THE KAVAL SYSTEM IN COLONIAL TAMIL NADU

THESIS SUBMITTED TO
MANONMANIAM SUNDARANAR UNIVERSITY
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
BY

S. RAVICHANDRAN
(Reg. No.0763)

Department of History
Manonmaniam Sundaranar University
Tirunelveli
DECEMBER 2008

ii

Dr A.R. VENKATACHALAPATHY
Professor
Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai

CERTIFICATE
This thesis entitled THE KAVAL SYSTEM IN COLONIAL TAMILNADU
submitted by Mr S. Ravichandran for the award of Degree of Doctor of
Philosophy in History of Manonmaniam Sundaranar University is a record of
bonafide research work done by him and it has not been submitted for the award
of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship of any University / Institution.

Chennai
Date: December 2008

(A.R. VENKATACHALAPATHY)

vi

CONTENTS
LIST OF MAPS

ix

LIST OF TABLES

GLOSSARY

xvi - xx

COINS-DENOMINATIONS

xxi

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

INTRODUCTION

1 - 25

Historical Background
Theories on Crime
Terms Defined
Aims of the Study
Relevance of the Study
Methodology
Organisation of the Thesis
Source Materials

3-9
9 - 17
17 - 18
19 - 20
20
20 - 21
21 - 23
24 - 25

KAVAL SYSTEM

26 - 59

Functions
Categories
Men Kavalkarars and Kudi Kavalkarars
Sthalam Kaval or Kudi Kaval
Desa Kaval
Other Kaval Systems
Kaval Fee: Mode of Payment
Thuppu Cooli
Regional variations
Arasoo Kaval
Men Kavalkarars

30 - 33
33 39
33
33 - 34
34 36
36 - 39
39 - 42
43 - 47
47 - 49
47 - 48
48 - 49

Kaval Deeds

49 - 51

Caste and the Kaval System

51 - 59

vii

CHAPTER III

CONFRONTATION WITH THE

BRITISH EAST INDIA COMPANY

60 - 92

Company and the Kavalkarars - Early Experiences 62 - 81

CHAPTER IV

Sivarama Thalaivar

62 - 64

Periya Waghaboo

64 - 72

Maravars of Tirunelveli

73 - 78

Kallars of Madurai

78 - 81

Abolition of Desa Kaval

81 - 92

THE COLONIAL STATE AND

THE KAVAL SYSTEM

93 - 134

New Criminal Justice System

93 - 110

Regulation of 1802: Introduction of

Darogha Police and the Kavalkarars

93 - 105

Regulation of 1816 and the

New Police Establishment

106 - 110

The Colonial State and the Kavalkarars, 1816-1859 110 - 116

The Colonial State and the Kavalkarars, 1859-1896 116 - 134
CHAPTER V

ANTI-KAVAL MOVEMENTS

135 - 191

Anti-kaval Movements in Madurai and Tirunelveli 136 - 144

CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII

Anti-kaval Movement in Madurai District, 1896

145 - 171

Anti-kaval Movement in Tirunelveli District

171 - 191

THE CRIMINAL TRIBES ACT AND

THE DECLINE OF KAVAL SYSTEM

192 - 219

Criminal Tribes Act, 1871

192 - 200

Kallar Reclamation Scheme

200 - 212

Criminal Tribes Act in Tirunelveli and Ramnad

212 219

CONCLUSION

220 - 228

viii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

229 238

APPENDICES

239 - 264

Appendix I

Statement showing the number of Cavilgars

and Poligors in the District of Chidambaram
with Former and Present Revenue
239

Appendix II

Petition of the Inhabitants of Sirkali

Appendix III :

Notification to the Maravars of Nangunery

20th September 1801

Appendix IV :

245 - 248

Notification to the Maravars of Kalakad

15th October 1801

Appendix V

240 - 244

249 - 250

Statement showing the Number & Classes of

various officers employed in the Kaval Police in
the Province of Thanjavur and Thiruchirapalli 251 - 252

Appendix VI :

Statement of the Present Public Police

Establishment sanctioned by the Government
of Zillah of Madurai
253

Appendix VII :

Statement of Cattle Thefts (true cases) committed

in Tanjore, Thiruchirapalli, Madurai and
Tirunelveli Districts during
1892, 1893 and 1894
254 - 257

Appendix VIII : Notices issued by J. Twigg District Magistrate

Madurai both in English and Tamil
during anti-kaval movement.
258 - 262
Appendix IX :

Compromise deed regarding Kaval in

the village of Giriammalpuram

263 - 264

iv

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This thesis presents the results of my research undertaken with the

guidance

of

Dr

A.R.

Venkatachalapathy,

former

Lecturer

in

History,

Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli, and at present Professor,

Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai. His constructive criticism has
given shape to this study. I remain beholden to him.
I thank the late Dr S. Kadhirvel, former Professor of History, University of
Madras, Chennai who was a constant source of inspiration and encouragement
in my research endeavours.
My thanks are due to Thiru A.A. Subbaraja, President of College
Committee and Secretary Thiru V.K.Subramaniya Raja, President of our College
Governing Council Thiru P.K.R. Vijayaragava Raja and Secretary Thiru N.R.
Subramaniya Raja and the Principal Dr V. Venkatraman for their constant
encouragement in my research endeavours.
My heartfelt thanks to Prof. V.Suresh Taliath, HOD, Department of
English, Rajapalayam Rajus College, Rajapalayam for having patiently gone
through the manuscript and making necessary corrections.
I thank Dr K.A. Manikumar, Professor of History, MSU who kindly went
through the manuscript at the final stage and made valuable suggestions.

I am thankful to Thiru S. Venkatesan, well-known Tamil writer and Joint

Secretary of Tamilnadu Murpokku Eluthalar Sangam (Tamilnadu Progressive
Writers Forum) who shared his knowledge of Piramalai Kallars of the Madurai
region and their Kaval system.
I gratefully thank the Commissioner and staff of the Tamilnadu Archives,
Chennai for permitting me to consult the records available there.
My thanks are also due to those who responded positively when I
interviewed them during my field study.
I thank Mr. P. Sundararaj of Devi Computers, Rajapalayam for the neat
execution of typing this dissertation.
S. RAVICHANDRAN

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2:1

Palayakarars and Kaval Collections

Table 3:1

Statement of Desa Kaval Collections in the

District of Tirunelveli, 1800-1805

Table 3:2

41 - 42

87

Statement of Allowances Annually paid to

Men Kavalkarars by the Collector of
Zillah of Chittor [Extract]

90

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION
Kaval system was an ancient and indigenous system of policing in
Tamilnadu.

The functionaries of this system were known as Kavalkarars.

Protecting the people and their properties was the primary duty of the
Kavalkarars.

Apart from this duty watching the movements of strangers,

particularly during festivals, and protecting the travellers were the other
responsibilities of the Kavalkarars. In return for their services they were paid by
the inhabitants either in cash or in kind, mostly the latter. As the traditional
custodians of the village they were bestowed with well defined rights and duties.
The Kavalship was hereditary. Most of the Kavalkarars were from the martial
communities of Tamilnadu with a long history of recruitment in the army, such as
the Maravars, Kallars, Agamudaiyars, Naickers, Padayachis and Udayars though
the participation of other communities like the Kuravars, Valayars and Parayars
cannot be discounted.

As protectors of people and their belongings these

Kavalkarars tended to enjoy special privileges and considerable power.

As a consequence of political changes through the centuries, these
Kavalkarars over a period of time gained political power and occupied a tertiary
position next to the kings and the Palayakarars in the immediate pre-colonial
political power structure of Tamilnadu. As minor partners of political power they
made common cause with the Palayakarars during their struggle against the

2
Nawabs of Arcot and the British East India Company (1780-1801).

In the

non-Palayakarar tracts they were rather powerful and behaved often like
independent rulers which explains their fairly frequent violation of the socially
accepted norms of Kaval system.
For the Kavalkarars, Kavalship was not only a source of income. It was
considerably more than that.

They considered it as their traditional right, a

symbol of political power, prestige, social status and an instrument of social

dominance. Hence any challenge from within or out to the Kaval system was
vehemently resisted and violently responded by the Kavalkarars.

When the

British East India Company emerged as the superior power in the South Indian
Politics in 1801 the Kavalkarars were a power to reckon with.
The British East India Company, after a prolonged armed struggle against
the power centres of Tamilnadu, had established its firm control over Tamilnadu
by the turn of the nineteenth century. In consolidating their position the British
started to replace the native form of administration with modern models borrowed
from the west. But the transplantation met with much resistance from the premodern Kaval system. Any move on the part of the native people to resist was
branded as crime.
The colonial state abolished the different forms of Kaval system through
its regulations. In 1802, the Desa Kaval system was abolished and a new police
establishment was introduced. Similarly in 1816, the Kudi Kaval system was
abolished and in its place a new police system came into being. Finally in 1859,

3
the modern police administrative machinery was introduced. The tax-free lands
allotted to the Kavalkarars were also appropriated by the colonial state in the
name of new land revenue policies.

Despite these stringent measures the

Kavalkarars were tenancious in safeguarding their rights and resisted every

move of the colonial state. Having failed in all its attempts, as a last resort, the
colonial state implemented the infamous Criminal Tribes Act.
In consequence of the anti-kaval measures adopted by the colonial state,
the traditional power and status enjoyed by the Kavalkarars were at stake and
their avenues of income were also closed. These circumstances prompted the
Kavalkarars to indulge in crime. They started preying on the inhabitants who
were formerly under their protection.

Historical Background
Nilakanta Sastri in his celebrated work The Colas (1935) based on his
extensive study of Chola inscriptions made a brief and value loaded description
of Kaval system in ancient Tamilnadu. The most interesting observation made
by him is as quoted below.
The term Padi-Kaval occurring more than once in the list of
taxes and dues deserves more attention than most of the other
items mentioned; for it refers to a universally prevalent system of
safeguarding property from theft, especially at night. This was the
system by which each village maintained its own Kaval-karan who,
in return for certain regular payments to him, held himself

4
responsible for the security of the property in the village to the
extent of either recovering lost property or making it good; this
system survived in some measures almost till the other day in the
Tamil country, and it seems to have been indeed of very ancient
origin.1
Natana Kasinathan, in his article, History of Kaval System in Tamilnadu
from 300 A.D. to 1600 A.D (1973) traced the history of Kaval system in
Tamilnadu upto 1600 A.D. Based on literary and inscriptional source materials
this article is more narrative than interpretative in nature.
In S.Kadhirvels, A History of the Maravas (1977) which deals elaborately
with the history of the Maravar community in the eighteenth century and its
relation with the Nawabs of Arcot and the British East India Company, there is a
separate chapter, on the Kaval system of pre-colonial period. This work provides
detailed information regarding the differences between Desa Kaval and Kudi
Kaval systems, the duties of the Kavalkarars, and the payment made to the
Kavalkarars. However all these details are pertaining to the Kaval system in
Tirunelveli district that too of the Nanguneri and Kalakad region. Moreover since
the author himself belonged to a Desa Kaval chiefs family one could feel a touch
of hyperbole in his treatment.
In addition to these works cited above there are some other works like
K.Rajayyans Rise and Fall of the Poligors of Tamilnadu (1974) providing little
1

K.A.N.Sastri, The Colas, 2 Vols, 1935 & 1937; revised edition in one volume, University of
Madras, Madras, 1955, p.533.

5
and general information regarding the Kaval system since their main thematic
interests are different.
Another category of works such as The History of The Madras Police,
published by Government of Madras during the centenary of the Madras Police
(1959) and Law and Order in Madras Presidency 1850-1880 by P.Jegadeesan
which extensively deal with the genesis and development of modern police
administrative machinery and incidentally provide a brief discussion on Kaval
system.
Another important work in Tamil which deals with Kaval system is
V.Manickams Pudukottai Varalaru (up to A.D.1600). The major objective of this
work is to trace the history of Pudukottai region. However in this work there is a
separate chapter on the Padi-Kaval system, in which the author has made an
analytical study over the socio-economic and political circumstances which
favoured the genesis of the Padi-Kaval system in Pudukottai region during the
later part of 12th century, and traced the development of this system upto 1600
A.D. He also elucidates the nature of the system and changes it underwent
during the process of its development through the centuries with critical outlook,
and justifies his arguments by citing number of inscriptional sources. Apart from
other things the most important observation made by him was the sale of Kaval
rights. During the times of economic crisis and inability to withstand the frequent
raids of Muslim invaders the Kavalkarars of a particular villages sold and handed
over their Kaval rights to other Kavalkarars who were more powerful. He also

6
records that in some cases, Kaval system was nothing but setting a thief against
a thief.
Yet another important secondary source material in Tamil which deals with
the Kaval system in Tamilar Salbhu (Sanga Kalam) (1980) by S.Vidyanandhan of
Jaffna, Sri Lanka. Based on Sangam literature, he provides a vivid picture about
the Kaval system during the Sangam period (200 B.C-200 A.D) and how the
cities, villages and streets in them were protected by the Kavalkarars.

His

portrayal about the physical appearance and vigilant nature of the Kavalkarars is
very interesting. However his work is confined to Sangam period.
Apart from these works there are some other works in Tamil like Kallar
Charitram (1928) of N.M.Venkatasamy Nattar, Maravar Charitram (1938) by
Asirvatha Udaya Thevar and Muventarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru (1976) by
Muthu Thevar.

The main objective of these works seems to be provide a

parochial history of the castes and therefore they only superficially touch upon
Kaval system.
Among the works on Kaval system by western scholars The Kallars: A
Tamil Criminal Tribe Reconsidered (1978) an article by Stuart Blackburn
occupies a prominent place. It traces the early confrontation between the British
and the Kallar community of Madurai region and tries to dismantle the thievish
image of the Kallars. The opening paragraph of this article cited below is self
explanatory about the aim of the author.

7
This article examines the history of a south Indian caste, the
Kallars of Tamilnadu, in order to re-assess their identification as a
thieving caste and a Criminal tribe. I wish to demonstrate that this
is distorted and that the roots of the distortion lie in the early British
military contact with the Kallars. It will be shown, furthermore, how
this image continued to underpin the British administrative policy in
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.2
However this scholarly article of Blackburn though dealing with the Kaval
system of the Kallars of Madurai region its concentration is more on the
implementation of Criminal Tribes Act and its aftermath.
Another interesting work is the recent unpublished Ph.D thesis of Anand
Sankar Pandian entitled Landscape and Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil
in South India (University of California, Berkeley 2004).

Basically an

anthropological work it exclusively deals with the Piramalai Kallars of the western
parts of Madurai region. It also deals elaborately with the anti-kaval movement
which broke out in Madurai region against Kallar Kaval and the implementation of
Criminal Tribes Act over the Kallars and the consequences. In his opinion it was
the agrarian elite who with the support of the colonial state were behind the antikaval movement in the northern and western part of Madurai region.
The monumental work of Louis Dumont, A South Indian Sub Caste (1986),
an ethnography on Piramalai Kallar, concentrates on the social organization and
2

Stuart H.Blackburn, The Kallars: A Tamil Criminal Tribe Reconsidered, South Asia, Journal
of South Asian Studies, New Series, Vol.1, No.1, March 1978, p.38.

8
religion of Piramalai Kallar of selected villages. Little reference is made to the
Kaval system in his study.
However the commanality between all these three works mentioned above
is that all of them have explained how the colonial state, having failed in its
attempts against the Kallar Kaval, branded them as criminals and brought the
entire community under the infamous Criminal Tribes Act.
David Arnold in his scholarly article Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras
1860-1940 (1979) and in his book Police Power and Colonial Rule in Madras
1859-1947 (1985) [especially chapter 4, The Policing of Rural Madras] provides
a vivid picture of the problems related to Kaval of the colonial period.
Approaching the subject matter from the dimension of crime, his welldocumented studies make a thorough analysis of various kinds of crimes
prevailing in the Madras Presidency and classifies them into four major
categories such as i) famine crimes; ii) professional crimes; iii) Kaval related
crimes and iv) Dacoity as a prelude to insurrection. Regarding Kaval-related
crimes his period of coverage commences from 1859 (the year in which the
modern police administration based on Irish and British constabulary was
introduced).
A brief academic survey over the works and their contribution cited above
indicates the important fact that there is an ample scope for an exclusive
research study on the Kaval system in colonial Tamilnadu that too from the
dimension of crime.

9
Reconnaissance of the problem of Kaval from the dimension of crime
inevitably involve the study of law, police, judiciary and punishment of the period
concerned, because all of them are closely related to crime and interlocked with
each other and they are different links in the same chain. Hence the study about
the Kaval system automatically involves the study of the other related areas
mentioned above. An insight into different ideas of crime will enable us to have a
better understanding of the relation between the Kavalkarars and the colonial
state.
In this connection, two things are essential for any researcher working in
the domain of Kaval system. The first one is the familiarity with the changes
related to approaches to the historical study of crime in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. This will help to understand how the colonial officials were
influenced by these theories and how the measures adopted by the colonial
officials in tackling crimes were conditioned by them.

Secondly, an

understanding of the major theories regarding crimes propounded by scholars

during twentieth century is necessary. This aids re-examination of the prevailing
notions of crime, in a proper perspective. Hence a discussion of some of the
major theoretical frameworks related to the field of crime is attempted in the
following pages.

Theories on Crime
During the eighteenth century, in general, the criminologists were of the
opinion that rationality and freewill determined the acts of the criminals. So they

10
approached the problem from the dimension of costs and benefits.3 Based on
this the penologists used to impose cruel punishment, with the hope that, it would
make the criminals realize that the cost of violating the laws was greater than the
benefits they received from indulging in crime and induce them to refrain from
criminal activities. Influenced by this approach the officials of the colonial state in
the Madras Presidency implemented the same kind of punishments, such as
whipping, pillorying and hanging in public places. The following report made by
Thomas Harris a British official regarding the hanging of a prisoner, to the
magistrate of Madurai district, demonstrates the above said fact.
According to your instruction I, this morning proceeded to put into
execution the sentence of the prisoner Vellayan which was
performed with every necessary attention to the solemn occasion in
the midst of thousands of spectators.
It is my duty to report the apparent impressions the death of the
criminal had on the surrounding multitude. It would have
especially as no such public execution had taken place in the
district of Madurai (sic) forty years.4
Anand Yang emphatically suggests that, The surveillance of crime and
criminality by social historians begins by rejecting the givens of modern

Sumanta Banerjee, Crime and Urbanisation Calcutta in the Nineteenth Century, Tulika
Books, New Delhi, 2006, p.x.

Thomas Harris to District Magistrate, Madurai, 28 May 1804, Madura District Records,
Vol.1190, pp.73, 74.

11
criminology.5 Surface level views of crime as aberrant behaviour should not be
accepted at their face value, otherwise there is a danger of even important kinds
of social protest being labeled as crime.
With the emergence of the ideologies of socialism and anarchism in
Europe, crime was redefined. Rationality and freewill were replaced by socioeconomic factors as the reasons behind crime. Karl Marx viewed crime as an
offshoot of competition for jobs in a market economy dominated by capitalist run
factories.

He suggested that the extension of factory system is followed

everywhere by an increase in crime. When Marx was writing this, the traditional
oriented occupational structure of the European society was suffering under the
problem of occupational change due to the emergence of capital intensive mode
of production. The factory system could not accommodate all the people. A
section of them got employment in the factories, others in a long run took to
crime. In his final analysis Marx said Crime, too, is governed by competition
and society creates a demand for crime which is met by a corresponding
supply.6
On the other hand, Max Stirner, representing the anarchist camp, viewed
crime as the assertion of the individual self against the legal code of the state
which tends to violate his / her free existence and movements. While Marx and
Max Stirner were of the same opinion regarding the socio-economic factors

Anand A.Yang (ed.), Crime and Criminality in British India, The University of Arizona Press,
Tuscon, 1985, p.2.

Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, Progress Publishers, Moscow,
1977, pp.190, 191.

12
which were controlled and governed by all powerful state as the causes behind
crimes, Max Stirner attached added importance to the freewill of individuals and
their acts and viewed them as their protest against the state.7
Diverging considerably from the view points of Marxist-oriented British
historians, Michel Foucault, who was a professor of History and Systems of
Thought at the College de France, provided another major theoretical framework
in studying crime. Among other things his views regarding the birth of prisons
and the changes in the forms of punishments between 1750 and 1850 - i.e. when
Europe was becoming a modern, capitalist society - is fascinating. He explains
that during this period torture as a form of punishment was replaced by
incarceration.

He argues that this change had taken place not because of

human consideration but with the motive of disciplining the human body.
Incarceration aimed at disciplining and controlling the human body while the
former punishments were directed towards torturing the body.

Finally he

extended this theory and applied it to schools, hospitals and asylums, etc.8
However, he was criticized by others for not accounting for the forces which
opposed and resisted it.
Notions of crime were not only located and developed in the socioeconomic spheres; sometimes they were located and developed in the sphere of
science too. Parallel to the theoretical framework of socio-economic explanation

Sumanta Banerjee, Crime and Urbanization, Calcutta in the Nineteenth Century, Tulika
Books, New Delhi, 2006, pp.x, ix.

Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of Prison, Trans. Alan Sheridan, Vintage
Books, New York, 1995, pp.293-308.

13
of crime in the nineteenth century Europe, another novel theoretical stream
rooted in biological determinism, registered its growth. This concept explained
that crime was a genetic trait transmitted from one generation to other in a family.
Francis Galton the founder of this concept gave a name to it as Eugene (good
genes). This view was shared by the Italian physician Cesare Lombroso. This
theory emphasized that some individuals are born with anti-social tendencies that
were inbuilt in their minds, handed over from the barbaric stage of human
evolution. The developing disciplines of anthropology and anthropometry were
brought in to rationalize this view. Accordingly the physical features of prisoners
were measured and the bodies of hanged convicts were postmortemed and a list
of common physical features was prepared to prove that they hailed from a
common criminal stock. The horrible and astonishing consequence of this theory
of biological determinism was that, all over the world including England, criminals
in prisons were forcibly sterilized in order to avoid passing on the gene for crime
to the next generation.9
Regarding the impact of the above said theory over the Indian Penologists
Sumanta Banerjee observes that,
The Indian Penal Code enacted in 1860 embodied, in a large
measure, the theoretical propositions on crime that were current in
contemporary England. The English administrators in India who
drafted the code adopted the methodology designed by those
theorists of criminology in the west who, while explaining crime,
9

Sumanta Banerjee, Crime and Urbanization Calcutta in the Nineteenth Century, Tulika
Books, New Delhi, 2006, pp.xi, xii.

14
were inclined towards concepts like biological determinism rather
than socio-economic rationale.10
This development ultimately paved the way, for the enactment of Habitual
Criminal Act of 1869 in England and Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 in India.
In the second half of the twentieth century inspired by Karl Marx,
E.P.Thompson and others associated with the then Centre for Study of Social
History at the University of Warwick, started re-examining the given concepts of
crime in the light of Marxism. They located crime and criminality in the wider
context of the evaluation of an economic order and its social class relation. In
particular they viewed law as an instrument in the hands of the state or the
ruling elite to serve their needs. According to them the prevailing notions of
crime and contemporary value judgement should be approached with utmost
caution and critical outlook, otherwise there is a danger of becoming prisoners of
the assumptions and self image of the rulers. If not, free labourers will branded
as spontaneous and blind, and important kinds of social protest become lost in
the category of crime.11

They viewed crime as rational behaviour, closely

related to the character and will of the ruling class and the defence and priorities
of the capitalist system.12 The concluding remarks of E.P.Thompson regarding
the rule of law in England is that,

10

Ibid, p.xiii.

11

E.P.Thompson, Eighteenth Century English Society: Class Struggle Without Class? Social
History, 3, 3, 1978: 150 cited in Anand A.Yang (ed), Crime and Criminality in British India,
p.2.

12

David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth Century Britain, London,
1982, p.31, cited in Anand A.Yang (ed) Crime and Criminality in British India, p.3.

15
Thus the law (we agree) may be seen instrumentally as mediating
and reinforcing existing class relations and ideologically as offering
to these a legitimation. But we must press our definitions a little
further. For if we say that existent class relations were mediated by
the law, this is not the same thing as saying that the law was no
more than those relations translated into other terms, which
masked or mystified the reality. This may quite often be true but it
is not the whole truth. For class relations were expressed, not in
any way one likes, but through the forms of law; and the law, like
other institutions which from time to time can be seen as mediating
(and masking) existent class relations (such as church or the media
of communication), has its own characteristics, its own independent
history and logic of evolution.13
Another interesting observation is made by David A. Washbrook regarding
the functioning of Anglo-Indian Law.
Its main purpose, so far from protecting private rights of subjects,
may be better seen as providing a range of secondary services for
the company, both as state and a shield for European business
interests, which helped to translate political power into money.14

13

E.P.Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of Black Act, New York, 1975, p.262, cited
Anand A.Yang (ed), Crime and Criminality in British India, p.3.

14

D.A.Washbrook, Law, State and Agrarian Society in Colonial India, Modern Asian Studies,
Vol.15, No.3, 1981, p.668.

16
Yet another school of sociologists derived their inspiration from Emile
Durkheim and elaborated his theme of anomie. He argues that anomie develops
when modern societies fail to provide suitable occupational avenues to the
people according to their talents and traditional skills. This theory was further
developed and applied by Robert Merton in his analysis about deviance and
crime. According to him whenever there is such an anomic disjuncture between
the culturally defined goals and the socially approved means to achieve them
available to the individuals or groups the later resort to four types of behaviour
i) ritualism, or following the approved means in mechanical way without any hope
of reaching the goals; ii) retreatism, or opting out from the struggle; iii) rebellion,
or desire to redefine goals and means, and change the entire socially approved
system and iv) innovation or devising new means-outside the socially approved
framework to achieve the socially approved goals, which include crimes.15
The problem related to Kaval system and the Kavalkarars fits well into this
theoretical framework. When the colonial state abolished the Kaval system and
replaced them with modern police administrative machinery the demand for
traditional Kaval system shrank. There was no suitable occupational avenue
available to suit the traditional skills of the Kavalkarars.

Hence they took to

crime.
Another important area of study, intimately associated with the field of
crime is the institution of police, an administrative mechanism by which authority

15

Sumanta Banerjee, Crime and Urbanisation, p.xv.

17
and control is maintained by the state.

Many works have already been

undertaken probing its nature and functions in the West. Majority of them viewed
that, The police and its functions are always determined by the nature of state
which they serve and the theory upon which such a state is based.16
From the above discussion it is clear that at the international level there is
a considerable and growing body of literature on crime in the pre industrial
societies at the verge of modernization. In the Indian context Anand Yangs
Crime and Criminality in British India (1985) occupies an important place by
providing valuable information. Radhika Singhas A Despotism of Law (2000)
deals with the link between knowledge and power in the colonial context.
Another recent work of Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History Criminal
Tribes and British Colonial Policy (2001) deals with the Kuravar Community in
Madras Presidency; how the economic policies of the colonial state affected their
occupation and later on they were branded as Criminal Tribes and covered under
Criminal Tribes Act.

Terms defined
Kaval was an ancient and indigenous system of policing in Tamil Nadu.
Tamilnadu is one of the federal states located at south-eastern corner of India.
During the British administration this was a part of Madras Presidency. The
Presidency of Madras had some territories which are at present in the states of
Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Karnataka and Kerala. For the present study the word
16

Anand A.Yang (ed.), Crime and Criminality in British India, p.19.

18
Tamilnadu means the present day geographical and administrative entity. This
study covers a period of one hundred and forty six years starting from 1801 to
1947. The year 1801 is a significant year because in that year the Palayakarar
Wars against the British East India Company had come to a conclusion and
Tamilnadu was brought under the firm grip of the Companys government. The
year 1947 is the year of Indian independence. However it does not mean that
the Kaval system was completely suppressed by 1947. In spite of all the efforts
taken by the colonial state the Kaval system managed to survive even after 1947
particularly in Madurai and Tirunelveli districts; however it is sporadic and
considerably less vibrant.
The Presidency of Madras was one of the most extensive territories of the
British colonial state. Tamil and Telugu were the principal languages spoken by
majority of the people. After attaining independence in 1947 with the formation of
the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1953 and with the linguistic reorganization of
states the size of Madras Presidency was reduced to considerable extent. Some
areas of Kannada-speaking population adjoining the district of Dharmapuri and
Nilgris were ceded to the newly formed Mysore state. The areas with the Oriya
speaking people went to the state of Orissa.

Madras state got the Tamil

speaking regions of Kanyakumari district and Shenkottai from Tiruvancore

kingdom. The name Madras State was changed into Tamilnadu in 1969.

19

Aims of the Study

Kaval system was an ancient system of policing in Tamilnadu and the
Kavalkarars were the functionaries of the Kaval system. In the modern history of
Tamilnadu the Kaval system and the Kavalkarars as an interesting and vital area
of historical investigation continued to remain as an unexplored area for reasons
unknown. As shareholders of political power at the tertiary level, the Kavalkarars
played a major role, in the socio-economic and political spheres of Tamilnadu.
They also made common cause with other anti-colonial forces, during their
struggle against the colonial state. Hence this study aims at tracing the history of
Kaval system confining to the colonial period and tries to locate the place of the
Kavalkarars in the modern history of Tamilnadu.
This study also aims at analyzing the prolonged struggle for power
between the colonial state, the new-comer, and the Kavalkarars, the yester
masters of political power. It traces the efforts taken by the colonial state to
eradicate Kaval system through enacting Regulations and Acts and by
establishing modern police administration, and the consequent response of the
Kavalkarars who were driven gradually, over a period of time, towards the world
of crime. This study also identifies and analyses the various factors responsible
for the failure of the colonial state in suppressing the Kaval system including the
mindset and psychological underpinnings of the Kavalkarars.
Another important aspect on which this study concentrates is the
examination of the factors responsible for the outbreak of anti-kaval movements

20
in Madurai and Tirunelveli districts towards the closure of nineteenth century and
in the early decades of the twentieth century, and its consequences.
Yet another important aim of this study is to evaluate the circumstances
which shaped the enactment of the famous Criminal Tribes Act in 1871 (CTA);
how it originated in the minds of scientists and administrators in England, how it
was imported and implemented in the north Indian provinces, reaction of the
Madras provincial administrative circles and how it was implemented in
Tamilnadu and its impact.

Relevance of the Study

Much research has already been carried out and secondary sources
dealing with different aspects of the history of Modern Tamilnadu are also
available. So far there has been no such exclusive study undertaken on the
problem of Kaval system during the colonial period focusing from the viewpoint of
crime. Thus there is amble scope for research. The Researcher has made a
sincere attempt to probe further the problem of Kaval.

Methodology
Kaval system was an ancient and indigenous system of police in
Tamilnadu which survived through the ages and was in practice to a very limited
extent even after 1947. So, tracing and presenting a brief narration of the Kaval
system and its salient feature is essential.
method is adopted.

In attempting this, a descriptive

21
In assessing the nature of the colonial state, the conflict between the
colonial state and the Kaval system from 1800-1947, the anti-kaval movements
in the last decade of the nineteenth century and in the early decades of twentieth
century, the analytical method is adopted.
Regarding the genesis and development of modern police system and its
prolonged struggle against the Kavalkarars a chronological as well as analytical
method is followed.
As far as the enactment of the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 and its
implementation in India in different phases analytical method is followed.

Organisation of the Thesis

The thesis has been organized into seven chapters including the
introductory and concluding chapters.
In the introductory chapter an academic survey has been attempted at on
the available secondary works contributed by eminent scholars of both Indian
and foreign origin, which have direct or indirect bearing over the central theme of
this study. It also maps the theoretical frame works employed by scholars and
philosophers like Karl Marx, Max Stirner, Michel Foucault, Emile Durkheim and
E.P.Thompson in their studies on crime. The thrust area of this study is indicated
in this chapter.
The second chapter is entitled as Kaval system.

In this chapter, the

history of the Kaval system right from the ancient period is narrated. Following

22
this the functions of the Kavalkarars, their duties and rights, the categories of
Kaval system and the Kavalkarars are explained in detail.

Moreover the

traditional rights and powers enjoyed by the Kavalkarars and their position and
status in the society are elaborately discussed. Besides the condition of Kaval
system during the early stages of the British rule is also described. It also briefly
explains a peculiar form of crime committed by the Kavalkarars, closely
associated with cattle theft and popularly known as Thuppu Cooli.
The third chapter entitled Confrontation with the British East India
Company deals elaborately with the relationship between the Kavalkarars and
the Company in the last quarter of the 18th century which was marked by open
confrontations and rebellions of the Kavalkarars against the Company, the
emerging new power. It also deals with the abolition of Desa Kaval and Men
Kaval by the Company in 1802 and the reasons for the caution exercised by the
Company with regard to the abolition of Kudi Kaval.
The fourth chapter is The Colonial State and the Kaval System. For a
better understanding of the subject matter, this chapter has been divided into
three divisions i.e. from 1802-1815; 1816-1859; 1859-1896 wherein each phase
marked a specific development. In 1802 the colonial state abolished the Desa
Kaval and Men Kaval system through its Regulation of 1802 and a new police
administrative structure with Daroghas and Thanadars as important police
officials was introduced. This system was replaced in 1816 by another new
system of police operating under the direct control of Collector, at the district
level and Village Munsiff at the village level. In 1816 the Kudi Kaval system was

23
also abolished. The new police establishment of 1816 continued to operate until
1859 and in that year the modern police system with officials like Superintendent
of Police at the district level was introduced and the police administration was
completely separated from revenue administration. It also discusses how the
new measures undertaken by the government broke the traditional occupational
structure of the Kavalkarars and pushed them into the world of crime. The year
1896 was a turning point in the history of Kaval system because it was marked
by violent anti-kaval movement in Madurai district.
The fifth chapter deals with Anti-Kaval Movements in Madurai and
Tirunelveli districts.

It examines the causes for the outbreak of anti-kaval

movements in the background of changing political and socio-economic scenario

effected by the British rule.
The sixth chapter is The Criminal Tribes Act and the Decline of the Kaval
System. Here an attempt has been made to evaluate the circumstances which
gave shape to the Criminal Tribes Act, the response of the officials of the colonial
state and explains how it was implemented in Tamilnadu. The reasons for the
failure of CTA and the gradual decline of the Kaval system are analyzed in this
chapter.
The seventh chapter is the concluding chapter in which the researcher has
recorded his observations and justified them.

24

Source Materials
Source materials related to the topic of this study are available with
Tamilnadu State Archives at Chennai in the forms of consultations, proceedings,
reports, correspondence and letters pertaining to different administrative
departments of the Government of Madras. District Records and Manuals are
available in volumes contain so much of valuable informations regarding
particular districts. Madurai District Archives at Madurai is a repository of source
materials connected with the topic of this study, pertaining to anti-kaval
movement in Madurai district.
Kummi on Sivarama Thalaivar, a folk song is another important source
material having much bearing on the central theme of this study and about its
early history before 1800. The folk song deals with Sivarama Thalaivar, the
Kaval chief of Thirukkurungudi in Tirunelveli district. It traces the history of its
hero Sivarama Thalaivar, right from the migration of his ancestors from Ramnad
to Tirunelveli region. It was a period of political instability caused by the efforts
taken by Nawab of Arcot against the turbulent Palayakarars with the help of
British East India Company.

It narrates the disputes related to Kaval rights

among the different group of Kondayamkottai Maravars of southern Tirunelveli

region and the exploits of its hero against the forces of British East India
Company and end with his death in a Kaval dispute.
Right from K.A.N.Sastris outstanding work The Colas, secondary
materials in the form of books, periodicals and journals are available in good

25
number. Though their thematic interests were different they throw occasional
light on the central theme and other aspects of this study.
An important Secondary study - basically an anthropological study on the
Piramalai Kallar community of Madurai district - is an unpublished Ph.D., thesis
by Anand Sankar Pandian entitled as Landscapes of Redemption: Cultivating
Heart and Soil in South India submitted to the University of California, Berkeley,
(1999). It was of much help to understand the Piramalai Kallar community and
their Kaval system.
Apart from these materials mentioned above during the field study, the
researcher interviewed notable personalities and collected useful informations
pertaining to the study. Some of them were descendents of former Kaval chiefs.

CHAPTER II

THE KAVAL SYSTEM

The word Kaval means watch. It is also used to denote the functionary
who performs this duty.1

It was an ancient and indigenous institution of

Tamilnadu. This was a hereditary village police office bestowed with well defined
rights and responsibilities.

Ample references are available regarding Kaval

system in Sangam literature, and in the inscriptions of Pallava, Chola and Pandia
kings.

The terms like Ur Kappar (Protector of the Village) in Purananooru,

(Sangam literature)2 and Nadu Kaval (nadu means bigger or wider territorial
division), Padi Kaval3 (Padi means

village or land) and Perum Padi Kaval

(Perum means bigger or wider) in the inscription of ancient kings of Tamilnadu

proved the existence of Kaval system in Tamilnadu right from the sangam period.
Those who were engaged in this duty were known as Kavalkarar4 (guardian or
protector).

S.Kadhirvel, A History of the Maravas, Madurai Publishing House, Madurai, 1977, p.17;
Natana Kasinathan, Kaval System in Tamilnadu from 300 A.D-1600 A.D, Damilica, Journal
of Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology, Part-3, Madras, 1973, p.65.

S.Vithyananthan, Tamilar Salpu (Tamil), Kumaran Puthaga Illam, Colombo and Chennai,
1980, pp.37-40.

There are many villages with the word Padi as suffix in their names. Eg. Chandra Padi,
Kannam Padi, Kanal Padi, Mahendra Padi, Pudhu Padi, Pullam Padi, Tamil Padi, Tharangam
Padi, Vala Padi, and Vaniyam Padi.

Natana Kasinathan, Kaval System in Tamilnadu from 300 A.D-1600 A.D, Damilica, Journal
of Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology, Part-3, Madras, 1973, p.65.

27
Regarding Padi Kaval, K.A.Nilakanta Sastri had made the following
observation which provides a clear picture about the Kaval system in ancient
(200 B.C. 900 A.D) Tamil Nadu.
The term padi kaval occurring more than once in the list of
taxes and dues deserves more attention than most of the other
items mentioned; for it refers to a universally prevalent system of
safeguarding property from theft especially at night. This was the
system by which each village maintained its own kavalkarar, who in
turn for certain regular payments to him, held himself responsible
for the security of property in the village to the extent of either
recovering lost property or making good; this system survived in
some measure almost till the other day in Tamil country, and it
seems to have been indeed off very ancient origin. A special staff
of officials entrusted with this duty, and maintained from the
proceeds of a special cess ear-marked for the purpose of the padikaval-kuli as it is sometime called, formed a regular feature of the
Cola administrative system. In the later Cola days we find these
duties increasingly falling in the hands of the over-grown vassals
whose rise was a symptom of imminent dissolution of the empire.
Humbler men in charge of relatively restricted area also carried on
their work more quietly and with less detriment to the well-being of
the central administration The terms perum padikaval and merpadi-kaval are sometimes employed and these are perhaps to

28
indicate the wider sphere of their police duties or their higher status
as compared to the ordinary padi-kaval of the village.5
Nilakanta Sastris description of the Kaval system fits neatly into his ideal
vision of a centralized state as the epitome of civilization. During the times of
political instability, it has been suggested by historians such as Y.Subbarayalu,
these Kavalkarars of different categories grew more powerful in their regions and
became practically independent of the higher level power centres.6
This process of development of the Kavalkarars becoming more powerful
and independent in their respective regions, during the times of political instability
and administrative weakness, was a common phenomenon, finding expression
throughout the history of Tamilnadu.
Kaval system as a power to reckon with, continued its existence during the
reign of Vijayanagar Empire, Madurai Nayaks and the Nawabs in Tamilnadu.
Nicholas B.Dirks observes that,
Below the regional kings of three great mandalams ranged
from Ramanathapuram and Pudukkottai on the one hand to the tiny
estates of certain Tirunelveli Palaykarars on the other. At an even
lower level, the developmental process of becoming a little king
probably includes certain kavalkarars (protection chiefs) as well for
5

K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas, 2 Vols, 1935 and 1937; revised edition in one volume,
University of Madras, 1955, pp.533-534.

Y.Subbarayalu, interviewed by A.R.Venkatachalapathy, Kalachuvadu, Tamil Monthly, 2004,

Nagercoil, p.21; V.Manickam, Pudukkottai Varalaru (Tamil), Clio Publications, Madurai, 2004,
pp.375-395.

29
example the maravar kavalkarars of kalakkatu and Nankuneri
regions of Tirunelveli.7
Pamela G.Price in her discussion of the political structure of Ramnad
Kingdom records that Eighteenth Century Ramnad was a collection of numerous
domains, those of warrior chiefs of various designation (Palaiyakkar or aracu
8

Kavalkar)

Before the establishment of British supremacy in Tamilnadu, Kaval system

was in operation throughout the Tamil speaking districts as well as other parts of
Madras Presidency. In Telugu speaking regions Kaval was known as Kavili. 9
After the downfall of the Nayak kingdom of Madurai and before the establishment
of British East India companys rule, when the Nawab of Arcot was struggling
with the Palayakarars to establish his supremacy, when there where many
conflicts between various contending parties for political power, these
Kavalkarars became a power to reckon with in their areas of control. Specifically
in the non-Palayakarar tracts they were highly independent, powerful and
extraordinarily influential. A few of them even had their own fortifications and
armed retainers. Some examples are Sivarama Thalaivar, the Kaval chief of

Nicholas B. Dirks, The Hollow Crown: Ethno History of an Indian Kingdom, Orient Longman,
Bombay 1987, pp.154-155.

Pamela G.Price, Raja-dharma in the 19th Century South India, Contributions to Indian
Sociology, Vol.13, No.2, July-December 1979, Institute of Economic Growth, New Delhi,
p.210.

Even today among the Telugu communities of the southern districts of Tamilnadu this usage
is in vogue.

30
Tirukkurungudi in Tirunelveli District10 and Periya Wagaboo the Kaval chief of
Sirkali in Thanjavur district, during the closing decades of eighteenth century.11

Functions
The primary function of a Kavalkarar whether, Men Kavalkarar or Kudi
Kavalkarar, was to protect the grain, cattle, standing crops and other domestic
properties of the inhabitants in the villages under their Kaval control from thieves
and petty plunderers and to guard the public places like temples, highways,
markets, tradefares, choultries and to keep an eye over the strangers and
travellers. If any robbery occurred, it was the responsibility of the Kavalkarars to
trace the culprit and recover the stolen properties, failing which he had to
compensate the loss.12
Rous Peter, Collector of Madurai district while reporting about the
functioning of Kavalkarars to the District Magistrate in 1811 made the following
observation:
The duties of a Cawolgar have always been considered, to
watch over the Crops on the Ground, to guard them when reaped,
and when threshed, the produce is measured in his presence, and
delivered over to his charge entirely; after which whatever loss is
10

Sivarama Thalaivar Kummi (unpublished); Bishop R.Caldwell, A History of Tinnevelly, Asian

Educational Services, New Delhi, 1881, p.144.

11

A.L.Grant, Collector of Thanjavur in his letter dated 30th September 1799 to Major Inns
Commanding Thanjavur - Judicial Consultation, Vol.No.6A, pp.552-555.

12

S.R.Lushington, Collectors Report Regarding the Tirunelveli Poligors and Sequestered

Pollams 1799 - 1800, Tirunelveli 1916, pp.2-3.

31
sustained, he is considered the accountable person for it.

To

protect the Village to which he belongs, and should any of the

inhabitants be robbed, he is obliged to make good from his own
Mauniam Lands, the value of whatever Articles may have been
stolen unless he can deliver up the offenders to Justice, and in that
case he is absolved from all responsibility. This method in the first
instance compels him to guard the village with the utmost caution
and in the latter occasions his being alert in the apprehension of the
people who had been guilty of the Theft. He is also to watch over
the Circar (Government) Grain wherever it may be deposited within
the range of his Cawol, to be a guide to Detachments passing
through the Country if required, and to protect all Travelers as long
as they continue within his village.

These are considered the

principal duties of a Cawolgar, there are others of a Minor nature,

which it would be useless to mention.13
It was the responsibility of the Kaval chief or the Men Kavalkarar to see to
it that it was enforced. The Men Kavalkarar with the assistance of his Kudi
Kavalkarars launched an investigation and tried to find out the culprit and recover
what was stolen. In case of failure, they had to compensate the loss. In this
way, the head Kavalkarar assumed both police and judicial powers.14

13

Rous Peter to District Magistrate, 28 November 1811, Madurai Collectorate Records,

Vol.1158.

14

S.Kadhirvel, A History of The Maravas, Madurai Publishing House, Madurai, 1977, p.18.

32
Frederick S.Mulally of the Madras Police made the following observation
regarding the function of rural police system in Tirunelveli district towards the
closing decades of the nineteenth century. There were three classes of village
police in the Tirunelveli district.15
a)

Taliyaris These are the government village police paid

by the government at rates of ranging from Rs.2/- to
Rs.4/- per mensem from the village cess fund levied at
the rate of one anna per rupee on land revenue
assessment.

b)

Kavalgars Zamindar and Devasthanam village Police.

These receive no regular pay for their services. Some
receive Sutantrams fees and emoluments at intervals,
others enjoy maniems or inam lands, which are
supposed to support countless relations, and connections
termed pangalies (share holders) while nearly all receive
some payment in kind at harvest.

c)

Kudi Kavalgars These are private watchmen employed

by villagers on their own account for the greater safety of
their property.

They are usually paid in kind in the

understanding that they return an equivalent in values for

anything stolen. An agreement to this entered into when
the Kudi Kavalgars are appointed.
The popular method of investigation followed by the Kavalkarars to find
out the offenders was by tracing and following the footprints of the offenders and
locating their whereabouts. In case the footprints of the offenders crossed the
15

Frederick S.Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Tribes of The Madras Presidency, Government Press,
Madras, 1892, pp.113, 114.

33
borders of a particular village or villages, it became the responsibility of the
Kavalkarars of those villages to trace the offenders.16 Another method was to
pass the information to the fellow Kavalkarars of the neighbouring villages. By
using this Kavalkarar network, they were able to monitor the movement of the
offenders and locate their hiding places.

Categories
Men Kavalkarars and Kudi Kavalkarars

Towards the closing decades of the eighteenth century, there were two
important categories of Kavalkarars i.e. Men Kavalkarars also known as Mel
Kavalkarars or Mer Kavalkarars and Kudi Kavalkarars. Men Kavalkarar was the
superior one who had many villages under his control. Kudi Kavalkarars were of
the second category appointed by the Men Kavalkarars. They were to perform
their Kaval duties as per the direction given by the Men Kavalkarars.17
Sthalam Kaval or Kudi Kaval

Like the Kavalkarars the Kaval system too was also of two important
categories. They were known as Sthalam Kaval also known as Kudi Kaval, and
Desa Kaval.18
Sthalam Kaval (or) Kudi Kaval was the Kaval system operating at the
village level or at the most in a cluster of villages having one Men Kavalkarar and

16

Tirunelveli District Records, Vol.No.3591, p.102.

17

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.No.8B, p.1879.

18

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report) Vol. No.2A, p.59.

34
few Kudi Kavalkarars as functionaries. Each Kudi Kavalkarar was assigned a
particular village, or a portion of a village as his zone of operation by the Men
Kavalkarar.19

In some regions these Kudi Kavalkarars were assisted by

Visarippukarans, Koolapandis and Talayaris, a set of servants of lower order in

discharging Kaval duties. These Kudi Kavalkarars were usually transferred from
one village to the other or from one portion of the village to the other periodically
by the Men Kavalkarar. In the case of big villages having extensive tract of wet
land with irrigation facilities from reservoirs, the Kavalkarars were deployed
according to the number of water channels in the reservoir and the extent of land
under cultivation.20 Thus the number of Kavalkarars was directly related to the
economic affluence of the villages.
Desa Kaval

The second category of the Kaval system was Desa Kaval. Here the word
Desa means district or country consisting of many villages. This institution of
Desa Kaval denotes country watch in which a number of villages would be under
the control of a leader and he would be the head of the head Kavalkarars of
these villages.21 The Desa Kaval chief commanded the respect and loyalty of the
Sthalam or Kudi Kaval chiefs. Monitoring the boundary regions, jungle tracts,
mountain pass, highways and settling the disputes between villages were the
important function of the Desa Kaval chiefs.22 The decisions and judgement of
19

S.Kadhirvel, A History of the Maravas, p.17

20

Interview with S.Kadhirvel of Tirukkurungudi on 5th November 2003.

21

S.Kadhirvel, A History of the Maravas, p.19.

22

Ibid.

35
these Desa Kaval chiefs appear to have been implicitly accepted.23 These two
institutions were functioning side by side all over Tamilnadu, especially in the
southern districts of Tamilnadu.
In the Palayakarar region in general the Palayakarars were also invariably
the Desa Kaval chiefs. All the villages within a Palayam were directly under the
Desa Kaval control of the Palayakarars.

Apart from that depending on their

power and influence these Palayakarars had Kaval control over the Circar
villages too. As per Table 2:1, it is evident that the Palayakarars were regularly
collecting Desa Kaval fee from the Circar villages and a share from the Kudi
Kaval fee collected by Kudi Kavalkarars operating in the Circar villages. These
factors indicate the power and influence exercised by the Palayakarars over
Circar territories. The encroachment of the Palayakarars over Circar territories
and the huge amount collected by them in the name of Kaval fee were
unacceptable to the British.

The income through the Kaval fee was directly

related to the extent of the territory under the control of the Palayakarars. Every
one of them was keen in extending his area of control. It resulted in mutual
conflicts. This was the same with non-Palayakarar Desa Kaval chiefs also. In
the non- Palayakarar tracts there were several powerful chiefs who exercised this
function. The striking example was the Arupangu Nadu Maravars of Nanguneri
taluk of Tirunelveli district.24

23

Towards the closing decades of nineteenth century and in the following years, the power and
authority of the Kavalkarars were challenged by the people on many occasions.

24

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897.

36
Arupangu Nadu25 was a Desa Kaval unit consisting of six villages namely
Marugalkuruchi, Manchankulam, Kannimarmalai, Pudur, Thennimalai and
Nedunkulam. All these villages had their own Men Kavalkarars with dependent
Kaval villages and Kudi Kavalkarars. But the office of Desa Kaval chief was
invariably from Marugalkuruchi.26
In Thanjavur district Periya Wagaboo and Chinna Wagaboo the Kaval
chiefs of Sirkali regions were the other Desa Kaval chiefs who exercised control
over several villages.27
In the Karur region though the Kallars and Kuravars shared the
responsibility of Kaval, it was the Kallars who were the Desa Kaval chiefs
exercising control over several villages unlike the Kuravar Kavalkarars who had
control over single villages.28
Other Kaval Systems

Apart from these two general categories of Kaval - Sthalam (or) Kudi
Kaval and Desa Kaval - there were a few other special categories of Kaval like
Kondi Kaval, Thesai Kaval, Kovil Kaval or Dharma Sthapana Kaval and Pathai
Kaval.
Kondi Kaval was a peculiar system of Kaval widely prevalent in the
southern districts of Tamilnadu.

Kondi Kaval meant watching the fields

25

Arupangu in Tamil means six shares or six divisions.

26

S.Kadhirvel, A History of the Maravas, p.19.

27

Judicial Consultations, Vol.No.6A, pp.564-569; Vide Appendix I.

In Tamil Periya means elder and Chinna means younger;
Kuravars whose occupation was Kaval were known as Kaval Kuravars.

28

37
particularly when the crops were ripening to harvest. It was indispensable to a
cultivator in a land almost devoid of hedges and fencing. Here the primary duty
of the Kavalkarars was to protect the ripening crops from both cattle and
thieves.29
Thesai Kaval meant protecting a particular area or region infested by
robber gangs or prone to frequent dacoities.30
Kovil Kaval or Dharma Sthapana Kaval meant protecting the properties of
a particular temple for which the temple had to make payments to the
Kavalkarars.

There is evidence that the Kallar were Kavalkarars at Kanchi,

Srirangam and Alagarcoil in addition to several other small temples.31

The

Arupangunadu Maravars in the Nanguneri region of Tirunelveli district were the

Kavalkarars of the Vaisnavite temple and the religious mutt (which controlled vast
tracts of land) at Nanguneri.32 Similar was the case with Nambiandavar temple
at Tirukkurungudi of Tirunelveli district which was under the Kavalship of a
Maravar family of Nambi Thalaivan Pattayam, a village very close by.33 The
Kaval of Murugan temple at Tiruparankuntram and Alagarkovil was again the

29

In A Note on the Marava oppression in Tirunelveli District - by G.H.P.Bailey Esqi.p., District

Superintendent of Police, Tirunelvely; Kondi in Tamil means robbery.

30

A.Ramasamy (ed), Tamilnadu District Gazetteer: Ramnad, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Madras,
1972, p.671.

31

Stuart H.Blackburn, The Kallars: A Tamil Criminal Tribe Reconsidered in South Asia:
Journal of Asian Studies, New Series, Vol.1, No.1, March 1978, p.46; A.V.Asirvatha Udaiyar,
Maravar Charitram, Devarkulam, 1938, p.65.

32

David Ludden, Peasant History in South India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1993, p.50.

33

Even today a Maravar family of Nambi Thalaivan Pattayam is the Kavalkarar of the
Nambiandavar temple at Tirukkurangudi.

38
responsibility of the Kallars of Madurai region.34 Moreover the Kaval chiefs who
was incharge of the temple Kaval were honoured by the temple authorities during
important festivals.
Pathai Kaval implied protecting the highways. Occasionally it referred to
providing escort to the highway travellers as well.

Long distance travellers,

merchants, family members of rich families, Christian missionaries and bullock

carts loaded with goods were usually escorted by armed Kavalkarars.35 While
escorting the travellers especially during the night the Kavalkarars use to talk in
raised tone always so that it was expected that the robbers hiding on the
roadside would recognize the voice of the Kavalkarar and dare not to attack.
When Burma and Sri Lanka came under the control of the British there
was mass scale of migration of people of Tamil Nadu seeking economic
opportunities to both the countries. Among them the Nattukottai Chettiyars and
Vanika Chettiyars (Merchant Communities) of Karaikudi and Thirpathur regions
were prominent. The male members of these families when returning home with
their hard earned money and valuables used to employ Kallars and
Ambalakarars as Kavalkarars usually after reaching Karaikudi or Madurai from

34

Stuart H.Blackburn, The Kallars: A Tamil Criminal Tribe Reconsidered p.46; Interview with
th
S.Venkatesan, a Tamil writer and a native of Tiruparankundram on 10 January 2004. When
Criminal Tribes Act was imposed on the Piramalai Kallars of Madurai district, these Kallar
Kavalkarars were given exemption.

35

J.H.Nelson, The Madura Country A Manual, Asian Educational services, New Delhi, 1989,
Part No.III, p.169; also see Stuart H.Blackburn, The Kallars: A Tamil Criminal Tribe
Reconsidered, p.47.

39
Chennai or Tuticorin by train. From there, they were accompanied by Kallar
Kavalkarars during their journey to their villages.36

Kaval Fee: Mode of Payment

The services of the Sthalam Kavalkarars or Kudi Kavalkarars were
generally rewarded by a fee which consisted mostly of a portion of the crop that
they protected or monetary payment or allocation of agricultural land.
J.W.Cochrane, Collector of Tirunelveli district has recorded the mode of
payment of Kaval fee then existed in Tirunelveli region as mentioned below:
1. An allowance in grain taken from the gross produce before the
division of the crop take place between the Sircar and the
inhabitants.
2. The enjoyment of certain portion of land as Enam (tax free).
3. Fee in money from the inhabitants upon their ploughs, bullocks
and homes.
4. Fee in money from merchants at a certain rate of per bullock
and cooly load of goods.
5. An allowance of certain number of sheep and other articles in
kind from the inhabitants upon the performance of certain
religious ceremonies.

36

As the payment of this fee from the

Interview with S.Somasekar, Professor of Physics, Rajus College, Rajapalayam, Native of

Tirubuvanam, Madurai District, 20 January 2004.

40
inhabitants and merchants is made directly by them to the
Cauwelgars, it is difficult to form a conclusion of the exact
amount of these allowances.37
Like the Sthalam Kavalkarars or Kudi Kavalkarars the Desa Kaval chiefs
were also rewarded by fees of different kinds.38
1. Wumbalam or certain allotment of Punja (dry land) and Nanjah
(wet land) in every kaval village, from which the poligor draws
his share.
2. The second one was Vadikkai Venduhole (Solicitation of the
inhabitants) consisting of certain fixed annual payment from the
villages.
3. The last one embrace the fees on plough, a few Maracalls of
paddy from the village Nanjah land, Suncooms (excise duty)
levied in kaval districts, taxes on looms, market places etc.
4. Apart from these they also received a share from the kaval dues
collected by the kudi kavalkarars of Circar villages.39
The fee collected both by the Kudi Kavalkarars and Desa Kaval chiefs in
return of their services amounts to one fifth of the total revenue collection in a
district as per the rough estimate of the Companys servants. (See Table 2:1)

37

Collectors Report Regarding the Tinnevelly Poligors and Sequestered Pollams 1779 - 1800,
Collectorate Press, Tinnevelly, 1916, pp.3-4.

38

J.W.Cochrane to Secretary of Police Committee, 7 November 1805, Tirunelveli District

Records, Vol.No.3600, p.184.

39

Board of Revenue Consultation, Vol.No.264, p.8779, Also See Table No.2:1.

41

Table 2:1
Poligors and Kaval Collections
Statement of the Revenue of Tesha Kaval in the Tirunelveli Province and
part of Madurai in Fusly 1209 (A.D.1800).

Sequested Pollams

Amount of Desa Kaval from

Amount of Sthalan or Kudi

the Circar Villages to the

Kaval from the circar villages

Poligar

by the Sthalam Cauvilgars to

the Poligar

Chuly

Panam

Casu

Chukkram
1. Panchalam Kuruchi

Chuly

Panam

Casu

Chukkram

15517

21

2645

45

3. Nagalapuram

538

83

4. Kadalkudi

135

30

40

42

5. Yellayarampannai

852

03

49

45

6. Kolvarpatti

1960

36

37

39

7. Shaptoor

3095

30

40

22099

30

1890

27

1. Sivagiri

4980

324

15

2. Shethur

86

42

3. Kollamkondan

353

12

4. Alagapuri

522

39

36

5. Chokampatti

5756

2. Kulathur

Total
Poligors in Possession

42

6. Surandai

328

33

16

24

7. Naduvakuruchi

441

21

45

8. Talaivankottai

337

45

9. Avudaiyapuram

384

18

10. Wootumalai

3306

15

11. Woorcaud

431

42

2121

15

12. Singampatti

132

251

89

13. Ettayapuram

1199

21

15

12

14. Kadamboor

141

24

46

42

15. Maniyachi

501

45

119

36

16. Attankarai

204

21

17. Melmandai

18

18. Pauvely

867

27

75

19. Manarkottai

332

20. Colvarpatti

21. Chennelgudi

107

22. Peraiyur

1764

152

38

23. Sandaiyur

823

39

31

24. Yelumalai

297

36

12

23245

12

366

12

Total

(One Chukkram = Rs.2 1 ana 11 paise)

Tiruchendur 5th October 1800

Signed / S.R.Lushington

Source : Board of Revenue Consultations, Vol.264, p.8779.

Note : This table shows the collections made by the respective poligors previous
to the assumption of the Cauvel subsequently made by the collector of the
Southern Peshcush together with the balance outstanding in money and grain at
the time of surrender to the Nawab.

43

Thuppu Cooli
Thuppu Cooli was an important and integral part of the Kaval system
closely associated with the crime of cattle theft committed by the Kavalkarars or
by others in connivance with the Kavalkarars, which was quite common and
great in number. This was the crime which agonized the authorities the most and
invariably occupied a prominent place in the colonial discourse. Moreover it was
the worst form of crime much feared by the people because in an agrarian
society, cattles occupied a pivotal place in the day to day economic life of the
farmers. For some communities in Tamilnadu cattle were their only property and
cattle rearing was their traditional occupation. Cattle theft was committed for two
important reasons.

It was the weapon frequently used by the Kavalkarars

against those who refused to accept their Kaval rights or to pay the Kaval fee.
The other reason was earning money by illegal means. The monetary benefit
enjoyed by the persons who committed this crime was known as Thuppu cooli.40
Thuppu in Tamil means information or clue. Cooli means the payment to
be made to the person for the work he has rendered. (e.g) B steals As bullocks
or property, C, Bs friend goes to A and promises to recover the bulls or the
property on payment of a certain sum. A consents, D a friend of C shows A
where to find the property. The amount paid by A was known as Thuppu cooli,
which is shared by others.41 Invariably Kavalkarars play an important role in this
40

In the southern districts of Tamilnadu particularly in Madurai and Tirunelveli Thuppu Cooli
system is prevalent even today.

41

E.Stevenson, Deputy Inspector General of Police to the Inspector General of Police,

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.37.

44
operation and receive his share.

The amount to be paid as Thuppu cooli

normally amounts to half of the value of the property stolen.

In the Tiruchirapalli District Gazetteer Thuppu cooli is described in the
following terms.
Tuppukuli means restoration of stolen property on payment of a
price. Kavalgars acted as intermediaries between the victims of the
robbery and perpetrators of crime to whom Mullikuli or thorn
payment and Kattukuli or payment for the upkeep of stolen cattle
were to be paid. Kavalgaras received kulukuli or the fee ordinarily
a quarter of the total amount paid.42
Here the term Mullu cooli or thorn payment means the payment made to
the person who actually robbed the cattle and drove the animal to a safer place
through jungles during nights facing the task of crossing thorny bushes. In many
cases the actual robbers do not keep the stolen animals with them, instead they
leave the animals under the custody of any one of their relative or associate.
During such times the animals were looked after and fed by them in a nearby
village. The payment made for the upkeep of the animal is known as Kattu Cooli.
H.Tremmenheere, District Magistrate of Bellary served in the southern
districts earlier in his report to the Chief Secretary to Government dated 20th
November 1885 provided a statistical data regarding the cattle theft as furnished
below.
42

Madras District Gazetteers, Thiruchirapalli District, Government of Madras, 1907, pp.256,

257.

45
It appears that the whole value of the cattle stolen, 42 per cent
pertains to the three districts of Coimbatore, Madura and
Tirunelveli, their figures being as follows:
Rs.
Coimbatore

9031

Madura

8219

Tinnevelly

6229

Total

23479

Of this value only Rs.11421/- was recovered, giving a net loss to

these three districts of Rs.12058/- a loss which probably largely
understates the truth.43
In the Madurai and Tirunelveli regions the problem of cattle lifting was a
big headache to the police machinery.

As the police could not make any

headway regarding the complaints made on cattle lifting, many cases went
unreported. Regarding this the following observation was made by the Inspector
General of Police.
Taking cattle thefts first these crimes constitute, as every
Magistrate of the south knows, the popular form of crime to which
maravas and kallars are addicted. But the point is of course not the
crime comes to light but the mass of unreported crime of this kind
which is never reported to the police. It is of course impossible to
estimate this at all accurately, but every police officer who served in
Madura and Tirunelveli tells the same story, that we actually

43

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1893, p.13.

46
register but a small portion of the crime against property which
occurs.44
F.Fawcett, Superintendent of Police, Malabar in his report to the Inspector
General of Police went one step further and commented that:
Black-mail and Tuppukuli are in no way repressed by the law
because they are stronger than the law.

The law has had

practically no effect on them, and so long as the law is not more

forcible than it is, it will not affect them, for we have seen that they
are not the things of modern growth, but genuine expression of
racial feelings and therefore of an intensity not easily put aside.
Cattle are being stolen from the road, from the yard, from the pen,
from the house. The large cattle fair, which is a feature of the great
yearly festival in Madurai town, is invariably the scene of many
thefts, although it is difficult to imagine circumstances under which
cattle-stealing would be more nearly possible.
Then comes in tuppukuli, clue hire. In this way cattle are lost. It
is known, of course, that they have been stolen. Presently a kallar
gives information, he has a clue; he does not know where the
animals are, or who stole them, but he thinks that if so much is paid
perhaps he can manage to find out the thieves, bring them to
justice and get restoration of animals. The money is paid, it is not
44

M.Hammick, Inspector-General of Police to the Chief Secretary to Government, Ootacamund

24 April 1896, G.O. No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897.

47
long before the beasts are found grazing quietly in an adjoining field
and then the affair may be explained as an unfortunate mistake.45
With the establishment of British rule in 1802, stringent anti-kaval
measures were undertaken by the colonial state in stages to annihilate the Kaval
system. Desa Kaval and Kudi Kaval systems were abolished in 1802 and 1816
respectively. In their place, new police establishments were introduced. The
land grants enjoyed by the Kavalkarars were also confiscated by the colonial
government in the name new revenue polices. Consequently, a major section of
the Kavalkarars were rendered jobless. In proportion to the anti-kaval measures
of the colonial state, the crimes committed by the Kavalkarars also increased and
among such crimes, the most frequent and greater in number was Thuppu Cooli.

Regional Variations
In the nomenclature of Kaval system and the Kavalkarars, there were
many regional variations, though there was considerable uniformity in the
purpose and way of functioning of the system. The officers of the Kaval system
of police were distinguished by different appellations each signifying the rank or
duty of the persons on whom it is confirmed.

Arasoo Kaval (Royal Kaval)

In the princely states of Ramnad, Pudukkottai and Thanjavur the kings
themselves were the Kaval chiefs and their office was named as Arasoo

45

F.Fawcett to M.Hammick, G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.32.

48
Kavalagam. The same was the case with the Palayakarars of Ariyalur, Thuraiyur
and Udaiyarpalayam who were directly incharge of the Kaval system. Hence in
this region the Kaval system was named as Arasoo Kaval (Royal Kaval).46 While
the kings and the Palayakarars occupied the top position in the administrative
hierarchy of the Kaval system, there were others in the descending order like
Men Kavalkarars (Superior Kavalkarars), Kudi Kavalkarars, Visarippukarars and
Koolapandis or Talaiyaris at the lowest level.47

Men Kavalkarars
Men Kavalkarars was a popular term in Thanjavur and Tiruchirapalli
districts signifies the head or chief Kavalkarars corresponding to the Palayakarar
and non-Palayakarar Desa kaval chiefs of Tirunelveli district.

The Men

Kavalkarars of the Melur region of Madurai particularly of the Kallar community

were known as Ambalakarars.48
The ordinary Kudi Kavalkarars of Thanjavur region had some men under
their supervision to share their work. They were called Visarippukarans (person
incharge of investigation) and Koolapandi or Thalaiyaris. We dont come across
such offices related to Kaval system in Madurai and Tirunelveli region. But there
were village level servants known in the name of Thalaiyaris in Tirunelveli region
too. The Kudi Kavalkarars of the northern districts were known by a different

46

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.2A, pp.710-714.

47

Ibid.

48

Stuart H.Blackburn, The Kallars: A Tamil Criminal Tribe Reconsidered, p.47.

49
name altogether as Tookeris in Chengalpat and Chennai region.49 The same
person was called as Kattubadi in South Arcot region.50
In the Thanjavur region the Kaval system was much more concerned with
cattle theft than crops and other properties.51 This is not surprising considering
that it was the most important rice-producing wet zone of Tamilnadu: having farm
operations throughout the year. In such a situation the need of cattle both for
natural fertilizer and farm work was always felt. Moreover Kavalkarars who had
Kaval jurisdiction over coastal villages and ports also collected, apart from their
usual fee, Magumai i.e. import and export tax on goods.52
Kaval Deeds

While assuming the responsibility of Kavalship of a particular village or

villages oral agreements were made between the village elders and the
Kavalkarars. In some cases agreements were executed by the villagers and the
Kavalkarars specifying the names of the elders of the village and the
Kavalkarars, names of the villages to be covered under the Kaval and the fee to
be paid in detail. These kind of deeds were known as Muri.53 N.M.Venkatasamy
Nattar, distinguished Tamil scholar and author of a history of the Kallar caste
provides one such Muri that reads as follows:

49

Ibid., pp.749-750.

50

B.S.Baliga, Madras District Gazetteers, South Arcot, Govt. of Madras, Madras, 1962, p.378.

51

F.R.Hemingway, Madras District Gazetteers Thanjavur, Vol.1, No.1, Govt. of Madras, 1966,
p.206.

52

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.No.58, Serial No.7411,

pp.307-311.

53

Venkatasamy Nattar, Kallar Charitram (in Tamil), Jekam & Co, Thiruchirapalli, 1928, p.125.

50
We Lakshmana Reddiyar, Nallappa Reddiyar, Kalathi
Reddiyar, Erama Reddiyar, Poosari [Priest], Chinnathambi Udaiyar,
Kalitheertha

Udaiyar

and

Rettai

Patchai

Udaiyar

of

Thuraimangalam village and Kondaiah, Narasaiah, Lingaiah,

Mannakkon, Maravakon and Perumsinga Kon of Akaram have
executed a Men Kaval agreement [Muri] with Karutha Kankeyar
and Velayutha Cholagar of Erimangalam Nadu on 7th of month Thai
of Akshaya Varusam [Jan.21, 1806]. We accept to pay a fee of ten
Madurai gold coins every year; five to Karutha Kankeyar and
another five to Velayutha Cholaganar, witness Nallappa Reddiyar
of Thiruvachi, Nallappa Reddiyar of Perumayilur and Renganatha
Pillai the accountant.54
Even after the establishment of Companys rule, such agreements (Muri)
continued to be in vogue. The following is such an agreement executed by a
Kavalkarar by name Narasa Udaiyan.55
Whereas the Circar having fixed certain allowances to be granted
for my maintenance, I engage that I will be careful and use my
endeavours to prevent thefts in the villages within the limits of my kaval
and that I will assist the Darogahs of police subject to the authority of the
judge, whenever called by them on account of Circar business should a
54

Ibid., p.126.

55

Translation of an agreement executed by Narasa Udaiyan of Gramam a village in the district

of Thiruvennainallur on 2 November 1807, Judicial Consultations (Sundries), Vol.58, pp.672,
673.

51
robbery or theft be committed within the bound of my kaval.

I will

endeavour to detect and apprehend the thieves and deliver them over
the charge of the Darogah with the property stolen. But in case where I
fail to apprehend the persons who have committed robberies within the
limits of my kaval, I shall become culpable and the liable to any
punishment which the circar may inflict upon me. I have executed this
on my own consent.
Signed / Narasa Wodaiyan
Witness
Signed : Namasivayam
Toppy Padaiyachi
Yet another feature of the Kaval system was that it was not necessary on
the part of the Kavalkarar to be Kavalkarar of his own village. He could be a
Kavalkarar of a village at some distance from his own village. If the village was
faraway it was not uncommon to send one of his male family members to stay in
that village to look after the Kaval works and to collect the Kaval dues.

Caste and the Kaval System

It is interesting to note that the Kaval system in Tamilnadu was dominated
by some traditionally martial castes such as the Maravars, Naicker, Kallars,
Agambadiyars, Padyachis and Udaiyars, although the participation of other
communities was also not unusual.

A major section of the above said

communities were either serving in the army of local rulers or Poligors as soldiers
or were functioning as Kavalkarars.

52
In Tirunelveli and Ramnad regions it was the Maravar community
particularly the Kondayamkottai branch which dominated the scene.56

In

Ukkirankottai and Thenkasi regions, in the Nadar dominant villages usually

Nadars were the Kavalkarars.

In very few villages around Sankarankovil,

Parayars looked after Kaval works.

Parayars.

Even today they are known as Kaval

In Sankarankovil, there is one Parayar family popularly known as

Kaval Paraiyar Kudumbam. In recognition of one of the ancestors of this family

who was a Kavalkarar a stone image has been erected inside the Siva temple at
Sankarankovil.

In the villages in and around Naicker Palayams usually

Kambalathu Naickers were the Kavalkarars.57

The Kavalkarars of Madurai, Thanjavur, Pudukkottai and Tiruchirapalli
regions were predominantly from Kallar community of different subsects followed
by Padaiyachis, Agambadiyars and Naickers in some pockets.
In Virudachalam, Vilupuram and Chidambaram regions, the Kavalkarars
were mostly drawn from the Udaiyar and Padayachi communities. In Salem and
Karur region, while the Kaval over agricultural fields were looked after by the
Kallars, the Kuravars were incharge of protecting the cattle.58 In Coimbatore,
Konars, Valaiyars and Kuravars were the prominent communities in the Kaval
system.59

56

David Ludden, Peasant History in South India, p.128.

57

Interview with C.Chandravanan, Curator, Government Museum, Kuttralam, State Department

of Archaeology, Government of Tamilnadu, 20 November 2004.

58

The History of The Madras Police, Centenary Volume (1859-1959), Govt. of Tamilnadu,
Chennai, p.215.

59

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report) Vol.5A, pp.525-526.

53
In Madurai region, it was the Kallar community which dominated the Kaval
system as Men and Kudi Kavalkarars. However in the western and north west
regions of Madurai district, there were some Kavalkarars belonged to Valaiyar
and Kuravar communities.

The Kallar community of Madurai region may in

general be divided into two categories.60 1) Keelnattu Kallar or Esanattu Kallar or

Melur Kallar inhabiting in the territories lying east of Madurai concentrating more
in the Melur region.

2) Melnattu Kallar otherwise known as Piramalai Kallar

whose core region was Tirumangalam taluk of Madurai district. From their core
region the Piramalai Kallar extended their Kaval sway over a vast region
touching, the borders of Coimbatore and Salem districts. Another feature of the
Kallar Kaval was that they even extended their Kaval sway over urban centres
like Madurai and Thiruchirapalli.61
The common feature encompassing all the regions was that everywhere
the offices of the Men Kavalkarar and the Kudi Kavalkarar was hereditary.
Another common factor was that the offices like Arasoo Kavalkarar, Men
Kavalkarar and Desa Kavalkarar were invariably held solely by the people of
locally dominant communities such as Maravars, Kallars, Naickers, Udaiyars and
Padayachis while the office of subordinate Kavalkarars like Kudi Kavalkarars,

60

P.Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru (Tamil), Kakaveeran Publication,

Karumathur, 1976, pp.91-94.

61

Madurai District Records, Vol.1176, p.220.

54
Visarippukaran, Koolapandi and Tookeri were held by persons belonging to the
dominant as well as subordinate communities such as Kuravars and Paraiyars.62
For the functionaries of the Kaval system whether Men Kavalkarars or
Kudi Kavalkarars their office was simply more than an avenue of income. It was
a source of power, a symbol of social status, prestige and privilege. Kavalship
was considered by them as a traditional right and they zealously protected this
right at any cost. Any challenge or encroachment whether from inside or out was
vehemently opposed. This often resulted in murder and arson.
On one occasion there was a dispute among the Maravars of
Tirukkurungudi, Elavankulam and Manad over the Kaval right on Valliyur (all in
Tirunelveli district). When Sivarama Thalaivar was the leader of the Maravars of
Tirukkurungudi and Elavankulam, the Manad faction was led by Veerakutti and
Kathakutti. The Manad Maravars deputed some of their men to collect Kaval fee
from the inhabitants of Valliyur. The Maravars of Elavankulam considered it as
an open challenge.

Consequently those deputies of Manad Maravars were

captured and beheaded. Then their heads were tied to the neck of some dogs
62

Though Kaval rights were held by many communities, it is the Maravars and the Kallars who
are prominently identified with Kaval system. The first reason was their numerical
preponderance. In the southern districts of Thiruchirapalli, Madurai, Ramnad and Tirunelveli
a majority of the Kavalkarars were from these castes. Numerical supremacy itself was a
reason for their illegal imposition of Kaval and other forms of oppression. Another reason
was that the other communities associated with Kaval rights, partly due to their inability to
cope with the anti-kaval measures undertaken by the Company and partly due to their ability
to accommodate themselves with the changing socio-economic trends, changed their
occupation. On the other hand, the Maravars and the Kallars were largely unable to change
their occupation, started to prey upon the people who were supposed to be under their Kaval.
When the oppression of the Maravar and Kallar Kavalkarars became unbearable the
common people started retaliating by organizing anti-kaval movements in Madurai and
Tirunelveli districts. (See Chapter V). Moreover most of the criminals notified and registered
under CTA were from these two communities. An element of fear and acrimony was always
there in the heart of other communities over the Maravars and Kallars.

55
and the dogs themselves were paraded in the villages where from victims
hailed.63
As guardians of the people and their belongings these Kavalkarars
enjoyed some special privileges apart from the customary Kaval fee. During the
temple festivals in the villages the right to ritually sacrifice the goats and
consequently appropriating its head rested with the village Kavalkarars.64
During festival seasons like Tamil New Year Day, Pongal and particularly
the festival in the Tamil month of Aadi the inhabitants are expected to provide the
Kavalkarars with certain things than what was usual and routine.65

The

shepherds were expected to supply some goats beside milk and ghee in specific
quantities. The same was the case with oil millers, weavers, jaggery makers and
others. Moreover the Kavalkarars received temple honours too.
In an agrarian society where the will of the state did not extend to the
farthest reaches, these powers and privileges were often misused by the
Kavalkarars and their family members. While reporting about the demerits of the
Kaval system invariably all the British officials pointed out the misuse of power by
the family members and relatives of the Kavalkarars.66
On one occasion an old man of the Kavalkarar family of Nambi
Thalaivanpattayam of Tirunelveli district, accompanied by a petty Kavalkarar met
63

Sivarama Thalaivar Kummi (unpublished).

64

H.R.Pate, Tirunelveli District Gazetteer, Madras, 1917, p.117.

65

Madurai District Records, Vol.1176, pp.232-233.

66

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.58, pp.335-336.

56
a Konar (shepherd) on their way. The old man asked the Konar to bring a lamb
to his house for a feast to the guests. Realising that he could not demand any
money, the Konar hesitated for a moment and answered politely that he had no
lamb with grown up member [Pudukku Molaikala] and parted away after taking
permission. (The growth of the member is a sign to decide whether the animal is
mature enough for slaughter or not).

The petty Kavalkarar immediately

understood that the shepherd was lying. That night he paid a visit to the Konars
cattle yard and in the next morning he came to the Kaval chiefs house carrying a
handful of dismembered penis. Within an hour the Konar came weeping to the
house of the Kaval chief and reported the matter.67
On another occasion, a girl closely related to Kaval chiefs family got
married and the couples were staying in the house of the bride for few days.
One evening when the bridegroom was about to go out, the bride asked him
what she shall prepare to him for the supper. The answer came in a sarcastic
tone. What you are going to prepare? Are you going to prepare a meal with
mutton? The bridegroom left the house, after asking this question. Hearing the
conversation from the next room the brides father took the matter very seriously.
Within a short time the matter was passed to a local Kavalkarar who in a short
time came with a lamb (of somebody else).68
The power and influence enjoyed by the Kaval chiefs were shared by the
women members of their families too. It was an usual practice during those days
67

Interview with S.Kadhirvel, Tirukkurungudi on 6 November 2003.

68

Interview with S.Navaneetha Krishna Pandian, Tirukkurungudi on 7 November 2003.

57
that the owners of the toddy shops were expected to supply specific quantities of
toddy to the petty Kavalkarars free of cost. The quantity to be supplied was
decided over by the elderly women member of the Kaval chiefs family. By using
her right thumb nail she would make some marks on the betel leaves signifying
the quantity of toddy to be supplied and these leaves were distributed among the
petty Kavalkarars. This practice of making nail marks over betel leaves was
known as killakku.69
If the Kaval chief planned for a pilgrimage with his family members and
relatives it was the responsibility of the people of the villages under his Kaval
control on the way to feed them.70
As can be expected, the relations between the Kavalkarars and the
inhabitants they were meant to protect were not always marked by cordiality. On
occasions Kaval was imposed on the inhabitants. If there were any resistance
on the part of the inhabitants such attempts were crushed by the Kavalkarars by
means of violence resulting often in murder and arson.
There were instances in which the Kavalkarars who were unable to track
down the culprits who had committed robbery in their Kaval villages, themselves
indulged in robbery and dacoity in order to compensate the loss as agreed upon
earlier. These kind of thefts were committed in connivance with the Kavalkarars
of the neighbouring villages or professional robber gangs. A Kavalkarar could be
a sincere Kavalkarar in his own Kaval village and at the same time be an active
69

Interview with Mr.Pandian Pillai of Tirukkurungudi on 7 November 2003.

70

Interview with S.Kadhirvel, Tirukkurungudi, 6 November 2003.

58
thief in the villages of other Kavalkarars. Regarding this factor the observation
made by Cochrene, Collector of Tirunelveli is worth mentioning here.
I have already stated that the Cawelgars are bound to make
good all losses by thefts, which obligation, I am induced to
recommend, should be done away with for in order to answer these
demands, they obliged to have recourse to robbery and theft and
as they connive at the robberies each other.

Thus one theft

generally produces another and a regular system of robbery of the

most dangerous tendency is carried on.71
Likewise it was not that easy for the inhabitants to change their
Kavalkarars who proved inefficient. Any attempt on the part of the people to
change their Kavalkarars resulted in armed clashes between the former and
newly nominated Kavalkarars and consequent loss of property for the
inhabitants. So there was every possibility for the Kaval system to become a
mechanism of oppression extortion and exploitation.

Inspite of all these

drawbacks Kaval system as a whole proved to be an institution guaranteeing

peace and security to the people at large.
Before the establishment of British political supremacy over Tamilnadu
and the creation of its own police machinery, the Kaval system, the native system
of police administration, a powerful machinery was functioning throughout
Tamilnadu, guaranteeing protection to the people and their belongings.72 The
Kavalkarars and the Kaval system was an inevitable integral part of the society
whether urban or rural.
71

Cochrene to the Police Committee, 7 November 1805, Tirunelveli District Records, Vol
No.3600, p.185.

72

This is evident from the reports sent by Collectors of Southern districts of Madras Presidency
to the Police Committee at Madras from 1802-1809; C.D.Maclean, Manual of the
Administration of the Madras Presidency, Vol.I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1885,
p.187.

59
It was true that in the Palayakarar area the Kavalkarars were controlled by
the respective Palayakarars and in the non-Palayakarar tracts they were directly
under the supervision of the Circar (Nayaks of Madurai or Nawab of Arcot).
When the Circar and the Palayakarars became weak these Kaval chiefs became
rather powerful and asserted independence. Unlimited power always leads to
misuse of power. Next to the kings and Palayakarars these Kaval chiefs proved
to be the power bases at the tertiary level. The warrior qualities, daring nature,
skill in tracing the criminals and long association with weapons earned them
great respect and fear among the common men.

However there were

Kavalkarars of honest nature who carried on their work more promptly and never
been a hindrance to the people who were under their protection.
Thus in the social structure of pre-colonial Tamilnadu the Kaval chiefs had
occupied a prominent and pivotal place. He was the protector, he was the police
and he was the judicial oracle. He protected the properties of the temples, for
which he was paid by the temple. By donating that amount to the same temple
for the performance of a particular pooja he became a patron of the temple and
in turn he received the temple honours during annual festivals. In consequence
of these factors his status in the society and the power he enjoyed got reinforced
and legitimized.

CHAPTER III

CONFRONTATION WITH THE

BRITISH EAST INDIA COMPANY
The Carnatic Wars (1746-48, 1749-54, 1758-63) paved the way for the
British to have a strong foothold in the politics of Tamilnadu. As an ally of the
Nawabs of Arcot, the British East India Company waged a series of wars against
the kingdoms of Madurai, Ramanathapuram, Sivagangai and Thanjavur, and
against the Palayakarars and ultimately reduced them to submission.

While

subjugating the powers who were unwilling to accept the overlordship of the
Nawab, the Company was very keen on its own gains. In the meantime the
Company had fought four important wars against Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan of
Mysore. During the course of the wars, and after the death of Tipu Sultan in the
fourth Anglo-Mysore war (1799) a major portion of his territories was taken over
by the Company. While assisting the Nawab, the Company had engineered its
own design of becoming master of Carnatic. Though the Nawab was well aware
of these designs, he could not check the growing power and influence of the
Company.

Unable to withstand the pressure exerted by the Company, the

Nawab surrendered his possessions one after another by signing a series of

treaties with the Company. After the suppression of the uprising of 1800-1801,
on 31st July 1801 a fresh treaty was concluded between the Company and the

61
Nawab by which the Nawab had surrendered all his territories to the Company
and became a pensioner. The British East India Company became the virtual
master of Tamilnadu.1
By the end of 1801 the process of the transformation of the British East
India Company, a commercial organization basically, into a political power came
to a successful completion in Tamilnadu. This rendered the transfer of power
inevitable. With the acquisition of Kongunadu from Mysore, Thanjavur from the
Marathas, Madurai from Khan Shahib and the Carnatic from the Wallajah
Nawabs the Company gained possession of the entire Tamil country.2
Right from the beginning the relation between the Company and the
Kavalkarars was marked by confrontations and conflicts. The policies adopted
by the Company against the Kavalkarars of Tamilnadu were considerably
influenced by the bitter experiences it had with them during its operations against
the revolting Palayakarars. The Kavalkarars as a local base of political power
had made common cause with the Palayakarars during their struggle against the
Company in 1800-1801 and even earlier.

Consequently the Company

considered the Kaval system as a threat and convinced that it should be

annihilated soon.
Towards the last quarter of the 18th century when the Company was
collecting taxes from the Palayakarars on behalf of the Nawab of Arcot it faced
stiff resistance not only from the Palayakarars but from the Kaval chiefs too.
1

Lord Edward Clive in Council, 1 October 1801, Letter, S.D to England, Vol.2, p.116.

Ibid.,

62

Company and the Kavalkarars: Early Experiences

According to the treaty concluded between the Company and the Nawab
on 2nd December 1781 the Nawab had accepted for the transfer of the revenue
of Carnatic to the Company for a period of five years.3 Collecting revenue from
the subordinate powers was not that smooth. But it was in Tirunelveli that the
Company witnessed stiff resistance especially from the Maravar Kaval chiefs of
Nanguneri and Kalakad regions.

Sivarama Thalaivar
In the Tirunelveli region Jackson, a British military officer was entrusted
with the work of subduing the rebel chiefs. Among the Maravar chiefs the most
important was Sivarama Thalaivar, the Kaval chief of Tirukkurungudi in the
Kalakad region.4 Probably he was the first among the Kaval chiefs to resist the
British attempts to usurp their power. He was powerful enough to have his own
fort and armed men and appointed one Sudalaimuthu Pillai of Panagudi to collect
taxes.5 Declaring himself as the Circar he plundered the Nawabs treasury and
granary and fought with the Nawab and British forces.
The Company from its base at Palayamkottai dispatched a British force
under Jackson against Sivarama Thalaivar. His fort at Thirumalapuram situated

C.Atchinson, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, Government Press,

Calcutta, Vol.5, p.181.

In Tamil the word Thalaivar means Chief, head man and leader.

Sivarama Thalaivar Kummi (Unpublished).

63
at Dalavaipuram near Thirukkurungudi was attacked by cannons and destroyed.
Regarding this Bishop Caldwell has stated that,
In 1782 a poligor named Sivarama thalaivar had erected a fort near
Thirukurungudi and was plundering the neighbourhood.

The

commandant sent a detachment which took the fort and destroyed

it.

Sivaramathalaivar is the hereditary name of the head of a

powerful Marava family in that place.6

During this attack among those who were killed on the side of Sivarama
Thalaivar there was one soldier by name Sudalaimuthu. His family members
built a small temple at Tirukkurungudi in memory of the deceased soldiers. Even
today his descendants from the neighbouring villages are performing poojas
once in a year.7
When the fort at Thirumalapuram was destroyed by the British forces,
Sivarama Thalaivar constructed another fort at Kombai a place situated in the
western ghats adjoining Tirukurungudi and continued to plunder the Circar
granaries. Though some more attempts were made by the Company it could not
suppress Sivarama Thalaivar completely. After few years there was a dispute
between the Maravars of Manad and the Maravars of Elavankulam over the
collection of Kaval fee from the inhabitants of Valliyur, in which Sivarama
Thalaivar took side with Elavankulam Maravars. Towards the end Veerakutti and
6

Bishop R.Caldwell, A History of Tinnevelly, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1881,
p.144.

Sivarama Thalaivar Kummi (Unpublished).

64
Kathakutti the leaders of the Maravars of Manad bribed the bodyguard of
Sivarama Thalaivar and treacherously killed him.8

Periya Waghaboo
Periya Waghaboo Muthukumarasamy Nainar, popularly known as Periya
Waghaboo, was a Kaval chief of Sirkali in Mayavaram, Subha of Thanjavur
district. Along with another Kaval chief known as Chinna Waghaboo (who might
have been his brother or a close relative) he had joint Kaval control over sixty
eight villages in Sirkali region. The annual gross receipt as Kaval dues collected
by him was 1024 chuli chakrams 9 fanams and 67 casues.9
The first name Periya Waghaboo is a Muslim name but the second name
Muthukumarsamy Nainar is a Hindu name causing confusion. Further in the
British records he is described as a close relative of one Thondaimanpadayatchi,
a Kavalkarar of Kumbakonam. Thondaimanpadayatchi is also a Hindu name.
However in the same material his sons name is recorded as Subbaraya Ravutta
Muhaideen a mixture of both Hindu and Muslim names. In all probability we may
assume that Periya Waghaboo might have been a convert to Islam or this may
be an instance of fluid identity.10
As per the treaty signed by the Maratha king of Thanjavur with the British
East India Company in 1796 two subhas of the kingdom, Kumbakonam and
8

Ibid.

Statement showing the number of cavilgars and poligors in the district of Chidambaram with
the former and present revenue, Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report),
Vol.5B, p.7533; Vide Appendix I.

10

Benjamin Torin, Resident, Thanjavur to F.A.Grant, Collector, Mayavaram, 3 October 1799,

Judicial Consultations, Vol.6A, pp.570-571.

65
Mayavaram respectively, were brought under the temporary management of the
Company.11 Sirkali was a sub divisional administrative unit of Mayavaram subha.
Consequently, the Kaval chiefs of these two subhas were expected to obey the
orders of the Company and to surrender their Kaval rights, and they were
deprived of their traditional right to collect Kaval dues.
However the development was contrary to the expectations of the
Company. Periya Waghaboo the Kaval chief of Sirkali openly challenged the
authority of the Company and started revolting against the Company. For the
Kavalkarars their office was not only an avenue of income. The Kavalship was a
source of power, a symbol of social status, prestige and privilege. Kavalship was
considered by them as their traditional right, and surrendering it to an alien power
was unacceptable to them and they were ready to protect this right at any cost.
Periya Waghaboo was no exception.
After establishing its power over the Mayavaram region the Companys
administration started replacing the native system of administration with that of
their own.

Consequently the inhabitants were motivated not to pay the

customary Kaval dues to their Kavalkarars. Hence the people stopped paying
Kaval fee to Periya Waghaboo. Deprived of his traditional power, social status
and prestige coupled with the closure of all the avenues of income Periya
Waghaboo began to involve himself in extortion from the people who were
nominally, under his Kavalship. To maintain himself and his army he was in

11

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Serial No.7410, pp.64-69.

66
need of money which he collected from the people through the means of force.12
In a petition written by the affected inhabitants to Francis Alexander Grant, the
then Collector of Mayavaram the following interesting observation was made
which indicates under what circumstances Periya Waghaboo turned be a rebel.
Periya Waghaboo having assembled an armed force, he
from the year 1797 to this period has seized and imprisoned the
inhabitants and their people in the villages, plundered houses,
carried away seed grains. In the course of these three years the
property which he has plundered from us amounted to 10,000
chuckrams and our losses in paddy amounts also 10,000
chuckrams making together 20,000 chuckrams He has burnt and
pulled down many houses

In our district there are two

cavilcarrahs one called Periya Waghaboo, the other Chinna

Waghaboo and each of them has separately his free gift lands,
Varesaypattoo, Pannay bramum and watching villages, and in the
enjoyment

of

these

privileges

they

conducted

themselves

agreeable to established custom and to the satisfaction of the

inhabitants until Ratchasa warcham after which Periya Waghaboo
became refractor and he acted contrary to the usual custom.13

12

Petition submitted by the inhabitants of Sirkali district to Francis Alexander, 1 September

1799, Judicial Consultations, Vol.6A, pp.547-548, Vide Appendix II.

13

Ibid., Vide Appendix II.

67
The above description is self explanatory and it is clearly stated that
Periya Waghaboo conducted himself agreeable to the people until Ratchasa
Warcham [Tamil year corresponding to 1797] i.e., one year before the take over
of administration by the Company.
The British East India Company was much worried about the rebellious
nature of Periya Waghaboo and the frequent raids he was repeatedly conducting
in the countryside because, it affected their revenue collection and prevented the
farmers from cultivating their lands.14

Consequently the Company took a

decision of suppressing him by destroying his fort at Woothengudi.

Before the actual commencement of military operation against Periya
Waghaboo elaborate arrangement were made by the Company, detachments of
British military were ordered to move towards Sirkali and Mayavaram and
intelligence were gathered about his movement. When they received information
that Periya Waghaboo was at his fort at Woothengudi a strong detachment was
dispatched under the command of one Roopsing which surrounded the fort on
29th September 1799. In the battle that ensued four soldiers of the Company,
including Muhamad Sahib, the Subedar were killed, and fourteen others were
wounded. Among those killed the bodies of three soldiers were collected by
Waghaboos men and buried inside the fort.15

14

Col.A.Brown to Captain Smith, commanding a detachment to Mayavaram, dated 3 October

1797, Judicial consultations, Vol.6A, pp.578-581.

15

Subedar Roopsingh to F.A.Grant, Collector of Thanjavur, dated 29 September 1799, Judicial

Consultations, Vol.6A, pp.555-559.

68
The defeat of the Companys army in the hands of a Kaval chief was a
humiliation that greatly hurt the prestige of the Company. So the Company had
to put much effort to track down the rebel Kaval chief. The British army stationed
at various centers were pressed in this job. The Governor in Council at Madras
was appraised of each and every move. A great hunt followed.
In tracking down Periya Waghaboo the Company sought the co-operation
of the king of Thanjavur.16

Apart from that, the Company enlisted the co-

operation of Chinna Waghaboo too in their operation against Periya Waghaboo.17

Administrative offices and treasury buildings were provided with additional
guards because the British thought that they may be attacked any time and
plundered by Periya Waghaboo.
However all these efforts proved futile because Periya Waghaboo vacated
his fort at Woothengudi after his battle with the British detachment on 29th
September 1799 and retreated to the jungle. Inspite of its elaborate arrangement
and extensive spy network the British army could not even locate his
whereabouts. But they were successful in destroying his fort at Woothengudi
after he vacated it. About 150 people were employed for many days to demolish
the fort.18

Lieutinent A. Fraser commanding detachment, 2nd Battalian, 13th

16

Torin, Resident, Thanjavur to the Collector, 3 October 1799, Judicial consultations, Vol.6A,
pp.570-571.

17

Ibid.

18

Ibid.

69
Regiment who led the demolition team was very much surprised the way in which
the fort was cunningly constructed.19
Periya Waghaboo continued to disturb Companys administration with his
armed men even after the evacuation and destruction of the fort. With the help
rendered by his fellow Kavalkarars such as Muthaiah Moopen, the Kavalkarar of
Pavanasam, Thondaiman Padaiyatchi the Kavalkarar of Kumbakonam and
Aundiappa Udayar, the Kavalkarars of Caddalangudi he escaped the hunt and
continued his resistance.20
The Companys administration could not gather any reliable information
regarding the whereabouts of Periya Waghaboo. This might have been partly
because of the respect he commanded over the inhabitants and partly due to the
fear of the inhabitants regarding the impending repercussion. In order to extract
information from Muthaiah Moopan, the Kavalkarar of Pavanasam and a close
associate of Periya Waghaboo, Captain Smith commanding a detachment at
Sirkali decided to take him under his custody. But a stern warning came from
Benjamin Torin, the Resident at Thanjavur saying that Moopan is an influential
man in the society. Any attempt to apply violence to extract truth from him would
create problem which will endanger collections.21

19

Ibid.

20

Judicial Consultations, Vol.6B, pp.618-620.

21

Benjamin Torin to Captain Smith, 27 October 1799, Judicial consultations, Vol.6B, pp.648651.

70
Regarding the inability of the Company in tracking down Periya Waghaboo
the Collector of Thanjavur lamented the power enjoyed by the Kavalkarars in his
letter to Captain Smith in the following words.
I feel disappointed at the prospect of being unable to make an
example of this offender, and though fully sensible of the eventual
inconvenience which the public service may liable to form his
escape. Yet being well apprized of the many difficulties you have
had to contend within a country completely under dominions of the
cavilcarrah and whose utmost influence will no doubt had exercised
to defeat an object wherein their common interest is so materially
concerned22
The above said assessment of the British officials about the Kavalkarars
indicates the respect and fear commanded by the Kavalkarars among the
inhabitants.
The struggle between the Company and Periya Waghaboo continued for a
few more years. In the meantime the Company, in consequence of its treaty with
the king of Thanjavur on 25th October 1799, brought the entire Kingdom under its
direct rule.23 The king was pensioned off. With the annexation of the kingdom of
Thanjavur the Company continued its hunt for Periya Waghaboo with renewed
vigor. Towards the final stage of the prolonged struggle the Company finally
22

Francis Alexander Grant, Collector of Thanjavur to Captain Smith, Judicial Consultations,

Vol.6B, pp.651-657.

23

Madras Council, Military Consultations, 26 October 1799, Vol.No.269, pp.6736-6796.

71
gained an upper hand over Periya Waghaboo. In the military point of view it was
the Company which was more powerful. It was resourceful enough to press as
many soldiers as needed. From the monetary point of view Periya Waghaboo
was not a match to the Company.

The Company had everything under its

command.
On the other hand the position of Periya Waghaboo became weak and he
started loosing ground. Encircled by the enemy forces on all sides he could not
mobilize funds necessary for maintaining his army and for replenishing arms and
ammunitions. When he was unable to pay his soldiers many of them deserted
and retired to their villages. Moreover the continuous travel as a result of the
relentless chase by the Companys army coupled with abnormal life condition in
the jungles shattered his health and spirit.
As a last resort the Company fixed one thousand chakrams of price
money on Periya Waghaboos head which yielded the expected result.
I.Wallace, Collector of Tiruchirapalli district, having informed of the presence of
Periya Waghaboo in the woods of Udaiyarpalayam region ordered his Thasildar
to arrest him. On the night of 28th September 1803 he was apprehended in a
small village named Kottaikadu situated in the woods of Udaiyarpalayam. When
he was arrested there was nobody to guard him and he did not offer any
resistance. Thus the prolonged struggle came to an end.24 The prize money as
announced earlier was distributed to eight soldiers of the Company viz.
24

I.Wallace, Collector of Trichirapally District to Charles Harris, Collector of Thanjavur, 2

October 1802, Judicial Consultations, Vol.No.6B pp.660-663; Trichirapally District Records,
Vol.3662, pp.176, 177.

72
Lakshmana Singh, Bhavani Singh, Muhamad Selar, Rengapa Naick, Arunachala
Naick, Alagiri Naick, Roop Singh and Kulla Appoo, who were instrumental in
apprehending Periya Waghaboo.25
A few days after his arrest, on 2nd October 1803 Periya Waghaboo
submitted the following explanation when he was called for26
My name is Periya Waghaboo. I was the cavilgar of the Shially
district in Mr.Grants time. It is true that I shot at the sepoys that
came against me.
sepoys.

I did not know them to be the Companys

I thought they were attached to Chinnawaggupoo my

enemy. On the next day when I found them to be the companys

sepoys through fear I ran away.
(signed) Periya Waggupoo
The explanation is highly evasive. Following this Periya Waghaboo was
kept in confinement for nearly two years and later on transported to the island of
Penang for a period of seven years on the charges of rebellion and crimes
committed against the government.27

Thus Periya Waghaboos resistance,

which commenced in 1796 came to an end after nearly a decade.

25

I.Cotton, Collector of Thanjavur to the Secretary to the Government, Judicial Department,

Fort St.George, 28 August 1804, Judicial Consultations, Vol.7, pp.1068-1071.

26

Judicial Consultations, Vol.6B, pp.660-663.

27

Resolution passed on the basis of the communication sent by T.B.Hurdis, The Registrar,
Thanjavur on April 9, 1805 to the Chief Secretary, Judicial Proceedings, Vol.No.10, pp.225226.

73

Maravars of Tirunelveli
Another striking example of the Kavaklarars resistance to the British East
India Company was the resistance posed by the Maravar Kavalkarars of
Nanguneri and Kalakad regions of Tirunelveli district.

These Maravar

Kavalkarars belonged to the Kondayamkottai branch of the Maravar community

which formed the majority Maravar population of the Tirunelveli region. Oral
history has it they were originally form Ramand and they migrated to the
Tirunelvel region during 15th century in different batches.

These Maravar

Kavalkarars were highly independent and behaved like independent rulers in

their region may be owing to the fact of the absence of any Palayakarars nearby.
The Maravars of Nanguneri were popularly known as Arupangunadu
Maravars.

Arupangunadu comprised of six villages.

The Maravars of these

villages were in charge of Kaval of the neighbouring villages. In all these six
villages there were Kudi Kavalkarars functioning under Men Kavalkarars. In turn,
all of them were controlled by their Desa Kaval chief hailing from Marugalkuruchi.
In the Kalakad region the Kaval was controlled by the Desa Kaval chief of
Thirukkurungudi.

While the Nanguneri Maravars had Kaval rights over the

Vaisnavite temple at Nanguneri, the Maravar Kaval chief of Thirukkurungudi

enjoyed Kaval rights over the vaisnavite temple at Tirukkurungudi.28
The power and influence enjoyed by the Maravar Kavalkarars of
Nanguneri and Kalakad was well observed by Nicholas B.Dirks in his Hollow
Crown as stated below:
28

David Ludden, Peasant History in South India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1993,
p.50.

74
Below the regional kings of three great mantalams - ranged from
Ramanathapuram and Pudukottai on the one hand to the tiny
estates of certain Tirunelveli Palayakaras on the other. At an even
lower level, the developmental process of becoming a little kingdom
probably include certain kavalkarars (Protection chiefs) as well for
example the Maravar Kavalkarars of Kalakkatu and Nankuneri
regions of Tirunelveli.29
After the defeat of Panchalamkuruchi in 1801 some of the close relatives
and associates of Oomaidurai namely Dalawaipillai, Veera Pandia Nayak and
Muthaiah Nayak escaped from Panchalankuruchi and found asylum with the
Maravar Kavalkarars of Nanguneri and Kalakad regions.30 Notifications were
issued against them by the Company demanding the surrender of men from
Panchalamkuruchi and directing the Kavalkarars to surrender themselves with
Captain Hazard, the commander of Companys troops at Kalakad.31
However the Maravar Kavalkarars were neither ready to surrender the
men from Panchalamkuruchi nor to surrender themselves. On the other hand
they continued their struggle in some form or other.

This tendency of the

Maravar Kavalkarars was well described by S.R.Lushington the Collector of

Tirunelveli.

29

Nicholas B.Dirks, The Hollow Crown: Ethno History of an Indian Kingdom, pp.154-155.

30

Notification of the Principal Maravas of Nanguneri, by S.R.Lushington, Collector of

Tirunelveli on 20 September 1801, Tirunelveli District Records Vol.No.3579, pp.160-163;
Vide Appendix III, IV.

31

Ibid.

75
From the general satisfaction given by the kavalkarars in general,
you are aware, that I have to except the marava kavalkarars of
Nanguneri.

The notorious profligacy and savageness of their

character always checked any sanguine expectation of retaining

them, but no effort was omitted to accomplish their reform by
convincing them of the justice of the companys Government. But
their obstinate concealment and protection of the rebels proscribed
by Col. Agnew and their refusal to tender any surety of their
submission and allegiance compelled the exercise of that coercion
which was explained in my correspondence of October32
However at the final stage these Maravar Kavalkarars were suppressed
by the Companys forces. About eight Kaval chiefs of Nanguneri region were
arrested and imprisoned at Tuticorin. It seems from the report of S.R.Lushington
the Collector of Tirunelveli district that those eight Maravar Kaval chiefs might
have been transported to the Island of Penang.33 Their names are furnished
below:
1) Erulappa Thevan of Nanguneri
2) Madasamy Thevan, S/o Ramasamy Thevan of Marugalkuruchi
3) Narayana Thevan of Marugalkuruchi
4) Periya Pitcha Thevan of Marugalkuruchi
5) Chinna Pitcha Thevan of Marugalkuruchi
32

S.R.Lusingtons Report to Board of Revenue, 28 May 1802.

33

Ibid.

76
6) Kauthakutti Thevan of Marugalkuruchi
7) Veera Perumal Thevan of Thennimalai
8) Veera Perumal Thevan of Pudhupalaipudhur
Apart from these Kaval chiefs about forty Kudi Kavalkarars were also
arrested and imprisoned in a fort at Kamudhi in Ramnad district. They were
banned from entering Tirunelveli District.

S.R.Lushington the Collector of

Tirunelveli in his communication to Col. Martin, commander of Ramnad district,

directed him to take necessary steps to strengthen the Kamudhi fort.34 He also
mailed a list of names of those Kavalkarars who were arrested.35 The names of
the arrested Kudi Kavalkarars were mentioned below:
1)

Woodaiyar

Maravar

Pudhur

2)

Kulathuran

Maravar

Cunneyvetti

3)

Muthumandi

Maravar

Pudhur

4)

Vanamamalai

Maravar

Mayilam

5)

Mandiramoorthy

Maravar

Cunneyvetti

6)

Maligen

Maravar

Manchangkulam

7)

Ananja Perumal

Maravar

Mudalaikulam

8)

Rakkamuthu

Maravar

Mudalaikulam

9)

Palavesam

Maravar

Sethoor

10)

Veerabadiran

Maravar

Elanthaikulam

11)

Aundy

Maravar

Shevalmangapuram

12)

Vanniyan

Maravar

Kalandhaneri

13)

Petchiyan

Maravar

Konnemarpatti

14)

Woodaiyar

Maravar

Marugalkuruchi

15)

Veerabadiran

Maravar

Marugalkuruchi

34

S.R.Lushington, Collector, Tirunelveli to Col.Martin, Commander, Ramnad District, 25 March

1802, Judicial Proceedings, Vol.135B, pp.3868-3871.

35

Ibid.

77
16)

Subban

Maravar

Marugalkuruchi

17)

Kuppan

Maravar

Dalawaipuram

18)

Veerabadran

Maravar

Thuvaraikulam

19)

Muthan

Maravar

Dalawaipuram

20)

Petchiyan

Maravar

Thavanalloor

21)

Muthu

Maravar

Shevalmugaperi

22)

Sudalaimuthu

Maravar

Pudhur

23)

Velan

Maravar

Marugalkuruchi

24)

Veeralakutti

Maravar

Kadampadugai

25)

Kumaran

Maravar

Kadampadugai

26)

Thevan

Maravar

Kadampadugai

27)

Iyam Perumal

Maravar

Kadampadugai

28)

Aundy

Maravar

Cannimarpatti

29)

Vanamamalai

Maravar

Yeerapalai

30)

Chinnu

Maravar

Coundaperumalkulam

31)

Sudalaimuthu

Maravar

Pallapatti

32)

Tavoo

Maravar

Kadamparavoo

33)

Sudalaimuthu

Maravar

Oyanery

34)

Madan

Maravar

Manjankulam

35)

Veeranan

Maravar

Kadamparavu

36)

Velu

Maravar

Tennimalai

37)

Veerabadran

Maravar

Oyanery

38)

Rakkamuthu

Maravar

Pudhur

39)

Kumaran

Maravar

Pudhur

40)

Vanamamalai

Maravar

Manjankulam

The Kaval privileges hitherto enjoyed by these subordinate Kavalkarars

were taken over by the Company and given to local Nadars.36

36

In the opinion of the Company, the Nadars were the original custodians of the Kaval System
in Nanguneri region. The Nadars of Nanguneri showed to S.R. Lushington a copper plate
grant regarding their Kaval rights.

78
These Kavalkarars who were apprehended in the Nanguneri region were
transported to Ramnad to be imprisoned in the fort of Kamudhi and Pamban.
After a few months, as a reform measure each one of them was provided with
five pagodas for the purpose of procuring cattle and rent free agricultural land.37
This programme was carried out by the Company with the hope that these steps
would make them to turn towards peaceful way of life. They were also released
with special orders that they should not return to Tirunelveli District. However the
programme failed miserably.
After some years these Maravar Kavalkarars violating the special orders
of the Company regarding externment returned to Nanguneri on some pretext or
other and tried to reestablish their Kaval hold and committed robberies too.
Consequently

there

were

direct

confrontation

between

these

Maravar

Kavalkarars and the Nadar Kavalkarars newly appointed by the Company. In

one such incident when the Nadar Kavalkarar were chasing the Maravar robbers
one Nadar by name Swamikutti was killed and many others were wounded, and
the Maravars took refuge in the hills.38

Kallars of Madurai
Resistance of a different nature took place in the Dindugal region of
Madurai district. Dindugal, Salem and Baramahal regions had been a part and
parcel of Mysore kingdom. They were taken over by the Company after the
defeat of Tipu Sultan in the Third Anglo-Mysore war (1790-92).
37

I.Cottan, Magistrate of Tirunelveli to the Secretary to the Government in the Judicial

Department, 11 October 1808, Judicial Proceedings, Vol.135B, pp.315-318.

38

Ibid.

79
Following this development the Company introduced a new system of
administration in these regions. The Permanent Land Revenue Settlement was
also implemented in 1803. In consequence of these changes the tax free lands
enjoyed by the Kallar Kavalkarars as Kaval grants in the villages were
appropriated by the new administration.39 Kaval system was brushed aside and
the inhabitants were encouraged not to pay Kaval dues to the Kavalkarars. Thus
the avenue of income of the Kallar Kavalkarars was closed and their economic
well being and social prestige were at stake.
Inspite

of

the

stringent

measures

adopted

by

the

Companys

administration to curb the power of the Kavalkarars, they continued to exercise

their powers as before. The Kallar Kavalkarars sent Olais40 to the inhabitants of
the villages which were under their Kaval control previously, demanding supply of
grains and cattle and other food stuffs. If there was no positive response from
the villages concerned, then they would be plundered by the Kavalkarars. One
such Olai sent by the Kallars of Pudur and Vellappanery and Nalluthevanpatti
sent to Bodappa Naicker, the village head man of Kandamanayakanpatti and the
village headmen of Kannayapillaipatti and Vadugarpatti reads as follows:
It is well known to you that from the time of your forefathers we
have continued to obey your commands.

39

George Parish, Collector of Madurai to the Police Committee, 10 July 1805, Madurai
Collectorate Records, Vol.1148.

40

Olai means Palm leaf with message written on it. The former Kallar Kavalkarars of Dindigul
region used to send such Olais to the principal inhabitants of villages demanding supply of
grains and cattle.

80
It is further in the knowledge of the Poligor that you used to pay us
kaval Kattanams of your villages. This also is known to you. From
the time you ceased to grant us the kaval, we have received only
one year profit from it. The balance due to us you have not given.
Now it is well known among you that we have two of the circar
Poligors with us and that we are become a proud and independent
people despising and holding in contempt both the orders of the
poligors and that of the Circar and as we have now occasion for
money for all expenses you will accordingly be pleased to send us
by some of your people forty black rusnel and twenty sheep. If you
do not do so we shall consider it as a breach of faith, to avoid
which, you will act as we have described and we shall ever keep in
memory the favours you may grant us.41
John Ravenshaw, Assistant Collector of Dindugal while reporting about
the prevailing situation to J.B.Hurdis the Collector stated that Sending Olais in
this way is only their way of declaring war. I suspect an incursion will be made in
this quarter and I am prepared to receive them.42
The anti-British struggle of Sivarama Thalaivar, Periya Waghaboo, the
Kallars of Madurai and the Maravars of Nanguneri in Tirunelveli district are a few
cases to prove the stubborn nature of the Kavalkarars of Tamilnadu in their

41

Madurai District Records, Vol.1176, pp.232-233.

42

Madurai District Records, Vol.No.1176, p.227.

81
struggle against the British prior to the abolition of Desa Kaval in 1802. During
the Palayakarar Wars they made common cause with Palayakarars against the
combined efforts of the Nawabs of Arcot and the British East India Company.
Regarding the Maravar Kavalkarars S.R.Lushington the Collector of Tirunelveli
stated that During the rebellion of Panchalamkuruchi they [Kavalkarars]
fomented and aided the disturbance in every quarter.43 It was true that by 1801
all these Kavalkarars who resisted the encroachment of the Company were
suppressed by the Company. But it was not the end. The Kavalkarars continued
their struggle relentlessly against the colonial state up to 1947. In the mean time
the colonial government had taken much effort against the Kavalkarars by means
of enacting laws against them in 1806 and 1816 and reorganizing its police
machinery repeatedly to face the challenges of the Kavalkarars. However for the
Company, a complete success over the Kavalkarars was always elusive and a
distant dream.

Of late in 1943 G.H.P.Bailey Superintendent of Police of

Tirunelveli district has stated that, It is century old skeleton for which the
cupboard is the Madras Village Police Regulation Act of 1816. The bones are
now exposed in their grain and dismal nakedness.44

Abolition of Desa Kaval

After the suppression of the upsurge of 1800-1801 the Company had
established its virtual control over entire Tamilnadu. Those Palayakarars who
were loyal to the Company were crowned as Zamindars and those Palayakarars
43

Lushingtons Report to Board of Revenue, 28 May 1802, p.7.

44

G.O. Home, No.1802, 31 July 1943.

82
who resisted were expelled and their territories were either annexed by the
Company or distributed among the loyal Palayakarars.
When Panchalamkuruchi Palayam was occupied it contained 104 villages.
They were divided into two portions and given to the Palayakarars of
Ettayapuram and Maniyatchi in recognition of their support to the Company in the
time of Palayakarar War.45
In the meantime the process of consolidation which commenced earlier,
parallel with the conquest was geared up further by the Company. It was during
this stage that the Company had to confront the Kaval system which threatened
the administrative control of the Company.
During the course of consolidation the Company aimed at establishing a
new and uniform system of administration resembling the western models. In
this venture utmost caution was exercised by the Companys administration.
Some aspects in the traditional system of administration, if found beneficial and
inevitable were incorporated in the new system and the rest were abolished.46 In
the agenda of abolition the Kaval system found the first place.
The Kaval system, the power and influence enjoyed by the Kavalkarars,
their rebellious and independent nature were not conducive for the Company to
implement its plans.

Moreover the huge amount of money collected by the

Kavalkarars in the name of Desa Kaval and Kudi Kaval fee was a constant irritant
45

H.R.Pate, Tinnevelly District Gazetteer, p.272.

46

George Parish, Collector, Madurai District to the Police Committee, 10 July 1805, Madurai
Collectorate Records, Vol.1148.

83
to the Company. Hence the Company was determined to replace the Kaval
system by a new police system of its own creation. It was estimated by the
Company that the total amount of money collected in the name of Kaval fee was
more than enough to maintain a new and efficient police system.47

During the course of consolidation calculated measures were adopted by

the Company against the Kaval system.

In the minds of the colonial

administrators soon both the Desa Kaval and Kudi Kaval were equated with
oppression and misgovernance.

The bulky volumes of colonial records of

Collectors of the southern districts of this period are almost unanimous in

condemning the Kaval system as a world of criminals. Invariably all the British
officials had accepted that the ancient origin of Kudi Kaval and praised it for its
simplicity and transparency. But all of them in a single voice condemned the
Desa Kaval as a creation of the Palayakarars to plunder and exploit the people.

In due course the Company was successful in constructing a distorted

image of the Kaval system and the Kavalkarars. It described that thieving was
the traditional occupation of the communities involved in the Kaval system. The
crimes committed by the Kavalkarars were exaggerated and amplified.

The

Kaval fee paid by the inhabitants was equated with protection fee or ransom paid
to the Kavalkarar in order to prevent him from plundering the properties of the
inhabitants.

47

A single incident of crime committed by a Kavalkarar was

Letter from R.H.Young, Magistrate of Tinnevelly District to the Chief Secretary to the
Government, 31 March 1813, Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Reports),
Vol.4A, pp.51-59.

84
generalized, conceptualized, theorized and applied to the whole lot of the
Kavalkarars and even to the caste he belonged to.

The land revenue

settlements made by the Company in the beginning of the 19th century were also
targeted at closing the avenues of income of the Kavalkarars. Agricultural lands
allotted to the Kavalkarars as Kaval grants were assumed by the colonial
administration.48

Finally both the Desa Kaval and Men Kaval were officially

abolished through the Regulation of 1802 A.D which reads as below:

The establishment existing in the Zillah of Caroongooly for the

purpose of police having been committed to certain poligors and
cavilgars have proved by long experience under the administration
of the said poligors and cavilgars to be inadequate to the
prevention of crimes or the apprehension of offenders; and have by
the abuse of power entrusted to the poligors and cavilgars, being
converted into additional means of disturbing the order of society
with impunity; Therefore the Governor in Council has resolved to
abolish the office of Poligors and cavilgars and substitute a more
efficient plan of police for the Zillah of Caroongooly.49

To start with these two systems were abolished in Tirunelveli and

Karunkuli (Chengalpat district) in 1802.

Gradually it was extended to other

48

George Parish, Collector of Madurai in his report to the President and members of the
Committee investigating and reporting upon the present establishment of police, 10 July
1802, Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.8B, p.1878.

49

Regulation of 1802 A.D. No.XXV; The History of The Madras Police, Centenary Volume
(1859-1959) Madras, p.212.

85
districts.

The Kavalkarars were asked to renounce all their claims to police

authority and Kaval fee.

By the regulation of 1802 the Men Kaval system was abolished by the
Company and the Palayakarars and other Men Kaval chiefs were asked to
renounce all their claims to police authority and collection of Kaval dues.
Following this the process of consolidation commenced.

It was a period of

transition for the Company becoming a land-revenue financed state from that of a
tribute based state.

The Company felt the need to assert its legitimacy by

maintaining order and protecting its subjects especially in the rural tract, the
social base of the emerging land-revenue-financed state.50 Maintaining order
and providing protection to the people necessitated the creation of a vast
administrative network which included the establishment of a new police and
judicial administrative machinery. This process if to be completed successfully
needed the investment of huge amount of money. Unfortunately the Company
was not in a position to meet out the necessary financial requirements. Hence it
was decided to collect the Desa Kaval fee from the inhabitants through the
revenue servants, to be spent for the new police establishment. The following
statement made by R.H.Young, Magistrate of Tirunelveli District is pertinent here:

The police of this province was formerly entrusted to Desh and

Tallam cavilgars, the former having general protection of the
50

Sandira Freitag, Sansiahs and the State: The Changing Nature of Crime and Justice in
Nineteenth-Century British India, in Michael R.Anderson, Sumit Guha (eds), Changing
Concepts of Rights and Justice in South Asia, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000,
p.84.

86
country and high roads and the later acting under their orders as
the immediate watchers of villages.

The Desacavil was

sequestered in the year 1800 and its revenue collected on account

of government, these appear to have amounted in the first year of
fusly 1209 [A.D.1800] chakrams 68635-0-3 casu a sum fully
adequate to defray the expenses of efficient police.51

Table 3:1 provides details of the amount collected by the Company from
the province of Tirunelveli from 1800-1805 as given by the Magistrate.52

51

R.H.Young to Chief Secretary, 31 March 1813, Judicial Proceedings (Sundries), Vol.No.4A,

pp.51-54.

52

Ibid., p.81.

87

Table No. 3:1

Statement of Desa Kaval collections in the District of Tirunelvely (1800 1805)

S.No.

Year

Fusly

Amount
Chuli Chakrams

Fanam

Casu

1800

1209

68635

1801

1210

58421

1802

1211

53831

33

1803

1212

49530

180

1213

40402

10

1805

1214

32862

15

3036682

14

Total
Tirunelveli
17th December 1812

Source : Judicial Proceedings (Sundries), Vol. No.4A, 1812, 1813, p.81.

88
This method of collecting Kaval fee through the revenue administration
was prevalent in other districts as well.

Regarding Thanjavur district it was

categorically stated in the following terms.

After the abolition of Kaval system in Tanjore district, the Company
collected the Kaval fee as it was before and spent it for police
establishment created by Regulation I of 1816. This fee with house
tax were kept in separate account till 1852 then it was incorporated
in to general account. It 1854 this was intimated by the Collector
suggesting the discontinuation but the government insisted on its
collection due to growing expenses of police establishment.53
The abolition of Desa Kaval and Men Kaval in 1802 followed by the
confistication of land grants enjoyed by the Kavalkarars rendered the Kaval
chiefs jobless and closed their avenues of income.

Changing occupation

overnight was not that easy to any community that too in an agrarian society
which is compartmentalized into many castes and each one of them bound to
traditionally pursue a particular occupation. So changing occupation and at the
same

time

relinquishing

power

unacceptable to the Kavalkarars.

and

status

enjoyed

traditionally

were

The atmosphere that prevailed then was

charged with discontent and it was conducive enough for the outbreak of
disturbances.

53

G.O. Judicial No.1028, 19 July 1897; G.O. Judicial No.1385, 3 September 1897.

89
On the other hand the abolition of Desa Kaval and Men Kaval system
paved the way for an increasing number of crimes. This was because when
these Kaval systems were abolished the Kaval chiefs withdrew the Kudi
Kavalkarars employed by them and there was no machinery to look after the
police functions.54
Another important development during this period was the demobilization
of the armies of the Palayakarars. After the suppression of the upsurge of 18001801 the Company had ordered for the general demobilization of the armies of
the Palayakarars and surrender of arms. Consequently a considerable section of
the martial communities like Maravars, Naickers, Kallars and Padaiyachis who
were serving in the armies of the Palayakarars were disbanded and deprived of
their livelihood. Further the Company conceived that there was every possibility
for an understanding and co-operation between the former soldiers and the
Kavalkarars which would jeopardize its future plans.
Taking cognizance of the prevailing situation the colonial state came out
with a new strategy of minimum compromise of providing pension to the
Kavalkarars. To cite an example the Kavalkarar of Parur of South Arcot district,
Ponnambala Kachi Rao was granted a life pension of Rs.104-12-08 after his
Kaval rights were resumed by the Company.

He died in 1838 and the

government sanctioned the continuance of half the pension to his son.55 There is
a long list of Kavalkarars of Arcot, Vandavasi and Vellore of North Arcot district
and the amount received by them as pension annually is found in the report
submitted by the Collector of Chittoor the head quarters of North Arcot district
(Table 3:2).56

54

D.Cockburn, Judge and Magistrate of the District of Dindugal, to the Secretary to the
Government, Revenue and Judicial Department, 2 October 1802, Judicial Consultations,
Vol.13, pp.2075 - 2076.

55

W.Francis, South Arcot District Gazetteer, Madras, 1906, pp.392, 393.

56

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.6A, pp.875-881.

90

Table No.3:2
Statement of Allowances Annually paid to
Men Cavilgars by the Collector of the Zillah of Chittor
[Extract]
District

Tiruvallam

Vellore

Cavilgars

Amount of Allowance per

Year
Star
Pagodas

Panam

Casu

Siddhama Nayak

24

Guruvappa Nayak

24

Venkatachala Nayak

12

Paupery Perumal

24

Kulasagudi Ram Nayak

Pullpettai Ram Nayak

Mummalai Pettai Ram Nayak

Kanahaiya Nayak

Nelvay Rama

Kumaresa Samutram Muniya

Munangipet Venkatesa

Permaga Perumal Nayak

Senbaganallur Kulappa nayak

Alamelumangapuram Veerapa Nayak

Venkatapuram Samy Nayak

Ammapuram Perumal Nayak

Kanniyampadi Lakshmana Nayak

Kanniyampadi Dauthappa

Cholavaram Parusuram Nayak

Thuthepettai Perumal Nayak

180

Total

Source : Judicial Proceedings (Sundries Police Committee Report), Vol.6A, 1812, pp.875-881.

91
Regarding the abolition of Kudi Kaval the colonial state approached the
matter with utmost caution. When compared with Men Kavalkarars the Kudi
Kavalkarars were numerically superior and more closely associated with the
people and their affairs. They were an integral part of the everyday life of the
inhabitants. Kudi Kavalkarar was a person who possessed intimate knowledge
of villages - its inhabitants, details of their properties, livestock and revenue
particulars. For a government which was still not that familiar with the people
and its knowledge about the land and people it was going to govern being narrow
and limited, the service of the Kudi Kavalkarar was essential and inevitable.
Regarding this, George Parish the Collector of Madurai district observed:
In their present situation of restraint they are incapable of doing
material injury, because whenever the kavalgar is employed, it is
always in a subordinate situation acting under police officers
immediately appointed by myself and in this capasity their local
knowledge and general acquaintance with the characters of people
under them is useful instruments in the hands of the government.57
Yet another important factor which prompted the Companys government
to think in favour of the continuation of Kudi Kaval was the numerical strength of
the Kudi Kavalkarars.58 S.R.Lushington the first Collector of Tirunelveli district is
one of his report has stated that abolition of it will be a danger. They may turn to
57

George Parish to the President and Members of the Committee for investigating and
reporting upon the present establishment of police, 10 July 1805, Judicial Proceedings
(Sundries, Police Committee Reports), Vol.8-B, p.1875.

58

Vide Appendix, V.

92
robbery which cannot be suppressed. Later in 1808 when Woodcock, the then
Magistrate of Kumbakonam when asked about his opinion regarding the abolition
of Kudi Kaval he cautioned the government in the following terms:
attempting a total abolition of the institution [Kudi Kaval] in this
rich and fertile province would be brought with serious danger to
the country affecting as well the realization of the revenue as the
property and the safety of the inhabitants.59
If this was the situation in 1808, the power of the Kudi Kavalkarars in the
earlier century may well be imagined. Hence the Company decided to permit the
Kudi Kaval system to continue under the supervision of the government.60

59

Fifth Report from Select Committee on the Affairs of British East India Company, Madras
Presidency, Vol.II, London 1812.

60

Woodcock to Secretary to the Government, Judicial Proceedings, Vol.40, p.4368.

CHAPTER IV

THE COLONIAL STATE AND THE KAVAL SYSTEM

Following the Regulations of 1802 which abolished the Desa Kaval and
Men Kaval systems, the colonial state started introducing new judicial and police
administrative structures akin to the western models periodically, to serve its
needs of consolidation and its struggle against the Kavalkarars. In this process,
the Kudi Kaval system also abolished in 1816, and in 1859 the modern system of
police administration was implemented.

Though all these measures of the

colonial state were targeted against the Kaval system and the Kavalkarars, the
success was not to the level expected. In the following pages an attempt has
been made to elucidate the process of modernization of the judicial and police
machinery by the state and the response of the Kavalkarars.

New Criminal Justice System

Regulation of 1802: Introduction of Darogha Police and the Kavalkarars
The colonial state replaced the Desa Kaval and Men Kaval systems with a
new police establishment of its own consisting of the following important officials
as mentioned in the Regulation of 1802.
The establishment of police shall consist of 1st of Police
Daroghas who shall superintend and control an entire division; 2nd
Tanahdars under the orders of Daroghas who shall superintend the
stations in each division; and 3rd the peons or watchers under the

94
Tanahdars who shall execute the duties of police in roads and
villages of each division; all the officers shall be subject to the
authority of the judge and magistrate of the Zillah.1
Darogha was a police officer with a rank of a Superintendent had
jurisdiction over an area of 20 square miles within a district. He had under him
twenty to fifty armed men and was also given authority over village watchmen.2
Apart from Daroghas and Tanadars this new police machinery consisted
of other officials like Naib Daroghas, Defadars and Kotawals. The designations
of these officials and the payment made to them varied from one region to other.
When this new police system was implemented, the colonial administration met
with the problem of non availability of eligible hands. Therefore it was decided to
include the former Kaval chiefs of varied status in the new system.
This new institution of police was established by the colonial state for two
important reasons. The first reason was that during this period efforts were taken
by the colonial state and as well as by the home government in England to
systematise every branch of administration in such a way as to cater to the
colonial requirements as perceived by the British rulers and as it was
implemented in England.3 Secondly in a situation where land revenue was of
1

A.D.1802, Regulations, XXXV, Para No.III.

The Imperial Gazetteer of India, The Indian Empire, Vol-IV, p.386; Ranajit Guha, Elementary
Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999,
p.339.

David Arnold Bureaucratic Recruitment and Sub-ordination in Colonial India. The Madras
Constabulary 1859 - 1947 in Ranajit Guha (ed.), Subaltern Studies IV, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi, 1985, p.4.

95
vital importance economically and politically, the colonial state was emphatic in
bringing the rural mass under its direct subordination by removing all the
intermediaries including the Kavalkarars.
As per the Regulation of 1802 this new police establishment, at first came
into effect in Karunkuli (Chengalpat district).

In the following years, it was

extended to other districts. The Kudi Kavalkarars, as decided by the government

were incorporated in this new system as village watchers or peons.

While

accepting office they were expected to execute a deed with the government.4
Apart from their regular police work they were expected to assist the revenue
servants in their work. Though they were paid by the government they were also
permitted to collect their customary Kaval dues from the inhabitants. Now the
Kudikavalkarars, almost reduced to the level of Talaiyari, were the employees of
the colonial state working under a different master, the Tanadar. According to
the Regulation of 1802 a new system of police establishment was introduced in
all the districts.
In the district of Madurai there were about 7 Daroghas, 49 Tanadars
assisted by 7 Kurnams and 591 Kavalkarars. The total amount paid to them as
salary was 1121 star pagodas per year.5 Under the new system in the district of
Karunkuli (Chengalpet) 5 Darogahs were appointed receiving a monthly salary of

Translation of an agreement executed by Narasa Wodaiyan of Gramam a village in the

district of Thiruvennainallur on 2 November 1807, Judicial Consultations (Sundries), Vol.58,
pp.672- 673.

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.8B, p.1961;

Vide Appendix-VI.

96
295 star pagodas in total.6 In the district of Tirunelveli there were 5 Darogahs, 40
Tanadars and 170 Kavalkarars and in the district of Tiruchirappalli there were 7
Darogahs, 94 Tanadars and 204 peons.7

The number of officials varied

depending on the extent of every district.

While the recruitment was made for the office of Darogahs and Tanadars
it was decided by the colonial state to nominate former Kavalkarars who had
particularly distinguished themselves with a good track record. This process was
initiated for the first time by Wallace the principal collector of Thanjavur and
Thiruchirappalli districts.8

Toeing his line I.G.Ravenshaw, the Collector of

Virudachalam made a suggestion for the reinstatement of former Men

Kavalkarars particularly those who were provided with allowances from the
government, in the new police machinery if necessary.9
In the district of Thanjavur in 1813, the younger brother of a former
Kavalkarar, Chinna Appoo Moopan of Kapisthalam was appointed as Darogha,
and a close relative of a former Kaval chief, Muthusamy Padayachi was
appointed as Tanadar of Kuthalam by B.M.Lushington, acting Magistrate of
Mayavaram.10 Here the surprising factor is that these Kaval chiefs families who
are recorded here were once suspected of collaborating with Periya Waghaboo,
the Kaval chief of Sirkali who rebelled against the Company in 1799.
6

The History of The Madras Police, Madras, p.234.

Ibid., p.236.

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.2A, pp.732-735.

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.5B, pp.670-671.

10

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Vol.8A, pp.670-671.

97
When one analyses the above the logical question that arises is what
prompted the colonial administration to incorporate the former Kaval chiefs in the
police establishment? There is every reason to assume that it was an instrument
to appease the former Kaval chiefs and prevent them from creating disturbance.
Another reason was that the Kaval chiefs were very thorough with the every
administrative particulars of the villages under their control.

The Company

wanted to make use of their knowledge to consolidate their power, until a suitable
alternative was found.
In the meantime many reforms were introduced in the Judiciary as well.
Zillah courts were established at the district level with a judge who also served as
the magistrate. In that capacity he was empowered to have control over the
district police administration. Darogahs were expected to arrest criminals and
produce them in the Zillah court.11
The appeals from the Zillah courts were made to the Provincial courts of
appeal established in each province. Along with Provincial courts of appeal, the
colonial state had instituted a court of circuit for each division. The judges of
these Circuit courts toured the district within the division and tried criminal cases.
A division was a vast area encompassing many districts. The southern division
for example extended from the southern coastal region upto river Palar in the
north.12

11

Judicial Regulations 1816, pp.1-9.

12

Ibid.,

98
The reorganization of the department of judiciary had its own defects. The
courts were guided by procedures of western origin which were alien, time
consuming and costly. Hence it thoroughly failed to enlist the recognition and
support of the people at large.13
The new police establishment too miserably failed in its aim of establishing
a social climate of peace and tranquillity. Despite the reforms carried out in the
police and Judicial departments the colonial administration could not control the
Kavalkarars.

It was true that this new police machinery was successful in

controlling Kaval related crimes in the near by villages situated around the police
stations.

But the former Kavalkarars reigned supreme as usual in the

countryside.
Meanwhile the former Kavalkarars who were neither provided with any
allowance nor absorbed in the new police machinery started indulging in crimes
such as highway robbery, cattle theft and extortion. Moreover a large section of
soldiers of the disbanded army of the Palayakarars also joined them. When all
the avenues of income of these were irrevocably lost due to the policies adopted
by the colonial state they had no other go except committing crimes.
The condition of Men Kavalkarars of North Arcot district after the abolition
of their office and its impact was well described by the Commissioner of Rural
Police in the following terms.

13

Ibid., p.257

99
Men kaval system was abolished in 1803. By this step not only
many watchers lost all their emoluments ceased to serve, but the
resources of the others seriously impaired.

The then really

influential and respected officers of the large body of village

watchers were entirely set aside.

The village watchers lost the

support of an influential baron in recovering his dues and the

people lost the guarantee of an appeal to a man who could enforce
from the village watchers a punctual and effective discharge of their
liabilities and duties men in short who had been kept to work
frequently by lash and by a sense of heavy pecuniary responsibility
found themselves discharged alike of control and liability, while the
ryot on his part withheld payment of fee for the services which was
indifferently rendered. The services were neglected and the fee
justly due to the village watcher less and less punctually paid, the
watchers helped themselves to their neighbours good.14
The former Kavalkarars and former soldiers with their experience in the
battlefield and well versed in the art of handling weapons started terrorizing the
people who refused their demands. A majority of the crimes were committed
with the connivance of the local Kavalkarars who were retained as per the
Regulation of 1802. In many cases the criminal and the Kavalkarar happened to
belong to the same community. Crime rates were reaching alarming proportions
but the government was helpless.
14

The crimes committed by the Maravar

Arthur F.Cox, Manual of North Arcot District, Madras, 1894, p.354.

100
Kavalkarars of Ramanathapuram and Tirunelveli, Kallar Kavalkarars of Madurai,
Thanjavur and Tiruchirapali and the Kuravar Kavalkarars of North Arcot districts
were greater in number and audacious in nature when compared with other
districts.

In the district of Thanjavur where a majority of the Kavalkarars was

from the Kallar caste, several sepoys were killed in Sirkali, the police Cutcherry
at Pattukottai was set on fire and the house of the Darogah burgled.15
Kavalkarars belonging to other communities were no exception to this
trend. They too indulged in criminal activities. Subba Naick the Kavalkarar of
Pooda Pettore, Manicka Naick, the Kavalkarar of Atore, Thyigaraja Naick, the
Kavalkarar of Thuraiyur and Kanoo Padayachi, another Kavalkarar were
suspended by Charles Woodcock, the Judge and Magistrate of Cumbakonam for
their alleged involvement in plundering the house of a trader called Prasanna
Chetti.16
In Tirunelveli district a daring dacoity was committed which demonstrated
beyond doubt the weakness of the new police establishment. In this case, even
the government treasury was not spared.

A treasury chest at Tenkasi was

robbed on 23rd March 1814 by a gang of forty men consisted of Maravars and
Naickers.

It was engineered by the Zamindar of Chokkampatti Zamin in

Tirunelveli district. Under his orders this daring robbery was committed by his

15

The History of The Madras Police, p.242.

16

Judicial Consultations, Vol.45B, pp.2349-2352.

101
blood relatives named Udaiya Thevan and Arunachala Thevan who led the team
which included his Kavalkarars too.17
This case was handled by one Sudalaimuthu Pillai, the Darogah of
Tirunelveli.

During the investigation, Arunachala Thevan was brought to

Tirunelveli and he was enquired. During the enquiry, he accepted to cooperate

with the police in apprehending all the persons involved in the crime. On the
assurance given by him he was released and permitted to go to Tenkasi with
Sudalaimuthu Pillai, the Darogah. A few soldiers were ordered to accompany
him not only for his safety but also to arrest the other persons involved. However
Arunachala

Thevan

was

killed

within

few

days

under

mysterious

circumstances.
Regarding the inability of the police administration in handling this case
John Cotton, the Collector of Tirunelveli, lamented in the following terms in his
letter to the president of the Board of Revenue dated 25th May 1814.
The papers I had last the honour to submit on the subject of
robbery of the talook treasury of Tencausy no doubt will have
raised the expectations of the board, that by the time I should have
reported the recovery of the money and conviction of the principal
offenders before the magistrate it is now therefore with great
disappointment. I am still prevented from communicating such a
satisfactory result of the measures adopted by the magistrate and
17

John Cotton, Collector, Tirunelvelli district to the Board of Revenue, 20 April 1814, Tirunelveli
District Records, Vol.3591, pp.118-124.

102
from what had happened I am afraid the prospect of attaining it is
not very favourable
Arunachala Thevan was accordingly on the 4th instant permitted by
the Magistrate to go to Chokampatti under charge of the Darogah
and a small sibbendy sepoys which he requested of one to secure
his person, accompained by a few revenue servants and one of my
Duffedars and for the particulars that happened from the time that
Arunachalam left Tirunelveli to the hour he was brought back
corpse...18
To assess the functioning of the new police system in the district of
Thanjavur a police committee was constituted by the government consisting of
Fred A.Grant, Judge of the Provincial Court, Southern Division, V.Blackbourne
and J.Wallace, Principal Collectors of Thanjavur and Thiruchirapalli.

The

committee made the following observation, exposing the incompetence of the

Darogahs, Tanadars and Kottawalls and praising the Kavalkarars as the only
efficient instrument of the police.
We have observed that the preservation of the internal tranquility of
the province of Thanjavur and the prosperity of its numerous
inhabitants are vested exclusively in the hand of the Cavilgars under
the authority and control of the Magistrate.

The few Darogahs,

Cutwalls and other servants in the magisterial department scarcely

18

Judicial Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Serial No.7411, p.336.

103
can be said to form any exception to this rule for even at few stations
where these officers are placed. The cavilgars are the only efficient
instrument of police, the former being with perhaps an exception little
more than a channel of communication between the magistrate and
the latter.19
Besides this view, expressed by the police committee of Thanjavur district,
reports were pouring in from other districts too explaining the utter inefficiency
and inadequacy of the existing police system in confining the ever increasing
crime rates.
In 1812 the government itself sent a circular to its officials asking them to
furnish their opinion on the existing law and order situation and the functioning of
the police machinery. Most of the respondents including the celebrated British
civil servant Thomas Munro pointed out the demerits in the existing system.
Munro expressed his views in the following terms:
In seeking to facilitate the administration of Justice and Police, it is
not necessary to overthrow but to correct the existing system and
with the view two important alterations must be adopted first
confining the Judges entirely to his judicial functions and second
separating the office of Magistrate and Superintendent of police
from the judge and to uniting them to that of Collector as they
formally were under the British government and as they always
19

The History of The Madras Police, pp.241-242.

104
under native princes. It would also be expedient to grant to the
Collector and the heads of villages as limited jurisdiction over petty
civil suits.
The new system of police established under the judicial regulation
has everything against it and nothing in its favour. It is at variance
with the feeling and prejudice of the people, therefore no moral
force to uphold it. It is almost exclusively on the services of a set of
hired Daroghas and peons who have no connections or common
interest with the inhabitants and not having like the hereditary
watchman, been trained from infancy to their business having
neither the requisite zeal or skill for its execution... and it thus
injures the only men by whom the duties of the police can be
efficiently discharged.
Justice ought to be administered free of expenses according to the
custom of the country, in every stage from the village potail to the
Zillah Judge. It is evident that our present system is not only most
expensive and vexatious but totally inefficient.20
However the ideas of Thomas Munro regarding the reorganization of
police and judicial machinery were unacceptable to other British officials
particularly to the judges, starting from the Supreme Court down to the District
20

Colonol T.Munro, Memorandum on the Revision of Judicial System Selection of papers

from the Records of East India House Related to the Revenue, Police and Civil and Criminal
Justice under the Companys Government in India, Cox and Sons, London, 1820, Vol.II,
p.114.

105
Court. They were of the opinion that the native system of police and judicial
administration if given undue importance, the western models recently introduced
by them may loose their importance.21
While collecting official opinion about the functioning of the existing police
administration the colonial state had an idea of abolishing the Kudi Kaval system
which was permitted to continue by the Regulation of 1802, in toto. So opinions
were collected from the district level officials regarding the reaction of the
Kavalkarars in case of the abolition of Kaval system. The District level officials in
their reports positively responded to the idea of abolition of Kaval system, but at
the same time they cautioned the higher-ups regarding the reaction of the
Kavalkarars.
We fear no open resistance to the commands of the Honorable the
Governor-in-Council for the immediate abolition of the cavelly
system, but we anticipate considerable discontent in the minds of
the majority of the cavilgars not withstanding the measures which
we have recommended with a view to conciliate them, and we think
if not impossible that the discontent may discover itself in the
encouragement if not actual commission of irregularities which can
be checked and reduced by only by the exertions of vigilant active
and well armed magistry.22

21

The History of The Madras Police, p.248.

22

Police Committee of Thanjavur District to the Chief Secretary, 4 April 1813, Judicial
Proceedings (Sundries, Police Committee Report), Serial No.7411, pp.301-304.

106

Regulations of 1816 and the New Police Establishment

After prolonged discussions and exchange of views, the colonial state
enacted the Regulation of 1816 and on the basis of this regulation the police
establishment was reorganized on new lines.
The salient features and the important changes introduced by the
regulation of 1816 are as mentioned below.
The office of the Darogahs and Tanadars were abolished from the 1st
November 1816.23

The whole office of Magistrate was transferred from the

Judge to the Collector of the Zillah.24

At the village level the police duties were vested in the hands of the
Village Headman or Munsiff assisted by watchmen and at the taluk level the
Thasildar was incharge of the police establishment.

At the district level, the

Collector was the superior police officer with magisterial power.

This new

establishment was responsible for police as well as revenue administration.25

At the village level watchers by whatever local names distinguished, shall
perform their customary police duties under the immediate authority of Village
Headman or Munsiff of the respective villages. But these watchers (Kavalkarars,
Talaiyaris, Vettis and Tukkries etc) shall not be called upon to make
compensation for losses by theft.26
23

Regulation XI of 1816 in Regulations Passed by Governor in Council of Fort St.George, Part

I, Madras, 1848, p.313.

24

Ibid.,

25

Ibid., Section VIII, XI.

26

Ibid., Section XV.

107
The ultimate result of the Regulation of 1816 was the formal abolition of
the Kudi Kaval system in toto. With the abolition of the police establishment of
Darogahs and Tanadars, the Men Kavalkarars who were recruited as Darogahs
and Tanadars became jobless. Moreover the Kudi Kavalkarars in thousands
(whose services was retained and incorporated in the new police establishment
established by the regulation of 1802) serving under these Darogahs and
Tanadars also became unemployed.
The former Kudi Kavalkarars who were independent, commanding respect
and enjoying a social status now became jobless and a section of this former
Kudikavalkarars found their jobs as watchmen with different nomenclatures
under the Village Head Man or Munsiff as an ordinary government servant of the
lowest rank.
Thus the Company was successful in enacting Regulations against the
native system of police establishments in stages. In 1802 the apex layer of the
Kaval system i.e. the Men Kaval and Desa Kaval were abolished and Kudi Kaval
the lower layer of Kaval system was abolished in 1816. But enacting Regulations
is quite different from implementation. On the implementation front the efforts
taken by the colonial state proved to be largely futile.
David Arnold states that After about 1850 those who keep Kaval alive
were not the former Poligar Men Kavalgars, but lesser, poorer men for whom the

108
profits and prestige of being Kavalgar were proportionately more important.27
But it was not so. It is true that the former Poligori Men Kavalkarars were no
longer practicing Kaval and exercising their power to retain it. However there
were another set of Men Kavalkarars who were not Palayakarars in the former
days, like the Arupangunadu Maravar of Nanguneri, the Maravars of Kalakad,
Tirukkurungudi, Poochikadu, Pidaneri and Athichanallur. Arumuga Thevar family
of Marugalkuruchi was the leader of Arupangunadu Maravars. In Tirukkurungudi,
Sivarama Thalaivar family [decendents of Sivarama Thalaivar -Chapter I]
controlled the Kalakad region.

The Thesayanvilai and Santhankulam area

Maravars were under the influence of Arunachala Thevar of Poochikadu. The

Maravars of Tiruchendur area were under the leadership of Veerakutti Thevar of
Pidaneri.

The Maravars of Srivaikuntam area were under the control of

Athichanallur Ariya Thevar.28 These families were there behind all the activities
of the Kudikavalkarars. The Piramalai Kallar Kavalkarars of Madurai district, who
were still powerful as Men Kavalkarars in their area of control. J.Grose, Acting
Secretary, Board of Revenue, in his report submitted to the government
categorically stated that:
The kavalkara institution has been in a most unsatisfactory
condition in the district of Tirunelveli since the commencement of
our rule. The Men-kaval system was never thoroughly suppressed
27

David Arnold, Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras, 1860-1940, The Journal of Peasant
Studies, Vol.6, No.2, January 1979, p.156.

28

S.Kadhirvel, Sources for the History of Tamil Nadu in Studies on Agrarian Societies in
South Asia, Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo,
No.5, Tokyo, 1980, pp.46-47.

109
in this district as it was elsewhere in South India and its
organization and spirit still subsist.29
Moreover in Madurai District particularly in Dindigul, Vedachandur and
Palani taluks many of the Kallar Kavalkarars were rich land holders.30
In the preamble to the Regulation of 1816, it was categorically stated that,
It being expedient that a system of police chiefly upon the ancient usage of the
country should be established throughout the territories subjected to the
Government of Fort St.Geroge31
These words were high sounding as if the colonial government was the
watch dog and custodian of the native traditions and institutions. But in practice
there was a gulf between precept and practice.
With the abolition of Kudi Kaval system the land grants enjoyed by the
Kudi Kavalkarars and the fee paid to them by the people were also assumed.
Those Kudi Kavalkarars who were deprived of the only source of subsistence,
and unable to follow a new mode of livelihood immediately, turned naturally
towards the world of crimes. Certain Kudi Kavalkarars who were absorbed in the
new police establishment with low salary but deprived of his customary fee and
land maniyams became demoralized and driven to crime, that too in a situation

29

A.Grose to the Government, 21 December 1869, Board of Revenue Proceedings

Vol.No.5217, p.6291.

30

Palani Thasildar to Madurai Sub Collector, 27 June 1896, Madurai Collectorate Records,
Vol.90.

31

The History of The Madras Police, p.248.

110
where he was relived from the responsibility of compensating the stolen
properties of the inhabitants.

The Colonial State and the Kavalkarars, 1816 1859

The new police establishment created on the basis of the Regulation of
1816 did not work as satisfactorily as was expected by the colonial state. Armed
with a new police establishment the government anticipated that it could confine
and reduce the number of crimes particularly the crimes related to Kaval system
and the Kavalkarars.

But in the long run it proved to be a miscalculation.

Enacting laws was quite different from implementation of the same. While the
Company was very good at enacting regulation, it cut a sorry figure with regard to
implementation.
Responsibilities related to the revenue administration were heavy.
Starting from the Collector down to the Village Headman the revenue servants
could not do justice to their police duties.32 The department of judiciary was also
in complete pandemonium. The judges of the court of circuit could not keep their
schedule in visiting the districts to conduct the trials. People continued to be
detained in prisons for months together, when their conviction might have been
only for one or two months. Hence the people at large lost their confidence over
the department of judiciary.33

32

Ibid., p.255.

33

Ibid.,

111
In 1821 another regulation was passed with the intention of making the
police more efficient by providing enormous powers to the police. However this
additional power only resulted in utmost corruption in the police department.34
It was true that the Kudi Kaval system was abolished once for all by the
colonial state, but in reality the system was in operation everywhere as it was
before, challenging its authority. The Village Headman who was vested with
police powers could not take any drastic action against the Kudi Kavalkarars,
because both of them were members of the same village community having
mutual bonds and obligations unknown to the colonial authorities.

In many

villages it so happened that the Village Headmen and the Kudi Kavalkarars
belonged to the same community and were often blood relatives too. In such
cases, there was wanton delay on the part of Village Headmen in registering the
cases and in apprising the higher ups.
The colonial state framed some conduct rules for the Kavalkarars
appointed (Circar Kavalkarars) to assist the Village Headmen and other revenue
servants, with the aim of placing them under its constant surveillance. According
to those conduct rules the Kavalkarars who were appointed by the government
must pass muster night and morning before the headmen of their villages and the
Karnams. If at all a Kavalkarar wanted to visit another village, he had to get a
passport from the headman of his own village and to produce it before the
headman of the village he had planned to visit. Those Kavalkarars, found at any

34

Ibid., p.256.

112
distance from their own residence without a passport were liable to be
apprehended and brought before the magistrate. These restrictions were easily
evaded by the Kavalkarars and in due course it had a natural death.35
The new police establishment which came into existence in 1816 was in
operation until 1859 when the modern police system was introduced. During this
period all-out measures were adopted by the government to eradicate the
Kudikaval system. But the Kudi Kavalkarars were equally tenacious in keeping
their ground. They were successful in maintaining their power over the people
intact. Wherever there was resistance they resorted to violence and imposed
their Kaval rights.

For the people at large, on occasion, the Kaval system

seemed relatively better than the colonial police and judiciary, which was
unfamiliar, alien, time consuming and highly expensive. When the government
resorted to stringent ways of controlling the Kavalkarars, they in turn took to
criminal ways. In this conflict in course the Kavalkarars had an upper hand and
dominated the scene.
As noted in the previous pages the Maravar Kavalkarars of Nanguneri and
Kalakad regions were suppressed by S.R.Lushington the Collector of Tirunelveli
district and many of them were imprisoned in the fort of Kamudhi. In due course
they were released and provided with financial assistance to pursue a peaceful
life. At the same time, they were informed that they should not, in any case
return to their native places. In the villages which were under their Kavalship, the

35

Board of Revenue Proceedings, Vol.1476, pp.13965 - 13966.

113
Kaval rights were transferred to the Kavalkarars belonging to the Nadar
community, as they claimed that they were the original Kavalkarars of that
region. But by 1818 most of those Maravar Kavalkarars returned from Kamudhi
to their native villages and reestablished their Kaval rights over their former
villages by driving away the Nadar Kavalkarars.

In the ensuing conflict one

Nadar Kavalkarar was killed and some others were wounded.36

Despite the regulation of the colonial state which declared the Kaval
system illegal the Marava Kavalkarars of Tirunelveli district, both the Desa
Kavalkarars and Kudi Kavalkarars, continued to collect Kaval dues from the
farmers, shops, fairs, carriage of goods on bandis or bullocks, merchants on
halting for nights, from houses, persons, cattle and looms etc, roughly to the tune
of Rs.50,393-5-6 per annum, an amount that was enough to cause envy in the
government.37
In the districts of Ramanathapuram and Madurai the situation was the
same.

Inspite of the abolition of Kudikaval system the Kallar, Maravar and

Agamudaiyar Kavalkarars continued their Kaval and collected their Kaval dues.
Those who could not, resorted to robbery and dacoities. In the district of South
Arcot the Paraiyars, particularly those of Veppur (a village situated near
Virudachalam), dominated the Kaval system. They were the former soldiers and
Kavalkarars.

When the Kudi Kaval system was abolished they lost their

traditional occupation and gradually drifted towards house breaking, cattle lifting

36

I.Cotton, Magistrate of Tirunelveli to the Secretary to the Government in the Judicial

Department, Fort St.George, 11 October 1818, Judicial Proceedings, Vol.No.135B.

37

Blackburn, Acting Collector of Tirunelveli district to the Board of Revenue, 10 September

1832, in Board of Revenue Consultations, Vol.1340, pp.9977 - 9982.

114
and gang robbery. In due course, they were branded as a notorious criminal
class of the district.38
In the district of Thanjavur even after the abolition of Kaval system the
Kavalkarars particularly of the Kallar community continued to levy them over a
large part of the district especially in Thanjavur, Kumbakonam, Mannargudi,
Pattukkottai and to some extent Thiruthuraipoondi taluks.39
In Thiruchirapalli district the situation was surprisingly different.

In the

town of Thiruchirapalli every house hold including that of British officials was
paying Kaval fee to the Kallar Kavalkarars.40

The Europeans employed the

Kallar Kavalkarars as protector of their houses and property in order to save

them from the depredations of those from the same caste. With the exception of
the Magistrate every officer in Thiruchirapalli use to keep one of the Kallar
Kavalkarar in his pay. If at all the employer wanted to change his Kavalkarar he
was compelled to employ a new one from the same caste.

The police

department found it very difficult to guard against the plans of these

Kavalkarars.41
The Regulation of 1816 was enacted with much hope by the colonial state.
It visualized that it could control the evergrowing crime rates,42

particularly

38

W.Francis, South Arcot District Gazetteer, Madras, 1906, p.253.

39

B.S.Baliga, Madras District Gazetteers, South Arcot, Madras, 1962, p.381.

40

Hall Blair, Magistrate, Thiruchirapalli to Provincial Court of Southern Division, 1 August 1835,
Board of Revenue Proceedings, Vol.1476, pp.13968 - 13972.

41

Ibid.,

42

Apart from the crimes committed by the Kavalkarars there were other categories crimes
such as crimes committed by professional criminals and victims of famines.

115
crimes associated with Kaval system through the creation of a new establishment
to look after police and revenue administration simultaneously. However in a
long run it realized that it had committed a blunder. This new establishment
provided with enormous powers by the succeeding regulations of 1816 proved to
be an abode of corruption, terror, extortion and torture. The atrocities committed
by revenue servants acting as police officers, the lackadaisical attitude of
Collectors towards their police work, and the ineffectiveness of the district judges
soon attracted the attention of the Board of Directors of the British East India
Company.

Consequently the Company ordered the Madras Government to

appoint a commission to investigate and ascertain how far the system of police
worked satisfactorily in terms of public interest.43

In 1854 a committee was

appointed by the Madras Government which was popularly known as the

Torture Commission.
The Torture Commission, consisting of F.F.Elliot, H.Stocks and John
Bruce Norton as Commissioners, after a through investigation submitted its
report in 1855 which exposed the inefficiency, cruelty and thorough disregard for
human beings of the police establishment. It observed that,
The police establishment has become the bane and pest of society,
the terror of community and origin of half the misery and discontent
that exist among the subjects of the Government. Corruption and
bribery reign paramount throughout the establishment. Violence,

43

The History of The Madras Police, p.261.

116
torture and cruelty are their chief instrument for deducting crime,
implicating innocence and extorting money44
If this was the nature of the police establishment of the government, there
is nothing surprising to note that the people at large lost their confidence with the
police department of the government and turned towards the Kavalkarars for
their safety and security. In the light of the Torture Commissions Report one
could argue that the colonial state had no moral right to criticize the Kaval
system.
The Torture Commission which exposed the inefficient, corrupt and cruel
nature

of

the

existing

police

establishment

also

furnished

some

recommendations for reforming the police administration. It laid emphasis on the

creation of an independent police department under European officers without
revenue responsibilities.

The Madras government accepted the views and

recommended the appointment of a Superintendent of Police in each district and

two of the same for larger districts.45

The Colonial State and the Kavalkarars, 1859-1896

In the aftermath of the Torture Commission and the events of 1857, a new
police system was formed after the model of English country and Irish
Constabulary administration.46 It came into existence through the Madras Police
44

Report of the Commissioners for the Investigation of Alleged Cases of Torture in the Madras
Presidency, Madras 1855, pp.62-63.

45

Report of the Indian Police Commission, Simla, 1903, p.10.

46

J.H.Garstin, Manual of South Arcot District, Lawrance Asylum Press, Madras, 1878, p.205.

117
Act of 1859 which was implemented throughout the Presidency by the end of
1863. The new system incorporated many new principles. It provided for the
establishment of a professional organisation independent of the control of
revenue officials and responsibilities.

The Government of Madras had high

hopes on this new police organisation. An energetic officer W.Robinson was

appointed as the first Inspector General of Police. With fond hopes, he was
entrusted with the responsibility of placing this organization on a sound footing.
However, the new police too failed to live up to the high expectations.47
It was true that as a result of the reorganisation of the police machinery,
the Madras police was successful in controlling some extreme forms of crimes
like dacoity and raiding. However it found itself ineffective against other forms of
crimes. Foremost among them was the crimes related to Kaval committed by the
Maravars and Kallars of southern Tamilnadu. While the company was able to
contain the crimes committed by the Kavalkarars in the northern districts of
Tamilnadu it failed in the southern districts of Tamilnadu, such as Thiruchirapalli,
Thanjavur, Madurai and Tirunelveli. Inspite of the efforts taken by the colonial
state to uproot Kaval system, Kaval was still prevalent in this region in the 1860s
as it had been half a century earlier.48 In the words of one despairing police
officer in 1861, Kaval was incompatible with a just and enlightened
administration. There were as well he knew great difficulties in trying to reduce

47

P.Jegadeesan, Law and Order in Madras Presidency (1850-1880), B.R.Publishing

Corporation, New Delhi, p.46.

48

David Arnold, Police Power and Colonial Rule in Madras, Oxford University Press, Madras,
1986, p.139.

118
the robber police to controllable limits but he believed sooner or later the
difficulty must be faced and overcome.49
J.Grose, Acting Secretary, Board of Revenue in his report submitted to the
government dated 21st December 1869 lamented the power and influence still
enjoyed by the Kavalkarars in Tirunelveli in the following words.
It may be observed that the kavalkarar imposed assessments of
this district are not confined to a tax on carts. In most parts of the
district the kavalkarars levy a regular house tax without the
intervention of any authorized check in its imposition or regulation
and they claim the right to revise their assessment, when more
valuable houses are substituted for lower rated dwellings. Other
exaction of a similar character countenanced by long prescriptions
are still maintained in various parts of the district and enforced by
the fear of the kavalkarar inspire. As a rule no cultivator is at liberty
to watch his crops.
The kavalkarars institution has been in a most unsatisfactory
condition in the district of Tirunelveli since the commencement of
our rule. The Men-kaval system was never thoroughly suppressed
in this district as it was elsewhere in South India, and its
organisation and spirit still subsist.50

49

C.S.Heran, Memo on Tirunelveli Village Police, Judicial Proceedings, 97, 19 December

1870, India Office Records cited in Police Power and Colonial Rule in Madras (1880-1947),
Oxford University Press, Madras, 1986, p.139.

50

Board of Revenue Proceedings, Vol. No.5217, 8 August 1870, p.6291.

119
Even though the colonial government had taken many a step at various
stages against the Kaval system it continued to exist as before demonstrating the
tenacity of the Kavalkarars, especially the Maravars of the Tirunelveli region. For
example H.S.Grigg, acting head assistant to the Collector of Tirunelveli, in his
report to the acting Collector of Tirunelveli dated, Kayatar 13th April 1870 gives a
vivid picture about the ways by which Kaval was imposed on the inhabitants, the
huge amount of money collected by them at the various centres of Tirunelveli
and the crude methods adopted by them to make people who refused to pay the
Kaval fee.
I now come to speak of the unauthorized collections of fees by
kavalgars on bandis [bullock carts] passing through the villages
along the highways or by bye ways. It seems to be the universal
practice for the kavalgars of this division to levy such a fee
whenever a bandy halts at night.

The amount realized by the

kavalgar annually in this way must be very great. The fee seems to
be fixed by custom and varies in different villages, but is seldom
less than 6 pies per bandy and occasionally 8 and 10 paise. Half of
this is charged on laden bandies and some what a lower fee on
laden cattle.
It might be said that this fee is voluntary; but such as clearly may
not be the case. All the sub-magistrates report that where this fee
is refused the kavalgar resort to all sorts of extraordinary measures
to force payment such as hiding the cattle, stealing the cart pin,

120
unyoking the bullocks, dragging the bandy man before the village
Munsiff on charge of theft, etc.51
As per the Police Act of 1859 the Police administration of Tirunelveli
district came under the exclusive control of Superintendent of Police. These new
officers in their efforts to replace the Kavalkarars appointed Talayaris and
Vettiyans in 1873 and a declaration was made that payment of fees as being
due by custom to Kaval was illegal. The result of the new system was alarming.
In one year alone i.e. 1878 the amount of property lost in robberies in the
Ambasamutram taluk amounted to over Rs.15,000/-.52
As far as the district of Thanjavur was concerned the situation was
significantly different.

The colonial administration aided by the new police

machinery was able enough to bring a major section of the Kavalkarars under its
control. A major section of the Kallar population settled down permanently to
peaceful and lawful occupations.

Regarding this breakthrough T.M.Horsefall,

District and Sessions Judge of Thanjavur in his letter to the Chief Secretary
dated 8th October 1895 had made the following remarks.53
If we take a broad view we shall find a distinct improvement even in
the past twenty years.

In this district numbers of kallars have

settled down permanently to peaceful and lawful occupations and

51

Ibid., pp.6291, 6292.

52

H.R.Pate, Gazetteer of the Tinnevelly District, p.337.

53

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.7.

121
many of them (significant sign) tried to hide their origin by calling
themselves Pillais.54 What more can we want?
Regarding the impact of the reorganized police administration over the
ryots of Thanjavur was well conceived by E.C.Rawson, the acting Magistrate of
Thanjavur in the following terms.
Since the introduction of an organised police force, the ryots have
begun to show a certain amount of disinclination to continue paying
the old fees, and the Kallars resort to extortion in order to enforce
what they consider their legitimate rights and cattle lifting is the
method employed.55
However this was not the case all over the Thanjavur district. There were
some exceptions. In parts of Thanjavur, Pattukottai and Kumbakonam taluks the
Kaval system by the Kallars continued its powerful presence. Regarding this
F.R.Hemingway in his Thanjavur Gazetteer observed that,
In Thanjavur the kaval system only applies to cattle. The fee being
generally from four to eight annas (at Orathanad Rs.1/-) per annum
for a pair of bulls. Even after the abolition of kaval system the

54

There is a proverb in Tamil. Kallar, Maravar and Agambadiyar mella mella Pillai yanar
meaning that the Kallars, Maravars and Agambadiyars who became comparatively rich and
sophisticated started calling themselves as Pillais. Pillai is the caste title of Vellalars who
occupy the second position in the caste hierarchy of the Tamil society next to the Brahmins.

55

E.C.Rawson to the Chief Secretary, Thanjavur, 6 November 1895; in G.O.473, Judicial, 31

March 1897, p.9.

122
kavilgars (kallars) continued to levy them and over a large part of
the district do so till the day.56
In Madurai district and in the very city itself the condition was alarming.
The following observation made by J.Twigg, District Judge of Madurai provides a
clear picture of the power exercised by the Kallar Kavalkarars over the city of
Madurai.
For instance Madurai town pays blackmail under a regular
organised system to the Kallars of Kilagudi, a village about five
miles away. If under an Act similar to the Criminal Tribes Act, the
inhabitants were all registered confined to founds and carefully
watched, the Madura people might acquire sufficient confidence to
refuse to pay kaval fees, but there is danger that if Kilagudi were
muzzled, Madura town would become the prey of other kallars.57
In the rural belt of Madurai the condition was more horrible as per the
following description made by F.Fawcett Esq. Superintendent of Police, Malabar
in his report to the Inspector General of Police, Madras dated 20th November
1895.
To enforce their claim for kaval fee, the kallar not only steals but he
uses fire frequently. He fires houses and hay-stacks of recalcitrant

56

F.R.Hemingway, Madras District Gazetteers, Thanjavur, Government of Tamilnadu, 1966,

p.206.

57

Report from J.Twigg, District Magistrate of Madurai to the Chief Secretary, 10 April 1896,
G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.21.

123
payees and otherwise annoys them. Those who levy black mail are
not necessarily the nearest.

Very often the kudi kavalgars live

many miles away and merely make periodical visits to the villages
they are suppose to watch for the purpose of collecting their
blackmail.
Say A buys a bullock at a place several days journey from his
house and it is being thither. In every village, where a halt is made
the kaval fee are demanded by the kallar kavalgar or watchman
and these must be paid; if they are not paid the bullock will certainly
be stolen.58
The above observations clearly indicate the inability of the police
administration to tackle and control the Kaval-related crimes.

It also

demonstrates the overwhelming power and influence enjoyed by the Kavalkarars

at the local level.
In the case of Thiruchirapalli district there was significant improvement in
controlling the Kaval-related crimes as a result of the efforts taken by the
reorganised police administration. However it was not completely eradicated.
M.S.Parthasarathy Iyengar, Inspector of Police B Division, in his report to the
Superintendent of Police of Thiruchirapalli district dated 20th October 1895
described the prevalence of Kaval system in the city of Thiruchirapalli itself in the
following terms.
58

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.27; Vide Appendix VII.

124
The custom of entertaining kavalgars to watch gentlemens
[Europeans] bunglows still prevails in Trichinopoly.

Generally

kallars and in a few cases Ambalagars are employed and they are
supposed to see that no theft occur within their respective charges.
The feeling of security complete in their minds without kavalgars
being employed. The gentries utilize the services of these men for
some other household purposes and this affords a sort of excuse
for keeping them.
Some principle streets in the town have got kavalgars but they are
simply nominal59
David Arnold in his scholarly article Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras
1860-1940 has made an observation that between the Kallar and Maravar on
the one side and the British and Indian antagonists on the other, Kaval and
related crimes were no less than a struggle for rural supremacy.60 But from the
factors seen above regarding the condition of Kaval system in the urban centres
of Thiruchirapalli and Madurai as revealed by the colonial officials it may be
conceived that the struggle was not only for rural supremacy but to exercise
control over urban centres also.
On the basis of the above said facts it may be conceived that the newly
reorganised police machinery was only partially successful in controlling the
59

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.34.

60

The Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.6, No.2, January 1979, p.158.

125
crimes related to Kaval system. In the district of Thiruchirapalli and Thanjavur
there were visible changes that the former Kavalkarars had started settling in
peaceful ways of life. Contrary to this in the district of Madurai and Tirunelveli the
Kavalkarars were still as powerful as they were before.
The reorganised police administration introduced through the act of 1859
was better, and yielded better results when compared with the previous attempts
of the colonial state.

The enhanced power of the new police system, the

amendments made in the act of 1859 in the subsequent years coupled with the
phenomenal increase in the numbers of police personnel paved the way for new
developments.

In many districts including Thanjavur and Thiruchirapalli the

police gradually gained an upper hand over the Kavalkarars and the crimes
perpetrated by them. But in the case of Madurai and Tirunelveli regions where
the institution of Kaval system was dominated by the Kallars and Maravars
respectively, the police failed to make any breakthrough. The more the police
tightened their grip on the Kavalkars, the more oppressive they became. As per
the colonial records the reasons for the failure of the police may be accounted as
follows.
In a majority of the Maravar and Kallar villages the village magistrates
were from the same communities. The strong caste and clannish affinity prevent
the village magistrate to make complaints against the Kallar and Maravar
Kavalkarars.
The next important reason was the reluctance on the part of victims, who
out of fear of the loss of his animals or retaliation from the Kavalkarars never

126
reported the matter to the police.

Regarding these two factors F.C.Rawson,

Acting Magistrate of Thanjavur made the following remarks in his report to the
Chief Secretary dated on 6th November 1895.
The principal difficulties that lie in the way of suppression of cattle
lifting and blackmail are the disinclination of the ryots to complain
against or give evidence against the kallars and the difficulty of
obtaining evidence against the kallars owing to the fact that most
heads in the kallar villages are kallars themselves.61
J.Andrew, District Magistrate of Thiruchirapalli was of the opinion that the
number of complaints lodged with the police regarding cattle thefts forms only 1/8
of the total crimes.62
Moreover the dependency of the lower ranks of the police administration
over the Kavalkarars in collecting information regarding the crimes committed
was another reason for the failure of the police machinery.

There is every

possibility for the Kavalkarars to provide a distorted version about the crimes
committed.

Pertaining to this fact the Administrative Report of the Police of

Madras for the year 1886 made the following remark.

there is no doubt but that the kudikavalgars have been nearly
universally employed in working cases. It is a natural outcome of
the kudikaval system. The police are brought up to go to the kudi
61

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.10.

62

J.Andrew to Chief Secretary, 14 December 1895 in G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897,

p.18.

127
kavalgar in private life and they continue to believe in his prowess
as a detective and employ him concealing the fact. Many a good
case is lost through it.

The kavalgar is thus the chief, the

watchman, the detective, an immense power. Early endeavour is

being made to stop this, but it is a practice that will take long time to
eradicate.63
Another important reason was the absence of the Village Magistrates from
the villages where they were posted. They used to stay in big villages where
living conditions were better. This caused so much of time lag between the time
of the occurrence of the crime and the Village Magistrate reaching the site. The
same was the case in making report to the higher authorities too.64 For example
there are 15 Village Magistrates in Kalakad. This delays report of crime and
interferes with their usefulness.65
At this juncture an understanding about two important factors and the
development associated with them is essential; one is regarding the social
policies adopted by the colonial government in administering the people of India,
the socio-economic and political factors which influenced and governed the
formulation and implementation of such policies. The second factor was the
social conflicts which broke out in Tamilnadu in the closing decades of the
nineteenth century.

63

Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1886, p.25.

64

Ibid., p.23, 24.

65

Ibid., p.23

128
For the British policy makers the late nineteenth century was a difficult
period both in ideological and political terms. Apart from its own problem the
British empire has to face continental challenges.

In the educated and

administrative circles moral and ethical issues were debated afresh based on the
scientific discoveries of Darwin.
conceptual changes.

Earlier perception of colonies underwent

These developments inevitably led to the need for

continual reformulation of social policy.66

In England during this period the administrators found themselves unable
to solve the problem of economic depression, unemployment, strikes, poverty,
alchocolism, ill health and crime, inspite of the decades of social legislation.
Scientific research undertaken during this period to find out the ultimate cause for
criminality concluded that it is genetical and hereditary trait.

The developing

disciplines of anthropology and anthropometry also contributed to the notion of

hereditary criminality.67
In the Indian context too the colonial administration was facing many
problems.

The great upheaval of 1857, followed by armed insurrection in

different tribal belts of India, the steady growth of Indian National Congress
founded in 1885 were a few cases in point on the political front. On the social
side it could not solve the problem of the growing crime rates committed
particularly by certain specific communities of the Indian society inspite of the

66

Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History: Criminal Tribes and British Colonial Policy,
Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2001, p.1.

67

Ibid., p.3.

129
series of reforms introduced in police and judicial administration from time to
time. In search of the root cause of criminality of those Indian Communities, the
colonial administrators borrowed the idea already developed and incubated by
the scientists in England, and applied it here in India.
The British officials in India, viewed the Indian society as a conglomeration
of many castes with distinct physical features, character, customs and manners
completely different from each other.

Meanwhile a few anthropological and

sociological studies on Indian society were undertaken by the British, most of

them were civil servants and military officials. To cite an example the opinion of
F.Fawcett, Superintendent of Police of Malabar is furnished below.
India is one country in the world in which people live together and
yet apart.

It is one country in which proximity does not mean

intermixture infusion and complete alteration of the original. People

of one caste live check-by-jowl by those of another, marrying with
their own people, sacrificing to their gods, living their own lives as if
they were on an island by themselves, and so we find the kallars
and maravars now just as they have been for many centuries.68
The intention of these studies was to assist the British officials in
understanding the Indian society, so that they could clearly demarcate the castes
which could be loyal and dependable and the castes which were hostile and to
be controlled.
68

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, p.31.

130
In general the British officials, with a few exceptions were unsympathetic
towards Indians. In their view the Indians were uncivilized, and barbaric and the
British rule was a god-sent one to make the Indian people civilized.

In the

colonial discourse the colonial officials were very generous in using derogatory
remarks while describing the Indian communities particularly about the
communities which were un co-operative and rebellious. J.H.Nelsons Madura
Manual of 1989 is a case in point. While describing some particular communities
of Madurai region Nelson liberally uses terms like, the lawless maravar, sulking
kallar, the licentious paraiah and the restless kuravar.69 Here the irony of the
fact was that these were the communities which dominated the Kaval system,
and continuously resisted the move of the colonial government to control them.
His resentful image about an individual or a few Kavalkarars of Maravar, Kallar,
Paraiyar and Kuravar stock later on applied to the entire communities of
thousands of men, women and children.
The new concepts of criminality, such as genetical and hereditary
criminality developed in England, were imported to India and applied here with
some modification in the notion of crime. In India it was not based on the notion
of genetically transmitted crime but on crime as a profession passed from one
generation of criminal caste to another; like a carpenter would pass on his trade
to the next generation, hereditary criminal caste members would pass this
profession to their offspring.70

69

J.H.Nelson, The Madura Country; A Manual, Madras, 1989, Part III, p.16.

70

Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, 2001, p.5.

131
The total outcome of the above seen scientific cum administrative exercise
was the formulation of the infamous Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 by the
Government of India.71 The most important purpose of the 1871 Act had been to
suppress the hereditary criminal section of the Indian society. To start with the
Criminal Tribes Act was implemented in the North Western Frontier Province and
Punjab with the sole purpose of suppressing thuggery.

Later it was extended

to other parts of North India.

In 1897 the Government of Madras which was facing serious social
problems in the closing years of nineteenth century hoped to arm itself with the
same Act.

Circulars were sent to district administrators to identify criminal

communities and their exploits which includes Kaval related crimes and to decide
whether there was any need for the implementation of Criminal Tribes Act. The
response was surprising.72 A majority of the district magistrates reported that
there were no such criminal communities existing in their district to the extent of
inviting Criminal Tribes Act. The Collector of Thanjavur reported that there was
no Kudi Kaval system in his district and the Kallar Kavalkarars who had some
criminal record in the past settled down to peaceful life as agriculturists and they
even changed their caste name from Kallar to Pillai.73
This opinion of the District Magistrate of Thanjavur was shared by the
District Magistrates of Coimbatore, Salem, Thiruchirapalli, South Arcot and North
Arcot. They were of the opinion that the prevailing situation could be managed
71

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, Criminal Tribes Act.

72

G.O.No.1753, Judicial, 22 August 1895.

73

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897.

132
with the existing criminal laws.

Hence they did not see the need for the

introduction of Criminal Tribes Act.74

H.D.Robinson, District Superintendent of Police of Tirunelveli in his report
to the District Magistrate was in favour of the implementation of Criminal Tribes
Act over the Maravars of Tirunelveli district.

He justified his opinion in the

following words.
Kudi kaval is another name for blackmail, that the blackmailers are
all maravars and kallars and that the system not only exist in
Tirunelveli but flourishes and thrives what further proof is wanting
that stronger measure are required.
I am therefore most strongly of the opinion that the maravas of
Tirunelveli should be declared a Criminal Tribe under the Act.
Certainly there are many maravar villages in Tirunelveli such as
Marugalkuruchi, Munnirpallam, Nochikulam, etc which are perfect
nest of criminals75
After reporting this he went to the extent of recommending the
implementation of the Criminal Tribes Act against the Kallars of Madurai district
so that the Kallars residing in the Srivilliputtur and Sattur taluks of Tirunelveli
district could be brought under this Act.76

74

G.O.No.535, Judicial, 29 March 1899.

75

Robinson to the District Magistrate, 18 August 1897, G.O.No.535, Judicial, 29 March 1899,
pp.9-11.

76

Ibid.,

133
J.Twigg the District Magistrate of Madurai in his report dated 7th August
1897 recommended the implementation of Criminal Tribes Act on the Kallars,
Maravars and Agamudaiars of his district. At the same time he suggested that
this Act should not be implemented against any community as a whole, but only
on those members who are proved to belong to the criminal portion of such
tribes.77 However the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 of Government of India with
some amendments was finally introduced in the Madras Presidency in 1911.
The reason for the implementation of this Act in 1911 was the developments
which took place in the last decade of 19th century.
The second factor was the social conflicts which broke out in Tamilnadu in
the closing decade of the 19th century. In the social history of Tamilnadu the
period starting from 1895 was marked by much social conflict stained with
violence and bloodshed.
The first major outbreak of social conflict was in the Dindugal region of
Madurai district where armed resistance against the Kallar Kaval system was
organised by other communities in 1896.78

This was the first major violent

attempt against the Kallar Kaval. Following this example in Tirunelveli district too
there were armed resistance against the Maravar Kavalkarars in 1900 and
after.79

77

Twigg to Chief Secretary in G.O.No.573, Judicial, 19 March 1899.

78

G.E.Baudry S.P. of Madurai to I.G. of Police dated Kannivadi, in 13 April 1896, G.O.No.473,
Judicial, 31 March, 1897.

79

G.O.No.1579, Judicial (Confidential), 31 October 1900; G.O.No.1252, Home (Confidential),

11 March 1941.

134
Another important social conflict was the outbreak of the anti-Nadar riots
which engulfed the two southern districts Madurai and Tirunelveli respectively.
The process of modernization initiated by the colonial state started yielding fruits.
Communities which were placed at the bottom of the social hierarchy, particularly
the Nadars who came up dramatically on the economic front, started claiming
equal social rights which was violently responded to by the other communities,
prominent among whom were the Maravars and Kallars.

This consequently

ended in the infamous sack of Sivakasi of 189980 followed by planned attacks on

Nadar villages. When the situation turned from bad to worse the army was called
to suppress the rioters.

Though the anti-Nadar movement, and anti-kaval

outbreaks were suppressed, tension prevailed for some years with stray
incidents of violence here and there. During the suppression of these outbreaks
the police and army came out heavily on the Maravars and Kallars which in one
way or other initiated the process of the gradual dissolution of the Kaval system.
However in some pockets of Madurai and Tirunelveli the Kaval system withstood
the onslaught, and continued to exist.

80

G.O.No.2017, 2018, Judicial (Confidential), 12 December 1899, p.25.

CHAPTER V

ANTI-KAVAL MOVEMENTS
In Tamilnadu, the last quarter of the 19th century, especially the years after
1895, were marked by social conflicts of great magnitude. The rapid
transformation initiated by the British gained much momentum in the second half
of the nineteenth century.

The spread of Western education, introduction of

railways which improved means of transport, commercialization of agriculture,

promotion of trade and commerce and the extension of irrigation facilities
coupled with the proselytizing activities of the Christian missionaries had a
profound impact on Tamil society. The new economic opportunities which arose
as a result were well utilized by some communities which were traditionally
placed in the lower ranks of the caste hierarchy. The tradition-oriented, castebased and rigid occupational structure was broken up and mobility from lower to
higher levels, and attaining economic prosperity became comparatively easier for
them.

These communities, once they became economically affluent, started

demanding equal social status.

It was vehemently opposed and violently

suppressed by the higher castes. Some other communities which were at the
margins, as a result of their exposure to western education and culture started
questioning and criticized the debilitating social evils and inequalities.

In the

meantime, the formation of regional level political organizations had culminated

in the emergence of Indian National Congress in 1885. As a cumulative impact

136

of all these development the entire socio-economic and political milieu was
charged with the aspiration for transformation. A detailed discussion of all these
factors said above falls out of the purview of this chapter.

This chapter is

confined to three important developments which took place in the social sphere
of Tamilnadu which are instrumental in bringing down the Kaval system.
Anti-kaval movement in Madurai region.
Anti-kaval movement in Tirunelveli.
Introduction of the Criminal Tribes Act.

Anti-Kaval Movement in Madurai and Tirunelveli

The anti-kaval movement in Madurai and Tirunelveli regions was the
demonstration of the antipathy entertained by the chief agricultural communities
such as the Vellalars, Gounders, Naickers, Konars, Nadars, Pallars1 and other
service communities for decades together against the illegal extractions of the
Maravar and Kallar Kavalkarars. Before the establishment of the British rule,
Kaval as an ancient and indigenous system of policing was widely practised in
Tamilnadu with well-defined rights and responsibilities guaranteed by oral and
written agreements. In general this institution was functioning well, though there
were violations of the agreement by the Kavalkarars which were few in number
1

Cattle rearing was the traditional occupation of the Konars. Next to that, agriculture was their
prime occupation. Regarding the Nadars, Pallars and Paraiyars were concerned majority of
them were farm labourers. However a tiny section of them became land owners as a result
of the economic polices of the company and the efforts taken by Christian Missionaries.

137

and sporadic in nature. However with the establishment British rule over the
entire Carnatic region in 1801, finding the Kaval system and the Kavalkarars as a
potential competitor in the race of supremacy, the Company decided to eradicate
this system. Starting from 1802 a series of Regulations was enacted by the
Company with the aim of curbing the power and influence enjoyed by the
Kavalkarars. A new police machinery was also introduced in 1802 replacing the
Kaval system and it was reformed periodically to face the problems arising out of
the abolition of the Kaval system. Since the Kavalkarars were equally tenacious
a prolonged struggle started.
In the caste-based social structure of Tamilnadu, both the Maravars and
Kallars have occupied a middle order position i.e. below the Brahmins and the
Vellalars and above the Nadars and the Scheduled Castes.

In terms of

population the Maravars, particularly the Kondayamkottai branch, was dominant

in Tirunelveli district. Of the fourteen Palayakarars of Tirunelveli district eight
were of Kondayamkottai branch.2 These Maravars were a dominant political
power during the days of the Palayakarars. Both the Brahmins and the Vellalars
served under the Maravar Palayakarars and Zamindars in important capacities.
In Madurai, the Kallars formed the dominant section in the population. During the
pre-colonial days they were the masters of Kallarnadu otherwise known as

Geroge W.Spencer, Temples, Kings and Peasants: Perception of South Indias Past, New
Era Publication, Chennai, 1987, p.9.

138

Thannadchinadu or Thannarasunadu.3 Occupation-wise a major section of both

these communities had either served as soldiers in the army of former kings and
Palayakarars or as Kavalkarars. Their numerical majority, their warring nature
and the nostalgia about their political power during pre-colonial days earned
them a special position and respect in the society and consequently they had an
edge over all other communities. An element of fear was also there behind this
respect.
During the course of the confrontation between the Company and the
Kavalkarars calculated steps were taken by the colonial state against the
Kavalkarars.

Both the Men Kaval and Kudikaval systems were abolished,

collection of Kaval fee was declared illegal, and the rent-free land allotted to them
were confisticated. Consequently the Kavalkarars lost much of their traditional
power and influence and their avenues of income. Without a guaranteed income,
life became miserable to them.

They started imposing the Kaval system

unofficially over the inhabitants, and collected more than what was admissible.
Thus they landed in the arena of crime gradually. The more the state tightened
its grip over the Kavalkarars the more was the extraction of the Kavalkarars from
the inhabitants. Refusal of the claims made by the Kavalkarars usually ended in
the loss of property and loss of cattle on the part of inhabitants. This kind of
Kaval related crimes over a period of time attained great proportions, despite the

Here Nadu means a cluster of many villages. All the affairs connected with those Nadus
were managed by leading Kallar families

139

steps taken by the government.

The people at large hesitated to resist the

Kavalkarars because it may lead to further loss of property or livestock.

The reasons for the failure of the colonial state in suppressing the Kaval
system had been explained by David Arnold in the following terms.
The British failed to create a rival police system sufficiently powerful
to oust the kavalgars and protect the ryots. Numerically weak,
underpaid and corrupt, drawn from classes traditionally subordinate
to the maravars and kallars the constabulary was itself in awe to
the kavalgars.4
Moreover the relation between the village police and the regular police
was also not smooth. The highhandedness of the regular police led to a strained
relationship between them leading to the non co-operation on the part of village
police. This gulf was well utilized by the Kavalkarars.
Yet another factor that impacted on the illegal extraction of the Maravar
and Kallar Kavalkarar was the economic factors. Wherever the opportunities for
an occupational change were bright the Kavalkarars gradually drifted away from
Kaval.

The Keelnattu Kallars i.e. Kallars of the eastern portions of Madurai

district particularly of Melur taluk and the Kallars of Thanjavur district lost their
interest in Kaval soon after the waters of the Periyar irrigation project reached

David Arnold, Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras 1860-1940, The Journal of Peasant
Studies, Vol.6, No.2, January 1979, pp.155-156.

140

their land in 1896. Contrary to this the Piramalai Kallar Kavalkarars of western
part of Madurai as owners of few acres of unirrigated dry land that too affected by
repeated famine could not maintain themselves.5

Hence the Kavalkarars

continued to forcibly impose Kaval the only avenue of their income and indulge in
other crimes. The frequent and prolonged famines in Tirumangalam region also
prompted the migration of Piramalai Kallar towards western and northern
portions of Madurai and impose Kaval there on the inhabitants. The continuous
flow resulted in increasing number of Kavalkarars operating in a limited area and
minimised their income.

When there was no room for imposing Kaval they

turned towards robbery.

Regarding the means adopted by the Kavalkarars to make the inhabitants
to accept their Kaval and to pay the fee, the following interesting observation was
made by G.H.P.Bailey, District Superintendent of Police, Tirunelveli.
Thus the marava oppression is inherited from the dominant position
of this warlike community in the past and is carried on under the
clock of the ancient kudi and kondi kaval systems.
common methods of oppression are,
a) Extortion of kudi or kondi kaval dues in cash or in kind.
b) Stealing of fowl, goats and sheep.

Ibid., p.156.

A few

141

c) Mischief by spoiling paddy and other crops just ready for

harvest by removing the grain from the stalk.
d) Driving away cattle to extract money for their restoration.
e) Smashing of stones supporting irrigation equipments at wells.
The foregoing items do not include arson against the houses and
fodder which is often reported to the police and which is committed
with the same purpose wish to reduce the villager to such pressure
that he has to choose between marava domination and exaction
and an existence rendered intolerable by constant fear for the
safety of his life and property.6
Similar kind of observation was made by a retired government servant
Rao Bahadur S.Radhakrishna Iyer (Indian Audit and Accounts Service, Rtd.,) a
native of Tharuvai, a village situated near Tirunelveli on the south west. He
indicated the weakness of the police as an additional factor.
My residence in this village for the last two months has made me
realize that unless the serious marava oppression is put down with
a high hand by government, life in this village, as in other villages
as well, consisting of a marava population will be intolerable. Not a
day passes without some theft or other being committed by the
maravas.

Paddy is removed from the fields before harvest,

G.O.No.1802, Home, 31 July, 1943.

142

government trees cut and sold for firewood. Poor cultivators are
suppressed in different ways and crimes are not reported to the
police for the fear of marava reprisals. But the police is
hopelessly inadequate.7
In an interview during my fieldtrip with an elderly Maravar gentleman,
Nainar Thevar8 (father of Nainar Nagendran, Former Minister for Electricity
Board, Government of Tamilnadu) informed me that the Konars (shepherds)
were always afraid of the Nanguneri Maravars; no Konar was ready to accept the
offer of kidai9 in the neighbouring villages of Nanguneri.
Having failed in all its attempts against the Kavalkarars the colonial state
anticipated some short of initiative from the side of the landed gentry. Regarding
this fact as early in 1886 J.Lee Warner, Superintendent of Tirunelveli had
lamented that,
The remedy seems to be in the hands of the wealthy land and
property holders themselves. If they are too cowardly or apathetic
to put out a hand to help themselves by co-operating with the
established police, the most decided efforts of the best government
in the world will continue to be inoperative.10

S.Radhakrishna Iyer to S.V.Ramamoorthy, Advisor to His Excellency, the Governor, April

1943, in G.O.No.1802, Home, 31 July 1943.

Interview with Nainar Thevar at Panagudi, 10 November 2003.

Kidai refers to the penning of sheep and goats. This is to get natural fertilizer to enrich the
soil, for which the shepherd is paid by the land owner.

10

Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1886, Vide Appendix C, p.xi.

143

The above observation was made in 1886. Exactly after ten years the
anti-kaval movement broke out in the western and north-western parts of
Madurai district. When the illegal extraction of the Kallar Kavalkarars become
intolerable and unbearable, people started reacting to it and this reaction with the
cooperation of the police developed into a movement.11 It went to the extent of
driving out the Kallars to their original home in Tirumangalam taluk and at one
stage it went beyond the control of the state administration.
The police authorities in the core region of the movement claimed that
they had not played any role in the movement either by instigating it or by
cooperating with it. The district police administration had claimed that it was
rendering equal protection to Kallar, and the ryots and tried to draw a picture that
the movement was a sudden and spontaneous one. But the Magistrates and
police openly sympathized with the ryots, advising them however to confine their
movement within the boundaries of law.

The subordinate officials were

instructed to act only in the event the movement crossed the boundaries of law;
otherwise they were advised remain passive.12 However one can understand
that the invisible hands of the police was behind the anti-kaval movements from
the following statement made by L.E.Buckley, District Magistrate of Tirunelveli.13

11

L.E.Buckley, District Magistrate of Tirunelveli to the Secretary to the Government, 23 March,

1904, G.O. Judicial (Confidential), 31 May 1904, pp.7, 8.

12

Anand Sankar Pandian, Landscapes of Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of California, Berkeley, pp.109-110.

13

Buckley to the Secretary to the Government, 23 March 1904 in G.O.No.867, Judicial

(Confidential), 31 May 1904, pp.7-8.

144

This kaval system will never be thrown off unless the movement
comes from the people.

There are not wanting signs of such

movement and whenever a desire for freedom is expressed police

aid is given. The cases are not numerous at present; one success
will breed another.
However when the anti-kaval movements crossed the limits permitted by
the colonial state, the police machinery had to intervene. Encouraged by their
initial success against the Kallar Kavalkarars the anti-kaval village assemblies in
Madurai started functioning like autonomous entities. It was at this juncture the
government decided to check the movement.

Rajagopal Chetti, the Sub-

magistrate of Vedasandur records that, The assemblies were head strong and
they overestimated their own power and action.14
In the Tirunelveli region the nature of the anti-kaval movement was very
different. The determination of the Maravars to keep the Kaval intact was a
challenge to the colonial state. During the first half of the twentieth century it had
to face so many challenges. In spite of that, fresh attempts were made to put an
end to the Kaval system. But what came to an end was the rule of the colonial
state and not the Kaval system.

14

Rajagopal to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 28 May 1986, MCR, 90.

145

Anti-Kaval Movement in Madurai District, 1896

The first major and unprecedented anti-kaval movement erupted in
Dindugal, Vedasandur, Periyakulam and Palani regions of Madurai district
towards the end of March 1896.

Invariably in all the British records, this

movement is termed as anti-kallar movement. All the regions mentioned above

are situated in the western and northern parts of Madurai district. The Kaval
system in this region was dominated by the Piramalai Kallars though there were
a few Kavalkarars belonging to Kuravar and Valaiyar castes as well.
The Piramalai Kallars, whose core region was the Thirumangalam taluk of
Madurai District, had migrated to western and northern parts of Madurai District,
during the second half of nineteenth century and successfully established their
Kaval sway over the inhabitants.15 Some of the leading Kallars took up the Men
Kaval responsibility of many villages appointing their own relatives as Kudi
Kavalkarars to look after the Kaval duties.

Eventually the Kudi Kavalkaras

became independent of the Men Kavalkaras and started collecting Kaval dues on
their own. The migration of Piramalai Kallar from the Usilampatti region to the
western and northern parts of Madurai district continued even in 1896.
Regarding the migration and occupation of Piramalai Kallar A.Aiyasami
Sastri, 2nd Class Magistrate of Uthamapalayam Division has made the following
observation:
15

Louis Dumont, A South Indian Sub Caste: Social Organisation and Religion of Pramalai
Kallar, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp.18-19.

146

During the last few years there has been a continuous influx
of kallars into this division from the Usilampatti firka16 and within the
last 6 months about 70 new kallar houses have sprung up in
Gudalur alone.

None of these kallars have any property; their

ostensible means of livelihood is that of agricultural labourers, but

most of them are kavalgars or employees of the kavalgars and live
on the fees collected from the ryots.17
The outbreak of drought and famine in Thirumangalam region also served
as a push factor, forcing many Kallar families to move north and west.18
As mentioned in the closing pages of the previous chapter in spite of the
repeated reorganization of the police administration the colonial state couldnt
dislodge the Kaval system which continued to operate throughout the nineteenth
century. This power vacuum in rural policing was well exploited by the Kallar
Kavalkarars of Madurai region and Maravar Kavalkarars of Tirunelveli and
Ramnad.
When their illegal Kaval exaction became intolerable and the existing
police machinery could not do anything concrete against them the initiative came

16

Usilampatti is an important commercial town situated on the highway running between

Madurai and Periyakulam. There are a few other villages in Madurai District with the same
name.

17

A.Aiyasami Sastri to G.K.Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 31 May 1896, Madurai

Collectorate Records, R.Dis.No.90/Mgl, (MCA.90), Madurai District Archives (MDA).

18

David Arnold, Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras, 1860-1940, The Journal of Peasant
Studies, Vol.6, No.2, January 1979, p.156.

147

from the common people belonging to non-kallar communities who joined

together and tried to overthrow the Kallar Kaval.

This development was

anticipated by the colonial government even in 1877. J.Lee Warner, Deputy

Superintendent of Police of Tirunelveli, in his communication addressed to the
Superintendent of Police, made a suggestion to suppress the Kaval system in the
following terms:
The remedy seems to me in the hands of the wealthy land
and property holders themselves.

If they are too cowardly or

apathetic to put out a hand to help themselves by co-operating with

the established police, the most decided effort of the best
government in the world would continue to be inoperative You
should with the approval of the government call a meeting of the
influential native gentlemen presided by yourself as Chairman to
devise the best working plan for defeating such a reign of terror.19
The reason for this effort towards collective security could be understood
by the statement made by the ryots of Dindugal in their petition submitted to the
Governor,
Over 2 years ago, the ryots of these Taluqs, finding Police unable
to put down these kallars, and their doings intolerable, started an
Association called The Fund for the purpose of Protecting
19

Lee Warner to Superintendent of Police, Tirunelveli in Administrative Report of the Police of

the Madras Presidency, 1886; Vide Appendix C, p.xi.

148

themselves by all lawful means, from the offences and illegal

exactions, made by this professional Thieves, scarcely any of them
have other means of livelihood.20
This development was explained in detail in the following words.
The anti-kallar agitation was a matter of considerable interest. It
began in the spring of the year [1896] and still continues to cause
considerable anxiety to the local authorities.

The area of

disturbance speaking generally is the country north of Madurai and

West of the mainline of the South Indian Railways. These kallars
ofcourse many of them are the kavalgars of villages under the kaval
system which is still in force and its neighbouring districts As is
to be expected the people who suffered most at the hands of the
kallars are the shepherds (Konars or Idayars). Their sheep and
goats form a very convenient subject for the kallar raids. They are
taken for kaval fee alleged to be overdue and also stolen against to
be restored on the payment of blackmail. The anti-kallar movement
was started in the year by a man of the shepherd caste, one
Ammaiappakon and rapidly spread through Vedasandur and
Dindigul. Meetings of the villagers were held at which thousands
attended; they took oath on their plough to dispense with the
services of the kallars; they formed funds to compensate such of
20

G.O.No.1496, Judicial, 14 October 1897.

149

them as lost their cattle or whose houses were burnt; they arranged
for watchman among themselves to patrol the villages at nights;
they provided horns to be sounded to carry the alarm in case of
theft from village to village and they prescribed a regular scale of
fines to be paid by those villagers who failed to turnover on the
sound of the alarm.21
The historical facts associated with the origin and spread of the movement
are not clear.

Materials available related to this movement, whether reports

made by the officials or petitions submitted either by the Kallars or by the

members of the anti-Kaval movement, are by their very nature biased. Since the
colonial administration was openly sympathetic with the movement the officials
functioning at the taluk and village level toed the line of their superiors. On the
other hand many of them, driven by the feelings of antagonism against the
Kallars, either concealed or belittled the actual facts.22
Ammaiappakon, the headman of Usilampatti village in the Vedasandur
division of Dindugal, a shepherd by caste, was popularly identified as the leader
of the anti-kaval movement.
Gounder.

Another important leader was Savadamuthu

On the side of the Kallars, Mayandi, popularly known as Thoratty

Mayandi of Muthanampatty and Mayathevan were considered to be the important

21

Report on the Administration of the Police of the Madras Presidency, Madras, 1897, pp.3-4.

22

A.Krishnaswamy Iyer, Taluk Magistrate to G.K.Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 30 May

1896, Madurai Collectors Record (MCR), R.District No.G.O./Mgl. Madurai District Archives
(MDA).

150

leaders.23 Understandably the shepherd caste was more vulnerable to Kallar

depredation and therefore it is not surprising that the leadership emerged from
them.

But there was a popular story that the personal animosity between

Ammaiappakon and one Karuppa Thevan of Aruppanpatti a village situated

nearby Usilampatti was the reason for the movement.

The reason for the

animosity was not cattle theft but of women; Karuppa Thevan is said to have
abducted Ammaiappakons wife and daughter.24 Whether this is true or only
apocryphal is immaterial for a historical analysis.
Though this movement came into existence in 1895 and gradually spread
to many villages the colonial authorities learned of the anti-kaval organizations
only by accident. The revenue officials on their visit to the villages in the early
months of 1896 for revenue collection came to know of the anti-kaval village
assemblies and the persecution of Kallars. As per the account of A.Rajagopal
Chetti, Sub Magistrate of Vedasandur, the origin of the movement may be traced
to the village of Kombai way back in 1894. Kombai is a small village situated in
the Vedasandur division on the edge of the hills bordering Thiruchirapalli district.
There were two passes which connected this village with the hills. By using
these passes the Kuravar of Thiruchirapalli made inroads into Kombai and used
to steal away the cattle and other articles. As a solution to this problem it was
23

Petition submitted by some Ryots of Dindigul Taluk to Sir Arthur Elibank Havelock, Governor,
2 October 1897, G.O. Judicial, No.1496, 14 Oct.1897, TNA.

24

G.K.Batten, Joint Magistrate of Madurai to the Magistrate of Madurai, 25 June, 1896, MCR,
90 MDA;
P.Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru (Tamil), Kakkaveeran Publishers,
Madurai, 1976, p.200.

151

proposed that if anybody happened to see a theft, he should blow a horn so that
people could gather and block off the hill passes and the culprits would be
captured. By implementing this tactic the people of Kombai were able to prevent
many thefts.25

Consequently the ryots of Nagayankottai, a nearby village,

particularly the Muslims, adopted the same system in the next year against the
thefts committed by the Kallars. When this movement spread to Usilampatti,
Ammaiappakon played a major role in organizing the people of Usilampatti and
adjoining villages into anti-kaval assemblies.

He also deputed his men to

faraway villages to form anti-kaval assemblies.

Within a short period, the movement geared up and spread to a majority of
villages of Dindugal, Vedasandur, Periyakulam and Palani regions.

In the

principal villages, village assemblies attended by people in thousands drawn

from neighbouring villages were frequently held. In these meetings resolutions
were passed regarding the steps to be taken against the Kallars. The Inspector
of Police of Vedasandur division observed that three thousand people from
several villages assembled at the temple near Ottanchatram and 2nd Grade
Constable No.856 attended the meeting.
The people took oath on the ploughs to unite themselves in anti-Kaval
movements. The following resolutions were passed:

25

Rajagopal Chetti, Sub Magistrate, Vedasandur to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 31

March 1896, MCR 90.

152

1) That the villagers should not speak to Kallars and Koravars.

2) That workmen (Barbers, Washermen, Carpenter, Black Smith
etc) should not do any work for the kallars and koravars.
3) That services of kallars as kavalgars should be dispensed with.
4) That if theft be committed they must blow a horn and search for
the stolen property and if the property be not found the man
whose property was stolen must be paid the value of the
property stolen out of the common fund to which all the villagers
contribute for the purpose.26
Such

meetings

were

also

held

at

Thumbachiapalayam

Ettappanaickenpatti attended by thousands of people.

and

In the meeting at

Ettappanaickenpatti a decision was taken to ask the Kallars and Kuravars to quit
their villages. Following this an order was issued by the Inspector that if the
villagers use force or violence against Kallars and Kuravars to make them quit
their villages other inhabitants would be charged for rioting.27
P.Venkateshwara Iyer, taluk Magistrate of Dindugal, as per the direction
given by the Joint Magistrate of Madurai submitted a report containing a long list
of villages in Dindugal, Nilakottai and Vedasandur such Magistrate divisions
where the anti-kaval movement had already gained foothold, and where the
26

Extract from the Vedasandur Inspectors Diary for 15-06-1896 in MCR Vol.90, MDA.

27

Ibid. Head Constable No.438, Meenakshi Sundarampillai and 2nd Class Constable No.623
Venkatram Naidu have attended and observed these meetings.

153

movement was yet to take proper shape. The list make it clear in a majority of
the villages the movement had already gained ascendency.28
From the Dindugal and Vedasandur area the movement very quickly
spread into the Palani region.

As per the report submitted by Magistrate of

Palani, it is clear that in many villages meetings were held and similar decisions
were taken against the Kallars.29 Similar meetings of the village assemblies were
also convened in the Chinnamanore and Bodinayakanpatti areas of Periyakulam
division.30
In all the meetings of the village assemblies discussed above, there was
much uniformity in the decisions taken.
1)

All the inhabitants should stop all kind of social intercourses with
the Kallars and have to settle all financial transactions with
Kallars within a weeks time.

2)

All the farmers should dismiss their Kallar Kavalkarars.

3)

The village Assemblies will look after the Kaval responsibilities

by appointing their own men to watch their villages instead of
Kallars.31

28

P.Venkateshwara Iyer to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 30 May 1896, MCR, Vol.No.90,
MDA.

29

J.Ganapathy to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 31 May 1896, MCR, Vol.90, MDA.

30

Extract from the Chinnamanore division Inspectors (Sankaralingam Pillai) diary for 22 June
1896 and Extract from Madurai Taluk Inspector (Bangaru Naidu) for 25 June 1896, in MCR
90, MDA. This kind of meetings of the village assemblies were also convened in
Thangachiyanpatti, Toppampatti, Appayampatti, Kallimandayam and Viralipatti.

31

Nilakottai Sub Magistrate to Madurai Sub Collector, MCR.90, MDA; Since the anti-kaval ryots
mobilized funds the anti-kaval riot was popularly known as Pandu Kalakam (Fund riot).

154

4)

For the purpose each household has to supply one able-bodied

person for watch duty. One fourth of the persons thus selected
to take up the duty on the village paths.

5)

The guards should blow a horn to summon others for pursuit in

case a theft was discovered.

6)

For the purpose of compensating those who lost their houses

and straw ricks to arson, a common fund to be created and
every ryot to contribute towards it.

In many villages, the decisions taken at the village assemblies were

strictly implemented. As far as the fund was concerned each ryot contributed 12
annas per plough and poor people paid 6 annas. A treasurer was appointed for
collection

and

maintaining

accounts.

The

group

functioning

under

Ammaiappakon had collected altogether a fund of Rs.250/- by the end of May

1896.32
By the middle of 1896 anti-kaval movement was reigning supreme in the
western part of Madurai district. Kallar Kavalkaras were dismissed and the ryots
appointed their own men to watch the villages. In all the villages, village servants
like barbers, cobblers, washermen and artisans like carpenters and blacksmiths
were asked by the Principal ryots not to render their services to the Kallars.
Village shopkeepers were asked not to sell anything to the Kallars. In some
villages Kallars were not even permitted to fetch water from common wells.33
Further the Kallars were forced to quit some villages. The report submitted by
32

Venkateshwara Iyer to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 30 May 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

33

Petition submitted by Kallars (in Tamil), MCR 90, MDA.

155

Rajagopal Chetti, Sub Magistrate of Vedasandur, explains the above in the

following words:
Information received from reliable sources confirmed the rumours
to certain extent.

It was true that in some villages the village

artisans and servants such as carpenters, blacksmith, washerman,

barber and chuckler were prohibited from working for the kallars.
The kallars had been simply boycotted. Thus there was no doubt
that the villagers did boycott the kallars.34
P.Venkateshwara Iyer, Taluk Magistrate in his report to the District Joint
Magistrate had stated that:
In the villages of Ambathurai and Keelacottai the village artisans do
not work for kallars and that this is a fact. In most of the villages
when the movement has been introduced the village artisans refuse
to work for the kallar.35
Regarding the boycott of village artisans and servants against the Kallars
the observation made by P.Venkateshwara Iyer, Sub Magistrate, Vattalagundu is
worth quoting. It reflects the situation prevailing in the villages where the antikaval movement was strong.

34

A.Rajagopal Chetti to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 23 May 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

35

P.Venkateshwara Iyer to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

156

I proceeded to Kannivadi on the following day made local enquiry

and found that the village artisans refuse to work for kallars. This is
the case in all the villages to which the movement has extended. I
asked one of the village artisans whether they refuse to work for the
kallars.

They admitted the fact and explained that they are

unwilling to work for them in as much as they had proved

treacherous, that their employment as kavalgars is productive of
great hardship and inconvenience and that they do not pay them
properly for their services like other ryots do.36
When the anti-kaval movement picked up, besides the Kallar Kavalkarars,
Kallar farmers and rich peasants were also targeted. Apart from that, Kallar
belonging to other subsects were also at the receiving end. As per the report
submitted by Thasildar of Palani, there were about 141 Kallar men as inhabitants
in 47 villages of the taluk. Fifty of them were land owners paying annual revenue
ranging from Rs.2 to Rs.42 to the government. Apart from being tax paying
farmers majority of them were functioning as Kavalkarars too. With the spread of
the anti-kaval movement in the Palani region 29 Kallar families had to leave the
villages and 16 of them sold their landed properties.37
The boycott of Kallar cut across various Kallar subcastes. Veerappan
Servai of Markampatti who claimed to be a big pattadar (land holder) was not a
36

P.Venkateshwara Iyer to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 18 June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

37

Palani Thasildar to Madurai Sub Collector, 27 June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

157

Piramalai Kallar.

He belonged to Veenangalainadu Kallar sub-caste of

Pudukottai region. His family had migrated from Pudukkottai state to this village
in a time of famine. Veenangalainadu Kallars did not intermarry with Piramalai
Kallars or Melur Kallars. As he was not a Piramalai Kallar he approached the
leaders of anti-kaval movement of Markampatti and Ammaippakon of Usilampatti
and requested them to include himself as a member in the anti-kaval village
assembly. But it was refused. The anti-Kaval ryots were not ready to make any
distinction between a Piramalai Kallar and Kallar belonging to other sub-castes.38
The ryots of anti-kaval association were never ready to accept a Kallar, whether
a Piramalai Kallar or a Kallar of other sub-castes, as an agriculturist or settled
peasant.
On the other hand many Kallar Kavalkarars considered their Kaval work
as a honorable occupation of governance and pursuing farm work as below their
dignity.

When the Kavalkarar of Kutchenur was advised by a Magistrate in

Cumbum Valley he refused by saying How can I take to plough having done
Circar (government) work so long?39
In a few cases donkeys were driven into the homes of the Kallars forcing
them to vacate the villages.

Sheep were also driven into their homes and

charges of cattle theft were framed against them. Men belonging to lower caste

38

P.Venkateshwara Iyer to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 11 June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

39

Aiyasami Sastri to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 6 June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

158

like Paraiyars and Chakkiliyars were sent by the village assemblies to warn the
Kallar families.40
Driving donkeys into the homes of Kallars and sending Parayars and
Chakkiliyars to warn the Kallars was a way of humiliating them. Usually in the
villages of Tamilnadu both the Parayars and Chukkiliars were used by the higher
caste people as messengers to pass on the message of death of higher caste
people to their relatives in the surrounding villages. So the unusual arrival of a
Parayar or Chakkiliar symbolizes an unfortunate incident. This was more or less
the same with donkeys. In the Tamil tradition, whenever a king was defeated his
palace will be demolished by the enemy forces and ploughed with donkeys.
There is one proverb in Tamil Kaluthai Ketta Kuttisevaru which means that if you
are in search of a donkey go near any demolished structure, it will be there. So
donkey symbolizes destruction and humiliation.
Though there were many cases of looting of Kallar houses by the
members of the village assemblies with the connivance of the village magistrate
and local police, the case handled and the observation made by A.Krishnasamy
Iyer, a taluk Magistrate is worth mentioning here because it exposes the real
situation.
One Maya Thevan of Erumalainayakkanpatti has sent a telegram to the
Secretary to the Governor at Madras, reporting that thousands of people of

40

Muthusamy Iyer, 28 May 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

159

Devandanapatti led by Village Munsiffs of ten villages had plundered ten Kallar
houses with the connivance of the local police. When a compliant was made the
local magistrate and joint magistrate were not ready to take any action.41
Regarding

this

incident

Krishnasamy

Iyer

made

enquiries

at

Erumalainayakkanpatti and in the adjoining hamlets and reported his findings in

the following words.
I think that Mayathevans allegation against the police is not
incorrect, for the Station House Officer, Devadanapatti tells me that
there was no looting. I have no doubt that looting was committed
and I think that a special police Inspector should be sent to
investigations.42
I learned at night that the kallars of Erumalainayakkanpatti,
Silvarpatti and Kariappanpatti had quitted their villages as their
houses were looted by the villagers of Devadanapatti. From my
local enquiries I find that looting was actually committed on 27th
instant The village munsiff of Silvarpatti where the looting was
committed earlier on a large scale totally denies the occurrence. I
have no doubt that his statement is utterly false and that he has
failed in his duty by not reporting the occurrence.

41

Telegram given by Maya Thevan to the Secretary, Governor in Council, 27 May 1896, MCR
90, MDA.

42

A.Krishnasamy Iyer to Joint Magistrate of Madurai, 20 May 896, MCR 90, MDA.

160

I do not at all believe their story. I made enquiries of using very

young children of different castes and they tell me that looting
actually took place on the 27th.43
In response to the anti-kaval movement of the village assemblies the
Piramalai Kallar Kavalkarars and inhabitants, inspite of the fact that a
considerable number of them started migrating towards their native places like
Usilampatti and Tirumangalam region, started consolidating and prepared
themselves to face the ordeal. Meetings were held in Kallar dominated villages
to decide the measures to be adopted against the anti-kaval movement. In these
meetings funds were also mobilized.

The following observation made by

Vaithiyalingam Pillai, Inspector of Police of Periyakulam division is worth quoting

here.
4th

grade

Head

Constable

No.818

Shanmugam

Pillai

of

Devadanapatti station in his report of 24th instant reports that the

kallars of several villages adjoining Devadanapatti convened a
meeting in Kathirappanpatti village on 24th headed by Mayathevan
of Erumalainaikkanpatti, that he and his station police with village
magistrate of Devadanpatti went there and found that 100 or 150
kallars had collected there and were discussing and that when
questioned by him, they stated that because the villagers dismissed
them from their kaval works they are going to raise a subscription to
43

Ibid.

161

appeal to government and that the subscriptions were actually

collected there.

The station house officer reports that a similar

meeting was held on 22nd instant and that a third meeting is going
to be held on 29th instant.44
A similar meeting was also convened in Pathupatti near Cumbum by the
Kallars to make arrangements for the collection of one Rupee per Kallar
household and that this collection is intended for making a complaint to the High
Court against the vigilance committees.45 The Kallars of Kulayanur, Uppukottai
and Upparpatti and adjoining villages of Uttamapalayam had collected about
Rs.190/- for the same purpose.46
Another interesting development took place in Pappapatti village near
Kannivadi.

About 1200 Kallars of Pappapatti village and the neighbouring

villages had marched towards Kannivadi in order to meet the Zamindar of

Kannivadi with a copper plate grant issued several years before by the then
Zamindar of Kannivadi bestowing Kaval rights to the Papapatti Kallars over the
neighbouring villages. As the villagers had dispensed with the services of the
Kallar as Kavalkarars, the Kallars of Papapatti decided to re-establish their Kaval
rights with the help of the Zamindar of Kannivadi. As a police force had gone
before the arrival of the Kavalkarars for watching them the Zamindar of Kannivadi
44

Extract from diary of Inspector of Police, Periyakulam, 25 May 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

45

Extract from the diary of Sankaralingam Pillai, Inspector of Police of Chinnamanoor, 4 June
1896, MCR 90, MDA.

46

Ayyasami Sastri to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 13 June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

162

warned the Kallars to keep themselves aloof and directed them to go back to
their villages. The Kallars accordingly returned to their villages without causing
any disturbance at Kannivadi.47 In the following days too the Kannivadi Zamindar
purposely avoided of meeting the Pappapatti Kallars fearing the displeasure of
the administration.
There was also a rumour regarding an even more alarming proposal of the
Kallars of Pappapatti. Muthusamy Iyer 2nd class Magistrate of Usilampatti wrote:
I learn that the kallar in Pappapatti quarter are said to have
considered the question of rooting out other caste people from this
kallar Nadu, but dropped it for the present seeing that it presented a
difficulty in case they carried their objects.48
By evicting the non-kallars from the villages, the Kallars were trying to pay
the anti-kaval assemblies in their own coin. However the practical difficulties
prompted them to drop the idea because Nadars were needed to provision the
bazaar, Nattukottai Chettiyars to lend money and village servants like carpenter
and blacksmith to make ploughs, leather menders, barbers, washermen and so
on.49

47

Inspector of Police, Usilampatti to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 27 May 1896, MCR 90,
MDA.

48

Muthusamy Iyer to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 30 May, 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

49

Ibid.

163

In the meantime in the Kallar dominated villages, meetings of the Kallar

Kavalkarars and rich farmers were organized on the same lines as anti-kaval
assemblies of the non-Kallar ryots. Funds were raised to meet out the legal
expenses. Telegrams were sent and a number of petitions were submitted to the
officials, regarding their sufferings at the hands of anti-kaval assemblies. Some
powerful, influential and rich Kallar landlords started taking active participation in
organizing their caste men.50 However, since the district administration and the
taluk and village level officials were sympathetic towards the anti-kaval
movement, the anti-kaval ryots had an upper hand.
Regarding the impact of the anti-kaval movement, Rajagopal submagistrate of Vadasandur recorded as follows:
The cessation of theft is simply miraculous. A man may in the dead
of night go now from one part of the division to another with
valuable properties in his possessions without the least fear of
encountering any thief.

The shepherds sleep soundly in their

sheep folds, cowherds dont care to go to their cattle folds in the

nights.

Nobody goes and watches his crop during nights.

Gardeners leave their leather bucket and other implements in the

garden itself with perfect surety to find them safe next morning.
Ryots do no more have sleepless anxieties during nights.51

50

Extract from the Diary of Sangaralingam Pillai, Inspector of Police, 22 June, 1896, MCR 90,
MDA.

51

Rajagopal to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 23 May, 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

164

Yet another important and interesting observation regarding the impact of

the anti-kaval movements was recorded by Vythilingam Pillai, Inspector of Police
of Vedasandur:
Crimes have considerably diminished in my division.

Since the

organization of the anti-kallar movements cattle and sheepyards

are left unwatched during rights. Sale of goats skins at the several
weekly markets in this division also considerably diminished as the
kallars cannot steal goats. Villagers state that they are saved from
all losses by them since their organization.52
During the early stage of anti-kaval movement the district administration
was more than sympathetic towards it. Considering the difficulties, it had with
disciplining the Kavalkarars, it viewed the movement as the outcome of a long
felt resentment of the ryots and as a collective security mechanism. At the taluk
and village level the police personnel and magistrates openly supported the
cause of the ryots. It intervened in this affair only to the extent of confining the
movement within the bounds of existing law and order. By June 1896, however,
the Sub Collector of Madurai issued a notice prohibiting the meetings of the
village assemblies, and circulars were issued specifying their approach towards
the movement:

52

Extract from the Diary of Vythilingam Pillai, Inspector of Police, Vedasandur, 5 June 1896,
MCR 90, MDA.

165

The people are within their rights in dispensing with the services of
kallars in the detection of crime and refraining from paying them
kaval fees. The Sub-Magistrate of course will not encourage them
in doing so, he will simply remain neutral, but prevent them going
further.53
However, when complaints regarding the forceful boycott and evacuation
of Kallars from villages and plundering of their houses mounted, the colonial
administration was compelled to intervene. The district administration issued
printed notices both in Tamil and English. The notices prohibited the meetings of
the village assemblies and blowing of horns. They advised both the Kallars and
the ryots not to take law and order in to their hands and warned them of the
deployment of punitive police force in case of violation. Village magistrates were
ordered to exhibit the notices in the village choultries, and make the people know
the content by the beating of tom tom.54
When the colonial government tried its level best to keep the movement
within the bounds of law and order and trying to show itself to be neutral, the antikaval assemblies encouraged by their success in evacuating the Kallar
population began to overstep its limits. Consequently violent incidents occurred
leading to the loss of lives and properties.

The fatal riot at Nellore and

Muthanampatty were the two important cases in point.

53

Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, to Aiyasamy Sastri, 2 June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

54

Notice issued by Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai District, MCR Vol.90, MDA.
Appendix VIII for the various notices.

See

166

Nellore was a small hamlet of Aiyampalayam village situated near the

Palani Hills exclusively inhabited by Kallars. A Kallar of Nellore had been caught
red-handed while stealing a few bullocks from Periyur village in the lower Palani
Hills. A large number of hill ryots came down to the plains chasing the robber.
On their way they blew the horns inviting the people of other villages.
Consequently the ryots from Periyur were joined by the ryots of Sithayankottai,
Sithurevu, Aiyampalayam and other villages, reached Nellore by the evening of
8th June 1896.55 By the morning of 9th June 1896 Nellore was surrounded by a
crowd of several thousand people with arms and they demanded the surrender of
the stolen bullocks by the Kallars of Nellore.

The village Munsiff of

Aiyampalayam and the station house officer of the same place with two
constables went to Nellore to prevent the breach of peace but they were utterly
powerless to prevent what happened.56 Soon an armed clash broke out in which
four lives were lost and eight houses were burnt down.57 Those who got killed
were Ravi Nayak of Sithurevu, Pallamayan of Aiyampalayam on the side of ryots
and Periya Karuppa Thevar and Bhagava Thevan of Nellore.
The ryots and the Kallars blamed each other for what happened.
However the Joint Magistrate stated that,

55

Communication from the acting Joint Magistrate of Madurai to the District Magistrate of
Madura in G.O.No.1067, Judicial, 25 June 1896.

56

Ibid.

57

Telegram given by Narasaiah, 2nd Class Magistrate to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 9
May 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

167

Whoever actually began the fighting there is no doubt that the anti
kallars were the original aggressors and that the riot was provoked
by their unlawful assembly As far as I can judge there does not
seem to have been any provoked action on the part of the people of
the plains. The Periyur people seem to have been the instigators.58
Following this incident many were arrested and cases were filed against
both the Kallars and the members of the anti-kaval movement. Soon the incident
earned state level notice. Newspapers particularly The Hindu started publishing
letters and articles criticizing the colonial state for its inability to maintain law and
order.59 In the meantime, in the rural regions of Madurai district, there were wild
rumours regarding the plans of Kallar retaliation.

Moreover the village

assemblies arrogate more power to themselves and started functioning

independently setting aside the warnings of the administration.

Cattles

impounded by government servants on the charge of grazing on the cut stalks of

government avenue trees were rescued by men of the village assemblies.60 It
was reported that the village assemblies assumed the power of civil and criminal
courts in their areas, passing judgments over disputes and took violent efforts to
drive the Kallars.61

58

G.O.No.1067, Judicial, 25 June 1896.

59

The Hindu 8 May 1896 and 13 June 1896 cited in Anand Sankar Pandian Landscapes of
Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South India unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of
California, Berkeley, 2005.

60

Rajagopal to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 28 May 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

61

Palani Thasildar to Batten, Joint Magistrate, Madurai, 27 June 1896, MCR 90, MDA.

168

On one occasion the police registered a case of cattle theft against some
leading men of the anti-kaval movement. This invited a sharp reaction from the
people of Thangachiyammapatti. In the presence of some police constables, the
following conservation took place.
They will see how the police men will do their work at this Station
House that there are only 4 or 5 police men and even if they are
killed who will give evidence to prove the offense, that they must
prevent the bazaar men from selling things to police men and also
prevent barbers and dhobis from rendering any service to them in
the same way as they have done in case of kallars. If constables
who go on beat singly be killed, who will give evidence. If the
police arrest defendants in cattle dacoity case 5/20 they will blow
horn to assemble a large crowd of villagers and punish the
policeman. They talked about many other things.62
When the news about the violent incident at Nellore was still lingering in
the air another incident rocked the village of Muthanampatti on 18 September
1896 resulted in the death of three anti-kaval Goundar ryots.63 It seems that
Thoratty Mayandi, an important leader of Kallar, with other two Kallars of
Muthanapatti set fire to the house of Veera Goundar and 12 other houses in the

62

Report of Vythilingam Pillai, Inspector of Police, Vedasandur, 17 August 1896, MCR 90,
MDA.

63

Petition submitted by some ryots of Dindugal Taluk to Sir Arthur Elibank, Havelock Governor
in Council, Madras in G.O.No.1496, Judicial, 14 October 1897.

169

adjacent villages by 2 pm on 17 September 1896. However they were chased

away by the ryots and Muthanampatti village was surrounded by the anti-kaval
ryots by the morning of 18th September 1896. In the ensuing clash one Pommalu
Goundar was killed on the spot and two others, Thiruma Goundar and Muthu
Goundar, succumbed to injuries.

Both the Kallar and the anti-kaval leaders

accused each other for causing the riots.64

It was at this juncture that the government began to fear that the situation
was rapidly slipping out of its control and felt that its authority was being
challenged by the anti-kaval village assemblies which were functioning as an
autonomous authority away from the arms of the colonial government. It was
true that the colonial government needed the support of the agrarian elite as
political allies, but at the same time it had to contain them from threatening and
challenging the authority of the state. Consequently drastic steps were taken by
the government. About fifty seven men who were considered to be leaders of the
anti-kaval movement including Ammaiappakon were arrested, tried and punished
by the end of November 1896. With the arrest of the ring leaders the movement
gradually faded away. Within a few years the Kallars once again established
their Kaval control over all the villages which were previously under their sway
but less vibrant than earlier.
The confrontation between the Kallars and the anti-kaval village
assemblies was not merely a caste conflict.
64

Ibid.

It was a question related to

170

occupational change, a struggle between settled or sedentary communities with

that of a community which was struggling to accommodate itself with the
changing situation, whose major earlier occupations were either serving in the
army of local Rajas and Palayakarars or serving as Kavalkarars.
Here the mindset of both the Kallars and other communities involved in
the anti-kaval movement has to be taken into account. The Kallar Kavalkarars
felt that tilling the soil to be below their dignity. To them to be a Kavalkarar
meant saviour of the people and their belongings, so it was considered by them a
more prestigious and honourable occupation. They had internalized an image
about themselves, an image of a soldier carrying arms and fighting against the
enemy troops in the battle field, or a Kavalkarar safeguarding the people and
their belongings in the odd hours after sunset, an image which was continuously
reinforced and strengthened not only by oral tradition and household stories but
also by colonial ethnographers and administrators as well.

When their

occupational avenues were closed once far all by the colonial administration they
tried their level best to retain their past position but failed. Finally they turned to
the world of crime.
On the other hand the ryots at large never accepted the Kallars as pure
cultivators, because even many landholding Kallars worked also as Kavalkarars.
They considered the Kallars to have been inborn with thieving propensities.65

65

Palani Thasildar to Madurai Sub Collector, 27 June 1896, MCR 90.

171

However, after the collapse of the anti-kaval movement, the Kallars were
successful in re-establishing their Kaval control over the western and northern
parts of Madurai district. The colonial state failed to strengthen its law and order
machinery even during the absence of the Kallar Kavalkarars. In the meantime
in other parts of Madurai district the Kavalkarars continued to be powerful. As
late as 1920, a group of Naicker cultivators explained to a native officer the
reasons for their making a Kaval arrangement with the Kallar Kavalkarars of a
village near Usilampatti in the following terms the British Raj was unable to
suppress the Kallar Raj or protect them from the Kallars so they had been forced
to submit to Kallar Raj.66

Anti-Kaval Movement in Tirunelveli District

Following the anti-kaval movement in the Western parts of Madurai district
in 1896 and the Sivakasi riots in 1899 the colonial administration had to face
further problems in the southern region of Tirunelveli district in the form of antikaval movement and growing rate of crimes committed, particularly by the
members of Maravar community. These Maravars took an active part in the sack
of Sivakasi in 1899 and in the subsequent attacks of Nadar villages.67

In

consequence of these developments the police administration came down

heavily on the Maravar population and successfully restored peace. Hundreds of

66

Statement of K.Srinivasagachari, 7 April 1920, G.O.No.1315 Home (Judicial), 26 May 1920.

67

M.Hammik, Special Commissioner in Madurai and TIrunelveli to Chief Secretary to the

Government, 15 August 1899 in G.O.Nos.2017, 2018, 12 December 1899.

172

Maravars were arrested, tried and convicted. However the peace restored was
temporary.

Within a year, the crime rates in the district increased when

compared with previous years. Every attempt of the colonial state to minimize
the crime rate and to bring the Maravar community and Maravar Kavalkarars
under its control ended in failure.

Every British official who served in the

Tirunelveli district in his reports made some remark or the other about the bitter
experience they had undergone with the Maravars and Maravar Kavalkarars of
southern Tirunelveli. For a better understanding of this problem it is imperative to
understand the social setting of the Maravar community, prior to the anti-kaval
movements. The observation of Frederick S.Mullaly of Madras Police and Acting
Assistant to the Governor of Madras is pertinent in this regard.
The Maravas of present time ofcourse retain a shadow of power
which their ancestors wielded under the poligors who commenced
the kaval system. Still the marava of today as a member of a caste
which is more numerous and influential as a man of superior
physique and bold, independent sprit thief and robber, village
policeman and detective combined is an immense power in the
land.68
Regarding the Maravars associated with the Kaval system Mullaly had
more to say.

68

Frederick S.Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Tribes of the Madras Presidency, Government Press,
Madras, 1892, p.112.

173

The maravars furnish nearly the whole of the village police

(kavalgars watchmen) and are at the same time the principle
burglers, robbers and thieves of Tinneveli district. Very often the
thief and watchman are one and the same individual. Except on
principle of setting a thief against a thief this appears an anamolous
arrangement but it is by no means confined to Tinnevelly.69
It is thus estimated that a very large proportion of the Marava
population is intimately associated with the kaval system in the
Tinnevelly district and as these three classes of village watchmen
are generally more or less related or connected with each other. In
Tinnevelly, the kudi kavalgars are in many cases either directly or
indirectly the criminals of the district and the difficulty in detecting
crime committed by them is greatly enhanced owing to the
widespread relationship between them and taliyaris and kavilgars
who except spite or enimity exist never incriminate one another.70
The understanding of Stevenson, Deputy Inspector General of Police,
regarding the Maravar Kudikaval system of Tirunelveli will enrich further our
understanding of the problem. In his communication to the Inspector General of
Police, he made the following remarks:

69

Ibid.

70

Ibid., p.113, 114.

174

The villages in Tinnevelly, which is a very litigious district, are full of

factions; and each faction often employs its own kavalgars in order
to annoy the other party; these kavalgars who, although they
appear

outwardly

to

be

enemies,

are

really

united,

the

consequence being greater ill-feeling between the two factions the

greater the profit of the kudi kavalkars and an increase of crime in
that locality. There are in this district about 150,000 maravars from
whom, some 10,000 kudi kavalkars are drawn of whom about 30
percent from time to time have been in jail, and of this number
(10,000) there are about 1500 Government taliaries, besides
several vettians.71
From the above one could understand the social position of the Maravar
population.

It is also clear that most of the crimes in the Tirunelveli were

committed by the members of Maravar community and that too with the
connivance of the Maravar Kavalkarars. From the British official point of view
there was no line which divided the crimes committed by the Maravars and that
of the Maravar Kavalkarar. They are closely interlocked with each other.
As stated earlier it was true that following the Sivakasi riots, due to the
stern actions taken by the government, peace was restored in the district which
prompted the Inspector General of Police to make a statement with confidence
that The marked improvement in Tinneveli is due in the main to the conviction of
71

Stevenson to the Inspector General in G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897, pp.36, 37.

175

a number of anti-Shanar (Nadar) cases pending from the previous year.72

However the peace restored was short lived. After a brief interval the number of
crimes increased to unmanageable limits.

A good number of Maravars who

participated in the Sivakasi riots, against whom warrants were issued, never
returned to their villages. They were freely roaming in the countryside, indulging
in highway robbery and dacoity. The family members of those Maravars who
were convicted, when they could not run their families without their bread
winners, in order to make ends meet, turned towards house breaking and petty
theft. Anticipating this kind of development many hundreds of warrants were
withdrawn by the administration.73
Despite of the best efforts taken by the police administration, there was an
increase in criminal occurrences.

The police machinery was geared up to

conduct a thorough investigation regarding the actual reason for the continued
presence of turbulent situation in Tirunelveli and to evolve strategies to contain
them. Officials ranking from the Inspector General of Police down to the local
Inspectors were involved in this task and an intensive study coupled with field
study was carried out. The study revealed, apart from the general character of
the Maravar community and the Kaval system, the inefficiency of the police
machinery. Some of the observations are furnished below. Given the gravity of

72

Administrative Report of the Madras Police of the Madras Presidency, 1900, p.9.

73

J.P.Bedford District Magistrate, Tinnevelly to the Chief Secretary, 9 October 1900 in

G.O.Nos.1578, 1579, 31 Oct.1900.

176

the situation, H.A.Stuart, Inspector General of Police, made a tour in the

Tirunelveli district to have a sense of the ground reality.
The first thing that attracted my attention was the failure of the
police to keep control over the registered known depredators. In
one notorious village Marugalkuruchi (abode of the desa kaval chief
of Arupangunadu), consisting of about 100 marava houses there
are not less than 65 known depredators. I examined the return for
two days selected at random the 2nd and 28th May; on the earlier
date I found that out of the total of 65 not less than 45 were absent
from the village and

their whereabouts was not known to the

police. The next failure in the police administration of Tinnevelly

that attracted my notice was the large number of persons charged
with dacoity and robbery who were evading arrest The divisional
officers and taliaries must be asked to impress on the village
magistrates and police that it is their duty to afford prompt
information of the movements of these fugitives from justice. They
have certainly failed to do so in the past and I find it is not from
them but to private informers that the police look for assistance.
This want of cooperation between the regular and village police is a
very grave evil.74

74

Note on the State of Crime in Tinnevelly, Report submitted by H.A.Stuart to the Government
(Confidential), August 1900, pp.1-3.

177

Consequently the Inspector General of Police submitted a proposal to the

government requesting sixty two additional police personnel to be posted in the
crime prone localities of Tirunelveli district. His proposal was accepted, but only
for duration of a year.75
J.P.Bedford, Acting District Magistrate of Tirunelveli in his report to the
Inspector General of Police regarding the causes for the problems prevailing in
the district exposed how far the police machinery depended on or feared the
Kavalkarars.
Nearly all the men are I believe, at present recruited from the
District and presumably hope on retirement to settle down here. It
is notorious that almost every inhabitant of the District pays the
maravas a tax known as kudi kaval, by which he insures (or tries to
ensure) himself against robbery and violence. Clearly therefore the
bulk of police force look forward to paying the same tax on
retirement. The attitude of mind which this system causes in the
minds of the ryot is admittedly one of the chief stumbling blocks in
the way of deduction, but I would lay stress on, is the fact that the
local police, who start as ryots and end as ryots cannot be
expected as a class to divest themselves to any appreciable extent
from maravar influences. Three out of every four Divisional Officers
lay stress on the fact that the police as a whole are widely
75

G.O.No.1459, Judicial, 6 October 1900.

178

supposed to be in league with criminal classes

The marava

organization is unshaken; and this organization can only be

overthrown by an organization entirely independent of it.76
While the colonial state was pondering over the ways and means to tackle
the extraordinary law and order problems, in the villages of Srivaikuntam and
Nazareth in the Tirunelveli district attempts were made by local ryots to throw off
the yoke of the Maravar Kavalkarars. But they were not as violent as that of antikaval riots of Madurai district in 1896.
Srivaikuntam is a taluk headquarters situated on the northern bank of
Tamiraparani river well known for its fertile lands watered by a small dam
constructed across the Tamiraparani river.

The leading inhabitants of

Srivaikuntam, in the middle of 1900, sternly refused to pay the usual Kaval fee to
the local Maravar Kavalkarars.

The anti-kaval riots of the ryots of Madurai

District and the repressive measures undertaken by the government in the

aftermath of Sivakasi riot could have served as contributory factors for this
development.

But in course of time, the ryots of the Kottai Pillaimar77 caste

complicated the issue by trying to make a compromise with the Maravar

Kavalkarars. This was averted by the timely intervention of the Joint Magistrate
Vibert and Assistant Superintendent of Police, Srinivasagachari.78 On the other
76

Bedford to Stuart, 9 September 1900, G.O.No.1527 Judicial (Confidential), 17 October 1900.

77

Kottai Pillaimar is a sub sect within the Vellalar Community. It is found only in Srivaikuntam.
Kottai means fort. This community constructed a fort at Srivaikuntam and living within the
fort. Hence they were known as Kottai Pillaimars.

78

Bedford to Chief Secretary to the Government, 9 October 1900 in G.O.Nos.1578, 1579, 31

October 1900.

179

hand the Maravar Kavalkarars tried their level best to break the solidarity of the
ryots but failed. Bedford, the District Magistrate, was of the opinion that The
Srivaikuntam movement seems to be a genuine attempt on the part of the
leading inhabitants of the union to throw off the Kaval yoke. The movement will
need careful watching.79 However tension continued to prevail for a few more
years with sporadic incidents of destruction of crop committed by the Maravar
Kavalkarars as retaliatory measures against anti-kaval movement.
Following Srivaikuntam the anti-kaval moment picked up in the town of
Nazareth

and

adjoining

villages.

This

movement

was

Rev. Margoschis of the Church Mission Society of Nazareth.

lead

by

Like every

inhabitant of that region he was also paying the Kaval fee regularly. But on one
occasion two servants of Church Mission Society were robbed near Nazareth of
Rs.2000 sent by the mission authorities at night. Fr.Margoschis tried to retrieve
the money for the Church Mission Society through his Kavalkarars.80 When
there was no proper response from the Kavalkarars he mobilized the inhabitants
of Nazareth and four other neighbouring villages and stopped the payment of
Kaval fee, and made an appeal to the Collector:
I have the honour to inform you that in consequences of the
increasing lawlessness of the maravas of Vellarikavoorani, the
Chief men of Nazareth and four adjacent gramams [villages] have
79

Ibid.

80

Bedford to the Chief Secretary, 9 October 1900, in G.O.Nos.1578, 1579, Judicial, 31 October
1900, p.5.

180

recently arranged for the public safety and protection of the

inhabitants of these five combined gramams and the kudikaval of
the maravars has been stopped.
In consequence of these new arrangements the maravar are
causing a threatening attitude and from the last week stone
throwing at nights has taken place at Nazareth, Valaiyadi and
Pillaiyarmani, the agents being probably the disappointed Maravas.
I suggest that the headmen of Vellarikavoorani Maravas viz.
1) Ponniah Thevar (Headman of all);

2) Sellaperumal Thevar,

S/o Narayana Thevar; 3) Arunachala Thevar, S/o Udaiya Thevar;

4) Kathapillai Thevar; 5) Narayana Thevar (all of Vellarikavoorani)
should at once be bound down to keep the peace and the sooner
action is taken the less likelihood there is of a further more serious
disturbances. We are not panic stricken and protect ourselves
but there may be some broken heads.81
To start with the police considered the case as false and deferred it. Later
the five Maravar Kavalkarars of Vellarikavoorani, mentioned in the appeal of
Margoschis, were arrested and a case was filed against them in the Joint
Magistrate Court, Tirunelveli.82 It was at this juncture that a letter written by

81

Margoschis to Bedford, 3 July 1900, in G.O.No.1578, Judicial (Confidential) 31 October 1900.

82

Calendar Case No.21 of 1900, Joint Magistrate Court, Tirunelveli, 5 October 1900; in
G.O.No.1578.

181

Rev Margoschis, entitled as Lawlessness in Tinnevelly, Hindu women

purchasing revolvers appeared in the newspaper, Advocate of India dated
Bombay on 1st September 1900.

In this letter Margoschis criticized the

deplorable condition of law and order situation in Tirunelveli district, detailed the
illegal exploits of the Maravar Kavalkarars, inefficiency of the police and the
helpless condition of the inhabitants at large.83

Consequently the condition

prevailing in a district situated in the southern tip of British India attracted the
wider attention and gained importance overnight.

H.J.Macintosh, Deputy

Secretary to the Government, Home Department (Police) in his communication to

the Chief Secretary to the Government of Madras Presidency asked him to
furnish a report on the allegation contained in the newspaper.84
With the publication of his letter Rev Margoschis too attained popularity
which frightened the Maravar Kavalkarars of Vellarikavoorani.

Afraid of the

consequences they worked out a compromise with him and finally the stolen
money was paid through a third person.
Once his aim of recovering the money was achieved Rev Margoschis did
not appear as a prosecution witness in the case, holding the position that he
knew nothing about the five men. When he was subsequently appeared for the
defence he deposed that they were men of generally good conduct to whom he

83

G.O. Judicial (Confidential) 31 October, 1900.

84

H.J.Margoschis to Chief Secretary of Government of Tamil Nadu, 25 September 1900 in

G.O.Nos.1578, 1579, Judicial, 31 October 1900.

182

was paying Kaval fee for the past twenty four years. It is essential to record his
words about the irony of the fact seen above that run as follows:
I know the three accused Ponnaiah Thevan, Chellaperumal Thevan
and Narayana Thevan. They have been kavalgars a long time for
ever since I have been at Nazareth 24 years. Before the recent
incidents complaints had been brought against them from time to
time against Ponnaiah Thevan for instance. He was a kavalgar
He was I believe arrested once.
against them.

Personally I can say nothing

I was interested in the kaval matter. I pay kudi

kaval on my belongings. We paid to these men. Their character

was fairly good85
However those Maravar Kavalkarars were bound over on other evidences
inspite of Rev Morgoschiss favourable evidence.

What prompted Rev

Morgoschis who was instrumental in mobilising the leading inhabitants and

stopping the payment of Kaval fee, to change his mind. Was he, as an ordinary
inhabitant, satisfied with the recovery of the money dacoited? Or was he afraid
of earning the enimity the Kavalkarars? Probably both. But Bedford the District
Magistrate felt that Rev Margoschis had made the district administration to serve
his own purpose.86

85

Calendar Case No.21, 5 October 1900, Joint Magistrate Court, Tirunelveli in G.O.No.1578
Judicial (Confidential), 31 October 1900.

86

G.O.Nos.1578, 1579, Judicial (Confidential), 31 October 1900.

183

In the meantime an anti-kaval movement broke-out in Ambasamudram,

Kadayam and Cheranmahadevi regions of Tirunelveli district. Like Srivaikundam
and Nazareth the ryots of these regions stopped payment of Kaval fee to their
Maravar Kavalkarars.87

The weakness of the Maravars in the aftermath of

Sivakasi riots, mainly due to the stern steps taken by the police administration,
might have been instrumental in bringing these ryots together to free themselves
from the Maravar Kaval yoke. In response to this open challenge the Maravar
Kavalkarars started mobilizing with the objective of re-establishing their Kaval
rights. Taking cognizance of the volatile situation prevailing almost throughout
the district and to meet out any emergency the district administration chalked out
an elaborate plan marking out sensitive centres which needed opening up of new
police stations, villages which needed more patrolling, about the number of
additional police force needed, the arms and ammunitions for the additional force
and the expenditure to carry out the plan.88 In the list thus prepared, among the
sensitive villages which had a track record of crimes, Marugalkuruchi situated
near Nanguneri, the taluk headquarters occupied the top most place. About
Marugalkuruchi the following statement was made by the Inspector General of
Police.
every child in South Tinnevelly knows that it is Nanguneri which
furnishes most criminals.

Within a short distance of the head-

87

G.O.No.1252, Home (Confidential), 11 April 1941.

88

Additional Police Force in the Tinnevelly District, G.O.No.23, Judicial, 11 January 1901.

184

quarters of that taluk there is a group of villages known as

Arupangunadu or the district of six shares, so called from the fee
received by the maravars for the performance of kaval duties
divided into six principal portions. The chief of these villages is
Marukalkuruchi, and the most influential of the six headmen are two
notorious residents of that village by means of their kinship,
control is exercised over a great part of South Tinnevelly These
men are not active criminals, but they are largely responsible for
much of the crime of the district. Whenever a considerable dacoity
is committed these two leaders received their share; whenever the
unfortunate victim is determined to make the effort to recover his
property it is to these men that he goes for assistance; and
whenever a marava is in trouble it is to them that he turns for help
in defence. They have, I am sorry to say, had the most intimate
relation with the police.89
This statement shows the power enjoyed by the Maravar Kavalkarars of
Arupangunadu region. Following Marukalkuruchi and other constituent villages
of Arupangunadu, a few other villages such as Poolam, Munnirpallam, Taruvai,
Karungulam and Pudugramam were identified as notorious villages having close
ties with Arupangunadu. These villages are situated within the Tirunelveli taluk

89

H.A.Stuart, Inspector General of Police to Chief Secretary to Government in G.O.No.23,

Judicial, 11 January, 1901, p.3.

185

to the west of Palayamkottai-Nanguneri Road.90

As the Maravars of these

villages were blood relatives it was easy for them to move from one village to
other after committing a crime evading the police. If necessary they could hide
themselves in the Western Ghats by passing through Nambithalaivan Pattayam
and Kalakad, both Maravar villages.
The proposal of the Inspector General of Police for the establishment new
police stations and enhancement of the police force was accepted by the
government.

Accordingly

new

police

stations

were

established

at

Marukalkuruchi, Poolam and Munnirpallam each having a jurisdiction over a

cluster of Maravar villages which need close surveillance. Additional police force
was also sanctioned to man these stations and others for five years. As for the
finance to maintain the additional force it was decided that the cost be defrayed
by the inhabitants of the villages. To this effect a proclamation was made by the
Chief Secretary to the government.
Whereas from the conduct of the inhabitants of the areas described
in the scheduled hereto attached it has been found expedient to
increase the number of police stations in them, it is hereby notified
under section 15 Act V of 1861 as amended by Act VIII of 1895,
that for five years from the coming into force of this proclamation a
police force in addition to the ordinary fixed complement quartered
in the said areas shall be entertained in those areas, and that the
90

Ibid., pp.3 and 4.

186

cost of the force shall be defrayed by the inhabitants of those areas

according to such apportionment as may be made by the
Magistrate of the District.91
G.Stokes
Chief Secretary
Towards the closing months of 1900, anticipating the possibility of
Maravar disturbances in Srivaikuntam and Cheranmahadevi regions coupled with
the arising necessity of extra police patrols, sixty two additional police force was
sanctioned by the government.92
The deployment of additional force to patrol the dacoity-prone highways
produced good results. The number of highway crimes substantially decreased.
The exception was Srivaikuntam.

The Inspector General of police in his

communication addressed to the Chief Secretary reported that,

The result of the employment of these special men had been very
satisfactory, as the crime on the high road has almost ceased of
this number 18 are required for patrols and the balance contains of
10 men sanctioned for the purpose of strengthening the
Srivaikundam station where there is still some danger of
disturbances owing to kaval disputes.93

91

Ibid., pp.5-6.

92

G.O.No.1459, Judicial, 6 October 1900.

93

G.O.No.1742, Judicial, 5 November 1901.

187

Following the deployment of special police force, it was true that, there
was some improvement in law and order situation in Tirunelveli particularly in the
southern parts of Tirunelveli. This improved situation coupled with anti-kaval
movements in Srivaikuntam and Nazareth against Maravar Kavalkarars gave the
colonial administration a breathing space and it started believing that the problem
would be solved in one or two years.
The Maravar Kavalkarars of Srivaikuntam, deprived of their income
through Kaval because of the efforts of the ryots, and the Government were
frantically trying to reestablish their Kaval rights again by whatever means
possible. The Inspector General of Police in his letters to the Chief Secretary to
the Government seeking permission for the retention of the special force
deployed in Tirunelveli for 1904 and 1905 highlighted the Kaval problem as the
major reason for the retention of the special force. In his communication he
recorded that:
The kaval dispute in Srivaikundam is still acute. The Kottai Vellalas
are reported to be intriguing again with the maravars with the object
of giving them back the kaval. The disturbed state of villages round
Srivaikundam renders strong patrols very necessary.94

Kaval

disputes are still rife and crime very heavy, in consequence

constant vigilance should therefore be maintained to prevent the

94

G.O.No.1456, Judicial, 1 October 1903; Since the Kottai Vellalars are numerically very week
they might have been pressurized by the Maravars.

188

kavalgars from terrorizing the villagers in the attempt to regain the

kaval.95
For the colonial state the years that followed the Sivakasi riots were quite
challenging. Despite the special police force deployed in Tirunelveli district and
the ameliorative measures undertaken to reduce the inefficiency of the police
administration, the number of crimes committed by the Maravars once again
reached new heights. The Nadar-Maravar conflict was still simmering and posed
a potential danger to the uneasy calm that prevailed over the southern districts of
the Presidency after 1899.

The Piramalai Kallars were successful in

reestablishing their Kaval control again over the villages in the northern and
western regions of Madurai district, and in that process a dacoity and murder was
committed by the Kallars in the Utthamapalayam division of Madurai district.96 In
Tirunelveli too the Maravar Kavalkarars were straining every nerve to assert their
Kaval power again.
Besides these problems from outside, the police administration had a few
potential problems of its own. The gap between the regular police and the village
police proved to be ever-widening. For collecting information quite often the
police depended on the Kavalkarars, which naturally resulted in corruption.
Moreover the taluk level police official and the village magistrates were biased
and approached the problem with a partisan attitude. Fear was also a factor.
95

G.O.No.1547, Judicial, 13 October 1904.

96

Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1906, p.9.

189

They had intimate connection with the criminal gangs. If at all any special police
force or a reserve party entered a village in search of a culprit, setting aside the
local police, they were confronted with mob resistance.97
Yet another important and developing factor which added a new
dimension to the existing problems and tended to consume the energy and time
of the police was the programmes of the nationalists against British imperialism.
With the partition of Bengal in 1905 there emerged a group within the Congress
known as the extremist section which advocated Swadeshi movement in
response to the partition of Bengal. V.O.Chidambaram Pillai, Subramania Siva
and Subramania Bharathi, the most important leaders of the Congress in
Tamilnadu, particularly of the extremist faction, faithfully implemented all the
programmes of the Congress.

During the Swadeshi movement, under their

leadership Tirunelveli and Thoothukudi became hot-beds of anti-British

agitational politics.

During the course of the anti-British programmes of the

Congress most of the cities and towns of Tamilnadu turned to be the centres of
active anti-British programmes. This period also witnessed the emergence of
militant and revolutionary nationalist who believed in armed rebellion and attack
over individual British officials.

Neelakanda Brahmachari a revolutionary

nationalist of Tamilnadu came to Nanguneri area in Tirunelveli district with the

intention of getting help from the Maravar leaders of Poolam and Marugalkuruchi
for recruiting Maravar youth for forming a revolutionary army.

97

Ibid., 1904, pp.8-9.

Poolam

190

Periyasamy Thevar whom he wanted to meet was in the police custody at

Poolam police station. Then he approached Pitchandi Thevar of Marugalkuruchi
on February 15, 1908. It seems that Pitchandi Thevar promised him that he
would help him in recruiting three thousand Maravar youth.98 The colonial state
felt that it was loosing its grip over urban centres like Tirunelveli and Thoothukudi
dominated by western educated elites and the emerging mercantile class. This
situation was well captured by Sandria Freitag:
At the same time support for an agrarian elite became ever more
important, as the British faced challenges emerging in the cities and
among the new western-educated elite. Supporting the hegemony
of the rural elite and demonstrating the contribution of the state to
suppress those who preyed over an agrarian society became
necessary concomitants of imperial ideology during the period of
high empire.99
As a cumulative effect of the factors discussed above the colonial
administration of the Madras Presidency was frantically in search of a new
weapon to manage the situation. At this juncture the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA)
1871 of the Government of India which was already in operation in some of the
North Indian Provinces came in handy. One thing to be remembered here is that
98

R.A.Padmanabhan, Puratchi Veerar Neelakanda Brahmachari, Bharathi Nilaya Tamil

Veliyedu, Vilupuram, 1978, p.64.

99

Sandria Freitag Sansiahs and the State: The Changing Nature of Crime and Justice in the
Nineteenth Century British India in Michael R.Anderson, Sumit Guha (ed), Changing
Concepts of Rights & Justice in South Asia, OUP, New Delhi, 2000, p.93.

191

this was the same Act about which the Government of Madras had called for the
opinion of the various district administrations, on the question whether there was
any condition prevailing in their district inviting the implementation of CTA in
1878. All the District Magistrates, except those of Tirunelveli and Madurai, were
not in favour of this Act and a few of them even tabulated the negative features of
this act.

However, in the light of the new developments, the government of

Madras decided to implement the CTA of 1871 with necessary amendments in

1911 to suit the local needs.

Chapter VI

THE CRIMINAL TRIBES ACT AND

THE DECLINE OF KAVAL SYSTEM
Criminal Tribes Act, 1871
The ostensible purpose of the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) of 1871 had been
to enhance the power of the police administration to suppress the hereditary
criminal section of the Indian society. This Act originated from the fact that the
courts declined to accord legality to some of the practices followed by the police,
like restricting the movement of certain communities and confining them to
specific areas. This led to authorizing by the law the same practices. The police
administration of the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) used this practice
for decades. But in the 1860s this practice was declared illegal by the court.
Following this the provincial governments of NWFP and Punjab approached the
Government of India seeking legislative enactment which would make
registration of all itinerant communities compulsory and breach of this rule a
penal offence. The Government of India in order to have a better understanding
of this problem, approached all the provincial governments including Madras,
seeking their opinion regarding whether such a legislation was necessary.
However in the midst of opposition from the courts the Criminal Tribes Act of

193

1871 was instituted by the Government of India and came into force in NWFP,
Punjab and Oudh.1 Later it was extended to Bengal too.
After the implementation of CTA in some North Indian Provinces, in the
early months of 1897, the Government of Madras as per the direction of the
Government of India, prepared a circular and circulated it among the higher
officials of divisional and district administration asking them about the presence
of hereditary criminal communities and their criminal exploits in their district or in
the districts where they have served earlier, necessitate the implementation of
CTA. While A.W.B.Higgens, the District Magistrate of Tirunelveli, and J.Twigg,
the District Magistrate of Madurai, welcomed the implementation of CTA against
the Maravars and Kallars in their districts, officials of other districts firmly rejected
it on the ground that no such communities inhabited their districts and that the
existing laws were sufficient to tackle the prevailing problems.2 The provincial
level police administration of Madras too rejected this proposal on the ground
that it was impossible to implement the CTA and monitor it with a low paid police
force. It was also pointed out that oppression and misuse of power would follow.
Moreover the Government of Madras viewed the formation of rehabilitation
settlements as a statutory obligation for those who would be covered under this
act as impracticable.

It also feared that this Act would only drive these

communities into the neighbouring princely states.3

Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, pp.27-29.

G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897.

Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, p.30.

194

This kind of thinking of the colonial officials of the Madras Presidency

underwent a significant change during the first decade of the twentieth century
due to the new developments which took place in the political and socioeconomic spheres of the province.
The outbreak of anti-kaval movements in Madurai and Tirunelveli districts,
the sack of Sivakasi in 1899 and the determination of the Kallars and Maravars to
re-establish their Kaval rights in the southern districts of the Presidency prompted
the provincial administrators to seek a more scientific explanation of crime.
Consequently they came out with the idea that it was the loss of the means of
livelihood by a large number of people during the nineteenth century because of
the wrong economic policies of the colonial state in the nineteenth century which
made the people to adopt the criminal way of life. The famines which broke out
in the Madras Presidency, particularly the famine of 1876-1878,4 were also taken
into account as a factor which pushed the people towards crime.5
However, whatever may be the causes of crime, it became more important
to the colonial state to support the agrarian elite against the challenges posed by
the western educated elite in the urban centres and to suppress those who
preyed on the agrarian society.

Consequently the idea regarding the

David Arnold Famine in Peasant Consciousness and Peasant Action in Ranajit Guha
Subaltern Studies III, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1984, p.68.

The 1876-1878 famine was unusually widespread as well as exceptionally persistent. Of the
21 Madras districts 14 were badly affected. They represented 83,000 square miles and
(according to 1871 census) a population of 19 million. It was officially estimated that atleast
3.5 million died in the famine in Madras.

195

implementation of CTA was widely articulated in the administrative circles of

Madras Presidency. Finally, the Criminal Tribes Act was introduced in 1914 in
the Madras Province in an amended form.
The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 provided enormous powers to the police
administration over a large number of people. Under this Act, individuals from
communities who were identified and declared as criminals were to register
themselves and their family members with the police. They were not permitted to
leave their villages without getting a temporary license or pass from the police
which permitted their movement within the district only. This license was to be
shown to all police stations during travel to other villages.

If an individual

registered under CTA was found absent from a village without a license for a
second time he was liable to three years rigorous imprisonment.

In the

Zamindari tracts, it was the responsibility of the Zamindars to look after the
effective implementation of this Act. Another interesting and important provision
of this Act was that the administration could not proclaim a community as criminal
and register it unless its members were settled first and provided with a means of
livelihood by the government. This obligation on the part of the government was
ultimately removed when the Act was amended in 1911. Thus the government
was empowered to use the Act against larger communities as a whole.
The Criminal Tribes Act of 1911 was more comprehensive than the
previous Acts.

The 1911 Act widened the powers of the local governments

regarding the implementation of the act. It enabled them to declare any tribe,

196

section or class of people to be a criminal tribe.

They could order for the

registration of criminal tribe members and the taking of their fingerprints6.

Refusal of registration of fingerprints was a criminal offence punishable by six
months imprisonment or a fine of Rs.200 or both.7

There were severe

restrictions on mobility too. Members of the criminal tribe were permitted to be

absent from their home villages at specified times and only allowed to reside at
places approved by the authorities. Persons notified under this Act were asked
to report to the nearby police stations and should stay there for fixed hours.8 The
reporting time was fixed at 11 p.m. and 4 a.m. to prevent them from committing
crimes.

According to a provision of this Act the legal courts had no jurisdiction over
the operation and could not question the validity of notification issued by the
government. Previous crime records were not necessary to notify a community
as criminal. A reason to believe that the community was addicted to crime was
in itself considered sufficient.9

In the Madras Presidency, among the communities which were intimately

associated with the Kaval system, Ambalakarars (a branch of Kallar community)

Since fingerprints of all those who were declared Criminals were taken, the Criminal Tribes
Act, in Tamil was popularly known as Rekai Chattam. Rekai means fingerprints and
Chattam means Act.

The Criminal Tribes Act 1911: A Collection of Acts passed by the Governor General of India
in Council in the year 1911, Calcutta, 1912.

Ibid.

Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, pp.37, 38.

197

of Tiruchirapalli district, Piramalai Kallars of Madurai, Tiruchirapalli and Thanjavur

districts, Maravars of Sembinadu, Appanadu and Kondayankottai branches in
Ramnad and Tirunelveli, and Valayars of Madurai and Coimbatore districts were
notified as Criminal Tribes.10
To start with, in May 1914, the Piramalai Kallars of Keelakuilgudi a village
situated very near to Madurai on the western side, popularly known as Keelakudi
Kallars, who had a strong Kaval control over the inhabitants of Madurai town
were declared as a Criminal Tribe.11 In the next year itself the Piramalai Kallars
of Sorikkampatti, Mela-Urappanur and Poosalapuram villages in Tirumangalam
taluk of Madurai district were notified under the Act.12 Later on it was extended
to the Piramalai Kallars as a whole.13 By March 1921 the names and fingerprints
of 23,642 Kallars belonging to 848 villages were registered on local police station
rolls.14

Among them those who were registered under Section 10(i)A were

expected to report to a roll call every night at the nearest police station at both
11 pm and 3 am. Those who were registered under section 10(i)B could not
move out of their villages between sunset and sunrise without proper passport.

10

List of Criminal Tribe communities, Bhasha San Shodhan Prakasan Kendra, cited in
Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, Appendix-I; G.O.No.1023, Judicial, 4 May
1914; G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915.

11

G.O.No.1023, Judicial, 4 May 1914.

12

G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915.

13

G.O.No.1331, Judicial, 5 June 1918.

14

G.O.No.596, Law (General), 16 June 1921 cited in Anand Sankar Pandian, Landscape of
Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South India unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of
California, Berkeley, 2004.

th

198

By 1923, 32054 Kallars were covered under this piece of legislation.15

The

number of Kallar men registered increased further in the coming years.

Thousands of Kallar men, instead of travelling twice a day in the odd hours of the
night, spent every night sleeping in the verandas of the police stations.
When the Criminal Tribes Act was rapidly implemented by the British
administration it was considered by the Piramalai Kallar community as a social
humiliation of the first order. Committees were formed by them consisting of
prominent inhabitants of different villages to workout a plan to overcome this
humiliation.

Telegrams were sent by them to the Government pleading to

exempt them from this Act since they were peaceful peasants paying all the
taxes regularly.

In some villages only after repeated warnings of dire

consequences did Kallars come forward and register their names. The Kallars
of Perunkamanallur strongly resisted the registration move, particularly section
10(i)A of the Act, which ended in a violent clash between the Kallars of
Perunkamanallur and the police leading to the death of sixteen Kallars including
one woman in the police firing on 3 April 1920.16

15

Deputy Magistrate of Madurai to L.Davidson, on 14 July 1920, in G.O.2307, Home (Judicial),

15th September 1920, India Office Records cited in David Arnold, Police Powers and Colonial
Rule, p.253, Ft.No.158; Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1924,
p.24.

16

E.T.H.Stevenson to Inspector General, 8 April 1920. G.O.1315, Home Judicial (Confidential),

26 May 1920, cited in David Arnold Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras, The Journal of
Peasant Studies, Vol.6, No.2, January 1979, p.158, Foot Note No.36; P.Muthu Thevar,
Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, Kakaveeran Publication, Karumathur 1976, pp.285286.

199

Before declaring the Kallars of a particular village as a criminal tribe,

elaborate statements were prepared regarding the name of the gang or tribe,
professed mode of their livelihood, character of the crimes committed by them
and the criminal methods adopted by them. This was one of the ways of the
colonial administration, to justify the application of the Act. Under the heading of
professed mode of livelihood of the Kallars of Mela-Urappanur it was stated that
In addition to a professed mode of livelihood derived from
agriculture, 14 of the families comprising 251 adult males collect
kaval fee from certain villages in the Madura and Thirumangalam
taluks of the Madura District and in the Aruppukottai taluk of the
Ramnad district, each family having its well defined area from
which the kaval fees are collected. This kavalship is only a form of
blackmail; it involves no responsibility as regards residence or
patrolling in the localities.17
Regarding the Poosalapuram Kallars professed mode of livelihood the
following description was made:
In addition 85 individuals are known to collect kaval fees from the
villages of Anaikoottam (Sattur taluk, Ramnad District), Tulukkapatti
(Sattur taluk, Ramnad District), Sinnakampatti, Keelappanaickanur,

17

G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915, p.9.

200

Kadaneri, Ammapatti (Thirumangalam taluk, Madurai District),

Sithanatham and Metupatti (Nilakottai taluk, Madurai District)18.
In addition to the implementation of the Criminal Tribes Act over the
Kallars, the colonial state was pondering over some programmes for the socioeconomic development of the Kallar community which could be the only
permanent solution for the century old problem of Kallar criminality. Suggestion
were invited from Christian missionary establishment who gained some
experiences in this field by managing some criminal settlements or through
voluntary services.

The changes which were taking place among the Kallar

population of Melur taluk located on the eastern side of the district also served as
a catalyst. The final outcome was the Kallar Reclamation Scheme.

Kallar Reclamation Scheme

The most important and significant measure which accompanied the
implementation of the Criminal Tribes Act against Piramalai Kallar was the
implementation of a scheme popularly known as the Kallar Reclamation
Scheme.

This scheme was a liberal and modified version of another

programme called as Criminal Tribes Settlement; a wider strategy of the

colonial government to deal with extreme cases among those notified and
registered under Criminal Tribes Act.

This strategy of establishing separate

settlements for extreme cases of criminals, to start with, was attempted by the
18

Ibid., p.20

201

Thuggee and Dacoity department of the colonial state in north Indian provinces
as early as in 1830s.19 When the Criminal Tribes Act was enacted in 1871 this
settlement strategy was incorporated in the provisions of the Act and
consequently many Criminal Tribes Settlements were established in different
parts of north India.

In managing such settlements the colonial government

invited the help of Christian missionary organizations who were considered to be

more appropriate and experienced for this task.20 As a result, with the financial
help extended by the government, missionary organizations particularly the
Salvation Army, was managing many Criminal Tribes Settlements in north
Indian provinces.21
The Criminal Tribes Settlements were established with the principle of
Reclamation and Rehabilitation of the so-called incorrigible sections of the
criminal tribes notified and registered. As per this strategy Settlements were
established in different parts of north India both in the rural regions and urban
centres, and the registered criminals were settled there either forcibly or by
voluntary means. The major objectives of these settlements were to inculcate in
the criminals a taste for civilized way of life and through this wean them from
criminal habits, to make them to understand the dignity of labour by forcing them
to work in agricultural farms and in industrial units, and ultimately making them fit
for the mainstream of social life. However, though high sounding in principle,
19

Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, p.17.

20

G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915.

21

Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, pp.75-78.

202

many of these Settlements whether functioning directly under the government or

managed by missionary organizations, were worse than prisons, reminding us
the theory of Michel Foucault regarding prisons, schools, reformatories and
asylums.
With the introduction and implementation of Criminal Tribes Act in the
Madras Presidency from 1911 Settlements were also established in different
places for different groups of Criminal communities notified including the
Kuravars and Yerkulars, the nomadic and itinerant communities of the Madras
Presidency. The following settlements were functioning in the year 1917.22
Sitanagaram
Stuartpuram
Guntur

Guntur district

Kala Chedu
Kavali

Nellore district

Aziznagar
Stuartpet

South Arcot district

Bhumannagadda

Chittoor district

Pallavaram

Chengalpet district

Perambur

Madras city

Pillaiyarpatti

Tanjore district

Kulasekarapatnam
and voluntary settlements of

Tirunelveli district

Siddapuram

Kurnool district

The Kallar Settlement [Gudalur] Madurai district

22

The History of The Madras Police, p.529.

203

Of these settlements, Pillaiyarpatti in Thanjavur district and Gudalur in

Madurai district were meant for the Piramalai Kallars. The other settlements
were for the criminal tribes other than the Kallars such as the Kuravars,
Yerkulars, Korchas and Dommaras.
Many factors were at play in prompting the colonial government to plan for
the reclamation of the Kallars. It sincerely felt that it was obligatory on its part to
undertake some sort of social reform measures for the Piramalai Kallars who
were covered under the CTA and subjected to unusual sufferings. Besides they
were very much inspired and motivated by the remarkable changes which took
place in the social life of the Kallars of Melur regions with the availability of water
for irrigation from Periyar project.
The Periyar dam construction commenced in 1887 and John Pennycuick
was the Chief Engineer.23 The first waters passed through the tunnel in 1895 to
reach the lands around Melur region. The Melur Kallars were motivated and
offered with irrigated lands. They held a full caste meeting, discussed at length,
and brought out some changes in their caste rules and accepted the offer.24 By

23

Regarding John Pennycuick and his personal involvement in constructing the Periyar dam,
much information packed with emotion are available from the colonial records. Every section
of the population of Madurai district benefited by Periyar water loved him. Pennycuick too
exceeding the boundaries of his official responsibility considered the dam construction work
as his life time service to the people. He always identified himself with the people. Even
today he is remembered by the common people, and in the Cumbum valley regions in every
house-hold there is a child named after John Pennycuick. Two years ago, when one of the
great grand sons of Pennycuick with his family came to Cumbum region to visit the dam
constructed by his great grand father; he was given a carpet welcome by thousands of
people. He was astonished and emotionally moved to see many a children with his greatgrand fathers name and many wall posters adorning the streets carrying his great grand
fathers image.

24

Gilbert Slater, Southern India: Its Political and Economic Problems, George Allen and Unwin
Ltd., London, 1936, p.36.

204

1901 about 132000 acres of paddy fields, mostly in the drought-prone Melur
Taluk of Madurai district dominated by Kallar population were watered by the
Periyar river project.25 This development in turn brought out major changes in
the life style of Melur Kallars. The impact of the Periyar water project over the
Melur Kallars has been described in the Madurai District Gazetteer thus:Hope for the reformation of the Kallar has now recently
arisen in quite another quarter. Round about Melur the people of
the caste are taking energetically to wet cultivation to the exclusion
of cattle lifting, with the Periyar water which has lately been brought
there. The department of public works may soon able to claim
that it has succeeded where the army, the police and the
magistracy have failed and made a honest man of the notorious
Kallars.26
The District officials of Madurai very much inspired by this development,
decided to undertake some socio-economic reform measures for the Piramalai
Kallars too.
Another important factor was that with the implementation of CTA on a
wide scale against them, the Piramalai Kallar community became highly
antagonistic and presented a belligerent posture against the government. This

25

Anand Sankar Pandian, Landscapes and Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, p.248.

26

W.Francis, Madura District Gazetteer, pp.92-93.

205

boiling situation was accelerated further when eleven Kallars were killed in a
police firing at Perungamanallur village on 3 April, 1920, when the community
resisted the states attempt to register their fingerprints under the provisions of
the CTA. The situation resulted in a violent outbreak of a riot of great magnitude
remembered to this day in popular memory.27
Besides these factors the Congress party which was organizing the
people towards the non co-operation movement took initiative in politicising the
CTA issue. If it was permitted to develop further, the government feared that
there was every possibility that the entire Kallar community could rally round the
Congress. Any delay on the part of the government in undertaking ameliorative
measures, it was further feared, could invite serious problems. Such were the
circumstances which forced the colonial government to implement the Kallar
Reclamation Scheme on a war footing.
The outline of the Kallar Reclamation Scheme was prepared and given
proper shape by Loveluck, the Superintendent of Police of Madurai district. As a
man of vision he was very meticulous in preparing the scheme. The scheme was
so comprehensive that it incorporated all the essential ingredients for the overall
development of the Kallar community.28
The formal Kallar Reclamation Scheme was formally initiated in the 1920
in the Madurai district.

The colonial authorities in their analysis of Kallar

27

Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, p.289.

28

The History of The Madras Police, p.535.

206

criminality came to the conclusion that pressure on land was the most important
reason. Consequently even before the Kallar Reclamation Scheme was given
the final shape, they decided to establish agricultural settlements for the
land-less Kallars in uncultivated government lands. Finally it was proposed to
establish a compulsory settlement at Gudalur under the supervision of the police
officials with a propertied Kallar as overseer.29 However, with the intervention of
the provincial authorities in Madras, the settlement became a voluntary one and
the management of the settlement was also vested in the hands of one Edward
P. Holton of the American Madura Mission.

American Madura Mission was

working among the Kallar population of Madurai region right from 1833 and was
involved in civilizing activities through establishing boarding schools, medical
dispensaries, industrial training centres and model farms.30

Before the

establishment of the settlement at Gudalur the district authorities held many

meetings and discussions with the missionaries.31
However, contrary to the expectation of the colonial government the Kallar
settlement venture at Gudalur proved to be a failure. Problems erupted from
unexpected quarters. The local ryots of Kulappa Goundenpatti a village situated
very near to the settlement were antagonistic towards the Kallar settlers.

portion of the land reserved for the settlement was already in their temporary

29

Anand Sankar Pandian, Landscapes and Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, p.202.

30

Ibid., p.203.

31

G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September, 1915.

207

enjoyment under a different scheme and they were paying an annual tax to the
government as per the government norms. They considered the settlers as their
competitors. Coupled with this problem an epidemic of malarial fever broke out
which killed one child and forced several other settlers to leave the settlement.
By July 1919, the Gudalur settlement had become moribund. Another attempt
was made to open another compulsory settlement in the Melur Taluk of Madurai
district but was soon given up because the authorities realized that this strategy
was not suitable for the Kallars. Consequently in its place a panchayat approach
was introduced which proved to be more successful.32
Elaborate administrative arrangements were made by the colonial
government for the successful implementation of the Kallar Reclamation Scheme
together well in advance in 1920. A special administrative wing was created
consisting of staff drawn from both the police and revenue departments. Almost
all the administrative departments were instructed to render their co-operation to
the scheme. The team of Reclamation staff consisted of one Inspector, seven
Sub-Inspectors, fifteen Head Constables, thirty nine Constables, one Deputy
Thasildar, three Revenue Inspectors, six supervisors of schools, one Scout
Master and four Co-operatives working under one Kallar special officer whose
rank was raised to that of a Superintendent of Police.33

32

Anand Sankar Pandian, Landscapes and Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, pp.212-213.

33

The History of the Madras Police, p.534.

208

The Kallar Reclamation Scheme was formally sanctioned by the

Government of the Madras Presidency on 24 February 1920 and one A.K. Raja
Ayyar, known for his sincerity and hard work, was appointed as special officer of
the scheme on 6 November 1920.

The Kallar Reclamation Scheme was a

package of multi-faceted programmes which could be listed as follows.34

1) Mass Education to the Kallar children.
2) Industrial Training Centres for Kallar youth.
3) Agricultural Loan facilities to the Kallars.
4) Establishment of Kallar Co-operative Societies.
5) Improving Transport facilities.
6) Panchayat system in Kallar villages.
In order to popularize the scheme and to enlist the co-operation of the
people at large mass meetings were organized in the villages which were
attended by thousands of people. District level officials addressed the gatherings
and explained the principles of the scheme. In every village they personally met
the principal inhabitants and enlisted their co-operation.35 Nowhere else in the
Presidency was such a comprehensive scheme undertaken, comments David
Arnold.36

34

P.Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, pp.291-294.

35

Ibid; The History of the Madras Police, p.533.

36

David Arnold, Police Power and Colonial Rule in Madras 1859-1947, p.145.

209

The implementation of the Kallar Reclamation Scheme commenced with

much enthusiasm and expectation soon gained much momentum. A.K. Raja
Ayyar and some other higher officials personally visited many Kallar villages met
the leading inhabitants and other explained the purpose of the scheme. As a
striking innovation Kallar caste Panchayats were established in many villages
consisting of leading Kallar inhabitants as members. These Panchayats were
made responsible for destroying the levy of Kaval fee and Thuppucooli for
reporting crime, for reporting absences, for surrendering and excommunicating
the guilty, for sending children to schools and for encouraging the Kallar youth to
emigrate to tea estates.37 By 1921 A.K. Raja Ayyar, successfully established
Panchayats in 501 Piramalai Kallar villages and with their assistance many
warrants which were long standing were executed.38 Here it is possible that by
this strategy of creating village Panchayats the colonial state was trying to win
over the rural Kallar elite to its side and driving a wedge between the richer and
poorer sections of the Kallar community.
Within two months of the implementation of the scheme 28 schools for
Kallar children were opened and education was made compulsory for the Kallar
children in the age group of 5 to 12. Parents were also warned with punishments
if they failed to send their children to school. In course the number of schools

37

Louis Dumont, A South Indian Subcaste, 1986, p.27; The History of the Madras Police,
p.533.

38

The History of the Madras Police, p.533.

210

and schools with boarding facilities increased. By 1925 there were about 321
schools functioning and among them four were for the girls.39
In the meantime industrial training centres were established at
Tirumangalam,

Sathangudi,

Poosalpuram,

Chekkanoorani, Puliankulam and Cumbum.

Usilampatti,

Keelakudi,

They imparted training to Kallar

youth in spinning, weaving, tailoring, carpentry, rope-making and basket-making.

During the training period they were provided with stipend.40
Besides the above efforts the government concentrated on popularizing
co-operative movement in Kallar villages and distribution of lands to landless
Kallar families.

Within a short span of time about 3013 acres of land was

distributed and 90 co-operative stores were established. Loans for buying bulls
and sinking wells were provided by these societies.

In the meantime,

employment was found for about 5000 Kallars in the tea estates. Regarding the
success of the programme and the man behind the programme J.F. Hall, the
District Magistrate wrote in 1922.
A.K. Raja Ayyars work as Kallar Special Officer was little
short of all wonderful and I could not speak too highly of it. This
scheme for the reclamation of Kallars has passed beyond that
outlined by Mr.Loveluck in 1920. The expansion of the work and
was very largely bound up with his own personality.

He had

acquired extraordinary hold over the Kallars and it was essential

39

P.Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, p.291.

40

Ibid.

211

that for a considerable time he should remain in personal charge of

the work.41
During the early years of the implementation of Kallar Reclamation
Scheme there were hectic activities and the entire district administration was
geared up to ensure the proper implementation of the scheme. Thanks to the
sincere efforts taken by special officers like A.K. Raja Ayyar and his successor
K.D. Janardhana Rao, the Kallar Reclamation Scheme yielded considerable
positive results. The extraction of Kaval fee and Thuppu cooli system started to
lose ground gradually. Louis Dumont has assessed the scheme in the following
terms:
It is true on the whole that the Kallar use the advantages
which the government has put at their disposal. It is also true that
their mode of life became more normal. Nevertheless the second
objective of the reform policy, that of opening new horizons for
Kallar initiative and activity has not been realized.42
However in a long run many problems creeped in. The functioning of the
special officer of Kallar Reclamation Scheme in addition to the local
Superintendent of Police caused some frictions in the administrative circle. While
the special officer insisted more on reform programmes the police officials
emphasized on repression.

The co-operation from other administrative

41

The History of The Madras Police, pp.533-534.

42

Louis Dumont, A South Indian Subcaste, 1986, p.30.

212

departments was also not to the excepted levels. This bureaucratic rift was well
utilized by the Kallars and the crime rates once again soared. In the agricultural
settlements many Kallars violated the regulation, by either mortaging or selling
out their land allotted to them.

In course of time the District Police

Superintendents were made responsible for the implementation of the scheme.

Gradually the scheme lost its earlier spirit, which was reflected in the increasing
crime rates.43
In the meantime, in the political front pressure for the repeal of Criminal
Tribes Act mounted up.

Finally the legislative Assembly of the Madras

Presidency repealed the Criminal Tribes Act on 17 April 1947,44 but only replaced
by All India Habitual Offenders Act by the central government in 1948.

Criminal Tribes Act in Tirunelveli and Ramnad

In Tirunelveli and Ramnad the implementation of the CTA was not as
systematic

and

thorough

when

compared

to

Madurai.

Though

the

Kondayamkottai, Appanadu and Sembinadu branches of the Maravar community

in both the districts were brought under CTA only individuals of the clan were
notified as criminals and not the entire community. Moreover in these regions
the administration, for the purpose of initial notification and confirmation of the
criminality of an individual depended more on the information of the village
43

The History of The Madras Police, p.536.

44

Anand Sankar Pandian, Landscapes and Redemptions: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, p.299.

213

headman and principal inhabitants of the villages. So when the CTA came into
practice the village headmen and the local landlords found themselves with
enhanced power. This was mainly due to the recommendation of the Indian
Police Commission.45

This feature was more prominent in Tirunelveli and

Ramnad than in other districts. The village headmen of the Madras Presidency
were considered to be in a more efficient state by the Police Commission
because they combined in their duties many functions such as village magistrate,
police officer and revenue head.
The enlarged powers enjoyed during the implementation of CTA proved to
be a powerful weapon in the hands of the village headmen. In the long run it was
utilized by them as an instrument to seek vengeance, to extract money and free
labour by threatening people.

Ultimately poor members of the Maravar

community who were unable to fulfill the demands of the village headmen
became the victims while the rich and influential but real criminals escaped. The
non-co-operation already existed between the rural police and the regular police
reinforced the power already enjoyed by the village headmen.
In Madurai district the implementation of CTA over the Piramalai Kallars
coupled with Kallar Reclamation Programme, which provided a wide range of
economic opportunities for the Kallars, yielded good results. In Tirunelveli and
Ramnad when CTA was applied over the Kondayankottai, Appanadu and
45

Christopher Baker, Madras Headmen in K.N.Chaudhry and Clive Dewey (eds), Economy
and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
1979, p.35.

214

Sembinadu Maravars, it was not accompanied by any programme resembling the

Kallar Reclamation. The government was not in favour of such a programme
because of its previous experience at Madurai which involved considerable
official workload and huge financial commitment.46
Thus a legal measure, not accompanied by a rehabilitation programme for
those who would be affected, whose implementation was vested in the hands of
a police administration known for its inefficiency, corruption and partisan attitude,
was deeply marred by problems. Consequently the implementation of CTA in
Tirunelveli and Ramnad districts failed to fulfill the anticipation of the colonial
state. While the Nadar-Maravar conflict was still lurking in the background, the
crimes related to Kaval reached new heights. When the colonial state was busy
with the implementation of the CTA a riot broke out on 17 September 1918 at
Kamudhi in Ramanad district. The reason was the long standing antagonism
between the Nadars and the Maravas.

On the morning of 17 September

Maravars of the neighbouring villages in large numbers entered the town of

Kamudhi with the intention of attacking the Nadars. When the police warned
them they too were attacked and two policemen were killed. Following this the
mob passed through the bazaar street setting fire to the shops and houses.
Twenty one houses and sixteen shops were destroyed and damage to the extent
of Rs.15,000 caused. With the arrival of additional police force the mob was fired
upon resulting in the death of a few Maravars. However, after a few weeks, the

46

G.O.No.293, Home, 20 October 1942.

215

Maravars carried on a campaign of terrorism and extortion in other villages.

Peace was restored only after the army was deployed.47
In the Tirunelveli district nine Maravar Kavalkarars were arrested for
levying Kaval fee in 1917. In 1918, eleven Kavalkarars were bound over for the
same reason.48 This was only the tip of the iceberg as most of the criminal
exploits of the Marava Kavalkarars went unreported.
In 1933, Sivanthipatti, a small village situated on the eastern side of
Tirunelveli, became the epicentre of Kaval disputes.

Among the different

communities of Tirunelveli district the people belonging to the scheduled castes,

particularly the Pallars and the Parayars were the worst affected by the Kaval
extortion of the Maravars.49 On one occasion, some of the Marava Kavalkarars
were caught red-handed in a theft by the Pallars and produced before the village
Munsiff. During the initial enquiry the Maravar denied the charges. But during
the enquiry of the higher British officials the crime was proved and the culprits
had to confess it. When the Collector of Tirunelveli was informed of this crime he
ordered the arrest of those Maravas under CTA. This episode created a lasting
enmity between the Maravars and Pallars.50

47

Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1918, pp.13-14.

48

Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1919, p.25.

49

G.O.No.124, Public (Police), 8 March 1933.

50

K.Ragupathy, Dalith Thaneluchium Odukkumurai Olippum (in Tamil) in Puthu Visai, Hosur,
October-December, 2007, p.4.

216

The serious situation prevailing in Tirunelveli district has been well

described by the Bishop of Tirunelveli in his communication addressed to the
Collector of Tirunelveli entitled Memorandum on the Marava Problem in the
Tirunelveli District of South India.
A very large percentage of Marava crimes arise out of disputes
about the kaval payment It cannot be denied that the situation in
Tirunelveli district is very serious. Within three or four miles of any
large Marava village, no one can feel that life and property are in
any way secure. The heavy hands of the Maravars falls of-course
mainly on the poor and helpless, but many others suffer and the
area covered by their depredations is widespread. The problem is
so serious that only a very resolute attempt by the government
cope with it is likely to have much effect. Perhaps it is the difficulty
of the task that has led the Government for more than a century to
postpone the time for attempting it.51
When the colonial government was pondering over the ways and means
for the effective implementation of CTA particularly in Tirunelveli district the
problem of illegal Kaval exaction by the Marava Kavalkarars occurred in the
villages of Griammalpuram, Hari Kesavanallur and Manapuranallur which were
under the jurisdiction of Sermadevi police station.
51

About sixteen Maravar

Memorandum on the Marava Problem in the Tirunelveli District of South India submitted by
the Bishop of Tirunelveli, to the Secretary, Government of Madras, 30 April 1932, Notes
leading to the G.O.No.626, Home, 24 April 1945.

217

families of Karikesavanallur had Kaval control over these villages. In return for
their services the Maravar Kavalkarars were allotted four acres of land which was
listed officially as Gramma Samuthayam or the village common land. However
the Maravars assumed complete control over it and styled the land as Kaval
manyam. In 1920 there was a legal dispute regarding the ownership of this plot.
In course of time this land was brought under his complete control by an
individual named Sundara Thevan.

Consequently a factional fight ensued

among the Maravars.52

From 1939 onwards frequent clashes took place between these factions.
Apart from this the Kavalkarars of both factions compelled the inhabitants of
these three villages to pay the Kaval fee to them. When the ryots refused to pay
the Kaval fee to one faction they were attacked and looted by the members of the
other gang.

Besides illegal extraction were also made by both the factions.

Consequently violent incidents took place on 27th December 1939, 3rd January
1940 and 8th January 1940 in which the properties of the ryots particularly of the
Pallars were looted.53
The affected ryots made complaints with the police official against
nineteen Maravars who in turn elaborately narrated the developments from the
beginning to the Joint Magistrate M. Ananthanarayanan. On 15th January 1940
Ananthanarayanan accompanied by the police officials personally visited the
52

Letter from District Superintendent of Police, Tirunelveli to the Inspector General, Madras, 2
July 1940 in G.O.No.1252 Home (Confidential) 11 April 1941, TNSA.

53

Ibid.

218

villages and conducted an enquiry. Seventy Adi Dravidas appeared before the
Magistrate eloquently represented the sufferings they had undergone owing to
their refusal to contribute Kaval exactions demanded by the nineteen Maravars
mentioned in the complaint.

Though informed well in advance, out of the

nineteen Maravars only five belonging to one faction appeared for the enquiry.
Towards the end, Joint Magistrate instead of initiating legal proceeding against
the culprits, asked the Maravars to mend the differences existing among
themselves within a period of ten days. He believed that if a compromise was
worked out between the two factions of the Maravars all problems would be
solved. This chance was well utilized by the Maravars who appeared before the
Magistrate with a compromise deed regarding collection of Kaval fee setting forth
the terms of their agreement.54

This was accepted by the magistrate who

informed the inspector on 1st February 1940 that he had dropped further action in
this matter. This decision of the joint magistrate was highly criticized by the
higher police officials as unwarranted, failure to recognize his duties and tacit
recognition of the principle of Kaval.55

Thus the Marava Kavalkarars were

permitted to escape by M. Ananthanarayanan, the Joint Magistrate.

The above seen decision taken in favour of the unruly Marava
Kavalkarars, that too in a situation where the Criminal Tribes Act was in
operation, indicate the crucial lapses on the part of the colonial administration. It

54

Vide Appendix, VIII.

55

J.Beckett, Dy.Inspector General of Police to Inspector General, 13 July 1940, G.O.No.1252,

Home (Confidential), 11 March 1941.

219

exhibits the ambivalent nature and failure of the colonial state to utilize the
opportunity of peoples resistance to suppress the Maravar Kavalkarars. It also
exposed the void that existed between the higher and lower ranks of officials in
the administrative structure. Yet another important underlying factor brought to
the light was the prevalence of caste nexus and compromising tendency of some
of the higher caste like the Brahmins and the Vellalas with the Maravars. For
instance the roll of the Kottai Vellalas in the anti-kaval movement in
Srivaikuntam. This may be due to the numerical inferiority and less militancy of
these communities.
However, in consequence of the stern measures undertaken against the
Maravars in general during anti-Nadar riots and against the Marava Kavalkarars
in particular during the anti-kaval movements in Tirunelveli, the Kaval system in
general lost its former vigour and influence. But in some pockets of southern
Tirunelveli, it continued to survive even after 1947.

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION
Right from the beginning of the British rule over Tamilnadu, the policy
followed by the colonial state against the Kaval system was extremely ambivalent
in nature. Conditioned by its early experience with the Kavalkarars during the
Palayakarar Wars, in which the Kavalkarars made common cause with the
Palayakarars the colonial state had an antagonistic relation with the Kavalkarars.
Kaval system was considered by the Company as a stumbling block in the path
of its consolidation, and a tough competitor in establishing its mastery over rural
and urban regions. Consequently the colonial state abolished the Desa Kaval
and Men Kaval in 1802 and Men Kavalkarars were forbidden from collecting
Kaval fees.
The first decade of the nineteenth century was a period of transition for the
Company - a transition from a tributary based state to a land-revenue based
state.

For a smooth transition a relatively problem free political climate was

imperative. A full fledged administrative machinery and a meaningful rapport

with the people were not yet established.

These were the factors which

compelled the colonial state to review its policy of antagonism and soften its
stand on the Kaval system. Consequently some of the former Men Kavalkarars
were incorporated in the new police establishment as Daroghas and Tanadars
and some others were provided with pension. The same the case of the Kudi

221

Kavalkars too. The thorough knowledge of the Kudi Kavalkarars about village
administration with the added value of their numerical strength prevented the
colonial state from abolishing the institution of Kudi Kaval. A section of the Kudi
Kavalkarars were accommodated in the new police establishment of 1802. But a
close look would reveal the fact that not all the Kavalkarars of both the categories
were provided with the opportunity of joining the new police establishment. A
major section of them became jobless. Their rent free landed properties allotted
to them by the inhabitants as a form of Kaval fee too was confisticated by the
colonial state during the implementation of new land revenue settlements.
By 1815 the Company found itself in a relatively secure position and
abolished the Kudi Kaval system throughout the Presidency in 1816. However a
section of them was accommodated in the new police establishment introduced
in 1816. Thus the Kavalkarar became a Companys servant serving under the
village magistrate as a low paid Talayari. Whenever reforms were introduced a
major section of the former Kavalkarars were rendered jobless.

In a social

situation where occupational change was not that easy, they were pushed
towards a criminal way of life. But whatever may be the efforts taken by the
colonial state Kaval system continued to operate unabated.
Major changes were introduced by the colonial state in the police
establishment in 1859 by which the modern police system was introduced based
on the model of the Irish Constabulary. Here again the attempt proved to be a
half- hearted one.

In terms of number of the police force, it was less

222

proportionate to the total population. Moreover the colonial state was not ready
to invest sufficient money in the police establishment though it was the need of
the hour. The newly appointed police constables, particularly in the southern
district of Tamilnadu, were mostly from subordinate castes to the Maravar and
Kallar Kavalkarars; and they could not achieve anything substantial. The irony of
the situation was that the police machinery actually depended on the Kavalkarars
to gather information regarding crime.
Regarding the Kaval system and the Kavalkarars two different opinions
running parallel to each other from the beginning prevailed in the administrative
circle of the colonial state. One group of officials, highly antagonistic towards the
institution of Kaval and Kavalkarars, recommended a complete annihilation of the
system. Another faction, though small in number and feeble their voice, were
pragmatic and were sympathetic towards the Kavalkarars falling in line with the
view point of Thomas Munro. They were of the opinion that it was the policy of
the colonial state which turned the Maravars and Kallars into criminals. In this
connection the opinion of Broad Foot, Acting session Judge of Tiruchirapalli, is
worth mentioning. In his report to the Chief Secretary, he recorded that The
Marava is a fighting man, who owing to Pax Brittanica, was degenerated into a
thief, and he is of recognized caste.1

Broad Foot to Chief Secretary to the Government, 19 September, G.O.No.1828, Judicial, 31

March, 1897.

223

Even after a prolonged struggle for more than a century the colonial state
could not achieve anything substantial against the Kavalkarars in Madurai and
Tirunelveli district. Contrary to the opinion of David Arnold, even after 1850 Men
Kavalkarars were there in Tirunelveli and Madurai regions and enjoying Kaval
rights. Moreover the struggle between the Colonial State and the Kavalkarars
was not only a struggle for rural supremacy as conceived by David Arnold, but a
struggle to exercise control over urban centres and towns. As a last step the
colonial state resorted to the Criminal Tribes Act which yielded good results,
though not to the level expected.
With great hope the CTA was implemented in Tirunelveli district. The
colonial administration having failed in gaining an upper hand over the pestering
problems of Kaval system and the crimes in the past expected good results out
of CTA, the most powerful weapon they ever handled. When CTA too failed to
produce the anticipated results the officials became disgusted and were engulfed
by the fever of pessimism. In Tirunelveli district, during the implementation of
CTA, village vigilance committees were constituted in many villages to help the
police in the matters related to surveillance and notification. However it was
observed that the large number of village vigilance committees in the district
give some help to the police but they can be of comparatively little use in Kaval
ridden villages terrorized by the Maravars.2

Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1941, p.71.

224

Overcome by pessimistic and helpless circumstances the colonial officials

once again started to tabulate the causes for their failure, which proved to be a
stereotype description. The non-cooperation that existed between the regular
and village police, inadequacy of the police force, the century-old gulf between
the police and the public, the long distance between the police station and the
villages which discouraged lodging complaints, poor transport facilities, the
dependency of the lower grade police on Marava Kavalkarars for collecting
information regarding incidents of crime and the illicit relations prevailing between
them were the facts rediscovered and recorded by the police as general causes
for its failure.3
The police station is six miles away. There are six men there,
anyway they are all very busy. There is no road. There are eight of
our good Kondayamkottai brethren who are kavalgars. The village
headman is an inoffensive Pillaimar, the Talayari is one of us; so it is
maravar raj in Umayathalaivanpatti. The police in recent years have
applied the CT Act to the Marava in circumstances due to the lack of
men which made its proper operation very largely impracticable. I
need not mention the evil results on the lawless marava when he finds
that the CT Act may be trifled with, because there is none to enforce
it.4

Confidential report No.D.C.216/41, dated 24 February 1942 from G.H.P Barley Dt.Supdt. of
Police, Tirunelveli to the Inspector General of Police, Madras through the Deputy Inspector
General of Police, Southern Range, Madurai.

Ibid.

225

Another interesting factor often cited by the British officials and which finds
a prominent place in the colonial discourse of this period, as the most important
cause for the failure of the police against Kaval system and the Maravar problem
in Tirunelveli district, was the economic factor about which G.H.P.Bailey
observed.
The Marava problem is a human one, deep rooted in history and
economics and these are stubborn things.

It is forceful in its

practicalness, in its reality and in the magnitude of its challenge and

opportunity.
It is century old skeleton for which the cupboard is the Madras
Village Police Regulation Act of 1816.
The bones are now exposed in their grim and dismal nakedness,
may be long overdue obsequies be carried out with sympathy and
generosity.5
In his confidential report entitled A Note on Marava Oppression he
categorically stated that To attempt to abolish Kaval without filling the economic
gap which this would entail would be to repeat history and to produce results in
crime which can well be imagined.6

G.H.P.Bailey to Inspector General of Police, 31 January 1943, G.O.No.1802, Home, 31 July

1943, p.110.

Ibid.; G.O.No.626 Home 24 April 1945.

226

It was at this juncture that the administration started thinking of a

reclamation programme for the Maravars of Tirunelveli on the line of Kallar
reclamation programme being carried out in Madurai district. But it was too late
and was at best a half-hearted attempt. Regarding this reclamation programme
of the Tirunelveli Maravars the following comment was made by the Deputy
Inspector General of Police, Southern range, Madurai.
We are all agreed that the Marava problem is large, an
economic one, and that mere repression, without reclamation can
never be a solution. The Marava is far more dangerous than the
Kalla and one is at a loss to understand why for more than a
generation vast efforts and amounts have been spent on Kallar
reclamation whereas practically nothing has been ever attempted
towards the reform of the Maravas. It is evident that a scheme of
Marava reclamation is long overdue and it is high time, that it be
undertaken, with the realization that it must go on for one or more
generations and that will cost considerable sum of money.7
It was at this juncture that the British Empire had to focus its complete
concentration and to divert all its energies towards conducting war operations
against the axis powers in different theatres of Second World War.

At the

national level the freedom movement was nearing culmination and the Indian
National Congress was frantically engaged in organizing the people for yet
7

Ibid.

227

another mass struggle, the Quit India Movement. Under the pressure of these
development at the national and international levels the colonial state might have
decided not to proceed immediately with the reclamation programme of the
Maravars of Tirunelveli which require diversion of more time, energy and money.
However fresh efforts were undertaken by the police authorities to tackle
the Maravar problem. The entire police network in the district was geared up to
gather detailed information regarding the Marava oppression in Tirunelveli district
including the Kaval system. To facilitate this task a questionnaire was prepared
by the Superintendent of Police of Tirunelveli. Inspectors and sub inspectors
were warned not to be easily carried away by the false informations about Kaval
system in the police records housed in the stations8. Apart from this survey
programme, another programme to tighten the police grip over the Maravar was
also planned which included,
a) A wider application of CTA.
b) Security work of an increased scale.
c) Increased police patrol and checking
d) Increased village visiting by Gazetted officers and Inspectors.9
Regarding this programme G.H.P.Bailey the District Superintendent of
Police of Tirunelveli has made the following emphatic statement with high hopes.

G.H.P.Bailey, District Superintendent of Police, Tirunelveli, Marava Oppression in Tirunelveli

District Intelligence Bureau, Palayamkottai, 20 January 1942, G.O.No.1802, Home, 31 July
1943.

Ibid.

228

A state of war has existed between the police and the criminal and
oppressive Maravar since the inception of police force in 1816. It is
now proposed to wage that war with more system and with steady
pressure.10
However in the war waged with more system and steady pressure the
British Raj failed pathetically. By then it was the end of colonialism rather than
Kaval which was in sight.11
L.E.Buckley, District Magistrate of Tirunelveli in his report had made a
thought provoking remark that,
This kaval system will never be thrown off, unless the movement
comes from the people.

There are not wanting signs of such

movement and whenever a desire for freedom is expressed police

aid is given.

The cases are not numerous at present, but one

success will breed another. Success is not an unmixed joy for the
administrator, for it will be a long time after the loss of this rich kaval
fees that the Maravar will settle down to a honest life, and he is
certain to take to crime in the interval.12
But it seems that the interval could be a year or a few decades or even a century!

10

G.O.No.1802, Home, 13 July, 1943.

11

David Arnold, Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras, The Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.6,
No.2, January 1979, p.157.

12

Buckley to the Secretary to the Government, 23 March 1904, G.O.No.867, Judicial

(Confidential) 31 May 1904 pp.7 & 8.

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Contribution to Indian Sociology, Vol.13, No.2, July-December 1979,
Institute of Economic Growth, New Delhi.
Thompson, E.P. Eighteenth Century English Society: Class Struggle
Without Class?, Social History, Vol.3, No.2, 1978.
Ragupathy, K. Dalith Thaneluchium Odukkumurai Olippum (Tamil),
Puthuvisai, October-December, 2007.
Washbrook, D.A. Law, State and Agrarian Society in Colonial India,
Modern Asian Studies, Vol.15, No.3, 1981.
Unpublished Thesis

Pandian, Anand Sankar, Landscapes of Redemption: Cultivating Heart

and Soil in South India, University of California, Berkeley, 1999.

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APPENDIX II
Petition of the Inhabitants of Sirkali
To Francis Alexander Grant Collector in the subah of Mayavaram
The humble petition of the inhabitants of Shially District.
1. That whereas Periya Vagoopoo having assembled an armed force, he from
the year 1797 to this period has seized and imprisoned the inhabitants and their people
in the villages of warshaputto plundered houses carried away the seed grain paddy
and so that we have been not able to carry on cultivation in the proper season and
through his oppressions and vexation we have sustained great losses.
2. In the course of these three years the property which he has plundered from
us amounted to 10,000 chuckrams and our losses in paddy amounts also 10,000
chuakrams making together 20,000 chuckrums.
3. He has burnt and pulled down many houses in our villages, which we beg
may be rebuilt and delivered to their proper owners.
4. He has forcibly taken from us some of our villages, houses, lands, topes
which he now enjoys. We beg these may be restored to us.
5. Some of the puddacarars have been carried away by him violently and
treated in the most injurious manner.

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6. In our district there are two cavalcarars, one called Periya Vagapoo the
other Chinna Vagoopoo and each of them has separately his free gift lands,
Varesaypattoo, Pannay gramum and watching villages and in the enjoyment of those
privileges they conducted themselves agreeable to established customs and to the
satisfaction of the inhabitants until Rachasa warsham after which Periya vagoopoo
become refractory he acted contrary to the usual custom. You were pleased to send
both to him and Chinna vagoopoo a cowle under the seal of the honorable company
pointing out of them the manner in which they have to conduct themselves, but now
Periyavagoopoo has taken into service 500 colleries and having procured cannon
grape shot and other ammunitions and constructed a mud wall round his house he by
means of the armed force prevents the inhabitants from cultivating their lands and the
water from flowing into the paddy fields, he catches and carries off the inhabitants
from each of whom he extorts 40 to 50 chuckrums, he has caused all the bazaars to be
shut and prevents the usual ceremonies being performed in the pagodas beside which
he has forbid barbers and washermen to attend upon the inhabitants and is guilty of
many other excesses and violence.
7. Your petitioners, therefore must humbly emplore your honour to intercede
with the honourable company in order that your petitioner may carry on the
cultivation of the present year in tranquility, and at the same time to compel the said
cavilcarrah to make good all the losses we have sustained as above stated.

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8. In doing this act of equity your petitioner as in duty.

Shall ever pray
Signed
Valoorputtukkum

Vedialingam

Shially caval

Appoo Pandaram

Shuttanadapoorum

Appausamy

Arpaukum

Aya

Shumbungoody

Vedialingam

Teroocaroocavoor

Coolandy

Yagarajapoorum

Ramasamian

Teerooneelacundum

Swaminadan

Terropungoor

Teyagarajan

Cunniacoody

Moothiapillai

Canjanagaram

Iyavian

Curoovashacarray

Runganadhan

Maharajapoorum

Cundadra panditt

Maroodoor

Ramasameyan

Manniapullam

Ramalingam

Nundia Nulloor

Nulla verean

Aulunchary Puttakkum

Kattaya Moopan Thambiapillai

Cooan Puttukkam

Ragoopady Iyer

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Cooan Puttukkam

Annasamy Iyer

Nuttam

Aroonachala Pillay

Madala Vabor

Ramaian

Vadarungam

Vencapian

Moopadooma Cuttalay

Ramaien

Munganadum Coopa Tuchader

Coodavasal Subbaiahn

Cauviripattnam

Ayyasamy

Nungoor

Letchmanen

Thenpaudy

Cooparean

Moovaly

Cooparean

Sembadavarayaneeropoo

Alagappan

Vulluvacoody

Soovadaranian

Dadasancovil

Tumpapillai

Cayveelanchery

Aiyavien

Yalaymoodoocoadam

Royan

Teeroonagary

Covil iyengar, Namisivayam

Putchaperumal Nalloor

Appacooty

Cootumputti

Opilamnia Pillay

Condauthor

Ayyapillai

Sayamungulan

Appoovien

Nyniapuram

Mootean

Malayoor

Thandavarayapillai

Theroovencodu coil

Appoopandaram

Kulachutanapuram

Vedialingam

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Theroovengadu

Corpogam

Anoomandapoorum

Coondachariar

Kulachela

Venkataaiengar

Manigramam

Ambalavanun

Aroogoor

Ramareddiyar

Narasasolapoorum

Royappan

Varavoody

Coopiapillay

This petition in Tamil was translated and enclosed with a letter sent by
F.A Grant, Collector of Tanjore, to William Patric, President and member of the
Board of Revenue on 1st October 1799 from Nagore.

Judicial Consultations, Vol.6A, 1799, pp.564-569.

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APPENDIX III
Notification to the Maravars of Nangunery
To the principal Maravars of Nangunery
Erulapan Thevan of Nangunery
Madasamy Thevan
Son of Ram Narraen Thevan of Marugalkuruchi
Periya Pitcha Thevan Marugalkuruchi
Chinna Pitcha Thevan Marugalkuruchi
Cautakooty Thevan Marugalkuruchi
Veera Perumal Thevan of Thennimalai
Veera Perumal Thevan of Puttapolay Poodoor
Nambi Talaiven,
Sewa Rama Talaivan,
Chokku Talaivan of Tirukurungudi
Kattaboma Naigue the poligar of Panchalamkuruchi, having rebelled against
the company suffered an ignominious death for his crime. His relatives knowing
what befell him had not the sense to be warned by his example and to place their
hopes upon the acknowledged mercy of the company but rebelliously rising in arms
against the government provoked their own destruction (sic) of that iniquitous family.
The anger of the company was therefore scarcely lift a vestige.

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Perumal Naigue the poligar of Cadulgoody having rebelled against the

company was expelled from his pollam, the lands he had enjoyed were declared
sequestered to the state and himself died miserably in excile.
Lingama Naigue having since appeared in arms against the company
committed various acts of outrage and hostility whilst their troops were assembling
but (sic) by the slaughter of the rebels of Panchalankuruchil he fled (sic) from the
punishment that was prepassed from him.
Ammaya Naigue, poligar of Colatoor having confederate himself with the
rebellious Catabomma naigue was with his son seized and imprisoned and his pollam
confiscated.
In like manner another of his turbulent offspring having taken arms against the
company had been punished with death.
Caumia Naigue, poligar of Sapatoor rebelling against the company was
deprived of his pollam and a price just upon his head (sic) he wandered miserably in
the jungles and mountains for four years, but the company whose vigilance never
ceases in pursuing and punishing the guilty paid a reward of 5,000/- chuckrams for
his person and he was accordingly taken and hanged with his confederates in January
last at Shevelapatur.
In like manner the poligar of Nagalapoor and Yellayrumpunni having proved
refractory were seized and have been banished beyond seas.

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Ramalingam Sethupathi of Ramnad having also rebelled against the Company

was seized and imprisoned six years ago and for ever deprived of his inheritance. He
still remains in at Trichinapalli, better by repenting his former folly.
Lastly Chinna Murdoo and Vella Murdoo of Shevaganga lived in security and
were treated with indulgence so long as they possessed their obedience. But having
gained with those who had rebelled against the company that country has been
conformed upon a relative of the ancient zamindari and a large army is employed to
place under his authority and to punish the rebellious Murdoos with death.
These examples of punishments must have convinced the people of the
country that no rank or condition can shield from chastisement those who rebel
against the company hereto face a vicious and licentious mode of life found some
palliation in the oppression and irregularity of the nobobs servants-but the known
justice of the companys government now deprives you of every shadow of excuse.
It is my sincere wish that by returning to proper thoughts of your situation you
may live in the peaceable enjoyment of all the rights to which you are entitled and as
a proof of your obedience I request the immediate surrender of Dalavoy Pillai,
Veerapandia and Mootiah naigue, you will duly consider what advantage you can
drive from a connection with the rebels and in what miseries you will be plunged by
persisting in it.

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Captain Hazard the officer commander of the troops at Calacaud will regulate
his movements by your proceedings.
While the sword of punishment is unsheathed I exhort you to consider
seriously the inevitable consequences of provoking further the companys displeasure
for though slow to anger they never lay down their arms until they have eradicate the
seeds of future disobedience.
Tinnevelly

(Signed) S.R.Lushington

20th September 1801

Collector of Tirunevelly

Tirunelveli Dist. Records Vol.No.3579, pp.160-163.

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APPENDIX IV
Notification to the Maravars of Calacaud
In the proclamation published by the right honorable the governor in council
dated 31st July last making known to the people of the country the transfer of
Tinnevelly in perpectuity to the company, the inhabitants were invited to a cheerful
obedience to the authority of the company in the confident assurance of enjoying
under the protection of public and defined laws, every just and ascertained civil right
with a free exercise of the religious institutions and domestic usages of the ancestors
From that period no (sic) have been spared to convince the inhabitants of every
description of the justice. I (sic) of the British Government and there is happily no
exception to the general confidence and tranquility of the province, but in the single
Magaun of Nanganchery dependent on Calacaud-so the Maravar Cauvalagars of that
Muganum-every means of persuasion and means have been used to lead them to
proper thoughts of their condition, but those having failed to reclaim them, it has
become necessary to apprehend and confine the principals a punishment to
themselves and as pledged for the obedience of the Cauvalgars dependent on them
Some of those cauvalgars whose names are here under specified having neglected to
declare to the Thasildar in person their submission Allegiance, the Collector has firm
motives of humanity went to the spot to invite and receive the acknowledgement of
their obedience. Hitherto none has attended and a last warning is therefore given to
them, that if they do not proceed to captain Hazard commanding the troops at

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Calacaud three days from the date of this advertisement, they will be represented as
Rebel against the companys authority, their cauvel privileges will be sequestered and
given to another and they will be punished with death whenever they are
apprehended.

Calacaud

(Signed) S.R.Lushington

15th October 1801

Tirunelveli District Records, Vol.3579, pp.174-76.

Collector

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APPENDIX VII

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APPENDIX VIII

NOTICE
WHEREAS an agitation against the Kaval system is now going on in certain
taluks of this district, and whereas some of the villagers joining the movement
do not content themselves with simply dismissing the Kallar Kavalgars and
refusing to pay them fees, but proceed to boycott and molest the Kallars as a
body, and drive them from their villages, the following notice is published for the
information of all-Kallars and anti-Kallars alike.
1.

The villagers have a perfect right to dispense with the services of

Kallar Kavalgars and to discontinue the payment of Kaval fees to Kallars, but
they have no right to molest and drive the Kallars out. They are hereby warned
that any thing in the shape of intimidation or violence towards Kallars will be
promptly and sternly repressed.
2.

On the other hand any such offences committed by Kallars will be

dealt with in the same way; both sides being treated absolutely impartially, and
all offences against law and order, by whomsoever committed, punished with the
utmost rigour of the law.
3.

A Special Police Officer has been deputed to watch the movement

and secure equal justice for both parties.

4.

Meetings are not prohibited; but those who take part in them; and

especially the leading men, are warned that they will be held strictly responsible
if any unlawful resolutions are passed, or any unlawful action is the result of
such meetings.

No meeting may be hold within village site, or without due

notice given to the nearest Police Station. These orders apply to meetings held
by both parties alike.
J.TWIGG
District Magistrate

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NOTICE
In consequence of the serious Anti-Kallar riots that have recently occurred
in the Sub-Division the District Magistrate considers it advisable to issue the
following warning.
No private person (Section 59 of C.P.C) may arrest an offender unless he
actually sees him committing a non-bailable and cognizable offence.

The

assembling of villagers by the blowing of horns for the purpose of arresting

known or suspected offenders is therefore unlawful, and will in future be
severely dealt with under the Penal Code. If offences are committed the Police
must be informed, and villagers must not take the law into their own hands.
If this warning is disregarded and such acts of lawlessness as have recently
occurred are repeated the District Magistrate will be compelled to move
Government to proclaim the disturbed area under Section XV of Act V of 1861,
and to quarter therein a punitive Police force at the cost of the inhabitants.
J.TWIGG
District Magistrate

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APPENDIX IX
Translation of the compromise deed regarding Kaval in the village of
Giriammalapuram.
1115 Thai 10th
The Mahajanams, (Villagers) Harikesavanallur.
The Yadast of the partners of Kudi Kaval of the aforesaid village respectfully
showeth:1. In respect of the disputes relating to the Kaval, we have entered into a
compromise before you and we will be bound by the terms hereunder and we signify our
consent to the following terms and we have subscribed our signature hereto.
2. The annual produce derived from the two crops in the nanja which has been
allocated as village manyam for the aforesaid service of Kaval is to be distributed amongst
the kavalgars after payment of Kist thereon to the Government. The sundry thefts should
have to be accounted for by us out of the afore-said produce the remainder of the annual
produce is to be distributed with common consent according to their proportionate share. If
any thefts were committed by any of the Kavalgar he should be bound by the decision of
Pangalis or before the villagers.
3. For the Kaval Rs.400/- should be deposited in the Post Office Savings Bank for
16 shares, the value of each share being Rs.25/- only.
4. We are only liable for the liabilities arising from the Kaval. If any trouble arises
on account of individual actions, the persons alone actually responsible for that is liable for
that.
5. The customary two heads of our kaval are to take and enjoy the income derived
from half share as usual.
6. If any of the Kaval pangalis getting rights annually to the Kaval or if any of the
respective Pangalis were to misbehave by committing thefts etc. in respect of the Kaval, they
should not only indemnify the loss incurred; but also they should forfeit their shares or rights
in the Kaval.

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7. The fees pertaining to the kaval should be collected by the 16 pangalis jointly
without any dispute; they should not be collected by the 16 pangalis individually. Account
should be maintained for the collections and if necessary an Accountant should be employed
and his salary is to be defrayed.
8. The kaval fees emoluments and fines and the produce derived from common
Nanja should be collected in common and gathered in a house, and after meeting the
expenses, the remainder should be distributed in that house. If there is any breach, the
common land is to be proceeded against.
9. Before the assemblage of villagers, as often as occasion arises, we will set our
conduct by the aforesaid terms.
Signed by the following persons.
1. Sundara Thevan
2. Seeni Thevan
3. Sudalayandi Thevan
4. W.Kuthalinga Thevan
5. H.S.Pagya Thevan
6. V.Adhimoola Thevan
7. Dhalavoy Thevan
8. B.S.Piramuthu Thevan
9. Pattamuthu Thevan
10. Kandasami Thevan
11. C.Venkateswara Thevan
12. Pechimuthu Thevan
13. Solamuthu Thevan
14. Pichandi Thevan
15. Solamuthu Thevan
16. Mooka Thevan

Inspr.Genl. of Police