Reflecting and Developing Identity and Culture: Is New Zealand's Public Music Funding Model "Making Tracks" Achieving Its Objectives?

Reflecting
and Devolving Identity and Culture: Is New Zealands

Public Music Funding Model Making Tracks Achieving its
Objectives?

By Alaister J Moughan

A colloquy submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Music Business,
Department of Steinhardt School of Culture, Education and Human Development, New York University
Summer, 2015.
Reflecting and Devolving Identity and Culture: Is New Zealands Public Music Funding Model Making Tracks Achieving its Objectives?
PREFACE

I wish to thank Professor Catherine Moore for her tremendous assistance as colloquy
supervisor. Her guidance during the research and drafting stage were essential and very
much appreciated. Additionally I would like to thank Bernard Coleman, Max Harris and
Alessandra Licul for editing various drafts as well Julian Carswell for giving me permission
to use the I Dont Want to Grow Old video still. Finally, thanks to The Mint Chicks, Shayne
Carter, Die! Die! Die!, Lontalius, Surf City, Flying Nun and the other numerous New Zealand
music identities who have warmed my heart and ears.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1 THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC INDUSTRY
A. BACKGROUND ON NEW ZEALAND AND THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC INDUSTRY

B. NON-LABEL MUSIC FUNDING
THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC COMMISSION
THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC FOUNDATION
CREATIVE NEW ZEALAND
NEW ZEALAND ON AIR
9
15
16
18
18
19
CHAPTER 2 RATIONALES FOR THE PUBLIC FUNDING OF POPULAR MUSIC
23
A. THEORIES OF THE SOCIAL IMPORTANCE OF CULTURE

B. ECONOMIC JUSTIFICATIONS
24
30
CHAPTER 3: NEW ZEALAND ON AIRS DUTY TO REFLECT AND DEVELOP NEW ZEALAND
IDENTITY AND CULTURE
32
A. CULTURAL IMPERIALISM
B. WHAT CONSTITUTES LOCAL MUSIC?
C. NEW ZEALAND MUSIC AND NATIONAL IDENTITY
D. NEW ZEALAND MUSIC AND THE CULTURAL CRINGE
35
36
42
46
CHAPTER 4 THE MUSIC FUNDING POLICIES OF NEW ZEALAND ON AIR
48
A. THE FORMATION AND OPERATION OF NZOA

PHASE ONE THE PILOT (1991-1993)
PHASE TWO ARRIVAL OF THE KIWI HIT DISC (1993-1996)
PHASE THREE RADIO PLUGGERS (1996 1999)
PHASE FOUR MAKING AND MARKETING (1999-2005)
PHASE FIVE - INTERNATIONAL AWARENESS (2005-2011)
B. NZOA MAKING TRACKS
NOTABLE CRITICISMS
THE CADDICK REPORT
THE MAKING TRACKS MODEL
FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS - NZOA ONLINE
48
48
49
49
50
51
52
52
56
60
66
CHAPTER 5 CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF NZOA MUSIC FUNDING & MAKING TRACKS
71
A. SCOPE OF FUNDING
B. FORM OF FUNDING
RECORDING INFRASTRUCTURE
SCHOOL TOURS
RADIO COMMUNITIES
EXPORT IDEAS
C. OPERATION IMPROVEMENTS
72
76
78
79
80
81
84
CHAPTER 6 RECOMMENDATIONS TO IMPROVE NZOA MUSIC FUNDING & MAKING TRACKS 86

A. CONTESTABLE FUNDING BROADCAST FUNDING REQUIRES INFRASTRUCTURE
B. SOFT TARGETS
C. LIMIT FOCUS TO DOMESTIC CONCERNS
D. EXPLICIT DELEGATION OF WHO SUPPORTS THE EXPORT OF NZ MUSIC
E. WIDER CONVERSATION ABOUT NZ BROADCASTING
F. AFTERWORD A CALL FOR PASSION
91
94
96
96
96
99
EPILOGUE
105
BIBLIOGRAPHY
106
INTERVIEWS CONDUCTED BY ALAISTER MOUGHAN
113
INTERVIEW CONSENT FORMS
114
STUDENT CONSENT FORM
127
INTRODUCTION

Who cares about New Zealand on Air - the public funding agency for New Zealand popular
music1? I most certainly did. For the previous 18 months of my Masters I wrestled with
exactly what NZoA was, what it does and how to talk about it. I had scribbled around 27
pages on about the funding of public culture, its intended effects, why it is important, ideas
of cultural imperialism, the foreign dominance of popular music and the export of music
overseas until I realized I had to nuance the scope of my thesis. Zita Joyces excellent and
comprehensive thesis Hearing Ourselves: Globalization, The State, Local Content and New
Zealand Radio had already described these issues in much more detail. I had fewer pages
to tell my story. So I started again. A lawyer by training I needed a tighter structure.
My revised starting point was to consider the target of my recommendations: NZoA itself.
In one of my first interviews a local musician told me that it is easy to think of NZoA as the
dole2 for musicians but it has a mandate - broadcasting. Effectively NZoA is a neoliberal-
influenced mechanism to ensure a sufficient amount of local content is broadcast without
directly intervening by imposing local content quotas or funding a comprehensive public
broadcaster.
There have been a number of criticisms around the singles, albums and music videos which
NZoA funds. Many have suggested that in a small industry money could be better spent in
other areas: promotion, tour support, or even a living wage for artists. But the reality is
1 New Zealand on Air is shortened to NZoA hereon. Also, note this colloquy only discusses the music funding
2 Colloquial term for social welfare in New Zealand.
NZoA cant do this without stretching its mandate. It can only fund broadcast activities.
Making Tracks is NZoAs latest music funding model.

The first three chapters of my colloquy establish a tripod of fundamentals of NZoAs
funding - what New Zealand music is funded, why public funding of popular music is
necessary in New Zealand and who this funding is targeted at.
Chapter One describes the unique background of NZoA. It will also look at the context of
the New Zealand music industry, its size, attributes and other bodies which provide
support to local musicians. This background is important.

Although I initially planned a comprehensive comparison of the NZoA funding model with
similar models in Australia and Canada, as I researched further I found this unique
background was pivotal to examining NZoA. This background limited the effectiveness of
comparative analysis and rather suggested an internal examination of the unique issues of
the New Zealand music market.

Chapter One will also examine what music NZoA funds. I will discuss NZoA and its focus on
funding popular music in the context of other sources of public funding for music in New
Zealand.
Chapter Two will discuss why public funding of popular music is required. It will consider
both social and economic rationales.

The final limb on the tripod, before I talk about the implementation of the system itself, is
what music should we fund? Chapter Three begins by discussing the concept of cultural
imperialism. In New Zealands music and arts community the concept of cultural
imperialism is a frequent part of the conversation of local identity and the necessity for
public funding of the arts. As constructed most fiercely by the New Zealand Labour Party
in the late 1990s the cultural imperialism thesis posits that the dominant in-flows of
foreign popular content, mainly from the United Kingdom and United States hindered the
ability for local pop voices to be heard.

Applying the cultural imperialism thesis to popular music is complicated by the commercial
and international framework of the music business. Funding popular music is associated
not only with supporting local expression but also supporting an artists career, which for
a New Zealand artist typically means exporting their music overseas.

This raises the most contentious issue yet - what is New Zealand music? Since I was 18, The
Mint Chicks3 have been the reason I wanted to get involved with music. If I were CEO of
NZoA, all money would be put towards a national front charged with re-uniting the Nielson
brothers, Paul Roper and Michael Logie and reforming the group. The Mint Chicks lead
singer Kody Nielson may have sung in a local accent but the bands influences were
3 The cover picture is a still from The Mint Chicks I Dont Want To Grow Old music video, funded by NZoA.
distinctly global. The band themselves hated the tag Kiwi music with a passion.4 Is this
New Zealand music which funding should support?
Accordingly, Chapter Three will look at NZoAs agnostic definition of New Zealand music
as music made by New Zealanders and the effect of globalization on New Zealand music.
The globalized pop music industry in which foreign music and trends swiftly flow into New
Zealand and occasionally out of New Zealand is an important part of this discussion.

The next concept introduced is cultural hybridity. Hybridity concerns how this foreign
content and the demands of international commercial fit and format are absorbed and
reflected in New Zealand popular music.
Hybridity is also relevant to the outflows. Many interviewees raised the point that carbon
copy New Zealand versions of international bands faced even higher odds of breaking
through overseas than the average NZ band. The small number of New Zealand success
stories suggest share unique artistic characters are usually out of trend with the rest of the
music industry.
These mainly academic discussions are important as they form a tripod to hold up the
practical discussion and examination of NZoA in Chapters Five and Six. Chapter Five
presents in greater detail the history of NZoA and its development in five distinct phases up
4 See the bands blog at www.myspace.com/themintchicks/blog.
to the Making Tracks funding model. Chapter Five examines criticism of the system both
from first hand interviews and publications at the time.

Finally, Chapter Six presents five specific recommendations NZoA could adopt to more
effectively pursue its mandate. These recommendations are influenced by Simon Friths
theories of the social utility of popular music and how NZoA could enhance these qualities
in New Zealand music. In this section I ultimately conclude that NZoA as a standalone
alternative to local quotas or public radio is insufficient. I will focus on the neo-liberal
instincts inherent in the system and the flawed nature of the creation of NZoA under the
Broadcasting Act which never specified what reflecting and developing New Zealand
identity and culture is or how NZoA was meant to achieve this.
Accordingly, my recommendations go beyond the current broadcasting ambit and suggest
NZoA operations should be focused domestically on the community whose identity it is
intended to frame. I suggest considering present debates around national identity that it is
time for New Zealand to have a wider conversation about New Zealand broadcasting.

These recommendations are bold and outside the existing ambit of NZoA which although
ran with admirable intention has morphed into a confusing muddle of solutions without
any pivotal focus on issues of the domestic music scene and music broadcasting. With New
Zealand pop music arguably having its biggest global spotlight with the recent success of
Lorde, its time for the discussion around the public funding of New Zealand music to be
viewed in totality rather than tinkered with behind the scenes.

CHAPTER 1 THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC INDUSTRY

A. Background on New Zealand and the New Zealand Music Industry

Before examining New Zealands music funding agencies its necessary to examine the
environment of New Zealand and the New Zealand Music Industry in which these agencies
operate. New Zealand is a small country at the bottom of the world. Statistics New Zealand
estimates New Zealands population as at 30 June 2013 to be just under 4.5 million. In
comparison at a similar point in time New Yorks population was estimated at 8.4 million
(United States Census Bureau).

The music industry is predominantly focused in the city of Auckland located in the North
Island of New Zealand. Auckland has a population estimated to be just over 1.4 million
making up around a third of New Zealands population. The urban metropolis of Auckland
dominates the country with the next largest city New Zealands capital Wellington having a
population of 393,000. A map of New Zealand is shown below.

Courtesy Lonely Planet via Getty Images
New Zealands music industry is similarly small. Recorded Music NZ, the official
representative agency for record labels and recording artists in New Zealand states the
recorded music market of New Zealand to be $NZ 66 million, a tiny fraction of the global
market estimated to be around $US 14.97 Billion (Recorded Music NZ). Overall the music
industry was estimated by PricewaterHouseCoopers to contribute $NZ 438 million to the
New Zealand economy.
10
Although all three of the major labels technically have a presence in New Zealand, local
staff typically dont venture into double digits. Recorded music unit sales numbers are also
small. The total sale of New Zealand artists in New Zealand during 2013 was 851,298 units
(Recorded Music NZ). International success is a prerequisite for commercial success
(Joyce, Hearing Ourselves 7). The large investment required for international success means
that few local acts are signed and developed in New Zealand. Typically artists are advised
to travel to larger centers in Australia or even London to pursue a commercial career.

There are also a number of smaller independent labels varying from the global cult label
Flying Nun to individual artist labels such as The Black Seeds Ltd. The independent label
association, Independent Music New Zealand has over 50 members (Independent Music
New Zealand) and publishes an indie chart in addition to the official Top 40 chart
moderated by Recorded Music New Zealand. To give international readers an idea of the
most popular music genres in New Zealand the table below shows the top ten selling
albums and singles of 2014 both globally and in New Zealand.
11
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Top$Ten$Albums
World
Artist
Various
Taylor-Swift
Ed-Sheeran
Coldplay
Sam-Smith
One-Direction
AC/DC
Various-Artists
Pink-Floyd
Lorde
New$Zealand
Album
Artist
Frozen:-The-Songs
Ed-Sheeran
1989
Sol3-Mio
x
Taylor-Swift
Ghost-Stories
Sam-Smith
In-The-Lonely-Hour
Michael-Buble
Four
Various
Rock-or-Bust
Lorde
Guardians-of-the-Galaxy Pink-Floyd
The-Endless-River
Coldplay
Pure-Heroine
Devilskin
Album
X
Sol3-Mio
1989
In-The-Lonely-Hour
Christmas
Frozen:-The-Songs
Pure-Heroine
The-Endless-River
Ghost-Stories
We-Rise
Top$Ten$Digital$Singles
World
Artist
1 Pharrell-Williams
Song
Happy
New$Zealand
Artist
Pharrell-Williams
Song
Happy
2 Katy-Perry-feat-Juicy-J
3 John-Legend
4 Meghan-Trainor
Dark-Horse
All-of-Me
All-About-That-Bass
Meghan-Trainer
Taylor-Swift
John-Legend
All-About-That-Bass
Shake-It-Off
All-of-Me
5 Idina-Menzel
6 Pitbull-feat-Ke$ha
Let-It-Go
Timber
Sam-Smith
Ed-Sheeran
Stay-With-Me
I-See-Fire
Ed-Sheeran
A-Great-Big-World
Thinking-Out-Loud
Say-Something
The-Madden-Brothers
Magic!-
We-Are-Done
Rude
7 Iggy-Azalea-feat-Charli-XCX
Fancy
8 Ariana-Grande-feat-Iggy-Azalea Problem
9 MAGIC!
10 Enrique-Iglesias
Rude
Bailando
Courtesy of CAAMA The Music Market in Australia and New Zealand 9-10 and IFPI Best Sellers available at
www.ifpi.org.

This above sample, as well as my own insights from growing up in New Zealand shows that
international content is very dominant in the New Zealand. There are no local singles in the
top ten. Interesting anomalies are Sol3 Mio (a local opera trio), Devilskin (a local metal
band) and Michael Buble.

The charts also demonstrate that a number of local bands have sold well in terms of album
but without any international success. The exception being Lorde. This isnt unusual, with
other local acts such as Six60 and Fat Freddys Drop historically having a similar success to
Sol3 Mio and Devilskin. Although this sounds promising in aggregate such sales are less
significant as in New Zealand Gold selling status is set at 7,500 units and Platinum at
12
15,000 compared to 500,000 and 1,000,000 units to achieve the same status in the United
States. (Recorded Music New Zealand)

In terms of singles, urban music does not sell as well as it does internationally.
Additionally small differences are likely the result of a presence in New Zealand through
either touring or media. For example, The Madden brothers are featured on the Australian
television talent show The Voice which rates strongly in New Zealand while Ed Sheernan
has visited New Zealand recently even featuring on beloved Australian soap opera Home
and Away (TVNZ).
The final point to note is the dominance of foreign ownership in the broadcasting of New
Zealand music. This dominance results from large scale deregulation in the mid 1980s
which also borne NZoA as we have it today (Cocker 46). In 2007 leading academics Matt
Mollgaard and Bill Rosenberg described the situation:

Four companies, all overseas owned, dominate the New Zealand news media. There is
a near duopoly in two of the three main media print and radio a monopoly in pay
television, and only three significant competitors in free-to-air television (Mollgaard
and Rosenberg 86).
The foreign-owned dominance of local media is an imperative problem in exposing local
music to a significant audience.

13
The environment is much the same in 2014 (Mollgaard, Skype Interview). Although there is
a lively student radio network most of radio is controlled by Media Works and The Radio
Network whose stations cover around 85% of the New Zealand audience (Mollgaard, Skype
Interview). This control is critical issue as radio exposure is still considered by far the most
powerful tool for marketing and promoting artists locally (CAAMA 8).
In 2015 a report of the Australia and New Zealand markets prepared by the Canadian
Association for the Advancement of Music & the Arts radio was reported to be the
dominant choice for music promotion (CAAMA 8). Interestingly Australias publicly funded
Triple J was noted as being a particular vehicle of interest with New Zealands closest
cousin the b-net college radio network providing similar access to the New Zealand market
albeit on a much smaller scale. In terms of consumption habits, the CAAMA suggested that
United States and United Kingdom success serves as a proxy for local tastes (CAAMA 9).
Unlike its commonwealth cousins Canada and Australia New Zealand there is no
mandatory quota of local music airplay.5 Rather, there is an agreed voluntary quota of
20%. In 2013, 17.23% of commercial airplay was local (RBA 2013). However, with the
70% local station radio Kiwi FM dissolving it is predicted to be much lower during 2015
(Maori TV).

For example Triple J has a 40% local content quota.
14
B. Non-Label Music Funding

Outside of record labels there are a number of additional private and public sources of
funding for popular musicians. The New Zealand Music Commission a private trust
supported by government funding which set up to provide services and support to grow
the New Zealand music business helpfully lists of these organizations and how they
support local popular music (New Zealand Music Commission, Strategic Plan 5):
- Australasian Performing Right Association (APRA) (New Zealand PRO): Contribution

to economic impact research, partner for NZ Music Month, May Book contributor.
- Christchurch Music Trust (CHART): Board membership of Music Commission
representative, NZ Music Month partner, ongoing seminar programme.
- Creative New Zealand: Contemporary Popular Music Working Group, May Book
contributor, various seminars nationwide.
- Independent Music NZ: Shared office services, Going Global Music Summit, ongoing
seminar and upskilling programme, various national networking events, May Book
contributor.
- Music Managers Forum NZ: Official NZ Music Month Summit, ongoing seminar and
upskilling programme, various national networking events, May Book contributor.
- Music Education Aotearoa NZ (MENZA): National songwriting competition and
performance day Hook, Line & Singalong.
15
- NZ On Air: Contemporary Popular Music Working Group, NZ Music Month partner,

Official NZ Music Month Summit, various seminars nationwide, various national
networking events, May Book contributor.
- Te Mangai Paho: Contemporary Popular Music Working Group.
- Radio Broadcasters Association (RBA): NZ Music Month partner, NZ Music
Performance Code Committee.
- Recorded Music New Zealand (RMNZ): Contribution to economic impact research,
partner for NZ Music Month, May Book contributor.
- Smokefree Pacifica Beats: Bands Mentoring in Schools Programme.
- Smokefree Rockquest: Bands Mentoring in Schools Programme.
Out of the list the most crucial element in defining the ambit of New Zealand on Air are the
other central public funding bodies of New Zealand popular music - the New Zealand Music
Commission and Creative New Zealand. However, it should be noted that private
sponsorship is still an important source of funding for the industry and is not without
controversy. The dominance and association of alcohol sponsorship with the local music
scene is a point of contention for some local industry figures (Jorgensen 49).

The New Zealand Music Commission

The New Zealand Music Commissions mission is to support the growth of the music
industry in New Zealand, both culturally and economically, at home and abroad (NZ Music
Commission, About).

16
As part of this mission the New Zealand Music Commission provides Outward Sound
grants to local artists so they can travel overseas for specific music events and provides
industry research and educational support to local musicians, managers and other
participants. The following diagram from the Commission's 2014-2016 plan outlines the
responsibilities of the Commission, New Zealand on Air and Creative New Zealand.
Courtesy of New Zealand Music Commission Strategic Plan 4.

The New Zealand Music Commission, along with NZoA also runs New Zealand Music Month
every May.6
6 To see more about New Zealand Music Month go to nzmusicmonth.co.nz.
17
The New Zealand Music Foundation

The New Zealand Music Foundation is a charitable trust established to support music
projects that assist in socially beneficial areas such as healthcare and at risk or vulnerable
communities. It also makes hardship grants to members of the music industry (NZ Music
Foundation).
Creative New Zealand
Creative New Zealands funding of popular music is generally in the area of local and
overseas touring. Recording grants are available but specifically exclude:
-music videos;
-manufacturing and distribution costs of a recording project where these costs would
be met mainly by income from retail or online sales or from a record company;
-recording that contains material that has the potential to connect with a large
audience on broadcast or digital platforms, for example radio, music television, or on-
line (Creative New Zealand, Guide).
Exceptions also apply for double-dipping applications where a project has already
received public funding, e.g. from NZoA (Creative New Zealand, Guide). There is also a
caveat that applications must specify the proposed activities will respond to New
Zealands demography (Creative New Zealand, Guide).
Since NZoAs move from funding album tracks to single tracks there have been a number of
albums funded by Creative New Zealand that may not have been funded in the past. For
18
example, Shayne Carter who had previously received NZoA funding recently received a
Creative New Zealand Quick Grant to complete the recording of a new album (Creative
New Zealand, Funding Round 27/7/13).
New Zealand on Air

New Zealand on Air works within the confines of broadcast. Local media commentator
Russell Brown discusses how NZoA is construed as an alternative to public broadcasting:
the whole idea instead of a public broadcaster that made everything, is that you create
an agency that distributes contestable funding to all other broadcasters and that is
how you do public broadcasting ( Brown in Hoey).

NZoA is an autonomous government agency created to distribute contestable funding to
New Zealanders who create content intended to be broadcast predominantly on private
networks. The NZoA model is an alternative to the public broadcaster as it focuses on
fostering the creation of content and providing content for broadcasters, rather than
broadcasting exiting local content.
The background of New Zealand on Airs formation will be discussed later. For current
purposes it is useful to discuss the specifics of NZoAs mandate. Per section s36 of the
Broadcasting Act NZoA has a primary function to reflect and develop New Zealand identity
and culture (s36(1)(a)). The promotion of local content is further defined in s37 which
covers the funding of programmes and content for radio broadcasting which reflects New
Zealand identity and culture. Additionally, reasonable provision must be made to assist in
19
the production and broadcasting of New Zealand music (s37(d)).

In assessing funding proposals a number of matters need to be taken into account including
alternative sources of funding, the size of the audience and the extent to which the
programming caters to interests of women, youth, children and minorities (s38). In 2008
amendments were made to the Broadcasting Act to include funding programmes or content
that reached an audience online (Smyth, Skype Interview). For the purposes of this colloquy,
I will only examine New Zealand on Airs responsibilities from a music broadcast
perspective.

There are other divisions of NZoA apart from Making Tracks that also promotes New
Zealand music. For example, The Digital Media Fund creates and curates the website
AudioCulture The Noisy Library of New Zealand. AudioCulture is a digital archive site with
profiles and stories written by music journalists complete with interactive music videos
and streaming links. The website is very well designed but its focus, however, is archival
and does not involve promotion of any new content. The website seeks to tell the stories of
nearly one hundred years of New Zealand popular music culture, from the first vinyl recording
in the 1920s to digital streaming (Audio Culture).

Another similar (now closed) fund, the Digital Partnerships Fund, also funded the
notorious, glitch-ed and pointless Indie Music Manager interactive game which was seen
by some as indicative of NZoAs flawed and out of touch funding decisions (McClelland,
Indie Music Manager).
20
NZoA also funds promotional platforms such as The Audience a digital platform for
unreleased artists and all digital radio station on iHeartradio stations which plays the Top
20 local singles (NZoA, Promotion).
NzoAs interpretation of their broadcast duty focuses on music that is likely to reach a
sizeable audience or achieve a broadcast result, - effectively funding popular music.
Chris Caddick in his influential 2010 review of NZoAs popular music funding neatly
describes how NZoA justifies this position:
The Act established a Broadcasting Commission (NZ On Airs legal name), which was
charged with ensuring that New Zealand identity and culture were reflected and
developed in broadcast media, making funds available for the production and
promotion of content for those media. This was intended to provide a safety net for
New Zealand content following the deregulation of the broadcasting industry in 1989
(Caddick, Domestic 40).
NZoA Music Manager Brendan Smyth explained how this legislative duty is interpreted by
the organization as a series of three historical tenants:
1. Funding of radio should have special regard for broadcasting of New Zealand music;
2. At the time, an environmental scan of what the problems was with New Zealand
music on radio. Student radio was never a problemCommercial radio was the big
problem, and remains the biggest problem how to get more New Zealand content on
commercial radio;
21
3. In terms of reflecting identity and culture New Zealand on Air choose an agnostic
definition of NZ Music Music made by New Zealanders7 (Smyth, Skype Interview).

NZoA interpreted its role as supporting commercial music made by New Zealanders for a
broadcast outcome. Historically this outcome was on the radio but in modern times this
include online broadcasting. NZoA effectively operates as the arts councils of the
airwaves (Smyth, Skype Interview). There was no caveat about one being selected because
it reflects NZ identity and culture more as that one sounds more American (Smyth, Skype
Interview).
In the next chapter I will discuss the specifics grants of NZoA. The counter arguments to
NZOAs position to support commercial pop music and the definition of New Zealand music
will also be discussed later. For the current purposes we know what NZoA funds the
broadcasting of New Zealand music agnostically defined. The next step is to consider why.

7 Formally defined by NZoA. See nzonair.govt.nz/document-library/nz-music-definition/.
22
CHAPTER 2 RATIONALES FOR THE PUBLIC FUNDING OF

POPULAR MUSIC
Before discussing how popular music is funded, its critical to examine the theories behind
the public funding of popular music. This requires an analysis of the importance of local
culture and popular music as a component of local culture. The public funding of NZoA
presupposes a dirigste state role. A dirigiste role implies that a state involves itself in the
cultural economy via direct intervention rather than structural support to cultural markets
(Lewis and Miller 4). For example the United States can be classified as a market system
which uses tax incentives to encourage culture creation. A dirigiste would go further by
providing extensive funding support for the creation and distribution of content.
The dirigiste role of the state in the production and distribution of culture is justified on the
theory that, without such support, certain cultural products would not exist (Lewis and
Miller 4). Such creations are inalienably, transcendental, laden with value, but vulnerable to
the publics inability to remain transcendental to its tastes (Lewis and Miller 4).

The dirigiste role can then be distinguished against the market role, which uses the market
as a system for identifying and allocating public preferences for culture (Lewis and Miller 4).
Approaching the issue of what to protect from an interventionist approach, to the failure of
the market to deliver valuable local content can be viewed in two ways; from a lofty
approach or in broader terms of economic metrics (Lewis and Miller 4).
23
The lofty justification looks to the importance of the cultural artifact being produced. In
contrast, the economic justification examines helping local popular music to [the] market
itself, rather than treating it as a cultural artifact (Cloonan 38).
A. Theories of The Social Importance of Culture

In the crafting of cultural industries strategy in the United Kingdom in the 1980s Nicholas
Garnham broken down lofty justification into three components:
1.
That culture possesses inherent values, of life enhancement or whatever, which
are fundamentally opposed to and in danger of damage by commercial forces;

2.
That the need for these values is universal, uncontaminated by questions of
class, gender and ethnic origins; and

3.
That the market cannot satisfy this need (Garnham 54).
These components can be easily applied to NZoA through its duty to reflect and develop
New Zealand identify and culture (the universal inherent value important to New
Zealanders) within the foreign commercially dictated music industry.

Within the context of music, this lofty approach is akin to an endangered species
approach to culture... it only seeks to protect those species it likes, while others are happily
consigned to extinction (Lewis and Miller 4).

From a high culture perspective its easy to argue against the funding of popular music.
Popular music can be construed more easily as a produced commodity, where the music is
24
presumed to be made to be sold to a mass market. Its marketability and commercial appeal
is part of its DNA putting it outside the scope of art for state protection (Frith 34).

Over time this distinction between high and low culture in respect to music especially has
diminished. Roy Shuker demonstrates this by contrasting statements from two
consecutive former New Zealand Prime Ministers:
In 1983, then Prime Minister Robert Muldoon, heading a National (Conservative)
administration, justified his continued rejection of arguments for a cut in the sale of
tax on records (such a tax did not apply to cultural items like books), by claiming that
pop music could not be considered cultural, I dont think (leading local groups) Split
Endz and Mi-Sex are cultural...In contrast to this, in 1986 Labour Prime Minister
David Langes objections to the Government being the inevitable funder of the New
Zealand Symphony Orchestra aroused considerable controversy. Mr Lange said he had
nothing against what he was sure was an extra ordinarily competent group of
musicians, but the example of the orchestra as a socially worthy purpose did not
inspire him to reach for his cheque book (Shuker, 2001 254).
Lange also mused that he happened to like Dire Straits more than Debussy (Shuker, 2001
254).
Accepting popular music as socially worthy we need to go further and explore the specifics
of the social utility of popular music. To judge how good a given pop song is Simon Frith
has constructed three social functions of popular music which can be used to value a given
25
popular music work (Frith 38). Friths first social function is the creation of identity and
that we use pop songs to create for ourselves a particular sort of self-definition, a particular
place in society (Frith 38). Both performers and fans can create a sense of their own
identity by simultaneously associating and distinguishing themselves from other
performers or fans. Frith cites several examples, including the resurgence of Irish Music in
pubs in London not only as an expression of national identity but as a social function
capable of creating [a] sort of spontaneous collective identity (Frith 38).
Friths second function of popular music is the management of feelings and how pop songs
provide a way of managing the relationship between our public and private emotional lives
(Frith 39). Frith postulates that it is not a coincidence that the majority of pop songs are
love songs. Rather this is a result of a social function. Social and logistic formalities, and
limitations of everyday conversation, limit how effectively we can express our emotions:
Because people need them to give shape and voice to emotions that otherwise cannot
be expressed without embarrassment or incoherence. Love songs are a way of giving
emotional intensity to the sorts of intimate things we say to each other (and to
ourselves) in words that are, in themselves, quite flat. It is a peculiarity of everyday
language that our most fraught and revealing declarations of feelings have to use
phrases I love/hate you, Help me!, Im angry/sacred which are boring and
banal; and so our culture has a supply of a million pop songs, which say these things
for us in numerous interesting and involving ways (Frith 40).

26
The authors and singers of these songs do not step in to express these emotions, nor does
the listener transform into them, but rather songs make our feelings seem richer and more
convincing than we can make them in our own words, even to ourselves (Frith 40).
Friths third and final social function is more nebulous. It concerns popular musics power
to stop time and create nostalgia in a manner which intensif[ies] our experience of the
present (Frith 40). This function is difficult to explain and subjective by nature as different
songs will stop time for different people. For John Landau, for example, it was Bruce
Springsteen. On first seeing Springsteen perform in 1975 he appointed Springsteen as the
future of rock n roll and described the power of pop music:
in my own moments of greatest need, I never give up the search for sounds that can
answer every impulse, consume all emotion, cleanse and purify all things that we
have no right to expect from even the greatest works of art but which we can
occasionally derive from them (Landau).

On a personal note I was consumed by local music with this stop time power growing up,
when listening to the exhilarating Life in One Chord by Straitjacket Fits or routinely seeing
the Mint Chicks at Aucklands dingy Kings Arms.

This presence, which pop can possess is both physical and meta-physical. Firth discusses
the use of beat, pulse and rhythm to compel our immediate bodily involvement in an
organization of time that the music itself controls (Frith 40). The live performance, dance
27
festivals and clubs are formed to foster this power. These experiences are typically in ones
youth and create nostalgic memories
Frith concludes that these social functions of music are a routine part of our lives so much
so that we make it part of our own identity and build it into our sense of ourselves (Frith
40). Popular music fosters a type of self cognition, allowing us to live outside the moment
and is something we both possess and are possessed by (Frith 42). From a holistic point of
view this power of identification and possession can be experienced on a nation level.
David Bell and Kate Oakley discuss how the power of culture generally permits a defined
community to imagine and craft identities:
Exploring the histories of nation-building and national identity, commentators have

often singled out various forms of culture as a kind of glue that binds a nation, that
defines its nation-ness. A key concept here is the nation as an imagined community
(Anderson 1991), and the steering of the imaginative work of making a nation cohere
and self-identify is often down to culture. Historians remind us that nations are
fictions, so it should come as no surprise to see cultural production and consumption
centrally implicated in the storying of the nation, providing the core narrative around
which national identity can coalesce (Bell 113).

Given cultures role in providing imaginative resources and in facilitating forms of identity-
work, we can see how forms of culture-as-display might work to bond members of an
28
imagined nation (Bell 113). Popular music and its social functions mentioned are a super
solvent to follow their metaphor.

29
B. Economic Justifications

Public support of popular music is not only justifiable from a cultural perspective, but also
from an economic perspective; popular music makes money and can be a valuable export
for a given nation.

The given return for public investment can either be direct in terms of job or revenue
creation for local cultural industries, or as a form of marketing boasting a countrys profile
in particular to boost tourism. An example from New Zealand are tax incentives given to
film producers with the Lord of the Rings movies filmed in New Zealand. The tax incentives
were justified both in terms of job creation and international exposure (Pinchefsky).

Cultural industries are seen as a way to diversify a national industry making it less reliant
on dominant local industries. In the United Kingdom the financial success of popular music
relative to other financial forces of other types of funded arts meant that cultural funding
could be viewed as not only a cultural asset but also as an economic driver (Cloonan 38).
This imparts a different role on the state providing support to popular music in terms of
helping it to market itself, rather than treating it as a cultural artifact (Cloonan 38).
Economic drivers, as demonstrated by Lord of the Rings in New Zealand can be direct in
terms of job creation and local spending, or more indirect avenues such as increased
tourism or greater international awareness of the local creative industry.

In abstract, these justifications for funding popular music might seem to clash. Popular
musics inherent commercial genesis blurs these justifications together so much so that
30
ignoring them would be futile. Popular music funding needs to be market aligned. As
David Bell and Kate Oakley put it If cultural policy was to retain any legitimacy, it needed to
find ways of intervening in and through the market this type of culture is commercial
culture (Bell and Oakley 24). Isolating these justifications is useful, however, in assessing
whether a given nations popular music funding policy achieves its objectives.

Furthermore, these objectives will change for the given context of the nation, as Bell and
Oakley extrapolate [t]o understand national cultural policy, we need to understand the
nation whose culture is being made a policy-target (Bell and Oakley 25). The focus of our
attention, therefore, is specifically the justification for public funding of popular music in
New Zealand.
31
CHAPTER 3: NEW ZEALAND ON AIRS DUTY TO REFLECT AND

DEVELOP NEW ZEALAND IDENTITY AND CULTURE

The public funding of popular music in New Zealand was typically shaped by the policy of
various New Zealand Labour governments. Michael Scott of the University of Auckland
studied the political motivation of these policies presenting a picture mixed with both
economic and lofty motivations. The manner in which this support is provided is influenced
by a practice of neo-liberal intervention that a state would partner, enable and facilitate
popular music-makers into existing market institutions (Scott 144). The philosophy is to
work within:
the grain of music industry practices. Therefore, state organizations became another
player in the domestic music market by interceding in artist-market relations in ways
isomporhic to existing private sector practices (Scott 144).

This background is important in context, although the political motivations of NZoA and
other music funds were justified in both economic and lofty terms:
Labours music policy was persistently couched in the endemic state concerns of
diversifying the nations industrial base and generating new employment
opportunities in this small, isolated economy. Such concerns were particularly
pressing in the wake of the social and economic fragmentation induced by the vigorous
application of neo-liberal doctrine. Popular music was thus mobilized to address job
creation and social inclusion (especially for young people), domestic industry
32
construction, the generation of export opportunities and the fostering of sentiments of

national identity (Scott 143).

It is not only the explicit motivations of rationale for funding that influence what music is
publicly funded, but also the music industry in which it created. As illustrated in Chapter
One, New Zealand artists compared to international artists are at a disadvantage. Roy
Shuker, in examining music policy, globalization and national identity discussed how the
one hit funds many flops economics of the recording industry influence how popular
music can be effectively supported by the state. In most cases this is a matter of resolving
access, which further morphs the line between lofty and economic rationales behind
funding: major record companies look for acts that are already partially developed and
indicated commercial potential, especially in the international market (Shuker, 2008 210).

However with major record companies based the United Kingdom and United States, this
generally means content originating and developed closer to home in those locations.

This makes it particularly more difficult for New Zealand artists to be developed as popular
artists and, as a result
[a]ttempts at the national level to foster local popular music production are primarily
interventions at the level of the distribution and reception of the music. They attempt
to secure greater access to the market, particularly for local products in the face of
overseas music, notably from the United Kingdom and United States (Shuker, 2008
210).
33

As Matt Mollgaard told me in an interview, NZoA funding has an undeclared but accepted
role to promote and prop up the music industry in New Zealand (Mollgaard, Skype
Interview).

34
A. Cultural Imperialism

As well as market intervention another common rationale for such funding in New Zealand
is the concept of Cultural Imperialism. Examining the cultural imperialism thesis is not only
important in establishing why successive New Zealand governments have chosen to fund
popular music, but it is also important in how it influences the practices and regulations of
NZoA, and ultimately the music that NZoA funds.

Cultural Imperialism is a concept of cultural subordination; the repression of local cultural
expression is dominated and to varying degrees invaded, displaced and challenged by
imported foreign cultures, often western, cultures (OSullivan in Shuker, 2001 255).
The concept is rooted in the colonization in the nineteenth century. It goes deeper than
importation of cultural expression but also to the transmission of certain products, fashions
and styles from the dominant nations which lead to the creation of particular patterns of
demand and consumption which are underpinned by and endorse, the cultural values, ideals
and practices of their dominant origins (OSullivan in Shuker, 2001 255).

Conceived as a form of dominant influence cultural imperialism taints a particular
countrys indigenous creative impulses. As Shuker observes, cultural imperialism implies a
distinction between local and imported culture, the former being somehow more authentic,
traditional and supportive of a conception of a distinctive cultural identity (Shuker, 2001
255).
35
B. What Constitutes Local Music?

The formation of NZoA was a result of a more substantial policy change. Under what was
termed Rogernomics (after its creator, and Finance Minister, Roger Douglas) New
Zealands Labour government of 1983 embraced open market neoliberal policies which
included deregulating how the government could control broadcasting markets. NZoA, in
the words of CEO Brendan Smyth, was a safety net to prevent cultural imperialism (Smyth,
Skype Interview).

The creation of a quasi government body to fund local content was a method of
government involvement to endorse the value of local content without directly intervening
in the market, of example by establishing a mandatory local quota on radio broadcasters.8

In the context of a given country policies looking to address cultural imperialism need to
answer two questions. Firstly, how does one identify a certain creation as local? Secondly
considering the prominence of dominant countries such as the United States and the United
Kingdom in shaping modern popular music how can one distinguish between local and
foreign sound?
8 Although a voluntary quota was established by 2002 see Joyce.
36
The concern of cultural imperialism was particularly strong around the time of the
formation of NZoA. For example, Geoff Lealands cleverly named A Foreign Egg In Our Nest?
American Popular Culture in New Zealand published in 1988 articulates the concern over
the dominance of foreign, particularly American, culture in New Zealand. Lealand observes
the general sense of how American culture has spread into modern life in New Zealand, and
in effect was colonizing our sub-conscious (Lealand 18). Lealand observed that most New
Zealand record labels where subsidiaries of overseas conglomerates that were profit
incentivized to promote foreign rather than local content (Lealand 60). Additionally
foreign content was relatable enough to New Zealanders common enough to share but
still undoubtedly foreign in its sound and themes. Lealand concluded accordingly that New
Zealand music was inherently derivative (Lealand 60).

Lealands examples illustrate the lack of New Zealand specific references and accents.
While Lealands analysis is somewhat useful, he hints at a concept which more accurately
explains New Zealand popular music and its international influence hybridity.

Cultural imperialism has been criticized for its lack of subtlety (Kraidy 29). Kraidy posits
that Cultural Imperialism relies on an assumption of vulnerability and passive media
consumption (Kraidy 34). The effects of globalization, including the importation of foreign
cultures, are experienced locally and consumed in different, though not only passive,
manners (Kraidy 42). Furthermore, Kraidy raises the hybridity theory of culture as it
relates to the spread of culture globally:
37
that traces of other cultures exist in every culture, thus offering foreign media and
markets transcultural wedges for forgoing affective links between their communities
local communities. As a discourse of intercultural relations, hybridity conjures up an
active exchange that leads to the mutual transformation of both sides Hybridity,
then, is not just amenable to globalization. It is the cultural logic of globalization
(Kraidy 148).

Kraidy provides a useful table summarizing ways of interpreting cross-cultural
interactions. The practical applications of these theories are helpful as they guide the
discussion of what constitutes local music.
38
( Courtesy of Kraidy at 150)

For the purpose of my analysis of the local I have taken a transcultural perspective
adopted by Zita Joyce and NZoA (Joyce, Hearing Ourselves 35). The transcultural
perspective has enough nuances to adapt to the structural and social realities of how the
New Zealand music operates as an appendage of the global music business (Rielly 96).

Brendan Riellys thesis on the Anglo-American influence on New Zealand describes how
this nuanced perceptive is preferable to that of hybridity. Rielly discusses Hip Hop as a
39
paramount example of hybridity, a genre with multiple cultural influences which ironically
now is the most cited example of US imitation. But this
does not take into account is the active role of producers and consumers in their
identification with foreign culture. This on-going process of creating your own
cultural identity by merging and morphing with overseas influence points to a mixture
and blend of hybridity (Rielly 122).

Rielly concludes hybridity is a useful though imperfect fit. Whether it be the raps of David
Dallas, or Upper Hutt Posse (a rap group which used indigenous language) both are
undoubtedly a New Zealand hybrid hip hop form. Yet, while hybridity is a useful
explanation, there is a dilemma whether new hybridity is cultural adaptation or a
manifestation of dominance of foreign media and media owners (Rielly 127). The influence
of a foreign format, industry strength and access to production means:

New Zealand artists create music, write lyrics and sing in their own accents, but it is
done under an international framework of production standards and fitting into
tightly defined radio formats. Very few success stories operate outside of this arena.
What some critics are suggesting is that the hybrid music forms are more aligned with
global modes of thought rather than reflecting local stories and experiences. This is
precisely one of the problems with the concept of hybridity (Reilly 299).

40
Globalization and deregulation, especially in the radio sector has meant that the means of
production and distribution are still dominantly foreign. Even local artists are not immune
to this influence:
The result is a homogenisation of content that is geographically difficult to pinpoint
due to its global themes and similarity of styles and accents. The outcome is more
global impersonation than local inspiration (Reilly 299).

The difficulty of an agnostic, hybrid definition of New Zealand music is that these cultural
flows, especially for radio broadcast outcomes, are dominated by foreign owned means of
production. Zita Joyce puts the colonization concept bluntly: New Zealand is now far less
isolated in terms of reception of cultural products, the local music industry is still very much a
colony of the global industry in terms of production (Joyce, Hearing Ourselves 36).

41
C. New Zealand Music and National Identity

The final piece in the puzzle is to consider why local music is valuable. As discussed above,
if New Zealand popular music is construed as a transcultural musical form operating within
the larger context of the global market can it really be claimed that local music is any
different or has distinctive cultural value which requires protection. Roy Shuker postulates
the issues as follows:
the cultural imperialism thesis is predicated on accepting the national as a given,
with distinctive national musical identities its logical corollary. However the
globalization of Western capitalism, particularly evident in its media conglomerates,
and the increasing international nature of Western popular music brings these notions
into question (Shuker, 2008 209).

Shuker then outlines two factors demonstrating that the global and local cannot be
considered binary categories:
1. Popular music culture is established as the international preferred culture of the
young with American rock and roll in particular formed as a means to distance
themselves from a parental national culture;
2. Local and production and national identity are not directly correlated, and local
product is often hard to distinguish from foreign content (Shuker, 2008 209).

As Shuker demonstrates Globalization is used to posit the threat of cultural imperialism as
well mitigating the same threat.

42
Geoff Lealand, referring to the lack of local accents and local references puts the case
stronger saying that poplar music is now an international language, but still largely in an
American tongue (Lealand 76).

Dr Graham Downes, a Senior Lecturer at the University of Otago and front man of the well
known New Zealand indie band The Verlaines muses on his experience with the
commonalities of New Zealandeness including a Maori world-view,9 isolation and
connectivity to the land as a musician. Although Downes, talks about the difficulty of using
such national signpost in his music and other local Pakeha10 popular music:
As a Pakeha New Zealander, I could never feel comfortable doing what Dave Dobbyn
has done in tidily co-opting Maori culture into a sentimental rock video. I cant
reconcile it with history, or with Once Were Warriors And for me this is the New
Zealand condition, stuck between an indigenous culture that, whilst I am keenly
interested in its renaissance and political evolution, I feel excluded from. Its like being
Jewish: if your mother wasnt, you cant be. That, and the feeling homesickness for a
country that doesnt exist, is the unity truth of the Pakeha reality as I see it (Downes in
Johnson 166).

That is not to say that popular music coming from New Zealand is not unique. New Zealand
music does achieve a degree of international successes both critically and commercially.
For example the success of pop singer/songwriter Lorde suggests that the unique
9 Maori are the indigenous people of New Zealand.

10 A New Zealander of European decent.
43
perspective, culture and somewhat still isolated place in the world is provides the broth as
a very interesting musical soup.

Rather than looking for specific language or styles in local popular music the important
features of New Zealand music can be postulated through Firths three functions of popular
music discussed in Chapter One.

Popular music can help foster the created identity of a nation fictional or otherwise. Friths
examples of Irish identity in the Irish music of pubs of London is also applicable to New
Zealand. Prominent musical hits especially in the case of New Zealand where they
commonly revolve around sporting campaigns can construct ideals of national identity.
Songs such as Poi E by the Patea Maori Club11, or Dont Dream Its Over by Crowded
House12 arguably serve this role for a large number of New Zealanders.

The second idea of that popular music local music can better manage feelings to manage
the relations between public and private emotional levels is not as persuasive. While local
music, undoubtedly fulfills this there is no reason why specifically local music fulfills this
better than popular music.

Friths third utility is more helpful. As discussed in Chapter One popular music has a
particular presence which commands listening to dance, feel nostalgic and live outside the
moment. While international touring and music facilitates this, a thriving local music
11Poi E music video available at www.nzonscreen.com/title/poi-e-1983.
12Dont Dream Its Over music video available at www.youtube.com/watch?v=J9gKyRmic20.
44
scene arguably fulfills this utility with a greater strength. For me it was the chance to see
incredible local bands in Auckland, such as The Mint Chicks, Die! Die! Die! And Surf City
that gave me a passion and inspiration to get involved in music.

Providing public support to local popular music whether through broadcast or other
funding gives a mechanism for this music to be heard. The funding question is really one of
securing greater access at the bottom line of funding. The social utility is also provided to
those that perform this music. Most musicians I talked to mentioned the Smoke Free Rock
Request a high school talent competition as being an important step to their involvement
in music simply as it provided a platform and motivation to form and stick with music.
How New Zealanders enjoy local music or how it shapes imagined national identity are
pivotal motivations. As the rhetoric of the Labor Party in 1999 stated [t[his access to other
cultures has highlighted the importance of a strong sense of place and cultural identity
(Joyce, Hearing Ourselves 24).

Going forward in examining how well NZoA achieves its mandate it is necessary to create a
model which focuses on fostering music with such social utility.

45
D. New Zealand Music and the Cultural Cringe

An informal but often discussed cultural ill that NZoAs funding addresses is the so-called
New Zealand cultural cringe. Simply put New Zealand content was historically and
arguably still is considered inherently in-superior to foreign music making local content
and hence cringe worthy. In the NZoA space, one of the resistance of radio programmers
choosing not to play local content was because it is simply not as good as overseas
product, and that audience do not want to listen to it (Joyce, Hearing Ourselves 3). The
godfather of New Zealand, DIY music, Chris Knox once described the situation as The
New Zealand music industry gets its product overseas, Cos it cant believe its quality till it
gets US release (Knox).

Knox plays on the industry tendency to feel that local music was never seen as of any merit
until it received overseas recognition a feat few New Zealanders achieved. Rather than
being attributed to the difficulties of isolation and music industry access, this lack of
success was correlated with quality. Up to modern times New Zealand accents were
seldom heard on popular recordings (Lealand 76).

Interestingly enough NZoA itself has been associated with cultural cringe. The most
notable New Zealand music export, Ella Yelich-OConnor (better known as Lorde)
deliberately turned down NZoA music video funding, early in her career noting the
negative association that the NZoA logo had to people of her age (5000 Ways To Love You).

46
Presumably, this negative association came from the type of music that NZoA typically
funded, indeed OConnor in the same interview took a dig at the her producers Joel Littles
former lightweight pop punk band Goodnight Nurse, who received numerous NZoA grants
(5000 Ways to Love You) Because he was in Goodnight Nurse, he cant try to be cool.
Cultural cringe, is an unspecified yet critical cultural issue to be addressed. The funding of
popular music content has the power, and arguably has already mitigated these concerns.
As New Zealand singer songwriter Don McGlashon states:
As more music is written here, and as more New Zealanders grow up with a locally
made soundtrack to their lives, many of these question about how to situate music in
this place will become redundant. In the time Ive been making music in this country,
many once-contentious issues have been put aside, or replaced with new ones. For
example, to sing in a New Zealand accent used to indicate a desire to satirise (Peter
Cape, John Clarke). Now when Martin Philips of The Chills, Robert Scott of the Bats, or
Kody Nielson of The Mint Chicks use their own vowels, they dont lose any authority
(McGlashon in Keam 281).

47
CHAPTER 4 THE MUSIC FUNDING POLICIES OF NEW ZEALAND

ON AIR
A. THE FORMATION AND OPERATION OF NZoA

This section examines scope, objectives and operations of NZoAs music polices up to the
launch of the Making Tracks funding model in July 2011. The history of NZoAs music
funding can be characterized in five phases. Each of these five phases is discussed below.

Phase One The Pilot (1991-1993)
NZoA in its pilot phase was focused upon what was considered the major issue for local
music - access to commercial radio. Studies at the time, while not official until 1994,
showed that commercial radio - representative of 80% of radios audience played around
2% local music (Norris 129-130). In Phase One the following where funded:
-Radio programmes about New Zealand music for broadcast on New Zealand radio
stations;
-Music videos (up to $5000 per video) (Norris 129).

In total 14 programs and 56 videos where funded for a cost of $300,000 and $280,000
respectively. Both were seen as cost effective mechanisms to expose New Zealand music
through private broadcast networks (Norris 129).

48
Phase Two Arrival of the Kiwi Hit Disc (1993-1996)

Phase Two attempted to remedy the fact that local music still wasnt making into
commercial playlists (Norris 129). To get around this, NZoA looked to create a two-
monthly Kiwi Hit Disc sent to commercial programmers with local tracks that could be
auditioned for commercial radio (Norris 130). The process of selecting these tracks was
somewhat ad hoc[t]he call went out to record companies to offer their current music and
NZ On Air would tout these around a range of radio programmers seeking approval or
disapproval of each track (Norris 130). Later tracks were chosen by NZ on Air solely
(Norris 130).

At this stage funding operated retrospectively. If a song from the Kiwi Hit Disc made it to
radio the record company behind the song would be given $5,000 per song. This reward-
oriented funding scheme meant that NZoA began to function as a type of quasi record
company promoting and marketing selected local content (Norris 130).

Phase Three Radio Pluggers (1996 1999)
Phase Three dealt with the next hurdle getting the songs off the disc and onto the playlist
(Norris 130). A radio plugger was hired to lobby commercial programmers to play NZoA
content. A further two discs, Kiwi Gold Disc and Kiwi Indie Disc were also created so that
the NZoA plugger focused on convincing commercial programmers that certain local tracks
fitted the stations particular demographic (Norris 131).
49
At the same time, music videos were an essential part of music marketing with two specific
new music television channels, Max and Cry TV further boasting broadcasting numbers
(Norris 131).

In 1997 the Kiwi Music Action Group was formed between NZoA and industry bodies
focusing on promoting with NZoAs objectives of greater airplay for local artists. One of the
groups first initiatives was the launch of New Zealand Music Week (Norris 131).

Phase Four Making and Marketing (1999-2005)

1999 saw the election of Helen Clarks Labor government, who had an extensive focus on
developing national identity and the creative industries (Scott 1). NZoAs budget was
significantly increased (Norris 132). There were five significant changes. First, for the first
time, international exposure was made an explicit goal of NZOA who provided international
marketing grants of $50,000 for record companies who promoted local artists up to this
$50,000 amount internationally. These grants were available for up to four albums each
year per record company (Norris 132). The second change was substantial and due to its
size and selection one of the most controversial - NZoA provided matching $50,000 grants
for the recording of 12 or more albums per year (Norris 132). Additionally a new
recording fund was established to give out $5,000 grants to up to 40 new recording artists
(Norris 132). The final change was investments in music television stations, M2 and C4
(Norris 133). In 2002 the government successfully agreed with the Radio Broadcasters
Association to establish a voluntary local radio quota of 20%.

50
Phase Five - International Awareness (2005-2011)

Phase Five further extended NZoAs international focus. The New Zealand Music
Commission was given extra funding of $5.4 million for a four year international campaign.
Funding would be utilized by creating NZ music CD samplers, forming tastemaker
networks with international music business people, acquiring advertising spaces in trade
magazines, international radio showcases and contracting of agents in the target territories
to service the samplers and maintain the tastemaker networks (Norris 135).

At this stage NZoAs objectives had shifted significantly from its original mandate to get
more local music on commercial radio. At this point NZoA was now a significant content
creator of both music videos albums and tracks, a local and international promoter as well
as providing broadcast support both on television and radio. This evolution was even
subject to a legal questioning to determine whether it was within the scope of NZoAs
parent legislation the Broadcasting Act (Norris 136). Although, NZoA had significantly
increased the amount of local content on commercial radio from roughly 2% in 1991 to
20% in 2011 the new scope of funded music by NZoA were the subject of severe criticism.
This criticism eventually resulted in further evolution for NZoA, establishing the current
Making Tracks funding model.
51
B. NZoA MAKING TRACKS

Notable Criticisms

Throughout NZoAs operation and most significantly in Phases 4 and 5, NZoA was publicly
criticized by a number of interested parties. A selection of such criticism is considered
below to illustrate their influence on Caddick report which reviewed NZoAs policy and was
pivotal in the creation of Making Tracks. Each criticism is considered in more detail in
Chapter Five.

One of the most high profile critiques was a lengthy article in local music magazine Real
Groove. Duncan Grieves feature examined NZoA in detail and included comments from
high profile local musicians. Grieves piece expressed the general sentiment that NZoA had
a tendency to repeatedly fund a number of local acts which were pale imitations of
overseas rock bands. These bands most notably the much derided Autozamm often
received consecutive large grants without any justification either commercially or critically
(Grieve, Follow the Money 18). The concern was that NZoA was spending millions of dollars
of public money supporting music that wasnt commercially or critically successful and had
no emotional attachment to New Zealanders (Grieve, Skype Interview). NZoA was
criticized for its strong ties to commercial radio as well as a failure to adapt to the digital
reality of the modern music industry. Grieves tax payer cost per unit CD graph illustrated
how ineffective the model was commercially, showing the funded cost per unit of funded
album relative to the total number of units sold (Grieve, Follow the Money 18).
52
53
Courtesy of Grieve, Follow the Money 18.

Grieve spoke to Mike Bradshaw the manager of one of New Zealands most well-known
musical exports Crowded House. Bradshaw considered the program a complete failure.
For an investment of around $60 million dollars over the course of the operations, only 3-
5% of funded artists ever got sales of gold or better (7000 units in New Zealand) or had any
significant overseas success (Grieve, Follow the Money 16-17).

Also in 2010 the Sounds Like Us organization was founded by Rob Mayes of independent
label Failsafe Records. Sounds Like Us gathered opinions of various industry insiders and
published a paper and campaign on the problems with NZoAs policies. Again, these
criticisms focused upon the commercial focus of NZoA and its self-created mandate to
establish an industry in which musicians can earn a living a perceived departure from its
statutory role to reflect local identity and culture. (Mayes, Sounds Like Us 2).

Mayes also focused on a number of smaller criticism which are discussed later, but thrust
of his point was represented in a quote from musician Ian Henderson who mused that
NZOAs philosophy in only funding music that will get commercial airplay is akin to an
organization set up to promote NZ cuisine, that will only support items McDonalds would put
on their menu (Henderson in Mayes, Sounds Like Us at 4).

54
A general distaste for the type and quality of music being funded was further exasperated
by a number of certain events, no more so than the Annabel Fay fiasco. Annabel Fay is the
daughter of one of New Zealands wealthiest men Sir Michael Fay. Annabel Fay was given
around $70,000 in album funding from NZoA. A number of radio programmers as well the
head of NZoA Brendan Smyth, were helicoptered courtesy of the Fey family to a lavish
party on Great Mercury Island, which Sir Michael Fay part owns to celebrate the album
release (Sweetman 2010). The story received a lot of coverage and along with other
questionable decisions such as the funding of the Indie Music Manger game is still fresh in
the mind of many of critics of NZoA I spoke to.

At this time, previous to the Making Tracks reform there was a large proportion of the
New Zealand music industry and public with negative impressions of NZoAs music
funding. A large amount of the music it funded was perceived as inconsequential
commercial radio music with no cultural appeal and since it was so generic, unlikely to
make any significant impact overseas. In contrast local music which were critically
respected such as Tourettes or had built up a ground swell of community support such as
Home Brew or had international success due to their points of difference such as The
Datsuns went unfunded (See Grieve and Mayes generally).

Although, there seems a significant belief in the value of funding, especially for the isolated
and small New Zealand music market the relatively large amounts of lack of success either
economically or culturally was alarming. New Zealand musical success has usually came in
a do-it-yourself manner and against the odds:
55
The middle ground between those two agencies (NZoA and Creative New Zealand) is
where 95 per cent of the Flying Nun back catalogue sits, where most of Split Enzs
albums make their home, where internationally adored artists like The Ruby Suns and
Lawrence Arabia are found. In short, its where much of what we treasure most deeply
about New Zealand music exists, yet the funding body charged with fostering this
music is unable to reach across to it. Or, to put it less charitably, NZ On Air has
proven itself singularly incapable of trying (Grieve, Follow the Money 22).

The Caddick Report

In response to this criticism NZoA commissioned former EMI executive Chris Caddick to
conduct two reviews of NZoAs music funding model. The first review published in
December 2009 focused on NZoAs expansion into international music support, with the
second domestic review coming out in December 2010.

The domestic report had significant input from industry insiders and the public, with
Caddick interviewing over 100 people as well as reigning insight from 655 answered online
questionnaires (Norris 138).

The 150 plus page report was a comprehensive review of NZoAs domestic operations and
well as the perceptions of its role and success. Caddick acknowledged that particularly in
commercial radio exposure NZoA had been relatively successful, with an industry
infrastructure has been strengthened and an ever-increasing pool of new artists aspires to
create music and have it heard by their fellow countrymen (Caddick, Domestic 4).
56
Yet Caddick heard similar concerns to those expressed above, especially as the models
appeared to venture further from NZoAs broadcasting mandate (Caddick, Domestic 4).
Caddick summarized these main concerns as (Caddick, Domestic 5-6):
Lagging behind a changing music industry;
An overly commercial focus;
An inappropriate number of repeated fundees;
A lack of auditing, follow up and monitoring of broadcast results;
NZoA artificially propping up the local music industry and;
A lack of promotion of content once created.

Caddick noted a number of specific recommendations which are available in the appendix
of the report. These recommendations were built around three over-arching goals:
(Caddick, Domestic 6-7)
1. Create a new funding scheme to promote diversity and encourage new

artists:

-Pool funding from the three existing funding schemes (albums, singles,
videos) into one new track-based scheme.

- Establish a selection process that caters to a broader spectrum of
broadcast media.

-Provide greater assistance for newer artists compared to established
artists within the scheme.

-Limit the amount of funding available to individual artists on an
annual basis.

-Require a funding contribution and recoupment from repeat
applicants.

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2. Initiate new promotional programmes and modify existing ones to

provide better connection with audiences:

-Establish a new media role and online/mobile promotional programme.

-Move to digital delivery of tracks whilst retaining the option of a
physical Kiwi Hit Disc.

-Use funding for longer form radio and television programming more
efficiently.

-Set goals for continuous improvement in broadcast percentages and
improve monitoring of outcomes.

-Encourage mainstream television networks to provide better exposure
for New Zealand music.

3. Promote professionalism in the greater industry with both internal and
external initiatives:

- Improve application and audit procedures for funding.

- Improve communication with stakeholders.

- Strengthen interaction with other Government agencies.

- Establish a regular programme for future reviews.

- Encourage industry action to quantify value of music to New Zealand
economy.
The majority of Caddicks criticism revolved around album funding. Caddick thought the
existing album model lacked artist diversity and was out of touch with a singles music
industry, in particular radio programmers (Caddick, Domestic 79). Videos, and the new
recording programs were seen as useful, but in essentially conceiving the Making Tracks
funding model Caddick stated:
58
Many of the problems created by these schemes can, I believe, be solved by rolling all
three schemes into one, creating a single trackbased scheme (Caddick, Domestic 79).

Caddick also suggested a monthly panel system, featuring a broader spectrum of industry
participants, (e.g. not just radio programmers) involved in the artist selection process
(Caddick, Domestic 80).

In terms of domestic goals, Caddick considered that NZoA was still charting an appropriate
course and thought his suggestions could help NZoA achieve these more effectively
particularly in creating more diversity in artists funded (Caddick, Domestic 80).

Caddicks report on NZoAs Phase 5 funding of its international programmes was similarly
comprehensive. Caddick considered the international scope justified due to the necessity
for international success for any local artist to be sustainable (Caddick, Domestic 10). Non
financial benefits of the aspirational effect and cultural pride of artists such as Flight of
The Conchords and Ladyhawke was also noted (Caddick, Domestic 12). Caddick noted that
Australian was an obvious target for such expansion and work should be done to foster
closely industry relationships among other specific recommendation (Caddick, Domestic
33).

59
The Making Tracks Model

In July 2011 the newly formed Making Tracks funding model replaced the existing, new
recording, album funding and music video funding programmes. Making Tracks was
formed in direct response to the Caddick report and criticism above. When I spoke to NZoA
Music Manager Brendan Smyth he noted a number factors behind the change. In terms of
scope in 2008 the Broadcasting Act was amended to include online broadcasting,
effectively permitting funding to target an online audience for example YouTube views for
a music video (Smyth, Skype Interview). Smyth noted that three particular factors which
together formed the inspiration of the new model. First was that getting on commercial
radio was no longer the dominant issue for local artists. Second, the digital music
revolution had changed the marketplace dramatically. Finally, Smyth mentioned the dis-
affection of the local music scene with the commercial focus of NZoA grants, and it was felt
that funding should be spread out wider (Smyth, Skype Interview).

The Making Tracks model is a radical departure from prior funding models. Funding
grants were more plentiful, albeit at much lower amounts and spread amongst more
applicants. In March 2011 the album and new recording schemes were annulled as well
as two contract pluggers being replaced with a broadcast promotions executive and
repertoire executive. (NZoA, Making Tracks). A digital music strategist was also hired on a
one year contract (NZoA, Making Tracks).

A summary of the attributes the Making Tracks funding model are as follows:
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How Much? - $10,000 maximum per song. $4,000 for recording unfinished
tracks and $6,000 to create a music video for that song. The artists must
contribute at lest $2,000 towards a video grant (New Zealand on Air, Making
Tracks 4-6).
How Many? Making Tracks would aim to fund at least 200 tracks and videos.
Previously 50 tracks and 170 videos would be funded. 60% of these tracks
would be targeted to commercial radio while 40% would be aimed at
alternative and online platforms, including projects with the potential to
infiltrate the mainstream (New Zealand on Air, Making Tracks 4).
When? Making Track grants would be made monthly (New Zealand on Air,
Making Tracks 4).
Who Decides? Rather than consulting with commercial programmers, funding

decisions would be made by a panel of at least three broadcasters and three
music experts. Each month, NZoA would select this panel. Broadcast members
are chosen from commercial and alternative radio and music television. The
music experts would be selected from a pool of music critics, industry
professionals and bloggers.

The choice of how much to allocate and the quantity of grants was based around a new
desire for diversity. The single song overhaul was based on the way people consume
music in the digital age, typically in single song form or through video streaming platforms,
most notably YouTube. Only unreleased songs are eligible for funding (New Zealand on Air,
61
Making Tracks 5). There was also a per album limit, a maximum of 3 tracks and videos
from a given album were eligible (New Zealand on Air, Making Tracks 2)

The commercial alternative split was a compromise to increase diversity without losing the
advancements made in infiltrating commercial radio with local content (New Zealand on
Air, Making Tracks 5).

Applicants were asked to describe where the track was intended to be broadcasted and
how the funding would improve the quality of their release (New Zealand on Air, Making
Tracks 6). NZoA expressed a desire for distinctive songs and motivated artists we want
to help those who have helped themselves and who stand out from the crowd (New Zealand
on Air, Making Tracks 6). Panels would be ruled by a majority and would number 6-8
members.

The panel was advised to consider applications based on the song, not the artist. As
Brendan Smyth advises panelists to think where would this particular song get played
(Smyth, Skype Interview).

In terms of selection, NZoA started with a pool of around 50, which was expanded to
around 75-80 over the course of three years. Generally, a panelist should be in a position
to make a judgment against a piece of music (Smyth, Skype Interview). The ideal panel
would contain, two commercial radio members, an alternative radio representative, a
62
member in the music media, a person familiar with music outside of Auckland and
someone with production ear (Smyth, Skype Interview).

By email Smyth also outlined the procedure around the formation and selection process
undertaken by a Making Tracks panel:
In the first week of the calendar month, we will appoint a panel. Six broadcasting and
music industry/media pros plus one of the NZ On Air promo team. A panel of seven for
that month.

-In the first week we will also do criteria checks on the 120-130 or so applications
that we invariably get each month. Criteria checks just means checking that
newcomers meet the 10/22 eligibility requirement.

-In the second week we will send the seven panelists a link to the 120-130 songs and
the applications. We give them at least two weeks with the songs before we need their
votes.

-At the start of the fourth week of the calendar month we ask the panelists for their
votes. That means their pick of the 25 best contenders in the field from a quality and
broadcast (on air and/or online) point of view, bearing in mind the 60/40
mainstream/alternative split.

-Mid-fourth week of the calendar month we assemble the panel in Auckland. We pool
the votes. Any one song can get a max of 7 votes. Songs that pick up a majority vote
4+ go up on the board. Those projects will be funded.

-Over the next couple of hours we will go through the 3 votes and listen again to each
song as a group, discuss it and re-vote it. At that point, a song might pick up the
majority votes that it needs to go up on the board.

-At that point if there is still room in the budget to do more we will invite each of
the panelists to champion a song that has been left behind either a 3 or a 2 or a 1
vote and pitch it to the group why it deserves to be on the board.

And thats how it works. The 22-25 songs on the board are then recommended to NZ
On Air for funding. The CEO has the delegated authority to approve the grants. We
put the recommendations to the CEO the afternoon of the panel meeting and announce
the decisions at midday the following day (Smyth, Email).
This administratively demanding procedure is followed every month.

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Eligibility Criteria

To be eligible for a Making Tracks grants applications had to provide evidence of at least
ten of the following criteria (New Zealand on Air, Making Tracks 8-9):
Artistic
A great song

Business
A record deal
A publishing deal
A management deal
A distribution arrangement
Mandatory $2,000 to contribute to music video

Track Record
A charted song on commercial/alternative radio
Sold 500+ singles or 250+ albums/EPs
A four star + review in reputable print or music journal
Won a music award
Completed a national tour
Significant international support slot
Played a major New Zealand festival
International success
Synced a song

Audience/Fan Base
100+ paying public to a single show
More than 1,000 online fans (e.g. Facebook/MySpace)
More than 500 twitter followers
More than 2,000 plays on YouTube
Featured or charted on aggregator such as hypemachine.

Additionally the song must made by a New Zealander. Making Tracks provide a
worksheet which helps determine whether the artist or group applying qualifies.13 This is
not as straightforward as it may appears as the Daniel Bedingfield episodes showed.
Controversy arose in 2002 when Daniel Bedingfield, a New Zealand born but UK based pop
13This worksheet is available at www.nzonair.govt.nz/document-library.
64
songwriter had significant chart success with Gotta Get Thru This. The debate centered
around whether Bedingfields birth location was enough for his New Zealand airplay to
count as local. Bedingfields single was eventually determined to not qualify as local
content (Day). Ironically, Bedingfield was eligible, to albeit unsuccessfully apply for
Making Tracks funding in 2013 as his album was recorded locally with a number of local
musicians (Stuff 2013). Other critics have debated whether international based artists,
such as Ruban Nielson (formerly of the Mint Chicks, now un Unknown Mortal Orchestra)
who in an interview said he was bored of living in New Zealand and receiving support
from an American label should be eligible (Sweetman 2011).

Sweetmans criticism of Nielsons eligibility is counter to NZoAs strategy of supporting
international success as well as imposing a nationalism requirement. If funding caveats
where required for anti-New Zealand comments, the road could be slippery slope of free
expression.

65
Further Developments - NZoA Online

In 2014 NZoA hired digital strategy consultant Eve Van Der Steen to review NZoAs digital
music strategy. Van Der Steen was formerly the head of social media for Dutch dance label
Armada. Van Der Steen has extensive experience in this area, even winning a webby award
in recognition of her skills (Van Der Steen, LinkedIn Profile).

Van Der Steens review suggested a five point plan for NZoA to shape itself as the go to
place on the web for discovering New Zealand music (Van Der Steen, NZ On Air Music Online
8). Van Der Steen, saw the international success of artists such as Lorde, The Naked and
Famous and Kimbra, as well as the lack of any existing entity fulfilling this role, meant that
the digital promotions was an ocean of opportunity ready to explore. Van Der Steens
executive summary identified five specific opportunities and recommendations for NZoA to
consider. This would form the basis of the AllTracks online discovery platform launched in
May 2015.

In brief, Van Der Steens review considered and suggested specific ways in which NZoA
could use streaming services social media rebranding cross promotions on television radio
and online and new online promotional funding to expand NZoAs online presence (Van
Der Steen, NZ On Air Music Online). It was suggested that taking these pro-active steps
would allow NZoA to take a leadership role and help educate artists, and other music
communities, such as student radio to follow (Van Der Steen, NZ On Air Music Online 5).
Van Der Steen, suggested that the New Zealand music market, had yet to strongly use social
media and digital promotion to push music out. Interestingly, enough Lorde and her
66
management teams strategic use of SoundCloud werent mentioned, despite being a

commonly international discussed example such promotion.

In July 2014, NZoA released their music strategy incorporating many of Van Der Steens
suggestions. The document outlined an imperative to look at creating an audience, using
online tools to facilitate direct music discovery; the review suggest that instead of just
trying to influence broadcasters throughout promotions work we should try to rally the
audience directly and at the same time, let the audience influence the broadcasters (New
Zealand on Air Music Strategy 2). The new strategy saw NZoA embracing its role in the
promotions business, replacing the infiltrate commercial radio mantra with multiple
impressions on multiple platforms (New Zealand on Air Music Strategy 2).

NZoAs strategy was divided into 5 objectives, strategies, actions and targets. To find and
fund quality local music, NZoA looked to maintain and develop new music discovery tools
(New Zealand on Air Music Strategy 5). Novel actions most notably included creating a new
online discovery tool which would become the AllTracks portal. A number of specific
broadcast targets were outlined (New Zealand on Air Music Strategy 5):
20% NZ music on commercial radio;
30% NZ music on alternative radio;
25% NZ music on music TV;
Average of 750+ radio spins for funded songs;
Average of 150+ music TV spins for funded videos;
Average of 50,000 online streams of funded songs/video; and
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120+ songs for mainstream outlets and 80+ for alternative audiences.

The second objective has to partner with key platforms to support NZoAs advocacy role
for funded content for both commercial and alternative audiences (New Zealand on Air
Music Strategy 6).

Specific targets were also outlined regarding the number of local programming features, hit
disc releases, showcases and songs distributed to broadcasters (New Zealand on Air Music
Strategy 6). The final two less radical objectives were to find and exploit online
opportunities and collaborate with champions of New Zealand music (New Zealand on Air
Music Strategy 7-8).

As engaging as these phrases appear, the quest for more mileage hit the road with the
launch of the AllTracks online portal in May 2015. AllTracks is an attractive online portal,
with genre playlists of New Zealand music. Clicking on the genre of choice will take you to
a Spotify, YouTube or SoundCloud playlist curated by local tastemakers.

68

A screenshot of the AllTracks landing page at alltracks.co.nz
Screenshot of a click-through Genre Playlist at alltracks.co.nz

All Tracks is new weapon in NZoAs avenues to connect local content to an audience (NZoA
New Zealand on Air Music Strategy 1). This fundamental desire remains unchanged, but
69
interestingly how it is expressed suggestions a slightly more industry focused approach As

well as being a cultural imperative, it is an economic imperative. It is how hits are made and
stars are created. It is how local music industries are built (NZoA New Zealand on Air Music
Strategy 1).

A final new policy of note is the Bringing it Home initiative. Brining it Home involves local
councils supplementing music video funding in exchange for filming to be undertaken and
use the resources of that regional area (NZoA, Bringing it Home). The initiative, still in its
early day is seen as way to not only promote funded content but also local creative sectors.

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CHAPTER 5 CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF NZOA MUSIC FUNDING &

MAKING TRACKS

NZoA conducted a one and two year review of the Making Tracks funding model which
made slight changes to the original model (New Zealand on Air, Two Year Review). For
example, after the one year review Vimeo and Spotify streams were included (only
YouTube was originally counted) and in the second year review SoundCloud was
incorporated (New Zealand on Air, Two Year Review).

Brendan Smyth provided me with the following data which shows the broadcast outcomes
of Making Tracks funded projects from 2011-2014. These were used to quantify the
broadcast mileage funded content was getting on radio, music televisions and online.
NZoA Making Tracks Broadcast Mileage 2011-2014
Projects
Radio Plays
Music TV
Online
Online
Plays
Audio Plays
Video Plays
26,913,593
27,155,475
(103,514
2011-2012
200,289
41,593
260 Tracks
(771 ave)
(160 ave)
Total Plays
ave)
2012-2013
169,794
34,386
7,000,523
12,282,090
120 Tracks
(1,415 ave)
(287 ave)
(58,338 ave)
(102,351
19,486,793
ave)
2013-2014
62,710
10,424
4,321,213
2,697,058
105 Tracks
(598 ave)
(99 ave)
(41,154 ave)
(25,687 ave)
7,091,405
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Totals
432,793
86,403
11,321,736
41,892,741
53,733,673
NB as at 31 August 2014

Although these numbers are important for NZoAs internal reporting the criticism NZoA
has faced around its music funding policies goes beyond the numbers. In the next section I
will examine three distinct criticisms of NZoA by various commentators, analyzing how the
criticisms stand up after the implementation of Making Tracks as well as considering the
strength of these critiques. I have divided the criticisms into three sections; the scope of
funding what music NZoA funds, the form of funding - what funding is applied to and
finally operation improvements in how grants and administered and content promoted.
A. Scope of Funding

Duncan Grieves Follow the Money article mentioned earlier was one of the well
publicized NZoA critique. Grieve who interviewed a number of musicians and industry
figure was particularly critical of the commercially and risk-free artists typically funded.
In particular, the influence of commercial radio broadcasters meant that NZoAs gaze is
effectively trained by commercial radio (Grieve, Skype Interview).

When I interviewed Duncan he seemed pleased with the wider variety of artists being
funded, and noted that in particular more interesting artists were being funded (Grieve,
Skype Interview). He also noted that the concept of spreading out funding money across
more artists was of great benefit as seed money to spur many artists to "particular level of
professionalism rather than funding a few radio hit orientated acts (Grieve, Skype
72
Interview).

Further, in discussing the changes with NZoAs Brendan Smyth on NZ Heralds Talking
Heads segment Grieve noted that concerns about repeat funding offenders had been
mitigated by the single song submission, which meant funding was considered based on the
song and the acts track record, particularly on commercial radio had much less sway
(Wicks). In summary, Grieve although still having reservations about the necessity of
funding suggested that Making Tracks had responded well to its critics:
overall some things [songs] are great, some are horrible, but if I look at every list
that has come out, has been an individual track might not like, but cant argue that it
doesnt not provide a good sample of what we [as a country] are putting out (Wick).
Former NZoA CEO Chris Prowse however, is not impressed with the diversity gains of the
Making Tracks funding model. Focusing on NZoAs statutory duty, Prowse considered
that the music that NZoA chooses to fund, via the mainstream, alternative and song
classifications, along with the fact that NZoA only promoted funded music is not what the
was intended by those who created the Broadcasting Act:
[I]f the alternative is also to have the potential to appeal to mainstream audiences, as
NZ On Air expects, then there is no room in NZ On Airs concept of diversity of all the
special interest genres of New Zealand Music [referred to in the Broadcast Act at
s39(d)(ii) (Prowse, Off The Tracks).

Prowse cites examples of instrumental music as well as most non-mainstream music such
as traditional folk music as being incapable of fitting within the ambit of NZoAs funding
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despite it being a special interest genre which under the Act should be promoted. From
Prowses perspective Making Tracks only defines a great song as one capable of being
measured with objective results, such as radio plays and streams (Prowse, Skype
Interview). Prowse considers that NZoA funding should be focused on promoting the
broadcast of New Zealand music in its full diversity to a wider variety of listeners (Prowse,
Off The Tracks).

Roy Mayes who released a paper Sounds Like US criticizing prior models also maintains
his criticism of NZoAs focus on funding popular music which can generate broadcast
mileage. Mayes remains critical of the lack of subjectivity and focus exclusively on
objective results. Mayes states that NZoAs funding policies should included attempts to
describe why certain communities around New Zealand value particular music. For Mayes
Making Tracks is producing nothing past I like that song or someone overseas likes the
song (Mayes Skype Interview). Rather, what Making Tracks should focus upon is the
albeit admittedly difficult role of ensuring that music being supported is music which is
remembered and admired by New Zealanders. Mayes suggests that this could be measured
be independent surveying (Mayes Skype Interview). In particular Mayes suggest a youth
radio network or purchasing commercial radio slots as a better mechanism for promoting
all New Zealand music (including heritage music) than Making Tracks funding. Mayes
was also critical of the leadership of NZoA whose senior staff has not changed significantly
since NZoAs birth.

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Criticisms around scope are the most difficult. Any arts funding ultimately involves choice
there will be winners or losers. Even taking NZoAs stance in defining New Zealand
without a need for national distinctiveness is a choice. Subjectivity is in any selection
process. The difficulty of the selection process in arts funding can only be remedies by a
clear mandate of what is intended to fund this and a clear procedures about how this is
done. NZoAs mandate is somewhat clear but the result of pragmatic interpretation rather
than legislative or more passionately democratic direction. Regardless of the clarity and
consistency of process, my recommendations which follow in the next chapter suggest
creating an explicit publicly reasoned mandate for New Zealand music funding.
75

B. Form of Funding

The second main group of criticisms around NZoA funding is the form of funding, what type
of grants NZoA gives out. The argument is typically made that funding dollars for music
could be funded in other avenues such as touring support, radio promotion and public
radio infrastructure, instead of or along with content funding.

Chris Prowse doesnt see recording or music videos as the critical issues. Citing the low
costs of recording due to technology, Prowse considers that most recordings by New
Zealand artists is already self sustaining and would go ahead even without funding
(Prowse, Skype Interview).

For Prowse the would the record be made, without funding test is the only principle
justification for recording funding: Any intervention into funding music content by NZ on Air
should only arise if there is a particular type of music that has a public good aspect and that
music is unlikely to be available to the public unless the Government funds it (Prowse, Off
The Tracks). Prowse suggests that NZoA focus more on promoting diversity instead of
content funding.

Michael McClelland a local musician and manager I spoke to thought the content funding
was short cited. Video funding from his perspective presumed the quality artists appear
out of nowhere (McClelland, Skype Interview). Rather what funding should be used for is
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direct support to musicians, for example a living wage or touring infrastructure, especially
to create venues that dont rely on the selling of alcohol to be viable.

Duncan Grieve also commented on the venue issue, noting that most venues are in private
hands, and when they closed down, a common occurrence in New Zealand, a whole town
of artists has nowhere to play (Grieve, Skype Interview). One idea Grieve suggested was an
all ages venue infrastructure, in which young bands could play and New Zealanders,
especially young New Zealanders introduced to music without alcohol being a necessary
prerequisite.14

Ian Blink Jorgensen, a figurehead of the New Zealand independent music scene has
examined the need for more practical grass roots music funding in his collection of essays
The Problem with Music in New Zealand and How to Fix It released in 2014.

Jorgensen, although appreciative of the positive impact of NZoAs recording and music
video funding approaches the issue from the perspective of someone with extensive DIY
experience. For Jorgensen, music funding is only a short term solution, and rather what
should be examined is lack of [an] audience not the result of that problem artists have
no money (Jorgensen 57). In his essay, Jorgensen submits a number of ideas, to encourage
discussion of ways to address this issue. The idea is to cure the illness rather than ease the
14 Creative New Zealand does fund a touring agency via the Performing Arts Network NZ Touring Agency.
However, the scope of the funding is aimed at more high art musical performers rather than popular music
typically covered by NZoA. There has been a handful of tour support funding for popular musicians made by
Creative New Zealand. Also see Performing Arts Network New Zealand and Creative New Zealand funding
generally.
77
symptoms, by creating a 15-30 year plan with realistic outcomes whose principle task it
to build and develop new infrastructure and an audience that is able to support the arts
without relying on government intervention (Jorgensen 57).

Again, the argument is not technically a criticism of NZoA funding, as it discusses funding
outside of broadcasting, the argument is rather than this public money could be better
spent in other areas. Rather than providing content funding, Jorgensen provides examples
of more efficient infrastructural funding which addresses the problem of New Zealand
musicians that due to our small and spread population earning a living as a musician
creating original content is extremely difficult (Jorgensen 56).

Recording Infrastructure

Evocative of Jorgensens infrastructure approach is a proposal for NZoA to provide funding
to a local studio in exchange for a certain prescribed amount of time being set aside for
local musicians to record free of charge (Jorgensen 58). This approach has the added
benefit of a potential avenue to train buddying recording engineers. A similar approach
could also be taken for video recording (Jorgensen 60). The recording infrastructure is not
only endorsed because of its long term cost savings, but also because studios build
communities (Jorgensen 60).

78
School Tours
Jorgensens ideas look to build communities not only within the creative community but for
the creative community. Jorgensen suggests that NZOA:
update their mandate to include building an audience, not just creating content for
existing audiences. Currently the only real strategies of getting young people involved
with music are competitive in nature. The Rockquest and Play it Strange are both
successful projects at getting young people engaged with music, however, they only
engage a very small percentage of people, the musicians, and needing more musicians
is not the problem, gaining an audience FOR those musicians is (Jorgensen 59).

Based on his own endeavors touring local bands around the country, Jorgensen suggest
that funding high school tours by local bands would foster an audience for New Zealand
music (Jorgensen 59). Jorgensen himself through his numerous A Low Hum tours and
festivals has created a supportive and interested audience for independent musicians in
New Zealand. Although, high school touring is not a new initiative (I can recall local pop-
punk band Goodnight Nurse playing my high school) it has never been carried out with
regularity. Being exposed to live music at a young age is a powerful tool to garner interest
in local music for young New Zealanders growing up and looking to create their own
identities.

Unfortunately, especially outside larger centers because of the spread out nature of New
Zealands population it is often not practical to play smaller centers, and even if shows are
played they are typically done so at bars which sell alcohol and dont cater to those under
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18. Regardless of the moral issues around of the alcohol sponsorship it does make it very
difficult to expose encourage younger attendees to live music.

Radio Communities

Another source of community for local music is radio stations. Jorgensen mentions the
demise Fleet FM in Auckland, while various persons I spoke to often mentioned former
station Channel Z which provided a passionate support network for local music. Rather,
than forcing music onto commercial stations or imposing 100% local music like the failed
Kiwi FM these stations were critical in establishing audiences for local music. (Jorgensen
63)

Instead of only funding programs on existing radio stations, Jorgensen suggests funding
local niche stations around certain existing musical communities:

Youre looking for groups that already have some community built around them and
access to plenty of recordings. Groups like Kerosene Comic Book, melted Ice Cream, Dawn
Raid (so perfect, Dawn RAIDio anyone?!), Whammy/Wine Cellar, Beyond the Black,
Punkas.com, Flying Nun/Out, Sound explorers etc the potential list is massive (Jorgensen
64).

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Export Ideas

The following recommendations on funding of local musicians to go overseas is again
outside the ambit of NZoA and is directed at the New Zealand Music Commission. Rather
than providing funding support for air flights, accommodation and other expenses to travel
to the United States, Australia or the United Kingdom Jorgensen puts forward the idea of
actually renting space, or purchasing equipment such as backline and touring vans which
artists could use once they pay their own way to get across. Rather, than selective funding
this proposition looks to squeeze every dollar is to invest in infrastructure to share among
bands (Jorgensen 68).

Another avenue to criticism NZoAs funding is promotion. Although, a large number of
music videos are funded it is arguable that more effort should go into promoting them,
rather than simply creating them. Funded tracks or videos could gain more profile by
hiring publicity professionals or even allowing funding dollars to be used for features in
particular for hip hop artists (Grieve, Skype Interview). Yet, as the scope of funding gets
larger so does the ambit of what NZoA is trying to achieve. Again, from my perspective the
focus for NZoA should be inherently local not international.

NZoAs broadcast mandate makes this focus difficult. For example, the music video would
appear a predominately international tool. With very few music television outlets, local
exposure only comes online. While a video is often a useful asset to gain international
exposure, locally it is arguable that overall money could be better spend in other areas. As
archetypical as the idea of the breakthrough viral video is, typically such videos these have
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been DIY videos, the like of Azealia Banks 212 or New Zealands own unfunded equivalent -
Princess Chelseas The Cigarette Duet.15

Exposing music videos or funded tracks online is difficult. NZoA tools to expose unknown
artists is via digital platform The Audience (for unreleased artists) and a New Zealand
music channel on iHeartRadio as well as the recently introduced All Tracks platform.
Personally, The Audience seems to be of little purpose and has a minimal audience beyond
the musicians themselves. Its hosting abilities dont do anything that SoundCloud couldnt
go and its promotional value seems limited. Potentially it could be grow to be useful like
Australias online station Triple J unearthed, but it appears that the ironic lack of an
audience as well as a much smaller population base, and lack of any influential affiliation
(e.g. Triple J) makes this unlikely.

NZoAs latest promotional platform AllTracks released in May 2015 has had a
predominately positive reception. Karl Puschmann in the New Zealand Herald called the
site disappointing, expressing reservations about the quality, flow, lack of unsigned or
new music, as well as fact the site wasnt hosted locally (Puschmann). However, most of
these criticisms seem unfair. Russell Brown response to these criticisms, such as the fact
that NZoA has a mandate to promote its content, the pointless excess of local hosting as
well as the existence of The Audience which features unsigned artists (Brown). Both
Brown and another reviewer at local blog Music Is Dead considered All Tracks a good start
15 These videos have had over 96 and 22 million views on YouTube as at August 2015.
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as a introduction to the normal fan on the street who doesnt have an extensive knowledge
of local releases.

Although, opinions will differ on the selections, the fact the local gatekeepers complied the
playlists instead of NZoA was viewed as positive, and the idea was seen as a clever way to
engage new listeners, a good response to the question whats up with New Zealand
music (Music is Dead).

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C. Operation Improvements

NZoA seems to be doing a good job of continuing improving the Making Tracks funding
process, a difficult task given the small selection pool of panelists. One suggestion is too
examine the $2,000 commitment which is a relatively large contribution for the typical
struggling musician especially considered that no band member receives any of this a
talent fee is only paid to video directors. Some interviews noted cynically that while
uncertain on the value to the music community, the funding model was definitely helped
one group of artists music video directors in New Zealand.

The AllTracks website is a admirable attempt to address the issue which was initially a big
issue with the Making Tracks funding model how are lessor known funded tracks meant
to be exposed to a larger audience. However, I still think there are a number of
improvements that could be made to AllTracks.

As Russell Brown suggests, AllTracks is a way to curate and provide a spotlight on New
Zealand made music, one which wouldnt naturally exist on mainstream streaming
services:
Spotify has no innate interest in New Zealand music and its algorithms dont
particularly recognise it as a genre. Without a DJ, it all gets lost in the crowd (Brown).

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For me the operative word in this statement is the DJ. Genre playlists are prevalent on
every single streaming service, let alone from other content aggregators. Additionally,
younger consumes are typically less constrained to boundaries of genre, making it difficult
and pointless to try and define what should fit where.

What is distinguishing the personality of the curator. As such I recommend that the
AllTracks playlists are organized by curator rather than genre. Choosing a diverse range of
curators will ensure that most genres are selected from. From my own experience, I can
recall discovering new local music through a blog created by Rueben Nielson of the Mint
Chicks, while Lordes endorsements have created significant exposure for a number of local
artists (Nielson and McDermott).

The curation needs to be interesting to engage, another approach could be to get guest
(perhaps even visiting international artists) DJs to create 30 minute mixes including a
large mixture of local content. In the era of the limited internet attention span it is often
the name in the headline rather than the content that gets the click. Focusing on
personality rather than genre is a better way to generate greater engagement with
AllTracks.
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CHAPTER 6 RECOMMENDATIONS TO IMPROVE NZOA MUSIC
FUNDING & MAKING TRACKS

At the end of this rigorous examination of the New Zealand music industry, public funding
of popular music and NZoA itself, it difficult to determine whether is NZoAs Making
Tracks funding model is achieving its mandate of reflecting and developing New Zealand
identity and culture. My recommendations reflect this difficulty. The pivotal reason for
this difficulty is that the phrase reflect and developing New Zealand identity and culture
was never defined by in the legislation. Reasonable people can disagree as to exactly what
is the ideal role of NZoA.

NZoAs role was self-defined by necessity. NZoA took a pragmatic approach attempts to fill
the gaps of need of the New Zealand music industry. These policies of pragmatism further
muddy the waters about what NZoA should be doing.

The only way to judge NZoAs success with ease, it to compare its reported broadcast
outcomes. Broadcast outcomes demonstrate the reach of this content, but it isnt a perfect
proxy for cultural impact. Content can reach a wide audience, but not be valued or have
any significant local impact.

The question that needs to be asked is whether these broadcast outcomes are useful. The
ambiguity around what NZoA is and what it should do means its often responding to
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industry realities and criticisms, chasing a changing industry and often trying to meet an
undefined aim and catering to an unknown and typically unaware audience.

NZoA was a social experience for an alternative substitute of public broadcasting. In
contrast to the typically rigorous guidelines for public broadcasting, NZoAs mandate was
much looser.
In addition to recognising only a restricted number of social outcomes from
broadcasting the New Zealand legislation lacked clear direction as it its public policy
goals. The types of local production that the legislators believe should be
assisted were not specified, nor was there any guidance as to which signals should
be accorded universal coverage. Further, there was no indication as to which of the
funding areas to be supported by the Commission were to have priority - public service
programming, local production or universal coverage (Cocker 45).
The influence of the neo-liberal motivations of broadcasting reform at the time, has to led
to an over reliance on a market approach, treating NZoA as a private enterprise even
though its existence is an admission that local market actors needed a leg-up to compete.
Alan Cocker describes the market logic of the reform and how it influences the operation
of NZoA:
Three factors reflecting the market logic were built into the Broadcasting
Commissions brief and bound its decision-making closely to the imperative of the
broadcasters. First, the Commission was established as a part-funder and the usual
funding partners were the commercially driven broadcasters. Second, it was required
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to consider the likelihood of any project being broadcast in a ratings-governed

environment. Third, is had to take into account the potential size of the audience
attracted to a funded programme (Cocker 46).
NZoA is a body set up with the no more government intervention than necessary
approach with the intention to be phased out over time approach (Cocker 46). Yet, despite
this its funding dollars play a crucial role in the local industry, propping it up to a large
degree. NZoA on air concerns itself predominately with commercial content likely to get a
ratings outcome to a large audience. Yet at no point was this mandated in the Broadcasting
Act. Rather it is a natural, pragmatic interpretation of NZoA and its political origins.
The stealth influence of neoliberal logics of political policies and practice is discussed by
Wendy Brown who describes how the market logic effect:
To speak of the relentless and ubiquitous economization of all features of life by neo-
liberalism is thus not to claim that neoliberalism literally marketizes all spheres, even
as such marketization is certainly one important effect of neoliberalism. Rather, the
point is that neoliberal rationality disseminates the model of the market to all domains
and activities - even where money is not at issue - and configures human beings
exhaustively as market actors, always, only, and everywhere as homo oeconomicus
(Brown 31).

My opinion is that the strong neo-liberal logic of NZoA is ill suited to cultural policies in a
small music industry like New Zealand. The pragmatist approach favored by NZoA avoids
answering key questions of what reflecting and developing cultural identity actually
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involves, but rather focuses on abstracting it to a numerical measure. Without considering

this mandate frequently in the operation of NZoA significant progress is difficult if not
impossible. Brown describes the ill fit of pure neo-liberal logic and policies of public and
commons goods such as national identity and culture:
the problem is not just that public goods are defunded and common ends are devalued
by neoliberal reason, although this is so, but that citizenship itself loses its political
valence and venue. Valence: homo oeconomicus approaches everything as a market
and knows only market conduct; it cannot think public purposes or common problems
in a distinctly political way (Brown 39).

As such, examining what reflecting identity and culture means is a critical part of my
following recommendations. Accordingly my recommendations will go beyond the current
broadcasting scope of NZoA, although I do provide some practical suggestions which could
be implemented in the current system. My recommendations are also limited by financial
constraints, the amounts of public funding available for such projects. These
recommendations are not immediately implementable as I have not considered budgetary
constraints or public financing issues.

Rather than focusing on the economic outcomes of NZoA, which are questionable in
themselves I will look at the under considered lofty motivations for NZoA funding. My
recommendations seek to move towards increasing the social utility of popular music in
New Zealand as defined by Simon Frith.

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These utilities of creating identity, managing the relationship between public and private
emotional lives and the power of music to stop time and create nostalgia are powerful
ways to foster national identity and culture. As Frith says they provides an avenue for us to
make popular music part of our own identity and build it into our sense of ourselves (Frith
40).

My opinion is that reflecting and developing New Zealand identity and culture requires
more than policy, more than content creation and promotion, it requires which like the
popularity of a sport does - active participation.

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A. Contestable Funding Broadcast Funding Requires Infrastructure

Alan Cocker discusses how the contestable funding model of NZoA was inspired by
overseas models most notably in Canada and the United Kingdom. Yet, although similar
contestable funding models existing they were not the sole mechanisms of music funding
as in New Zealand. For example in Canada there were two mechanisms in Canada to fund
local production and minority programming, but in New Zealand these were combined
(Cocker 45). Similarly in the United Kingdom broadcasting policy there is also a public
service provision provided by non-commercial BBC funded by the license fee (Cocker 45).

Successful public radio stations like the BBC and Triple J are not only radio stations but
communities of common interest. Outside of student radio there is little presence of such
communities in New Zealand.

The closest recent example is Kiwi FM. Kiwi FM was a station which played 100%, and
then later 40% local music, receiving large amounts of programming support from NZOA
(New Zealand on Air, Our Music Everywhere).

Yet Kiwi FM was not a pure public radio model. Rather, Kiwi FM was established by
Mediaworks from loaned public frequencies in a closed door arrangement made in 2012
(Bradbury, More Corporate Welfare). Skeptically some suggested that this compromise was
really a strategic move by Mediaworks to make sure a public youth network wasnt
established.

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During its run Kiwi FM continuously had uninspiring listening figures which ultimately led
to its demise (Plains FM). Kiwi FM failed to engage listeners and form a community.
Although, it featured a number of well known local musical identities, the lack of marketing
and original 100% New Zealand quota was considered by some as the reasons for failure,
along with the alleged ulterior motives of its private owner.

The playlists typically included a lot of lessor known local music which didnt attract much
of an audience and seemed forced and formulaic. One vocal critic was former Channel Z
figurehead (a radio station which operated similar to Australias Triple J) who explained
why Channel Z, which was ultimately replace with Kiwi FM was more successful in ratings
and supported the local music scene:
by playing a mix of music, Channel Z had been a lynchpin between the commercial
radio and student radio worlds, drawing in new artists while supporting existing ones
and forcing other commercial stations to compete by adopting NZ music into their
playlists. Kiwi FM by being 100% NZ music has become a dumping zone that other
stations dont bother to compete with, the effect is less NZ music gets heard from the
total number of stations (Bradbury, Campbell Smith is Wrong).
Another phrase was that Kiwi FM ghettoized local music suggesting the majority of local
music only belonged on Kiwi FM. Channel Z was more influential and provided a better
balance of reach and local content and fostered the creation of an audience rather than
isolating local music.

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Public radio support is crucial if local music is to build a sustainable audience. As Kiwi FM
shows it would need to be done smarter with more personality and less compromise.
Although online broadcasting is an exciting opportunity radio broadcasting is still the
dominant form of music consumption in New Zealand. Right now, most of NZoAs online
targeting is aiming for an unknown and unaware audience. Radio is much easier, and
listeners and potentially communities of interest can be identified. Identity doesnt evolve
around an rnb playlist but it often does around radio stations.

One proposed idea is to launch a new youth-oriented public service radio station, catering
to more diverse demographics, such as Pasifika to run alongside New Zealands current
public broadcaster Radio New Zealand as Radio New Zealand 2 or RNZ2 (The Standard).
Already, online portal The Wireless is as an online youth focused alternative to Radio New
Zealand with written, audio and video content (The Wireless). A proposed RNZ2 could use
the now vacant public frequencies of Kiwi FM to this end (Bradbury, Kiwi FM Closing).

In the short term this might not see realistic given the current governments attitude
towards public broadcasting and New Zealands population is big enough to create a
demand for it (Stuff 2015). This is entirely inconsistent with what NZoA should be trying
to create filling in for local content that would not otherwise be supplied by the private
media market, rather than being shaped by it. As such part of NZoAs job is to create a
demand for this audience. The Wireless is a good platform for such innovation illustrating
how to mix local with international content. Other local initiative, such as the NZ Heralds
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live performance Sundae Sessions could be used to create an audience in the existing
divide between student and commercial radio.

B. Soft Targets

Most of NZoAs targets are focused on broadcast results. Additionally this is common
justification for public funding, especially in the Helen Clark years to the economic impact
of NZoAs support to the local industry. However, this is missing the point of the funding as
well as ignoring the ill economics of investing in popular music.

NZoA should also have targets which show specially how NZoA fundees are fostering
national identify and culture. Admittedly, such non-numerical targets are difficult but that
doesnt mean they are not worth pursuing. The most obvious example is requiring news
reporting for in public television. Such clauses are also present in overseas funding
models:
their countries recognise that a variety of mechanisms are required to serve the multi-
faceted desirable social outcomes they demand from their broadcasting sector (Cocker
51).

Fostering identity and culture and an audience can be correlated to numerical reach, but
this isnt the whole picture. For example, an online ad can get thousands of impressions,
but without any clicks it might doesnt drive sales. In a similar way funded local content
with many listens, but few significant engagements doesnt promote local identity and
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culture.

The absence of such targets creates a lack of accountability on this front. The difficulty is
establishing what these targets could be. Suggestions, could be a retrospective test, does a
funded act maintain its relevance over time, or even if there is a growing community
around an act or music scene.

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C. Limit Focus to Domestic Concerns

NZoA is a domestic statue. To often discussions around developing musical exports is
brought up in this conversation. This murks NzoAs focus. Obviously outside of NzoAs
broadcasting scope, the local touring infrastructure is crying out for attention, as is
something which could be catered through a solely domestic focus. NzoAs mandate could
be changed to include a duty to help create an audience for local content and its scope
extended to funding touring infrastructure of school tours and all ages venues as suggested
by Ian Jorgenson.
D. Explicit Delegation of Who Supports the Export of NZ Music

Although, both the Music Commission and NZoA seem to interact well, a more formalized
approach could be beneficial. For example, are the online broadcast numbers taken solely
from NZ ISP addresses. Additionally, the interplay between the two could be better focused
on the stage of the artist. In Canada FACTOR music funding is allocated on a tier basis of
the applicant which is judged against a set of criteria and used to determine what type of
grants the artist is eligible for depending on the stage of the artists (FACTOR).

E. Wider Conversation about NZ Broadcasting
My final suggestion goes further than NZoAs music focus. The issues I have engaged upon
in this colloquy have relevance outside of music. Currently, the question of national
identity is quite literally being discussed as proposals for a new New Zealand flag are
considered.
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Additionally, the state of New Zealand current affairs television, and the need for an
impartial and more informed public television content was arose when popular current
affairs show Campbell Live was cancelled by television network Mediaworks. Campbell
Live hosted by John Campbell at the high exposure 7pm time slot was viewed as the last
remaining current affairs show that engaged with political issues rather than serve as high
rating info-tainment. As media commentator Chris Trotter explains:
Television Critic, Diana Wichtel, advises her readers to look upon the latest free-to-air
current affairs offerings as a sort of absurdist performance art. Its an arresting
notion: the idea that television journalists, in attempting to make sense of
contemporary New Zealand, can produce only nonsense. Either, the current affairs
programmes on free-to-air television are accurate journalistic depictions of an
increasingly absurd society, or, depicting New Zealand society accurately has become
too troublesome for mainstream TV journalism. This is a grim pair of options. They
raise the question of whether or not the demise of serious current affairs journalism is
peculiar to New Zealand television, or, whether it ours is merely the local reflection of
a worldwide decline in the genre (Trotter).

Public broadcasting is such a small population cant be determined by demand, but
ultimately has to be a decision made in what is considered the public interest put simply
is the long term interest of New Zealanders best served by providing public content of a
local nature that wouldnt otherwise exist. Public broadcasting funding in New Zealand
should be viewed as funding culture for cultures sake, rather than seeking alternative
economic justifications which are shaky at best. Are the social utilizes of local popular
music enough to justify this, do they contribute to our national identity and culture in a way
which future New Zealanders would value? I argue they would. As New Zealand grows
older the power of popular music is much more inclusive and important that symbolic
gestures like flags. Fostering local popular music in New Zealand requires more than just
97
getting it on the air it requires engagement, which necessitates a public platform and
participation.

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F. Afterword A Call for Passion

NZoA is a quasi government body set up to foster meaningful popular music for New
Zealanders. Its mandate is not focused on sustaining a local music industry or assisting in
making the export of music easier. The popular part of meaningful popular music is only
one consideration. Pop musics utility in amplified but not constrained or isolated solely to
popularity.

Pop bands like Six60 who a substantial number of young New Zealanders support despite
critical distain belong within the ambit of NZoA. A large amount of New Zealanders
identity with and enjoy Six60. However, popularity is not a means to an end. NZoA is an
inherently anti-pop mechanism intended to support minority local content that would not
otherwise have an opportunity to find the audience. Whether or not there is any existing
demand for the content is not the pivotal part. The question is rather - what is pop music is
best for New Zealanders, rather than relative merits of this music against international pop
competition in the global music business.

Public cultural funding, whether disguised in neo-liberal quasi government bodies
ultimately requires a subjective patronization. Chasing popularity with minority content is
akin to a cat chasing its tail. NZoA, as an alternative to comprehensive public radio, has a
duty to provide meaningful content to a local audience. It should also have a duty to build
an audience to identify to and reflect local culture and identity.

NZoA should be about music which is creates passion. The political rhetoric of creative
industries, cultural ambassadors and cultural exports are not relevant to this domestic
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concern and even within the context of musical exporting is something to be

avoided. Popular music reflects culture not political campaigning.

Many notable music figures operating in funded industries have noted how meaningless
such political justification are. New Zealands own Neil Finn, singer-songwriter of Crowded
House responded to a backlash to his comments on then Prime Minister of New Zealand,
Helen Clarks comparison of New Zealand Music Month to ANZAC and Waitangi Day by
clarifying his concern (Johnson 24):

here is an argument that it might be a negative thing for New Zealand music to
become an exercise in flagwaving and feelgood posturing by the Government and
music industry. I was merely pointing out that we should be realistic about our
chances in the wider world and not fall for an orchestrated and illusory hype job
(Finn).

Former Pulp front-man Jarvis Cocker also spoke out about his disdain for the Labours Cool
Britannica policies in the United Kingdom where politics and musicians appeared to join to
celebrate success in the cultural industries in a sneering B-Side Cocaine Socialism
(Cocker):

I thought that you were joking,

When you said "I want to see you,
To discuss your contribution,
To the future of our nations heart and soul",
"Six o'clock my place Whitehall",
But I arrived just after seven,
But you said "it doesn't matter,
"I understand your situation and your image I'm flattered,
I'd just like to tell you,
That I love all of your albums,
Could you sign this for my daughter?,
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She's in hospital her name is Miriam,

Now Ill get down to the gist:,
Do you want a line of this?,
Are you a socialist?,
I'm doing fine,
Buzzing all the time,
Just one hit,
And I feel great,
And I support,
The welfare state,

You must be a socialist because youre always of out on the piss,
In your private members bar,
Yes you are, you superstar,
Well you sing about common people,
And the misshapes and the misfits,
So can you bring them to my party,
Can you get them all to to sniff this?,

All I'm really saying is,
Come on and rock the vote for me,
All I need is come on, roll up that note for me,
The gist of all this is,
Do you want hist or do you want misses?,
Are you a socialist,
Socialist, socialist,

You can be just what you want to be,

Just as long as you don't try and compete with me,
And we've waited such a long time for a chance to help our own kind,
Please come on and tow the party line,
You owe it to yourself,
Don't think of anyone else,
We promise we won't tell,
We won't tell,
We won't, tell.
Discussions of national identity are fraught with difficulty. As the current debate over
whether New Zealand should change its national flag illustrates that this issue makes a
large amount of New Zealanders uncomfortable. New Zealand social commentator Gordon
McLauchlan infamously demarcated his fellow New Zealanders as the Passionless People
in the late 1970s. McLauchlan recently reaffirmed his view on revisiting the subject:

101
New Zealand remain polite, hard working, superficially cheerful, and unnervingly
compliant and complaisant. And we remain dismissive of anyone who makes a fuss
about anything (McLauchlan 143).

The social utilities of popular music appeal to the irrational human experience of our lives
and perhaps counter these passionless tendencies. Further, the function of an artist in
society often necessitates causing a fuss. McLauchlan puts forward the words of beloved
New Zealand poet James K Baxter:

One of the functions of artists in a community is to provide a healthy and permanent
element for rebellion; not to become a species of civil servant (Baxter in McLauchlan
1548).

While McLauchlan questions whether New Zealand writing community has voices which
engage in anything outside of middle class angst I posit that New Zealand popular music
has plenty (McLauchlan 1945).

Personally Chris Knoxs Statement of Intent, Tourettes John Key Sons a DJ, rap group
Homebrew, The Mint Chicks, Anthonie Tonnon and Street Chant all come to mind. Indeed
Street Chant in aggressively covering New Zealand punk standard No Depression in New
Zealand illustrates how past local popular music maintains its relevance to certain New
Zealanders. Perhaps McLachlans thesis of a passionless smiling zombie community has
never been so succinctly described than in There is No Depression in New Zealand:

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There is no depression in New Zealand;

there are no sheep on our farms,
we can all keep perfectly calm,
Everybody's talking about World War Three;
everybody's talking about World War Three,
But we're as safe as safe can be,
there's no unrest in this country
We have no dole queues,
we have no drug addicts,
we have no racism,
we have no sexism, sexism, no, no

there are no teeth in our heads
we sleep in a well made bed
Oh but everybody's talking about World War Three,
yes everybody's talking about World War Three,
But we're as safe as safe can be,
there's no unrest in this country
We have no SIS,
we have no secrets,
we have no rebellion;
we have no valium, valium, no, no

there are no sheep on our farms,
oh we can all keep perfectly calm,
perfectly calm,
perfectly calm,
perfectly calm,
perfectly calm

Popular artists as well the controversial pop artist can both reflect New Zealands culture
and identity. Given our typical reticence for complaint we must ensure that the
controversial remain eligible.

NZoA needs to find more way to actively build a passionate audience for popular music in
New Zealand. A passionate audience does not require a consensus audience or even
financially successful artists. Rather, the question we should be asking if we care about
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NZoA: is popular music being protected and exposed to New Zealanders which reflects and
identifies national culture and identity?

When looking at this we need to ask harder questions. We need to ask whether New
Zealanders feel passionate about this music and consider whether this or not without such
support this music would be created and enjoyed in the same way. Economic
considerations are secondary and quite frankly there are plenty of more effective job
creation schemes than investing in popular music whose financial attractiveness even
outside of New Zealand are notoriously bleak.

Musical exports are the concern of the New Zealand Music Commission. NZoA is tasked
with making local music matter to the locals. If we are to care for NZoA and the implicit
difficulty in funding popular music we need to admit that popular music is being funded for
inherent social utility. We need to have passion. Before we can care for the system we
must care about the music it creates.

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EPILOGUE

As of August 2015 the Making Tracks had just released their 21 funded tracks for the
month of July 2015. The issue of New Zealand public broadcasting lurks in the shadow as
political debates arise around options of a new national flag of New Zealand and the media
coverage surrounding the negotiating of Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement.
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INTERVIEWS CONDUCTED BY ALAISTER MOUGHAN

Grieve, Duncan. Skype Interview. 16 February 2015.
Joyce, Zita. Skype Interview. 16 February 2015.
Mayes, Rob. Skype Interview. 25 February 2015.
McCelland, Michael. Skype Interview. 17 March 2015.
Mollgaard, Matt. Skype Interview. 8 March 2015.
Prowse, Chris. Skype Interview. 8 March 2015.
Smyth, Brendan. Skype Interview. 25 March 2015.
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INTERVIEW CONSENT FORMS

Duncan Grieve

114

Zita Joyce

115
116
Rob Mayes

117
118

Michael McCelland
119
120
Matt Mollgaard

121
122
Chris Prowse

123
124

Brendan Smyth

125
126
STUDENT CONSENT FORM
127
128

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Reflecting

and Devolving Identity and Culture: Is New Zealands

CHAPTER 1 THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC INDUSTRY

A. BACKGROUND ON NEW ZEALAND AND THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC INDUSTRY

CHAPTER 2 RATIONALES FOR THE PUBLIC FUNDING OF POPULAR MUSIC

A. THEORIES OF THE SOCIAL IMPORTANCE OF CULTURE

CHAPTER 4 THE MUSIC FUNDING POLICIES OF NEW ZEALAND ON AIR

A. THE FORMATION AND OPERATION OF NZOA

CHAPTER 5 CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF NZOA MUSIC FUNDING & MAKING TRACKS

CHAPTER 6 RECOMMENDATIONS TO IMPROVE NZOA MUSIC FUNDING & MAKING TRACKS 86

INTERVIEWS CONDUCTED BY ALAISTER MOUGHAN

INTERVIEW CONSENT FORMS

STUDENT CONSENT FORM

4 See the bands blog at www.myspace.com/themintchicks/blog.

CHAPTER 1 THE NEW ZEALAND MUSIC INDUSTRY

A. Background on New Zealand and the New Zealand Music Industry

For example Triple J has a 40% local content quota.

B. Non-Label Music Funding

- Australasian Performing Right Association (APRA) (New Zealand PRO): Contribution

- NZ On Air: Contemporary Popular Music Working Group, NZ Music Month partner,

Courtesy of New Zealand Music Commission Strategic Plan 4.

6 To see more about New Zealand Music Month go to nzmusicmonth.co.nz.

The New Zealand Music Foundation

the production and broadcasting of New Zealand music (s37(d)).

CHAPTER 2 RATIONALES FOR THE PUBLIC FUNDING OF

A. Theories of The Social Importance of Culture

That culture possesses inherent values, of life enhancement or whatever, which

are fundamentally opposed to and in danger of damage by commercial forces;

That the need for these values is universal, uncontaminated by questions of

class, gender and ethnic origins; and

That the market cannot satisfy this need (Garnham 54).

Exploring the histories of nation-building and national identity, commentators have

CHAPTER 3: NEW ZEALAND ON AIRS DUTY TO REFLECT AND

construction, the generation of export opportunities and the fostering of sentiments of

B. What Constitutes Local Music?

8 Although a voluntary quota was established by 2002 see Joyce.

( Courtesy of Kraidy at 150)

C. New Zealand Music and National Identity

9 Maori are the indigenous people of New Zealand.

D. New Zealand Music and the Cultural Cringe

CHAPTER 4 THE MUSIC FUNDING POLICIES OF NEW ZEALAND

Phase Two Arrival of the Kiwi Hit Disc (1993-1996)

Phase Five - International Awareness (2005-2011)

B. NZoA MAKING TRACKS

Courtesy of Grieve, Follow the Money 18.

Lagging behind a changing music industry;

An overly commercial focus;

An inappropriate number of repeated fundees;

A lack of auditing, follow up and monitoring of broadcast results;

NZoA artificially propping up the local music industry and;

A lack of promotion of content once created.

1. Create a new funding scheme to promote diversity and encourage new

2. Initiate new promotional programmes and modify existing ones to

The Making Tracks Model

Who Decides? Rather than consulting with commercial programmers, funding

Further Developments - NZoA Online

management teams strategic use of SoundCloud werent mentioned, despite being a

20% NZ music on commercial radio;

30% NZ music on alternative radio;

25% NZ music on music TV;

Average of 750+ radio spins for funded songs;

Average of 150+ music TV spins for funded videos;

Average of 50,000 online streams of funded songs/video; and