vodafone
9500 single-country non-governmental organizations as Sierra Club (USA)
240 intergovernmental organizations such as UN, NATO, EU and other 2500
regular autonomous conferences and treaty review bodies
7600 international intergovernmental organizations such as Amnesty
International and a similar number of less well-established international
caucuses and networks of NGOs.
These actors play a regular part in global politics and each governments interacts with nonstate actors. It is evident that the proliferation of these organizations is wide, as the range
of their activities.
REALISM: international relations are only those between states, then non-state actors are
of secondary importance.
PLURALISM: all types of actors can act in political relations.
Problems with state-centric approach

1. What is a state? Equal in law but few political similarities
State = legal person but often confused with concrete concept of country.
Country is a distinct political system of people with common values.
Government is a state as apparatus.
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2. Differences between states

Not all states have the same type of unit. Orthodox analysis differences between
superpowers, middle and small powers. Dissimilarities in population, economy,...
3. Lack of coherence
4. State nation.
Transnational companies as political actors

Transnational economic activities are those that have branches or subsidiaries outside
their home country. What are the consequences?
Less control over the currency (valuta) and the foreign trade. Even G20 cannot
control global financial system.
Ability to change transfer prices (to evade taxes).
Individual governments their countrys trade (especially indirect trade).
Many countries usually involved in the exchanges. Difficult to impose taxes and laws
because of extraterritoriality and sovereignty.
In the past regulation and sovereignty were possessed by individual governments
but now these are exercised in a global level.
Non -legitimate groups and liberation movements as political actors

The most important criminal industries are arms, drugs, diamonds, computer chips,
tropical woods and animals. Criminals can be local groups but also organized in national
and transnational organizations.
Difficult define what terrorism is, usually seen as 'unlawful use of violence against persons
or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population in furtherance of
political or social objectivities . Many groups adopted by different groups:
terrorists: called like this to express disapproval
guerrillas: called like this by those who are more neutral
national liberation movements: called like this by supporters
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Political violence is more likely to be legitimated when a group appears to have

widespread support.
Since 11/09/2001 terrorism has become an enemy the states conflict as a global network
and governments can't act as independent sovereign actors.
Extensive political violence used by governments against their citizens usual but since
1970s tribunals have been established to cover atrocities, genocides, war crimes and
crimes against humanity. In the 2002 a new permanent International Criminal Court was
created as modification of the inter-state system.
Non-governmental organizations as political actors

United Nations Charter contains article 71 providing for the Economic and Social Council
recognizes 3 types of NGOs:
high status NGOs
specialist NGOs with a few fields activities
a Roster of other NGOs make occasional contributions
what is a NGO for the UN?
1. Should support the activities of the UN.
2. Should be a representative body with headquarters, officers,...
3. Cannot be a profit-making body.
4. Violence not accepted.
5. Cannot be a political party.
6. Not established by an intergovernmental agreement.
GLOBALIZATION: creation of global economy
globalizations of unions, bodies,
professions, scientists,...
consequences: governments cannot control the flow of information across their borders.
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When a NGO cooperate transnationally may combine in:

International NGO'S (red cross)
Advocacy networks (Emergency, Amnesty international people protesting
against nuclear power)
Caucuses
Governance network
International organizations as systems

International organizations are structure for political communication. Exist:
Intergovernmental organizations, interstate diplomacy
International non-governmental organizations, transnational relations
Hybrid international organizations like the Red Cross
Issues and policy systems in global policy

Useless distinction between high and low politics for transnational actors
TNC's possess material power (esp economic)
Communication, information authority and status influence outcomes (NGO's)
Ability to use interaction processes to mobilizes support influences policy
Different policy domains contain different actors.
Transnational actors are an important source of change.
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Chapter 21
Chapter 21
Ecological footprints of individual states vary to an extraordinary extent - example is the
different carbon emission of each state: if everyone enjoy the current lifestyle of the
developed countries, more than three planets would be required. There are vast
inequalities between rich and poor in their use of the earth s resources and the ecological
shadow or footprint that they impose on it.
This situation is rendered more
unsustainable by the process of globalization.

Economists claim that globalisation's opening up of markets can increase efficiency and
reduce pollution, similarly, glob, has promoted the sharing of knowledge and the
influential presence of non-governmental organizations in global environmental politics.
Anyway ecological balance and the resources upon which human beings depend for
survival is now under serious threat (fresh water, clean atmosphere, stable climate).
Global problems need global solution
require global environmental governance!
(yet local and regional action have great importance to response to many problems but a
defining characteristic of environmental politics is the need of "think globally-act locally"
NGO's very active in this aspect).
In addressing shared environmental problems, global environmental governance bringing
to bear inter-state relation , international law and international organization.
Use of the Term "governance" "government"
means that regulation and control
have to be exercised in the absent of a central government. (regime analysis chap. 18)
Historical events about environmental issues in the international agenda

Environmental issues appear on the international agenda in the post 2nd world war with
the evidence of the damaging pollution of atmosphere, of watercourses and sea (before
the era of glob. There were only this two environmental concerns:
1. conservation of natural resources.
2. the damage of pollution
and this two concerns didn't go beyond the commitment of one state.
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Salience of environmental issues grew in 1960
Chapter 21
UNGA (UN general assembly)
became in 1972 UNCHE (UN conference of the human environment) to focus government
attention and public opinion on the importance and urgency of the question. Yet it was
clear for the states of the south that environmental questions could not be separated from
their demands for development. 1992 conference on environmental and development
(UNCED) was the largest international conference held so far
rising the profile of the
environmental as an international issue.

Now the discussion was embedded with the recognition of the dire state of the African
continent
poverty eradication emphasized
controversial element the role of
private-public sector partnership.

In 1980 became a commonplace to speak in term of global environmental change, which
was represented by the discover of the ozone hole and the awareness that human activity
might altering the global climate.
A series of well publicized disasters and facts during 60's encourage the birth of several
new NGOs (Greenpeace, friends of the earth, world wildlife fund for nature etc.).
Resume: - in 19th-20th century international environmental politics was strictly
limited , but from around 1960 its scope expanded as environmental problems acquired a
transnational and then a global dimension.
-the process was reflected in and stimulated by three great UN conferences in 1972, 1992,
2002, whose most important role was to make the connection between the international
environment and development agendas, as expressed in the important concept of
sustainable development.
- international environmental politics reflected the issue-attention cycle in development
countries and relied heavily on increasing scientific knowledge.
The function of international environmental cooperation

International cooperation establishes governance regimes to regulate trans-boundary
environmental problems. But the pursuit of power status and wealth is rarely absent from
the international deliberation. > many of international cooperation gatherings clearly
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reflected struggles for national and organizational advantages. Because of this some
suspect that much of the activity at the international environmental meetings is simply to
issue declarations convincing domestic publics that something is being done, even if
environment conditions continue to deteriorate.
Trade and environment

Many green activists argue that trade itself damages the environment by destroying local
sustainable agriculture and encouraging the environmentally damaging long-range
transport of goods.
Trans-boundary trade and pollution control
When animals fish water or pollution cross the national frontiers , arises the need
for international cooperation (the regulation of trans-boundary environmental
problems is the longest-established function of international cooperation
MEAs multilateral environmental agreements). Controlling, taxing, promoting trade
has always been one of the more important functions of the state , and trade
restrictions can also be used as an instrument for nature conservation
(1973
convention on international trade in endangered species). Use of trade
penalties and restrictions by MEAs has been a vexed issue when the objective of
environmental protection has come into conflict with the rules of the GATT/ WTO
trade regime. The background to such arguments is wider debate about the
relationship between trade and the environment.
Norm creation
The development of international environmental LAW
the UN earth summits
were in establishing environmental norms. The 1972 Stockholm conference

produced its "principle21" ( "agenda 21" issued by Rio 1992, frequently derided for
its non-binding character it remains a point of reference).
Capacity building
for sustainable development (is Development that meets
the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to
meet their own needs) in the developing world 1991 UNEP , UNDP and the world
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bank created an international mechanism specifically for funding environmental

projects in developing countries
most of this state lack the resources to
participate fully in international agreement.

Scientific understanding
Generating and sharing scientific information has long been a function of
international cooperation in such public bodies
BUT disseminating scientific
information needs funding from governments because the private sector has no
incentive to do the work
international environmental regimes usually have
standing scientific committees and subsidiary bodies to support their work.

Governing the commons
global commons are usually understood as areas and resources that do not
fall under sovereign jurisdiction (they are not owned by anybody)
ocean
floor, high seas, outer space another highly important common and atmosphere.
Commons all have an environmental dimension
ocean environment has been
polluted by land-bases effluent and oil and other discharges from ships. Also the
global atmosphere has been degraded in a number of highly threatening ways,
trough damage to the stratospheric ozone layer ("tragedy of the commons"). Within
the jurisdiction of governments it may be possible to solve the problem by turning
the common into private property or nationalizing it.
Therefore the function of international cooperation in this context is the very
necessary one of providing a substitute for world government to ensure that global
commons are not misused and subject to tragic collapse.
That has been done
through creating regimes for the governance of the global commons (central
contribution of global commons regimes are rules to ensure mutual agreement
between users about acceptable standards of behaviour and levels of exploitation).
It is very difficult to enforce compliance with an agreement on the part of sovereign
states even when they have undertaken to comply a fundamental difficulty for
international law and hardly unique to environmental regimes (Antarctic example :
1959 treaty. The Antarctic regime is a rather exclusive club and the members have
to demonstrate their involvement in scientific research on the frozen continent).
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About issue of ozone layer there was a framework convention in 1985
1987
Montreal protocol imposing international controls over ozone depleting chemicals.

The evolution of ozone layer
example of how international cooperation is
effective solution to a global environmental problem.
Tragedy of the commons
Garrett Harding coined the term. He observed a
conflict between individual and collective interest, to Harding the solution to the
dilemma - enclosure of the commons through privatisation or nationalisation - has
only limited applicability in the case of the global commons, for two main reasons it
is physically impossible to enclose them and there is no central world government
to regulate their use.
- International environmental meetings serve several political objectives near
environmental aims.
- A key function of international cooperation is trans-boundary regulation but
attempts at environmental action may conflict with the rules of the world trade
regime.
- International action is needed to promote environmental norms developed
scientific understanding and assist the participation of developing countries.
- International cooperation, is necessary to provide governance regimes for the
global commons.
Climate change
Argument long time debated within the greenhouse effect between scientist but only in
late 1980 emerge to stimulate action. The greenhouse effect is essential to life on earth.
If nothing is done to curb intensive fossil fuel emissions there will be a rise in temperatures
that will cause: sea-level rises and turbulent weather are generally expected.
Fist decade 21st century: unusual weather patterns, storm events, melting of polar ice
added a public interest to the fears of the scientific community
climate change is
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different from anything the international system has met, is already become the subject of
"high politics" at G8. There are some similarities with the problem of stratospheric ozone.
UN framework convention on climate change(UNFCCC), Rio 1992 establish a continuing
series of annual conferences - the CoPs.
1997 second CoP in Kyoto the parties agreed a control measure with the Kyoto protocol
involving emission reductions to developed countries facilitated by flexibility mechanism.
The problems faced by the Kyoto protocol was vastly complex and demanding than those
of Montreal in 1987, reducing greenhouse gas emissions would involve energy, transport
and agriculture : the fundamentals of life in modern societies. Other significance difference
from the ozone regime experience was that there was no scientific consensus and efforts
of the IPCC (intergovernmental panel on climate change) (the effect of climate change is
not fully understood, there is enough evidence for some nations to calculate that there
might be benefits to them for climate alteration!!
ex Russia: it would become more
temperate and suitable for agricultural production). Most vulnerable zones and nations are
those who are developing , with limited infrastructure, located at sea level. The
international attention has begun to shift towards the problem of adaptation to the
inevitable effect of climate change, one of the most important principles set out by
UNFCCC was that of commons but different responsibilities, that means: climate change is
a "common interest" of all but it had been produced as a consequence of the development
of the old industrialized nations (it's their responsibility to cut the emissions).
Intergovernmental panel on climate change IPCC

1988 set up IPCC
brings together the majority world's climate change scientist in
3 working groups :climate science, impacts, economic and social dimensions. They
produce assessment reports. (in the fourth assessment report february2007 : warming
of the climate system is unequivocal and temperature increases because of the human
activity that is more than 90 per cent.)
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Case study : common but different responsibilities

Key principle of climate change regime written into the 1992 UNFCCC : means that
developed nations are immediately responsible of climate change because they had
benefited from the industrialization more than developing countries. It was agreed that
they would have to lead the way in making emission reductions, became clear that to
have any chance of success , the future climate change regime would have to include
emissions reductions by countries such as China and India.
2001: Bush administration renounce the Kyoto protocol, adherence impossibly damaging
to the US economy. Responsibility fell upon EU testing capabilities of this new type of
international actor. The climate regime has been afflicted by the free-rider problem ,
proceeding without USA has been very difficult (USA produces a one-quarter of global
carbon dioxide emission. 2009 Copenhagen CoP: arrival of president Obama and his
commitment to climate legislation in the USA (but not in the Kyoto protocol).
Resume:
Climate change , because of its all-embracing nature and its roots in essential
human activities , poses an enormous challenge for international cooperation.
A limited start was made with the Kyoto regime, but undermined by USA's
absence, although the 2009 Copenhagen conference was a disappointment to the
climate activist, a start was made in involving the major economies of the south in
a new regime.
Kyoto protocol: 1997 UNFRAMEWORK CONVENTION ON CLIMATE CHANGE commits the
developed countries to make an average of a 5.2 per cent cut in their greenhouse gas
emissions from a 1990 baseline negotiated different national target: for example, 7% USA
8%EU 3 Three mechanisms to achieve these target:
Emissions trading : created a market in right to pollute.
Joint implementation: an amount of money is best spent where it can achieve the
greatest reduction in world emission of greenhouse gases, countries with very
efficient power plant will have an incentive to use this scheme.
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The clean development mechanism: same principles applied between developed

and developing countries.
The environmental and international relation history

Regimes: principles , norms, rules and decision-making procedures
The problem to be solved is : HOW TO OBTAIN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE IN A FRAGMENTED
SYSTEM OF SOVEREIGN STATES
liberal institutional analysis of regime creation.
Marxist and Gramscian would reject this formulation, for them the state system is part of
the problem rather than the solution : global capitalism is damaging for environment, the
global spread of neo-liberalism accelerated the typical features of globalization:
consumerism relocation of production to the south, thoughtless squandering of
resources. Proponents of this view also says that state are incapable to anything other
than assist such processes. The climate changes can contributes in internal conflicts and
inter-states war: for example, desertification can be seen also as consequence of poverty
and war in Africa. Link between environmental changes and armed conflict is an extension
of thinking about security because from climate change and lack of resources can born a
collective violence. We have to modify the security idea to understand environmental
threat? Securitization of the environment is something to be welcomed ( environment as a
security problem).
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Chapter 22
Terrorism and globalization
The relationship between globalization and terrorism is difficult to describe accurately, but
it is inaccurate to suggest that the first one is responsible for the increasing spread of the
second. We need to focus on the technologies, which helped and improved the ability of
terroristic organization to work and share information together. Technology, however,
cannot change the messages and the intention of the terrorism: this one is a weapon, used
by a minority of individuals who promote an extremist ideology in order to create political
change.
Definitions
Terrorism and globalization are complex phenomena open to subjective interpretation.
Terrorism is characterized by use of violence in many forms and often against
indiscriminately targets non-combatants. It differs from criminal violence because it's the
use of violence by a small group to achieve political changes, because it's the last
remaining option to obtain attention and power. The causes for the rise of a terroristic
group are many, from ideological to ethnic and religion ideas or exclusion and persecution.
The aim of the violence of terroristic attacks is to spread fear by killing and maiming
citizens. Even though the terrible evidences of their attacks there's not a widely opinion on
what terrorism constitutes and about the legitimacy of their action.
Some view terrorist acts as legitimate only if they meet the criteria associated with the
"just war" tradition, which include a just cause and the use of violence as a last resort. By
the way, the violence used by terrorist cannot be include in this definition because the
state is the only power with the legitimacy to use the force. Following this view emerges
another disagreement which regards the legitimate application of armed force by states.
The example, during the 1980s, Libya sponsored terroristic acts as an indirect method of
attacking the USA, France and the UK.
Violating international norms in the pursuit of terrorists (like USA in Iraq, 2003) or acting
like Libya runs the risk of playing into perceptions that the state itself is a terrorist threat.
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As said before, terrorism in designed to achieve political change for the purpose of
obtaining power in order to right a perceived wrong but rarely they possess the broader
support of the population that characterizes insurgency and revolution because their goals
for change are based on radical ideas and are not shared. Their champagne often take
years or decades to achieve meaningful results and they need to provoke horrific attacks
to reinforce the fear in the population.
Definition: Terrorism = the use of violence by a sub state groups to inspire fear, by
attacking civilians and/or symbolic targets, for purposes such as drawing widespread
attention to a grievance, provoking a severe response, or wearing down their opponent's
moral resolve, to effect political change.
Agreements on what constitutes terrorism continues to be difficult, given the range of
potential acts involving violence^ disagreements influence discussion of the extent to
which organization globalization has contributed to the rise of modern terrorism. There's
little doubt that the technologies associated with globalization have been used to improve
the effectiveness and reach of terrorist groups.
Terrorism from transnational to global phenomenon (1968-2001)

Three factor led to the birth of transnational terrorism in 1968 :
the expansion of commercial air travels;
the availability of televised new coverage;
broad political and ideological interest among extremists that intersected around a
common cause.
As a result terrorism grew from local to a transnational threat.
Air travel gave terrorist unprecedented mobility also because airport security measures
were almost nonexistent when terrorists began hijacking airlines. Incidents of hijacking
increased from 5 in 1966 to 94 in 1969. Terrorists groups formed relationship of
convenience, based around weapons, capabilities and money, to advance local political
objectives.
Televised new coverage expanded the audience of terrorism. In order to maintain the
audience terrorists groups undertook increasingly spectacular attacks, they understood
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that horrific, mass casualty attacks might cross a threshold of violence, so they attempt to
acquire or use weapons of mass destruction, nuclear chemical and biological.
Decade of terrorism 1980-90 includes incident such as suicide bombings and hijacking.
Some terrorist group (ETA and IRA) discovered that transnational attacks were counterproductive in achieving local aims.
Terrorism : the impact of globalization

Al QAEDA, received global recognition as a result of its attack in new York and Washington
on 11 September 2001. Discussion about what is Al Qaeda: a global terrorist group that
threatens western civilization and values, a sub- state financial and resource provider to
terrorist groups, a group acting under a set of extremist beliefs that justified political
violence to fulfil militant Islamic myths.
After 9/11 was depicted as the centre of a global nexus of terrorism.
To explain the vitality of global terrorism in general focus on three areas linked to aspects
of globalization : culture, economics and religion.
Cultural explanations
Violence is the only method to preserve traditions and values against a cultural tsunami of
western products and so why militant Islam's call for armed struggle has been successful in
underdeveloped countries. The social changes associated with globalization and the spread
of free market capitalism appear to overwhelm the identity or values of groups who
perceive themselves as the losers in the new international system. And so in order to
preserve their identity these groups distinguee themselves from the "others". Distinct
civilizations, under Huntington's view, in the world are: Western, Confucians, Islamises,
Japanese, Hindu, Slavic-orthodoxies and Latin-Americans. Where individuals perceive their
own civilizations insecure, conflicts may be inevitable.
Economic explanation
Not everyone agrees that culture is the primary motivation for globalized terrorist
violence. Economic motivations are the crucial factor in the use of violence to effect
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political change. USA and post-industrial states of western Europe form the global North
that dominates the international economic institution (setting of exchange rates and
determination of fiscal policies
unfavourable for underdeveloped world and global
south.)
Wealth is linked to personal security and violence, rising standards of living and access to
educational opportunity may lead to increased expectations for individual's wealth-locally
ambitions. If those expectations are unrealized, individuals can turn to extreme political
views and action against "the system" that denies them the opportunity to realize their
ambitions.
Other view: Franz Fanon in the 60s suggested that the end of colonialism would not end
conflict between the west and oppressed. This struggle would be replaced by another until
the economic and power imbalances were removed.
Terrorist violence is motivated by inequalities of the global economy, terroristic attack
against WTO in 1993 and 2001 was not against USA but against the an icon of global
capitalism.
The idea that the motivation of recent terrorism is the reaction to economic globalization
is weak for some reason for example the personal wealth of members of global terroristic
groups who sometimes come from respectable families.
Religion and new terrorism

9/11
fundamental changes take place in the character of terrorism. A new trend
of terrorism emerge. Postmodern or "new" terrorism motivated by promises of rewards in

afterlife, terrorists driven by religious reasons to kill as many of the non- believers and
unfaithful as possible. New terrorism explained also as the Global Jihad
the
international struggle for purity spiritually, it has also been interpreted as a method to
establish the basis for just war.
Extremists who espouse the militant Islam as Osama bin laden understand jihad in a
different way, for the jihad terrorist there is no compromise with either infidels or
apostates.
Difference in values structure between secular and religious terrorism: religious will kill
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themselves and others to secure rewards in the afterlife. Secular terrorism wanted to
correct mistakes anfid flaws within society but maintain the general system, in contrast,
religious terrorist wanted to replace not modify the normative structure of society (more
dangerous!), the current wave of terrorist violence uses religion also as a motivator and to
provide the justification to kill non-combatants. The ultimate purpose of modern militant
Islamic violence is obtaining political power in order to conduct political, social, economic
and religious reform according to Sharia law.
Globalization, technology and terrorism

The technological advances associated with globalization have improved the capabilities of
terrorist groups to plan and conduct operations with far more devastation and
coordination than their predecessors could have imagined. Capabilities improved in
different areas: proselytizing, coordination, security, mobility and lethality.
Proselytizing
State traditionally have had an advantage in their ability to control information
flows and use their resources to win the battle of hearts and minds against
terrorists groups. Terrorists leaders understand how INTERNET has changed this
dynamic so it became a battle also in the battlefield of the media. Another form of
empowerment for terrorists group brought on by globalization in the volume and
sophistication of propaganda's materials, terrorist supporters now build their own
websites. Any computers of modest capabilities can be used by members of
terrorist groups to create propaganda at very low cost in large quantities, increasing
use of video cameras video footage is useful in inspiring new recruits.
Coordination
Technology gave terrorists group the ability to conduct multiple attacks in different
location. ( simultaneous bombing in London underground in 2005 for example). The
9/11 hijackers utilized cheap and readily available pre-paid phone cards to
communicate. Al Qaeda has continued to evolve despite losing its sanctuary and
training camps in Afghanistan since December 2001. Developing instead of a
hierarchical organization, a virtual global militant Islamic "community of practice"
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characterized by individuals exchanging information and discussing the best way to

coordinate and conduct attacks there are more than 5.000 active militant Islamic
discussion sites ( along the lines of the now-defunct Muntada al-ansar al-islami).
Security
Terrorists cells without adequate security precautions are vulnerable to discovery
and detection. The security of terrorist groups has historically been preserved by
limiting communication and information exchanges between cells, if one cell is
compromised only its members know each other's identities in order to limit
damages.
Mobility
Has always been a crucial consideration for terrorists. Globalization of commerce
has improved the terrorist's mobility. Measures taken between states to ease the
flow of goods improve efficiency and lower costs: see the customs' abolition in EU.
The problem is that the customs cannot inspect all the vehicles or containers
passing through border points or ports (USA receives 10 million containers and
processes 12.000 containers daily). Western government fear that terrorists group
will use containers as a convenient and cheap means to ship WMD (weapons of
mass destruction).
Lethality
Globalization has undoubtedly influenced terrorism. During the transnational era ,
terrorists could obtain advanced weapons to conduct more lethal attacks including
rudimentary WMD. The motivation why they did not acquire and use such weapons
is unclear. Expert speculated that terrorism leaders understood that the more lethal
their attack were, the greater the probability that a state would focus his entire
efforts on hunting them. Globalized media may have played a role in shaping
terrorists plans. Globalization has facilitated access to weapons, in Iraq since 2003
some terrorist groups have been able to obtain the knowledge and resources
required to build homemade bombs
"improvises explosive devices" lEDs.
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Combating terrorism
States plagued by terrorism responded individually and collectively to combat the
phenomenon and have political, military, legal, economic and technological advantages in
this struggle
anti-terrorism laws, taking preventive security measures in airports,
creating special operations counter-terrorism forces. Leaders of USA, UK and Australia

have suggested that all states should cooperate in a global war on terror to deal with the
threat. In order to defeat terrorism , individual states have the responsibility to protect
civilian population. The best approach: pool resources together in a coalition of the willing,
in which forces from the global north are seeking to improve the capabilities of states in
the global south
the result will e the development of a global counter-terrorism
network (GCTN) of states.

Other national leaders are disagree with this view of war against terrorism, in their eyes
terrorism is a crime that is best combat through law enforcement methods. Military forces
should only be used in extreme circumstances. Theorists suggest that the war in Iraq
Afghanistan and elsewhere is the first way in the establishment of an Orwellian system
that is constantly in conflict with the terrorist "other" to justify continued violation of
personal privacy.
Also technological information can help states in discover, locate and identify terrorist
patterns before and after attacks with system capable of performing calculations. However
discovering terrorist cells has much to do with luck. One of the most problematic aspects
of the modern terrorism is the appeal of messages that inspire terrorists to commit horrific
acts of violence (Ex: suicide attacks offer the promise of private goods, rather than public
good). The aim of the international community is to delegitimize the pedagogy that incites
terrorists.
Fundamental fact: terrorism represent the extreme views of a minority of the global
population and globalization has change the scope of terrorism but not its nature.
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Chapter 23
Nuclear proliferations
manifestation of globalization. Only 5 states (China, France,
Russia, UK, USA) acknowledged by the Treaty of the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT) as Nuclear Weapons States (NWS) others have capability to produce nuclear devices.
Civil nuclear market has also changed: more nuclear suppliers around, including
transnational supply networks outside established export control.
First nuclear age (1945-90) and a potentially more dangerous second age, started in
the 90'.
Diffusion of ballistic missile and space-launch technology since 1945.
Control problems generated by end of cold war and dissolution of former USSR.
Effects of nuclear weapons are considerable: blast, heat, nuclear radiation.
Theorizing nuclear proliferation and non-proliferation

What do we have to consider nuclear proliferation? a single decision or a behaviour, an
intention repeated for several years?
International law increasingly important as constraints on nuclear behaviour and in setting
appropriate standards among a range of actors.
Even motivations that lead to the acquisition of nuclear power is now more complex.
Now there is a new dimension: role of non-state actors and transnational actors.
Global controls
Global efforts to prevent such a proliferation began soon after 1945:
January 1946 UN establish the UNAEC, Atomic Energy Commission the first.
Nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) and disarmament 189 parties.
Extended indefinitely in 1995.
Review conferences every five years since 1970.
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Chapter 24
Nationalism
Mid-17th century in Europe territorial state, an order of sovereign.
Late 18th century the rise of nationalism nationalized this order in nation-states,
extending from EU to the whole world.
IR became relations between nation-states.

Then globalization changed this political order and the nation-states' territorial
sovereignty became less important.
Nationalism claims the idea that nation exists and should form the basis of the political
order. It can be considered as ideology, sentiment or politics. Different types of
nationalism: ethnic (a real or imagined group of common descents ), civic (the state and its
values), elite, mass, state strengthening, state-subverting.
Nationalism, nation-states and global politics in history

From 1500 new global connections between human beings as the Americas were brought
into contacts with Eurasia and Africa. Some historians think this is already a form of
nationalism but it is usually accepted that nationalism as politics and/or mass sentiment
became significant only from around 1750. In this poque began also global politics
conflicts between states using nationalist arguments.
GLOBALIZATION = patterns of political interaction shaped by relations between the most
powerful states that take place frequently, significantly and simultaneously in Europe, Asia,
Americas, Africa. This just a pragmatic definition that leaves out non-state elements such
as communications, transportation, economic and social interactions.
1750-1815
France vs. Britain both wanted the supremacy in controlling global trading in mass
commodities. They thought their power derived from civilization vs. primitive
cultures in other parts of the world. Dominant form of nationalism was state-
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strengthening, civic and elite. Both were asked to remove privilege and to make
government more similar to a nation. (civic nation-middle class)
revolution,
stronger in France. Nationalism became significant in France and Britain but in the
rest of the UE remained just an ideology.
1815-1914
Other states in Europe and America occupied in regional affairs. Era of
industrialization: transformation in communication (telegraph) and transportation
(steam power). Britain attributed its success to Christianity, parliamentary
institutions and free trade but wanted to control of overseas resources , this caused
violence and imperialist conflicts. British led globalization grew and this generated
new forms of nationalism historical nation, folk culture, popular region and spoken
language. Nationalism became central in the new nation-states and penetrated into
society through mass education and media, tariff protection and subsidies.
1914-1945
The war became more global, state intervention more extensive, war more total.
Victory for the Allies meant victory for the liberal democratic principle of national
self-determination. Each state ruled in the name of the dominant nation and
regarded minorities with suspicion. Nationalists represented minorities looked to
their own state for support and invoked minority rights provisions in the peace
treaties. This nationalism was inward-looking. Nationalists alone could form states
only with the destruction or weakening of multinational states through law. Since
1918 within EU application of the doctrine of national self-determination. IR were
transformed with the League of Nations.
1945-90
The major shapers of the post-wars were USA and USSR. In UE focus was on
stabilizing nation-states within a supranational framework. UN made no provision
for minor rights which were seen as threatening state sovereignty and encouraging
ethno-nationalism.
The ability of state-subverting nationalism to form nation-states is based on a
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combination of its own social base and political organization, the power and policy
of the state it confronts and a favourable international situation.
Today
The end of USSR led to a new wave of nation-state formations. Beyond EU the
removal of the cold war freeze permitted the emergence of state subverting
nationalism. Capital, goods, info could circulate freely while workers had more
difficulties.
Increased resort to external intervention into state affairs, involving UN, regional
political-military organizations like NATO, individual states and non-governmental
organizations. The rapid emergence of new kinds of nationalism, the formation of
new nation-states and the violence conflicts altered the global order and stimulated
the intervention of non-state actors that have been justified in universalist terms:
human rights, democracy...
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Chapter 25
Culture in human affairs
Whenever human beings form communities a culture come to exist, (village , city, clan,
family, ethnic, nation, religion...) communities produce linguistic, literary and artistic
genres that characterize social life and indicate how society should be run. Religious
doctrines give worshippers a moral core, a community spirit and a guide to social stability.
Christianity and Islam offer universal values to community of humankind. The rational and
scientific foundations of western modernity have challenged all religious faiths since the
18th century. Enlightenment gradually allowed individual to question the existence of God.
The broadest construction of cultural identity is the civilization
in 18th and 19th century
was linked with the idea of social and intellectual accomplishment. Civilization was
redefined as descriptive term to categorize the broadest group of people that were able to
identify with a sufficiently coherent set of aesthetic, religious, philosophic, historic and
social traditions. Civilization represents coherent radiations nut are dynamic over time and
place. For example, the liberal ideal of western civilization has emerged from a long
process of meshing with quite contradictory ideas and practices. Liberalism ran alongside
the contradictions of imperial conquest, racial enslavement and colonial rule. Today exists
a distinct civilization: Western, Islamic, Indian and Chinese but no civilization is completely
distinct from the influence of others, in particular from the Western one.
Problem with cultural analysis: it fails to show how culture works, how cultural identity
really affects particular human behaviour.
Key points: all communities produce culture, a culture is compose of customs, norms, and
practices that inform social life.
Religion remains a core influence in many cultures. Individuals typically participate in more
than one level of community, and so humans must often reconcile competing cultural
inclinations.
Civilization is still the broadest form of cultural identity, representing a level of identity
that may spread across nations and states.
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Culture in the post-cold war world

During cold war USA and URSS defined differences in ideological and economic terms, both
superpower offered their model to the world for imitation. The end of cold war saw a
radical reshaping of world politics
triumph of the west reinforced by the revolution
in communication technology. Cultural analysis is central to explain what was happening in

the post-cold war world and offer the way to understand similarities and differences of a
new age of global capitalism and cosmopolitan culture: much of the world was increasingly
brought into the global economy and indoctrinated with its values. For Francis Fukuyama
the end of the cold war had left the 'liberal idea'- combination of liberal democracy and
market capitalism - as humankind's universal project. Fukuyama thinks that there's no
ideology with pretention to universality that can challenge liberal-democracy, he only
localize resistance to the liberal idea for example in the form of Islam. Liberal idea is the
best that anybody was going to get. Profound cultural change accompanied the spread of
globalizing capitalism
wave of democratization and the uplifting of women in the
west had been the most significant phenomenon of the 20th century.
Multiculturalism of globalization
Western culture: the most important influence in the world but the culture of the
emerging global community is increasingly multicultural. Western-originated images and
aspirations were absorbed by Indian's Bollywood film industry, globalization fostered a
cosmopolitan culture in which consumerism was a key totem but local ethnic and religious
cultures survived alongside the cosmopolitan culture. The arena of cultural mixing are the
world's great cities - London, Sidney, Paris, Los Angeles... - requires embracing tolerance
and multiculturalism or it means risking inter-communal suspicious and conflicts.
The counter revolutionaries of the global age

In the absence of a global-level theory of resistance, the opposition to liberalizing
globalization was largely parochial and led by cultural conservatives
religious
elements reflected this fact. Religion helped humans deal with uncertainty and fear,
clarifying the purpose of human life and regulating the behaviour of individuals, families
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and groups. Religious revivalism sometimes took the form of extreme literalism
fundamentalism: is more than a political protest against the west it also reflects deepseated fear of modern institutions with paranoid demonic vision. There is so many people
pessimistic about the world that can only find hope in fantastic visions or apocalyptic
catastrophe.
Popular culture was at the forefront of the cultural counter-revolution.
Clash of civilization (Huntington)

Huntington offered a new paradigm of world politics in which the principal partners of
conflict and cooperation were shaped by culture and, ultimately, by civilization. He suggest
that cultural revivalism was producing a "clash of civilization", and this was about to
become the principal cause of international conflict. For him the clash of civilization
represented a historic development, the end of the cold war have inaugurated a new era,
the rise of civilization politics intersected four process:
1. The relative decline of the west.
2. The rise of the Asian economy and its associated cultural affirmation.
3. Population explosion in the Muslim world and the associated resurge of Islam.
4. The impact of global, including the extraordinary expansion of transnational flows of
commerce, information and people.
The "liberal idea" might be presented as the foundation of globalization and some
cosmopolitan culture by the west, but its individualism , secularism pluralism democracy
and human rights had only superficial resonance in Islamic, sinic (Chinese), orthodox ,and
so on, cultures. Differences between civilisation are deep about: man and God, men and
women ,individual and state, notions of rights, authority, obligation, and justice. Culture
was about the basic perception of life that have been constructed over centuries.
For Huntington culture work at the level of motivation. Cultural conflict could be found at a
micro and a macro level:
micro:
groups from different civilization ;
macro:
principal division between the dominant West and the varying
degrees, the "rest".
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The case of Islam: parts of the Muslim world had long struggled with modernity and
represents an example of the experience of almost non-western societies in the modern
age.
After the collapse of ottoman empire , Muslim modernizers argued that what was required
was the imitation of western culture and organization
women forcibly unveiled
(Muslims were divided by Turkish, Iranian and Arab nationalisms). But Islam remains a
powerful influence in many Muslim societies. When secular states wavered Islam was
there to fill the vacuum of political and social leadership.
Islamic fundamentalism
Islamic revival
From 1966 to 1989 there were Islamic revolts in Egypt, Pakistan and Iran in which militants
advocated a return to the basic texts of Islam in opposition to western-style modernity.
Liberalism and Islam represent two different systems for understanding, appreciating and
behaving in the world.
Liberalism: a vision of economic freedom, individual choice.
Islam: a vision of submission to God, the believer community and a certain kind of social
order.
In the post-enlightened west, the idea of a better future has been a central one . In
militant Islam , Muslim should look forward to a better past.
The Koran represented the perfect constitution in which sovereignty ultimately resided in
God. The idea of sovereign popular democracy was alien.
The Muslims brotherhood: a movement originated in Egypt in 1928 and spread in Syria,
Palestine, Jordan, and north Africa was behind much of the Islamic revival, is both a
political organization and benevolent social foundation but some members turned to
violent revolution.
Iranian revolution itself provided great impetus to the Islamic revival. It was an example to
emulate. During the 1970s and 1980s a crescendo of Islamic protest shook the middle east
(the most militant wanted violent revolution but the majority of islamists was reluctant).
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11 september2001 and its aftermath

1990s: Islamic revival has peaked. Some militants now hoped to revive Islam concentrating
their efforts on proselytizing in the village or neighbourhood fist. Just as the Islamic revival
looked blocked , the new wave of globalization the followed the end of the cold war and
the Gulf war 1991 gave it new life. USA created security architecture across the Middle
East and the presence of infidels in the land of the two holy cities (Mecca and Medina) was
so awful to a body of Islamic opinion, which leader was Osama bin Laden, who has the
idea, the money and the contacts to forge a new global alliance of militants dedicated to
fighting the invasion of the west and its version of modernity.
Al Qaeda
11 September 2001
the world was to be divided into two civilization
(nearer to a Fukuyama's vision than to Huntington) described as the civilized and the
uncivilized (axis of evil: Iraq, Iran and north Korea) the west had no fundamental quarrel
with Islam itself but only with the uncivilized stragglers of modernity (Islamo-fascists). In
the west itself, 9/11 produced a wave of alarm that fed an angst about an Islamic fifth
column within the western societies. Was questioned the nature of multicultural societies
and started to argue that a stable multicultural societies required a bit less tolerance of
differences and a bit more integration by both the main body of the community and by
minority.
Future of Islam in the global age

Muslim countries could not escape the realities of practical politics and economics: the
case of Iran is illuminating, the revolution of 1978-9 promoted a missionary Islam that
sought to oppose the forces of corruption on earth especially USA but the costs were
unsustainable.
Social and political relaxation
the reformers realized that an Islamic insularity could
not be sustained in the global age. Young, women and middle class wanted more freedom,
although there was a powerful conservative establishment determined to stop them
having it.
The struggle to redefine the future of Iran would be prolonged but the Islamic republic
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held the potential for becoming a model of Islamic adaptation : a new model of Islamic
democracy.
Muslims people have met liberalizing globalization with various combinations of imitation
resistance and synthesis. Islam's influence on international relations remain diffuse. The
grandiose dreams of Islamic militants of a transnational Islamic revolution seemed to be
disappointed. Islam is more influential as a social ideology among Muslims and is a brake
on the capacity of liberalizing globalization to transform Muslim societies and their culture.
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Chapter 26
Regionalism
One of the most important features of international affairs. By 2005 the only member of
the WTO (World Trade Organization) that wasn't party to any regional trade agreement is
Mongolia.
Regional cooperation and regional agreement

Regionalization:
Interdependence. Common interests and identity. Social, economic, political
interactions
Security, one of the most important form of interactions
Cooperation: limited arrangements agreed between states in order to work together in
particular areas such as transports, energy, health, economy (commercial preferentialism),
political (support).
Integration: processes to remove barriers between states, promote interactions and create
a regional area with some distinct common rules such a free trade area, economic and
monetary union.
The countries have also to act as a single voice internationally and this must lead to a new
level of governance above the nation-states.
Cooperation are not excluding each other but regional system are usually a mixture of
them.
Why do states decide to pursue regional integration? = what are the dynamics of
regionalism?
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Management of independence= settling down by newly independent states in their

relations between themselves, with the former colonial power and with other
power
Management of interdependence= regional mechanism to guarantee peace and
security, responses to regionalization, promotion of cooperation and/or state-led
integration
Management of internationalization= regional negotiations in the multilateral
system, regional/UN peacekeeping and regional responses to globalization
The first wave took place in Latin America after war, the second took place since late 1980s
after the cold war.
IN THE AMERICAS
Multiple and often competing. The reason of the tension dated bake to independence.
Two international actors: one federal union, USA in 1865 and one confederation,
Canada, 1867. Hemispheric regionalism began with the first Pan American Conference
in Washington in 1889-1890 that became Organization of American States in 1948. Us
policy on regional agreements changed in later 1980s with the beginning of
negotiations with USA, Canada and Mexico leading to the establishment in 1994 of the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). A first summit of the America was
held in Miami in 1994.
IN AFRICA
With the politics of anti-colonialism but often on the basis of pre-existing colonial
arrangements.
Es. French West Africa was a federation between 1904-1958
West African Economic
and Monetary Union.

There was also a move towards continental coordination with a 1997 protocol
between the AEC (African Economic Community) and 14 regional economic
communities. However it suffer from various institutional weaknesses and a general
unwillingness to consider sharing sovereignty.
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IN ASIA
It has followed quite different patterns because of different historical identity. 1967
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 1967 was driven by political and
security concerns, respect, non-interference, peaceful settlement of differences. Now
it still reflects rivalries between the major leaders (china prefers the plus 3 format
while Japan the plus 6, including India, Australia, New Zealand).
EURASIA
A complex and shifting pattern of regional agreements has resulted from the efforts of
the former components of the Soviet union to settle down in a zone of cooperation
and competition between Russian, Chinese and European influence. These patterns
reflect the relations between the newly independent states and Russia, the former
dominant power and also the rivalries between China and Russia.
The process of European integration

Regionalism after 1945 gradual process of integration leading to the emergence of EU.
Initially just a system of 6 members created in order to reach the reconciliation between
France and German in a context of an ambitious federalist plan.
The European Union (EU) is an economic and political union of 28 member states that are
located primarily in Europe. The EU operates through a system of supranational
independent institutions and intergovernmental negotiated decisions by the member
states. Institutions of the EU include the European Commission, the Council of the
European Union, the European Council, the Court of Justice of the European Union, the
European Central Bank, the Court of Auditors, and the European Parliament. The European
Parliament is elected every five years by EU citizens.
The EU traces its origins from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the
European Economic Community (EEC), formed by the Inner Six countries in 1951 and 1958,
respectively. In the intervening years the community and its successors have grown in size
by the accession of new member states and in power by the addition of policy areas to its
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remit. The Maastricht Treaty established the European Union under its current name in
1993. The latest major amendment to the constitutional basis of the EU, the Treaty of
Lisbon, came into force in 2009.
The EU has developed a single market through a standardized system of laws that apply in
all member states. Within the Schengen Area (which includes 22 EU and 4 non-EU states)
passport controls have been abolished. EU policies aim to ensure the free movement of
people, goods, services, and capital, enact legislation injustice and home affairs, and
maintain common policies on trade, agriculture, fisheries, and regional development.
The Euro-zone, a monetary union, was established in 1999 and came into full force in
2002. It is currently composed of 17 member states. Through the Common Foreign and
Security Policy the EU has developed a role in external relations and defence. Permanent
diplomatic missions have been established around the world. The EU is represented at the
United Nations, the WTO, the G8, and the G-20.
The process of integration in post-war Europe was launched in the context of long debates
about the creation of a federal system but the choice was made in favour of a gradual path
towards an ever closer union.
Integration by conferring competence for many economic sectors to supranational
institutions that can take decisions that are binding on the member states.
Conclusion
Different types of regionalism in different parts of the world. This is not a contradiction to
globalization but the expression of local attempts to accommodate and respond to its
challenges.
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Chapter 27
What is international trade?
International trade occur when a citizen of one country produce a good that subsequently
consumed by a citizen of another country so the good has to travel across one national
border to connect the producer with the consumer. The country producing the good:
exporter, the country in which the good is sold: the importer.
The body that today is formally charged with overseeing the regulation of all export
activity is WTO (World Trade Organization). A relatively new institution (1995), it replaced
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) which have regulated global trade
since 1947, by the 1990 it had become increasingly Inappropriate to the purpose for which
it was designed. The WTO prides itself in being a member-based organization and it had
153 members. The majority of these members are developing countries, 32 of which have
the United Nation-approved designation of Least Developed Country. The principal export
goods for many developing countries are in agriculture and textiles.
If developing countries are to benefit from inward capital flows, they need to secure a
positive assessment of their economic outlook in the regular country reports written by
the International Monetary Fund (IMF). To obtain this they also have to assure global
investor that the role of law in those countries in strong enough to prevent the state from
appropriating overseas financial investments and guarantee that those investments will be
determined solely by market mechanism. For many developing countries joining WTO
become a signal to offer assurance to global investors that any money committed to their
country remain safe. The WTO is much more important to them then their membership is
to WTO (that's not the same if we look instead at the situation of the countries of G7 in
general, and USA and EU in particular).
The credibility of USA and EU within the global trading system arise from the power that
follows their dominant position with respect to smaller trading partners, not from their
membership at the WTO; the credibility of the WTO by contrast is wholly dependent on
keeping the USA and the EU on board and engaged as active participants.
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The structure of decision-making at the WTO consequently reflects this asymmetrical

distribution of power: WTO is in appearance the most democratic of governance
institution with its "one member -one vote " decision-making structure BUT votes are not
taken on individual measures to build up incrementally a body of international trade law
that is acceptable to a majority of WTO members. So members have to decide whether to
accept a whole package of reform known as SINGLE UNDERTAKING agreed in advance of
WTO Ministerial Meeting. The most developed country have clearly access to the process,
but the vast majority of developing countries do not.
USA and EU take much larger diplomatic delegation to Ministerial than any other country.
The impact of the global balance of power on outcomes is much more visible under the
WTO system than it was under GATT. When USA and EU act in concert are almost able to
get their interests imprinted into WTO law, even if majority opinion among WTO members
points in a different direction. Very real dilemma for WTO that could not survive as a
credible multilateral institution without the active participation of the trading
powerhouses of USA and EU.
The decision-making structure : better one effective but exclusively or one prolonged
negotiation but allowing each member to express its will? Until now it had been
emphasized efficiency in reaching final decisions over the democratic credentials of the
decision-making process. Failure of ministerial meeting at Seattle in 1999: developing
countries had been excluded from the decision making process.
The current regulation of global finance

The objectives of global financial regulation are determined almost solely by the countries
that finance the maintenance of the regulatory system. The two principal bodies in this
respect are :
international monetary fund;
the world bank.
Formal task of IMF is to provide short-term monetary assistance to countries seeking
enhanced development prospect. World bank provide longer-term monetary assistance to
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countries seeking enhanced development prospects. Both institution present themselves

as technical help to countries in economic distress. IMF and world bank draw dissent from
civil society activists not only because of their policy intervention in supposedly sovereign
countries, but also they are the most visible formal symbols of the institutionalized power
of global finance: this power has increased considerably since the 1970s.
Economy is able to influence in a positive or negative way state's internal politics and
parties acts. For example parties, especially those with social democratic aspirations to
defend welfare, have moved in the past years to the right on question of monetary policy
increasingly approving conservative monetary policies in order to hold inflation in check
because this is what they think financial markets want to hear. Private financial institution
(banks) have an interest in the defence of the existing price structure of financial assets,
the wealth and that of their shareholders is intimately linked to that price structure. That
defence involves the introduction of strict counter-inflationary policy in order to ensure
that inflationary pressure are squeezed out of economy.
Flows of global finance completely dwarf flows of global trade, with the dollar value of
currency market turnover alone being 65 times higher than the dollar value of all
countries export activities in aggregate. Speculative flows on world currency markets are
such a big problem for governments because on a daily basis theyre more than twice the
size of the foreign currency reserves held in the central bank vaults of all IMF member
states put together. During the Asian financial crisis the IMFS response was much more
decisive and much more in keeping with the reputation it has developed for itself as a free
market ideologue than was its response to the sub-prime crisis that engulfed Western
banks in 2007/08. The IMFs concern was that governments within the region were already
too active in influencing the way that their countries banks lent money. Despite the
continued rise of East Asia in global trade and the emergence of China as a genuine trading
powerhouse, global financial flows have not followed the same pattern. East Asia has been
increasingly bypassed as global financial flows have been concentrated elsewhere within
the world economy. Global finance is spatially concentrated in the North Atlantic
economy. The concentration is so marked that the adjective global is questionable as a
description of the character of financial flows within the world economy.
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A brief history of market self-regulation in trade and finance

The regulation of global trade takes place independently of the regulation of global
finance. Market prices are used to guide economic behaviour towards outcomes. This is an
obvious political experiment with market self-regulation and there have been other similar
experiments stretching back a long way into world economic history. The first occurred in
17th century. This was the era of the giant stockholding companies, the precursor of the
modern multinational corporation. Firms raised capital to invest overseas so that they
could develop a trading infrastructure that would allow them to acquire products in the
territories in which they operated. There were few moral restrictions on the activities of
such companies, because they acted far away from any effective means of oversight. They
appropriated wealth in distant territories by force, setting up imperialistic governance
structures. The regulation of global trade and global finance also revolved around a system
of market self-regulation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This was the Gold
Standard system which worked as an automatic adjustment mechanism designed to
impose market logic onto the prevailing patterns of global finance. Under the Gold
Standard system imports were paid for using gold where each national currency was freely
convertible into gold at a predetermined and fixed rate. If a country was experiencing a
deficit on its balance of trade gold would have to flow out of the country in order to
finance the purchase of the additional exports. The most frequently discussed regulatory
settlement within IR literature was constructed on the basis of introducing deliberate
obstacles to the application of pure market logic. The Breton Woods system facilitated
government intervention to direct flows of global trade and global finance. The famous
economist Keynes, had argued that the Great Depression had been caused by the
prevailing system of market self-regulation. His priority was to create a multilateral
institution that would facilitate continual expansions in global trade. The proposed
institution was to be called the International Trade Organization (ITO). The failure of the
ITO proposals meant that only two institutions were created at Breton Woods: the IMF and
the World Bank. In the immediate post-Second World War period strict limits were placed
on the globalization of finance. The evolution of the regulatory system typically follows
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really quite closely the perceived needs of the worlds most powerful economies at any
particular moment of time.
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Chapter 28
Poverty, development and hunger
Economic gap between richest and poorest states with the advent of globalization the
situation became even worse
poverty hunger and disease widespread. More recently
social unrest in many parts of the world and the fear of terrorism lead to a greater
diplomatic activity.
Poverty
Situation where people have no money to buy food or satisfy other basic needs and
often are un- or underemployed. This monetary-based conception has been widely
regarded as characterizing the Third World and most of all, women. The solution
advocated to overcome global poverty is the further integration of the global
economy but with the intensification of globalization always more people also in the
North of the world suffer because of the poverty. Some global institutions
promoted a conception of poverty that goes over the barely material meaning (ex.
Income poverty is a material condition t human poverty means encompassing
human dignity,...) in 2000s some progresses (for example, credit crunch).
Development
Two alternative points of view:
1. As economic growth vs. poverty
orthodox approach
2. Social, in human rights, working conditions,...
alternative approach
Each approach reflects different values.

Development policies dominated by the orthodox approach but since 1980 a new
conception of development based on equity, participation, sustainability,...
widespread among NGO community and also UN.
Hunger
FAO (UN Food and Agriculture Organization) esteem that food is not enough. Why?
1. Orthodox and nature-focused approach identifies the problem as
overpopulation. Thomas Malthus in his Essay on the Principle of Population
1798 underlined that there is relation between human population growth and
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food supply. Population goes on growing faster and faster.

2. Entitlement, society-focused approach see the problem in the distribution of
food. Despite the enormous increase in food production occurred over the postwar period little impact has been made on the huge numbers of people who
suffer the hunger. Having access to food depends on national policies, class,
gender, race,..
Globalization can contribute both to increase food production but also hunger.
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Chapter 29
Human security
attempt by sections of the academic and policy community to
redefine and broaden the meaning of security. Human security is about security for the
people rather than for state or governments.
Security
protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states from external
military treats.
In the 1970s-80s began to think of security in broader non-military terms. Yet the state
remained the object of security, or the entity that is to be protected. The concept of
human security challenges the state-centric notion of security by focusing on the individual
as the main referent object of security.
Human security includes seven areas:
economic security
food security: both physical and economic access to basic food
health security: minimum protection from unhealthy lifestyles

environmental security
personal security: protecting people from physical violence
community security
political security
Human security was the work o a development economists who conceptualized the UNPDs
human development report. They proposed a concept of human development that focuses
on building human capabilities to confront and overcome poverty, illiteracy, diseases,
discrimination, restrictions on political freedom and the threat of violent conflict. UN sponsored International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and
Development in 1989 in Paris sought to enlarge world understanding that human security
demands more resources for development and fewer for arms. The move towards human
security was also advanced by the work of several international commissions, for example
the pal commission which proposed in 1982 the doctrine of "common security". The palm
commission notion of common security became the conceptual basis of the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). In the post cold war era , the importance given
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to people's security has grown, one reason is the rising incidence of civil wars and intrastates conflicts involving huge loss of life. Traditional national security approaches have not
been sufficiently sensitive towards conflicts that arise over cultural, ethnic and religious
differences as happened in Eastern Europe. Another reason is the spread of
democratization and the post-cold war emphasis on human rights and humanitarian
intervention (this one involves the principle that the international community is justified in
intervening in the internal affairs of states accused of gross violation of human rights).
Human security is distinguished by three elements:
its focus on the individual as the referent object of security,
its multidimensional nature,
its universal or global scope, applying to states and societies of the north as well as
the south.
Debates about human security

Are divided into two categories:
Believers and sceptics of the concept disagree over if human security is a new or a
necessary notion:
Existing definition of human security tends to be expansive and vague,
encompassing everything from physical security to psychological well-being.
Another criticism is that speaking loudly about human security might cause more
harm than good, giving false hopes to both the victims of oppression and the
international community. Another criticism and really powerful is that it neglects
the role of the state as a provider of security: states are necessary condition for
individual security because without the state it is not clear what other agency is to
act on behalf of individuals.
Weak states are often incapable of protecting the safety and dignity of their citizens.
But if the traditional state security and human security conflict with each other
depends very much on the nature of the regime that presides over the state. In
many countries human security as security for the people can and does get
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threatened by their own governments. But states cannot be regarded as the sole
source of protection for individuals.
There have been debates over the scope of the concept:
The scope of the concept: "freedom from fear" or "freedom from want/need".
The former view focused on reducing the human costs of violent conflicts, the
latter view stressed the ability of individuals and societies to be free from a broad
range of non-military threats (poverty, disease and environmental degradation).
The two conceptions can be overstated since both regard the individual as the
referent object of security, and both acknowledge the role of globalization and the
changing nature of armed conflict in creating new threats to human security. Both
perspectives stressed safety from violence as a key objective of human security and
both call for a rethinking of states sovereignty as a necessary part of promoting
human security. Development is a necessary condition for security, just as security is
a necessary condition for development.
Dimension of human security

What explains the downward trend in armed conflicts around the world? Growing
democratization, rising economic interdependence, declining economic utility of war owing
to the fact that resources can be more easily bought in the international marketplace,
growth of the international institutions (that can mediate in conflicts), impact of
international norms against violence, end of colonialism, end of cold war. A specific reason
is the increase in UN's role in areas such as preventive diplomacy and peacemaking
activities.
Although the outlook is not so secure. The world has experienced horrific acts of violence
and genocide in recent years in places such as Congo, and new forms of violence may
emerge. The growing number of weak and failure states, such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Burma,
Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan, poses a growing threat to human security.
The decline in armed conflicts around the world is not necessarily irreversible. Some of the
factors contributing to the decline of conflicts can suffer setback due to lack of support
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from major powers and the international community. Remain serious possible threats to
international peace and security that can cause widespread casualties.
Wars are a major source of economic disruption , disease and ecological destruction ,
which undermine human development and thus create a vicious cycle of conflict and
underdevelopment. Conflicts undermine nutrition and public health, destroy education
system, devastates livelihoods and retards prospects for economic growth. (52 countries
that are reversing or stagnating in their attempts to reduce child mortality, 30 have
experienced conflict since 1990).
White paper on international development notes: "violent conflicts reverses economic
growth, causes hunger, destroys roads, schools ..and forces people to flee across borders.
Women and girls are vulnerable because they suffer sexual violence and exploitation. And
violent conflict and insecurity can spill over into neighbouring countries and provide cover
for terrorists or organized criminal groups."
Wars and violent conflicts have indirect consequences in causing economic disruption,
ecological damage and disease, level of poverty and environmental degradation. Terrorism
often exploits poverty and exclusion in order to tap into popular discontent- taking
advantage of fragile states.
Environmental degradation which is often linked to poverty and climate change are
another source of conflict. Analysts have identified competition for scarce resources as a
source of possible conflicts. The potential for political agitation and war as a consequence
of environmental problems is evident in host of poor regions around the world.
The issue of climate change has emerged as a security concern for western countries,
although most tend to view it as a national security challenge.
But climate change can be linked to people's human security issue, such as increased
poverty, state failure, water crisis which are authentic human security issues.
[Key elements about disease:
Those who take a broad definition of human security look not only at threats from violent
conflicts but also from non-violent factor as disease.
new infectious disease: HIV/AIDS, avian flu, hepatitis C, west Nile virus...
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AIDS is the leading cause of death in Africa and the fourth leading cause of death
worldwide.
Malaria causes about 350-500 million infection in humans
Tuberculosis is the world greatest infectious killer of women of reproductive age.]
Women conflict and human security

The relationship between gender and human security ha multiple dimensions. The UN interagency committee on women and gender equalities notes 5 aspects:
1. Violence against woman and girls;
2. Gender inequalities in control over resources;
3. Gender inequalities in power and decision making;
4. Women human rights;
5. Women and men as actor, non victims.
Recent conflicts have shown that woman are victims of rapes, torture, and sexual slavery.
Such atrocities against women are now recognised as a crime against humanity.
Another important aspects of the gender dimension of the human security is the role of
women as actors in conflicts. It has been noted that women become targets of rape and
sexual violence because they serve as 3 social and cultural symbol.
In recent years, there has been a growing awareness of the need to secure the greater
participation of women in international peace operations." Women presence in
peacekeeping missions improves access and supports for local women; it makes male
peacekeepers more reflective and responsible".
In 2000, the UN security council passed a resolution mandating a review of the impact of
armed conflict on women and the role of women in peace operation and conflict
resolution. The review 2002 entitled women, peace and security. UN secretary general Kofi
Annan noted that those women still form a minority of those who participate in peace and
security negotiation, and receive less attention than men in post-conflict agreement
disarmament and reconstruction.
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Promoting human security

The role of international community: one of the policy undertaken by the international
community is the establishment of several war crimes tribunals (which is the most
important multilateral action of the international community)
The International
Criminal Court (ICC - July 2002), the Anti-Personnel Land Mines Treaty.
The ICC is a permanent institution with the power to exercise its jurisdiction over persons
for the most serious crimes of international concern. These crimes include genocide,
crimes against humanity, war crimes, and aggression.
It can exercise its jurisdiction only when national courts are unwilling or unable to
investigate or persecute such crimes. The court can only prosecute crimes that were
committed on or after 1 July 2002 , the date its founding treaty entered into force.
In 2006 was inaugurated a UN peace-building commission whom goal is to assist in postconflict recovery and reconstruction, including institution-building and sustainable
development, in countries emerging from conflicts. The UN has also been centre stage in
promoting the idea of humanitarian intervention, a central policy element of human
security. There are also UN specialized agencies that play a crucial role in promoting
human security. For example : UN Development Programme and the World Health
Organization (WHO) have been at the forefront of fighting poverty and disease.
UN agencies such as the UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM have been crucial in addressing human
security issues such as refugees and the rights of children.
Challenges to human security promotion

For developing countries, state sovereignty and territorial integrity take precedence over
security of the individual. Many countries in the developing world are artificial nationstates, whose boundaries were drawn arbitrarily by the colonial power without regard for
the actual ethnic composition or historical linkages between peoples. Human security is
impeded by the lack of political space for alternatives to stase ideologies and restrictions
on civil liberties, imposed by authoritarian regimes to ensure their own survival, rather
than providing security for the their citizens.
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In the developed as well as developing world, one of the most powerful challenges to
human security has come from the war on terror led by the USA in response to the 9/11
attacks.
The 9/11 attacks on USA and the war on terror have revived the traditional state-centric
approach to national security at the expense of civil liberties and human security, although
Obama has modified important elements of its predecessor's strategic approach to
terrorism and promised greater respect for civil liberties.
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Chapter 30
Human rights
Seventy years ago states throughout the world agreed that human rights were not a
legitimate international concern. How a state treated its own nationals on its own territory
was a protected exercise of a sovereign rights (however morally repugnant those practice
might be). The end of the 2nd World War and growing awareness of the horrors of the
holocaust loosed a flood of governmental and civil society reflection and activity that
culminated in the United Nation General Assembly adopting the Universal Declaration of
Human rights on 10 December 1948. From this point, human rights had a permanent place
on international agendas.
Global human rights regime began to emerge.

International regime is conventionally defined as a set of norms, principles, rules and
decision-making that states and other international actors accept as authoritative in an
issue area.
Global human rights regime is based on strong principles and norms but very weak
mechanism of international realization.
International human rights norm

The charter of the United Nations identified human rights as one of the principal objectives
of the new organization. It also created a commission of human rights, which became the
focal point of what we today call the global human rights regime. For the first two years its
principal work was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights a list of internationally
recognized human rights. Economic, social and cultural rights guarantee individuals access
to essential goods and services, and seek to ensure equal and social and cultural
participation. The declaration specifies minimum social and political conditions for a life of
dignity in the contemporary world.
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Human rights are also interdependent (each set strengthens the other and makes it more
valuable, one without the other is weaker), and universal, applying equally to all people
everywhere.
The international bill of human rights provides an authoritative list of
interdependent, invisible, and universal human rights, covering a wide range of both
civil and political rights and, economic, social and cultural rights. "Human rights", for
the purposes of international relations, means roughly this set of equal and
inalienable universal rights.
Multilateral implementation mechanism

Periodic states reports provide the principle mechanism of multilateral implementation of
these international legal obligations, then independent experts receive and review state
reports on national practice. The human rights council has established a system of
universal periodic review. But, because the reviewers are states rather than independent
experts, the typically review is both superficial and unrealistically laudatory. Reporters,
experts, and working groups examine state practices on a wide variety of topics such as
housing, arbitrary detention, education, extreme poverty, human rights defenders,
contemporary forms of slavery, transnational corporations, and violence against women.
Individual countries are also subject to special scrutiny. The international criminal court
(ICC)created in 2002 , is restricted to a very small range of rights and its activities touch
few cases. Asia lack any regional or sub-regional human rights organization (the association
of southeast Asian states, however, is taking the first steps towards developing a subregional human rights mechanism). European are subject to legally binding judgements by
the very active and effective European court of human rights.
Evaluating multilateral mechanism
We have a system of national implementation of international human rights norms,
which principal objective is to develop critical yet constructive conversations that
use international persuasion to improve the human rights practice of particular
violating states. Strong human rights procedures are consequences not a cause, of
good national performance.
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Facilitating compliance
Reports, reviews, complaints and investigations aim principally to encourage and
help to facilitate compliance with international norms. States that are set on gross
and systematic violations of human rights can, and regularly do, flout the global
human rights regime. States that are willing to improve their practices, however,
can be pushed in that direction, especially if the changes are relatively narrow and
incremental. And such changes can provide modest but real benefits to thousands
and sometimes even millions of people.
The impact of norms
International norms also have an independent impact.
Governments cannot legitimately deny obligations that they voluntarily incurred by
becoming parties to international human rights treaties. Authoritative international
human right advocates to focus on how to protect and implement human rights
rather than debate whether the rights in question really are rights. Authoritative
norms facilitate bilateral and transnational action.
Bilateral politics of human rights

Bilateral foreign policy is the second principal mechanism of international action in benefit
of human rights. Since the mid-1970, more and more states have chosen to make human
rights a regular part of their national foreign policy.
The evolution of bilateral human rights diplomacy: after the adaption of universal
declaration, human rights were cynically exploited for partisan political advantage by both
the USA and Soviet Union. In the mid-1970 human rights began to emerge again on the
foreign policy agenda of the USA. In 1976 jimmy carter was elected president after
campaigning on a promise to give human rights a significant place in American foreign
policy. 1977 marks a turning point in the international politics of human rights. The Human
Rights Committee began its operations. Many others countries also began explicitly
including human rights among their national foreign policy objectives, beginning with the
Netherlands in 1979. With the collapse of the soviet empire a golden age of human rights
diplomacy began. Symbolic was the international response to the Tiananmen massacre in
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1989 and the continuation of significant sanctions against china over several more years. In
the 1990 began a topic the aggressive international action against genocide. The events of
11 September 2001 and the start of the "war on terror"' marked another turning point, but
war is never good for human rights and the war on terror has been no exception. Human
rights diplomacy thus enters the second decade of the twenty-first century in a relatively
strong position. Human rights is almost universally embraced as not merely a legitimate
but important element of national foreign policy, in most western and growing number
non-western countries.
US policy in Central and South America in the 1970s and 1980s : Nixon and ford
administrations supported brutal military dictatorship in Chile, Argentina and
Uruguay. These governments violated the full range of international recognized
human rights, perfected the practice of disappearance (desaparecidos). Carted tried
to put some distance between USA and this dictatorships. Only with the end of the
cold war USA become an active and consistent supporter of democracy in the region.
In the mid-1980s, the USA provided massive military and political support to brutal
governments in El Salvador and Guatemala. These examples provide particularly
striking evidence of the pattern of subordinating human rights to anti-communism
during the cold war. Where a significant price had to be paid to follow international
human rights interest. And although American hypocrisy was extreme, other western
states as well rarely made more than symbolic gestures in benefit of human rights
before the end of the cold war.
Assessing bilateral actions

Powerful states possess more resources than multilateral human rights institutions. Even
many middle powers can make the difference with their material and political resources in
a small number of target countries. Human rights however are thus often sidelined in
favour of others national interests and sometime even corrupted to realize other ends.
Case study: international responses to the Tiananmen massacre
4 June 1989, the ruling communist party proved itself willing to kill its own people
on the streets in order to maintain absolute political control. The Chinese
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government admits killing about two hundred unarmed civilians. International

responses were immediate. On 5 June USA imposed an arms embargo, suspended
high-level official contacts, and froze new aid. G7 annual economic summit in Paris
in July also condemned the massacre. The USA, despite the growing economic and
political significance of china and the gradual erosion of international sanctions
during the early 1990s, maintained major sanctions until may 1994. It became
harder and harder to justify continuing to punish china for something it did years
earlier. Anyway, 5 years of sanctions against a country as powerful as China is an
unprecedented event of immense symbolic significance. China lost access to
billions of dollars of international aid and investment, which significantly slowed
down economic growth for about two years. China was forced to accept significant
political changes, initially the government denied any abuse but soon they were
forced to defend the facts of their behaviour, thus engaging the international
human rights regime and admitting the legitimacy of human rights as an
international issue. And these international responses helped to open spaces for
discussion within china that began to be exploited later in the decade.
The non-governmental politics of human rights

Non-state actors are also important players in the international politics of human rights
(especially NGOs).
NGOs as human rights advocates: the sphere of civil society that is neither the market nor
the state and can operate both nationally or trans-nationally. NGOs have been especially
important in spreading knowledge of human rights norms, especially to ordinary citizens,
and publicizing the rights-abusive behaviour of states. National and transnational NGOs
played an important role in getting human rights into the UN charter. Today they are a
central feature of the politics of human rights. The best known international human rights
NGOs are: amnesty international (Al) in London, human rights watch in New York, ILGA
(international lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex association) in Bruxelles, etc.
The principal resources of NGO advocacy are information and the energy of ordinary
people. Civil society, advocacy, however, is deeply embedded in the system of sovereign
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states. Because implementation and enforcement of human rights is a state responsibility,

NGOs no less than states and international organizations must usually act through, rather
than around states. NGOs lack both the power of states and the diplomatic of international
organizations. And it must be admitted that the power of public opinion is limited and hard
to define. Despite their modest material NGOs have also been a major mechanism for
spreading awareness of international human rights norms and for mobilizing both elite and
mass opinion.
Human rights and IR theory

Liberalism and human rights
Human rights were first articulated by European liberals in 17th-18th centuries.
Liberal natural rights played an important role in justifying revolution in England
1689, America 1776 and France in 1789. After many liberals in Britain rejected
human rights in favour of utilitarianism. But the development of internationally
recognized human rights is better understood as reflecting the changing character
of liberalism in most countries liberals were central figures in introducing into
national law and practice the economic and social rights
later expressed in the
Universal Declaration (the Universal Declaration implicitly presents a model of

politics that we typically call the liberal democratic welfare state: a state based on
individual rights, democratic accountability and a mixed economy).
Realism and human rights
Classical political realism underlines "the national interest defined in terms of
power", understood as an universal law of international politics.
Deeply
problematic political description for human rights. The national interest is whatever
the nation is interested in. Just forty or fifty years ago, human rights was indeed
typically considered to be a "merely moral" concern, now have become no more or
less real national interests in the foreign policy of a growing number of states.
Realism does usefully draw our attention to the fact that states in their foreign
policies are principally concerned with the national interest. Human rights is but one
of many foreign policy interests. Realism also usefully reminds us of the strong
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tendency of states to define their interests in narrowly egoistic and material terms,
but, once a state had decided to include human rights among its foreign policy
objectives, the real work of balancing interests begin.
Social constructivism and human rights
International society has been significantly reshaped: sovereignty and human rights
have come to co-constitute one another. Sovereignty has been a central practice of
modern international society for more than three hundred years. The particular
rights of sovereigns, however, have varied significantly, even dramatically (20 th
century states had an unlimited "right of war", after the 2nd WW aggressive wars
came to be effectively outlawed). Over the past half-century international human
rights has imposed restrictions on how states may treat their own nationals,
reformulating the terms in which states and individuals interact. No less significantly
human rights have been shaped by state sovereignty. Human rights are not just
abstractive values but particular social practices to realize those values. Human
rights entitle individuals to certain goods, services, opportunities and protections
and authorize right-holders to those rights against society and the state. Human
rights empower Individuals to act in favour of their rights
MAKES ACTIVE
CITIZENS.
Critical perspective on human rights

By whom and for whom have international human rights been constructed? Critical
perspectives typically emphasize western hegemony, understood as a form of oppressive
domination principally through ideas and values.
The standards critical story of human rights is that they were constructed by western
states and elites to spread western economic and political power. The spread of
international human rights seems to have much more to do with voluntary demand from
below than coercive imposition from above. Human rights have indeed often been forced
on reluctant non-western governments. But when people in Asia, Africa and Latin America
have been given the choice , they have chosen human rights. Cultural arrogance and
ignorance are evident in the human rights diplomacy of many states (especially USA).
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Chapter 31
Humanitarian intervention in world politics
After Holocaust society of states decided the prohibition to commit genocide and
misrecognized basic human rights. Sovereign states regarded as guardians of their citizens'
security.
But what happens when states act illegally against their citizens? An what responsibilities
have states towards them? Armed humanitarian intervention was not accepted during
Cold War because states put more importance on sovereignty and order rather than on
human rights.
Humanitarian intervention
contradiction for sovereignty, non-intervention and the
non-use of force.
Change in the 1990s among liberal and democratic states and NGOs: states' primary
responsibility is to protects their citizens but, if they can't do that or they don't want to,
the responsibility is transferred to the international community
The case of humanitarian intervention

Legal argument: counter-restrictionists argue in favour of a legal right of humanitarian
intervention based on the interpretation of the UN Charter (1945) and customary
international law.
Moral argument: existence of a moral duty to intervene to protect civilians. Idea of
common humanity or also just war theory.
The case against humanitarian intervention

No basis for humanitarian intervention in international law.
States will not intervene for primarily humanitarian purposes, usually have selfinterests in the area.
States are not allowed to put in danger their soldiers' lives to save strangers.
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Risk of abuse;
Selectivity of response;
Disagreement about moral principles;
Intervention does not work.
1990s : a golden era of humanitarian activism

Dramatic increase of interventions, not decisive in decisions of Vietnam and Tanzania to
intervene
Justified in terms of traditional norms.
Reluctance to legitimize reflected fears about eroding non intervention precedents.
Reactions also conditioned by cold war geopolitics.
Successfully in short term but less on the long one.
Post Cold War humanitarian interventions

Media images of human suffering stronger than public pressure on western leaders for
humanitarian interventions.
Most legitimate when done through UN Security Council Chapter VII enforcement
provisions.
Can alleviate immediate human suffering but not always underlying causes.
Outcomes should be conceptualized as continuum
Short term (immediate relief of suffering)
Long term (addressing underlying political causes)
For example, Kosovo, Bosnia. Still has not been succeeded
Humanitarian intervention after 9/11

Non forcible humanitarian intervention:
Characterized by pacific activities of states, international organizations, NGOs and
INGOs.
Broaden humanitarian agenda
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Crisis management, the common Western approach:

Doesn't solve long terms problems.
Not just Rwanda and Somalia.
The responsibility to protect

2001 report of the International Commission On Intervention And State Sovereignty (ICISS)
switches the focus from a problem of sovereignty vs. human rights to a discussion of how
best to protect endangered people, fry to find common criteria for humanitarian
intervention. Three important problems still exist:
1. Agreement on criteria action.

2. Criteria open to manipulation by powerful actors.
3. Governments can be persuaded to act.
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Chapter 32
Globalization and the transformation of political community
Different types of community:
Local communities (neighbourhood groups);
Associations (sovereign states);
Transnational movements (INGOs);
Virtual communities.
Each community has its own rules and interacts with the others and cooperates with them.
Most people belong to several communities at same time: religious, professional, politics
and were part of nation-states. These subjects had to obey international law and promote
respect for human rights.
Nationalism and political community

Nation-state has been the dominant form of political community since the French
Revolution but different forms of political community existed earlier. The first city-states in
Mesopotamia and ancient Greece the empires of Assyria, Persia, Rome and the Ottoman
were all political communities but different from the modern nation-states. Restricted
ideas of community, empires governed by elites.
European states in the 17th century were territorial states, a state that has power over the
population which resides on its territory but doesn't represent the nation or the
population as a whole, governed by absolutistic monarchs.
German sociologist Max Weber: all states monopolize control of the instruments of
violence, the difference is what they can do with their power. Pre-modern states had only
a limited ability whereas the moderns could regulate and control their citizens' lives.
Pre-modern states poorly defined frontiers and limited ability to control frontier
populations from modern.
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Territorial states
Chapter 32
nation-states
Many territorial states that established the first overseas empires turned into nationstates. Slowly appeared emotional ties throughout the population of the
same state
national identities
nationalism.
This development is caused by:

Rise of industrial capitalism;
Endemic warfare.
Turning point is the French Revolution in 1789.
By the end of 19th European nation-states had expanded their worldwide empires and
deep interconnections were formed.
Community and citizenship

Demands for human rights and citizenship versus growing power of modern European
states (national people could be mobilized for war now) first.
Territorial states in 19th century were ruled by absolute monarch who acted as if it was e
realm.
18th-19th century: rose commercial and industrial classes
middle classes that wanted
political rights and attempted to destroy privileges and promote constitutional

governments.
19th-20th century: demands for welfare rights (health care, provision for the poorest,
education)
20th century: civil right movements, feminists, environmental groups.
The "end of ideology" thought to be arrived in 1950s and 1960s in USA hasn't yet come.
Changing nature of political community

Increasing globalization of economic and political life, BUT national fragmentation is also
augmenting (religious, culture,...).
State fragmentation is also in the Third World: quasi-state or failed-state are states that
the international community recognize even though they don't satisfy the basic needs of
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the population without support, (for example Afghanistan). Do liberal democracies have
duties towards people of failed state? This problem also in Europe (Yugoslavia).
Although there were major public disagreements, NATO enjoyed substantial popular
support for its military intervention in Kosovo in 1999.
Ethnic struggles to achieve a level of autonomy exist in almost every modern state.
Claims for group rights (for example minorities in Canada, Australia and New Zealand).
How political communities deal with differences of class, gender, sexual identity, religion,
race? Does a humanity created by globalization exist or not? Various global problems that
states can't solve on their own (ex climate change) encouraged the proliferation of NGOs.
Many think that a global civil society marks the dawn of a new era of human cooperation.
This idea is also used to promote a stronger sense of responsibility for global environment
and for the future of the species. Lack the ability to make global institutions and
associations accountable to citizens.
The challenge of global interconnectedness

Globalization and fragmentation in recent times weakened and partially destroyed
centralized nation-state as Indonesia, USSR. New forms of political community now?
Cosmopolitan democracies in which all people are respected as equals;
Neo-medievalism in which political power s dispersed between local, national and
supranational organizations.
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Chapter 33
Globalization and the post-Cold War order
During the cold war:
soviet power in eastern Europe ;
bipolar competition;
rival ideology;
global security integration;
military security as high politics.
Discontinuity's elements:
dissolution of soviet union;
unipolare peacemaking;
supremacy of liberal capitalism;
greater regional autonomy;
national identity as high politics.
Continuity's elements:
some security structures e.g. NATO;
economic globalization human rights;
reaction against secular state;
multiple identities;
environmental agendas;
poverty in the south.
Problematic study of the post-cold war order

Three key questions :
1. There is now a distinctive pattern of order in the post cold war world and ,if so,
what are its principal elements?
2. This order should be defined in terms of globalization?
3. What is now happening to globalization? What challenges does it face?
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A typology of order
A number of differing, and potentially competing, conceptions of order are at work.
We have to judge the effectiveness of order solely as an aspect of the inter-state system
and thus speak of inter, order? Or we have to consider order in terms of its impact on
individual human lives and aspirations and thus talk of a world order? (Does globalized
order signify the same as world order?) the source for the definitive elements of the
contemporary order proceeds within separate theoretical frameworks:
REALIST
It defines order largely in terms of the security structure. Generate debate in early
1990s about the polarity of the post-cold-war system and the worry that a return to
a multi-polarity could herald erosion of the stability generated by the cold war's
bipolarity .
LIBERAL
It focuses upon regimes and institutions, and their associated norms and values.
Central claim is that in the cold war period patterns of integration and
interdependence had become so deeply embedded.
ESTIMATE ORDER IN TERM OF ITS ACHIEVEMENT OF INDIVIDUAL HUMAN
EMANCIPATION
The fact of stability among major powers, or the institutionalization of relations
among the dominant groups of states, tells us a little about quality of life for most
inhabitants of the globe.
The elements of contemporary order

The "social-state" system
The state system is social, first, in the sense that states over the past century have
performed a range of social functions that distinguish them from earlier phases. It is social
also in the second sense, that pressures for emulation tend to reinforce common patterns
of behaviour. Historically states have emulated each other in developing the social and
economic infrastructure of military power. Now seek to adopt best practice in terms of
economic competitiveness and efficiency. They also face the social pressure to conform
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Chapter 33
certain standards of human rights: this has permitted a dilution and delegation of the
states' exclusively jurisdiction over its own domestic affairs.
Identity and the nation-state
Second feature is the multiplicity of issues about identity ( prevalent since 1990s). Some
are about contemporary forms of nationalism, and we have to understand if it represent a
new nationalism or a primordialism. The state is at the same time challenged and
reinforced by a lot of crisis of identity: ethnic separatism, regional identities transnational
project, new social movements, the return to culture/religion... At the beginning of the
millennium the question of identity raises explicit question about citizenship (who is to
count as a citizen and what is the contract between state and citizen?), not all such issues
of identity have emerged only in the aftermath of cold war, it could be said that there has
been a widespread reaction throughout much of the developing world against what has
been seen as the imposition of a modernizing, westernizing, and secular form of state. (For
example: revolution in Iran in 1979, case point. Resurgence of religion as a factor in
international relations).
Polarity and the collectivization of security
Key area : traditional security order, this addresses the present distribution of power and if
this distribution should be described as unipolarity, or as bipolar, multi-polar. (debate
shifted since the early 1990s). There were a general expectation of a return to a
multipolarity but a US predominance has become much more clearly established, so that
analysts now routinely refer to American hegemony ( the result of US economic successes
during the 1990s). In consequence of other nation's stagnant situations a key determinant
of the present security order remains the role of the USA.
The organization of product and exchange
Another prominent dimension is the political economy of the present order. Central to it is
the degree of stability within the international trading and financial system. This
economic order is partially managed by those elements institutionalized in bodies such as
the international monetary fund(IMF), the world bank and the WTO. Those bodies
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Chapter 33
determine the rules for international trade and borrowing and shape exchange rates alone.
The full effects of this internationalization of production include its impact on those many
other things that determine the quality of human lives.
Multilateral management and governance
Remarkable aspect of order is the highly dense network of contemporary forms of
international governance (regimes, international organizations and NGOs). These cover
more aspects of life: development, environmental, economic regimes, peacekeeping
activities of universal organizations as UN.
Regionalism
Another key to understand the emerging order. This take various forms, including
economic , security and cultural activities, the intensification of regionalism is occasionally
viewed as a denial of globalization, but is more plausibly regarded as one aspect of it. The
fact that a number of regions feel the need to develop regional institution is itself a
manifestation of globalization. With the loss of cold war constraints, regions now appear to
have greater autonomy , at the same time, interpenetration and globalization indicate
diminished possibilities for regional autonomy.
The liberal rights order
The feature with most striking continuity with the cold war period. Human rights had
become a conspicuous feature of post 1945 international politics, in reaction to the
catastrophic experience of the period before 1945. A main aspect of the cold war period
itself, again highlighted with the collapse of the soviet bloc. Liberal rights is another
element of continuity between the two periods. However the post cold war order is
paradoxically under pressure because of its promotion of a type of universalism. This refers
directly to wider questions about democratization.
North- south and the two world orders
Any examination of the contemporary order must be analysed deeply .separating the
experience of the industrialized north from the marginalized south. The question point is if
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Chapter 33
the globalization is aggravating this inequality or is the best available means of rectifying
them, and if this divide is threatening the durability of the post cold war order, or it's only
a part of it. Other analysts Insist that there are enormous variation and inequalities within
states, and not just between north and south.
Globalization and the post-Westphalian order

There is a tendency to regard the current high degree of globalization as simply a
consequence of the end of the cold war. Many commentators see the post-cold war period
as characterized by the intensification of the process of globalization, particularly with
regard to financial integration. The global financial order is now virtually universal. So, it is
the ending of the cold war that has allowed the spread of globalization. Furthermore,
there is a danger in such analysis because regarding globalization as only a consequence of
cold war we ignore the globalization as a cause of its end. Globalization developed out of
the core of western capitalist states, As regards the soviet union, it was the URSS
marginalization from process of globalization that revealed and intensified its weakness. If
globalization is both an element of the pre-existing cold war system and also an element of
the contemporary order, it needs to be seen as a point of continuity between the two
periods, so the present order is not sui generis but contains within it elements of the
previous order of the cold war period. Beyond this, globalization has been described as the
absence of order, and for these reasons the globalization has been associated with the
thesis about the end of the Westphalian order(
that has typified the order since
1648, an order clearly defined by states and their borders. In contrast, in the global
economy borders no longer mean as they once did. All these arguments to say that
globalization isn't the exclusive feature that we have to use to understand the present
order. We have to understand what globalization is instead of what it does.
Globalization and legitimacy

Globalization potentially creates several problems for the political stability of the current
order. There are tensions generated by the fear that could be a new wave of resistance to
globalization. The central problem is the limited effectiveness of democratic practice in
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Chapter 33
present world condition and the two facets of this issue are representation and
accountability (responsibility). it is useless to set up the election if the elected politicians
are powerless to exercise influence over global corporations, global technologies global
environmental changes or global financial system. On a regional level there has been a
recurrent anxiety about this "legitimacy deficit" that afflict the institution of European
Union. There is a lack of congruence between the geographical organization of our
various political system and the "deterritorialized" nature of our current economy,
social, and political activities. This concerns brought to a debate about the role of an
emerging global civil society.
Cross national social movement: anti-globalization
activists, nongovernmental organization such as Greenpeace, seen as the only way to

directly influencing global policies to find the best way to democratizing global governance.
Some are sceptical because they may simply represent sectional interest and aggravate the
inequalities between rich and poor. Civil societies are in many cases an extension of the
power of the north, such movements have a much more solid basis in the developed world
and are interested to speak for its interests.
CASE STAUDY: The crisis of developing state legitimacy
The idea of the two world orders (north and south) reinforces the image of a crisis of
state legitimacy in the south. Many of these have, since decolonization, been depicted
as quasi-states, not enjoying the full capacity of strong states. The period since the end
of the cold war has reinforced this tendency. It has become commonplace to refer to a
number of failed states (Rwanda, Somalia, Lebanon, Afghanistan, etc) indicating their
inability to maintain central order within the state, or to produce minimal condition of
social welfare. In some cases low and order has broken down into civil wars. There has
been a number of peace-building missions sent by international community justified
on the grounds of the failure of these national authorities to maintain order on their
own. There is considerable resentment against the notion of failed states, and it is
often suggested that the failures are exactly the outcome of the structural condition
that the northern powers have themselves created by their economic and political
actions. State failures and the resulting diminished legitimacy of developing states,
are not objective conditions but the products of northern policies.
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Chapter 33
Globalization: an addiction to or a substitute for the existing international

order?
If it can be convincingly held that globalization is not some process over and above the
activities of states, but is instead an element within state transformation, we can develop
on this basis a conception of the globalized state. Globalization does not makes states
disappear, it's a way of thinking about its present form. What is required is a notion of
international order composed of globalized states. The confusion is make up on the
tendency to see globalization as exclusively pertaining the environment in which states
find themselves: globalization is a force external to the individual state. And claims the
degree of interconnectedness between states and so the significance of borders and the
reality of separate national actors, is called seriously into question. Globalization can be
also understood as an expression of the profound transformations in the nature of states
and in state-society relations. States still exist but do different things, do some things less
well than they used to, and so have taken on new responsibilities in exchange.
The global financial crisis

The financial crunch of 2008 made clear the extent to which a global economy and global
finance remained critically dependent on structural supports from state sources denying
the discussed opposition between globalization and state power, although, the strong
affirmation of the globalization thesis that the world is so powerfully interconnected that
no state can isolate itself from harmful impacts (demonstrated in the speed with which
sub-prime credit implosion in the USA transmitted itself globally).
The major challenge for the future global economy comes from climate change. It is no
longer possible to talk about the future of globalization without placing responses to
climate change at the centre of the discussion.
All this suggests that we are seeing the end of a version of globalization, not the end of
globalization.
That particular model Anglo-American financial deregulation now faces major challenges,
for instance an almost universal crisis of legitimacy at a governmental and civil society
level. We do not yet face the end of globalization, because there is no major state (despite
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Chapter 33
the expectation about China's power) interested in acting as the champion of

deglobalization.
Conclusion
We now face a hybrid situation in which states share a host of responsibilities with both
intergovernmental organizations, a multiplicity of non-governmental and transnational
actors. International order needs to be redesigned to take account of the new division of
labour between states, global networks and the rudimentary forma of global governance.
The identity of states is undergoing considerable change, we can describe them as
Globalized states that still coexist with international order.
This order is currently seeking to develop a set of principles to reflect that transformation.
The return to state capitalism during 2008 was almost wholly unexpected. The
globalization state of 20th century is evidently not the only model of likely states
development in the future.
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