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I
The resolution of the questions of source and literary dependence with
regard to these three narratives necessarily involves a description and an
evaluation of the points of contact and discontinuity discernible in the
accounts. The salient questions include the following: (1) Are the three narratives truly a triplet? Do they tell the same story? If so, what is their theme?
(2) Should the problem be addressed primarily as a literary and form-critical
or as a redaction-critical issue? Do the stories have meaning in relation to
their Sitze im Leben or their Sitze im Buch? (3) How does an understanding
of the triplet affect an understanding of the function of the promises to the
patriarchs in the patriarchal narratives? To which of the major elements of
this promise (progeny, land, blessing) do these stories relate?
C. A. Keller and D. L. Petersen have, in fact, denied that Genesis 12, 20,
and 26 are three versions of the same tale. Motif analysis reveals, in their view,
that each specimen is an independent construct built around unique motif
aggregates every element of which is not common to all three versions.
Instead of three versions of the same incident, these narratives are three
different stories that share only the motif of the patriarch who lies about his
wife to save himself.8 Around this common element, other nonshared motifs
from realms of universal, historical, religious-cultic, juridical, and humorous
experience are combined in distinctive ways in each of the specimens.9
Petersen has argued that even this common sister-wife motif serves individual purposes in the three stories. For the author of Genesis 12, the motif
serves as vehicle for the theme of the contrast between Abraham's plan and
Yahweh's plan. For the author of Genesis 20, the motif embodies two central
themes: a dialectic of sin, which emphasizes that, although no one may be
said to be solely guilty, it remains the case that Elohim has been affronted;
and a fear-of-Elohim theme, which is characteristic of the Elohistic narrative.
For the author of Genesis 26, the motif carries the theme of patriarchal
success in a foreign context.10
Niditch, rather than rejecting the relationship between the three versions, sees in them independent elaborations of a single folktale pattern.
Three distinct emphases are the result. Genesis 12, which arose in and for
a popular context, emphasizes the underdog/trickster motif; Genesis 20 has
a courtly interest in the status quo; Genesis 26 offers a homiletical/theological treatment. 11
8
C A Keller, "'Die Gefahrdung der Ahnfrau' Ein Beitrag zur gattungs- und motivgeschichthchen Erforschung alttestamenthcher Erzhlungen," ZAW 66 (1954) 185, 186
9
Ibid, 189-90
10
D L Petersen, "A Thnce-Told Tale Genre, Theme, and MotifT BR 18 (1973) 30-43
11
Niditch, Underdogs, 61-66
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forms the proper context for interpreting this triplet, then it must be further
hypothesized that what has heretofore been seen as characteristic of Yahwistic theologynamely, the grand plan of God's saving intention for the
whole race in his election of one family15 is not restricted to J material. It
governs E materials also, so that if Genesis 20 is to be understood as a true
parallel toand, furthermore, as a compositional variant ofGenesis 12,
then it too may be said to function as an illustration of the possibilities open
to the patriarchs and the nations in their relationships with one another.
Furthermore, Noth's basic question with regard to the justification in the
mind of the author/redactor(s) for including multiple accounts of the same
incident (if they do not stem from distinct documentary sources) suggests
that attention should be directed toward the discovery of the unique contributions of each version. Do Genesis 12,20, and 26 offer an identical model
of the blessing/cursing relationship which pertains to the patriarchs and their
neighbors? Genesis 20 is commonly thought to advance a morally and theologically nuanced version of the story over against Genesis 12, an observation
that has been offered in support of its consignment to E. Can a similar
nuance be discovered with respect to Genesis 26? If so, what are the implications for an assessment of the J source? Was it monolithic? Does Gen
12:1-3 represent the theological program of a single author/source, or does
it define the matrix in which the patriarchal narrative was to grow? Is there
a single model of the relationship between the patriarchs and the nations?
These questions involve, of course, a prior issue with respect to the force
of the promise given Abraham. Does the promise of blessing to the nations
(Gen 12:1-3 par.) describe a causal relationship? E. Blum, following a
number of others, has recently argued that the promise to the patriarchs may
not be so understood. He noted once again that brk occurs in the various
repetitions of the patriarchal promise in either the niphal (passive?) or the
hithpael (reflexive?) stems. On the basis of the informative usage of the niphal
as a reflexive in Ps 72:17, he argued that the niphal and hithpael forms are
to be understood as near synonyms and warned that presuppositions about
the theology of the Yahwistic composition must not be allowed to hinder
textually faithful exegesis. The nations will not be blessed by Abraham (and
his family) the patriarchs will not function as the agents of blessingbut
the nations will bless themselves in him (them)the patriarchs will serve as
examples of blessing.16 Admittedly, the semantics and grammar of the patriarchal promise are ambiguous in this regard. However, if the basic contention
15
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the potential for disaster. Each account agrees, at this point, that the patriarch
has behaved inappropriately in subjecting the ruler and his people to the
penalties inherent in the impropriety undertaken or considered with respect
to the patriarch's wife. However, there are significant differences; each successive version places an increasingly more precise term on the lips of the
duped ruler to describe the patriarch's misdeed. In Genesis 12, Pharaoh asks
simply and straightforwardly, "What is this that you have done (*sh) to me?
Why did you not tell me that she was your wife? Why did you say 'She is my
sister'... ?" In Genesis 20, Abimelech goes on beyond the initial "What have
you done?" question to characterize the circumstances which the patriarch
has brought upon him (b\ hiphil) in terms of the sin (ht*) against Yahweh
mentioned in Yahweh's dream revelation. "How have I sinned against you,
that you have brought on me and my kingdom a great sin? You have done to
me things that ought not to be done." Genesis 26 goes a step further in this
process of refining the nature of the patriarch's actions. Here Abimelech
appends to the opening Beschuldigungsformel a statement that, first, characterizes the danger represented in the patriarch's deception as (luckily) only
potential and, second, defines it even more precisely as 'Sra, "guilt": "One of
the people might easily have lain with your wife, and you would have brought
(again, hiphil) guilt upon us."
The exact meaning of the most common form of the root >sm, the
nominal form which means "guilt-offering" and which is encountered frequently in legal-cultic texts, is unclear, particularly with regard to its distinction from sin-offering (from the root ht*). It has been argued that even for the
curators of the Priestly tradition, where the term most often occurs, the
boundaries between these two terms had become blurred.19 N. Snaith maintained that, despite confusion between the terms, the root ht * in the Priestly
materials denoted, for the most part, unwitting sin, whereas the root ysm in
the legal texts of the Pentateuch was reserved for transgressions for which the
damage done could be quantified and retribution could be made.20 While the
several nominal and verbal forms of the root *sm seem to have had a wide
variety of uses, some precise and some less so, there is one distinct category
of usages that seems to shed light on Genesis 26. There are a number of texts
in which the root deals with actions that involve infringement on the taboo
realms of the holy and the unholy and with the consequences of these
actions. Leviticus, for example, describes several cases of the trespass of
sancta in terms of ysm: inadvertent or suspected contact with things impure
19
See R. de Vaux, Studies in Old Testament Sacrifice (Cardiff: University of Wales, 1964)
98-112.
20
N. Snaith, "The Sin-Offering and the Guilt-Offering," VT15 (1965) 73. J. Milgrom has concluded, similarly, "that the asham offering has to do with restitution or reparation.. .. Hence
the usual translation of'guilt offering' is erroneous prima facie because it focuses on man's sinful
condition and not upon its punitive consequences" (Cult and Conscience: The Asham and the
Priestly Doctrine of Repentance [SJLA 18; Leiden: Brill, 1976] 7).
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(5:2-3); trespass of the sanctity of the Lord's name (violation of the oath, 5:4;
6:4; cf. Judg 21:22); inadvertent contact with "any of the holy things of the
Lord" (5:14-16; 22:16); and violation of the express will of Yahweh (5:17-19).21
The guilt-offering is also regarded as particularly appropriate for cleansing
the impurity of the leper (14:10-32) and for restoring the Nazirite to his
separate state following accidental defilement (Num 6:12). Ezekiel stresses
especially the guilt- and sin-offerings themselves as conveyors of holiness
(40:39; 42:13; 44:29; 46:20). 1 Samuel (6:3, 4, 8, 17) describes the situation
of the Philistine captors of the Ark of the Covenant as one which requires
a guilt-offering, presumably because pagans have come into contact with a
holy object. Idol worship as involvement with the impure may also be
described as guilt (see 2 Chr 24:18; 33:23; Ezra 9:6, 7; Ezek 6:6; Hos 4:15;
5:15; 10:2; 13:1; 14:1).
The objects that can bring guilt upon an individual who has improper
contact with them include cult objects, the person of the deity as signified
in the divine name or will, and any contraband or impure object, practice,
or circumstance. A rather extensive series of texts regard the people Israel
as such a sanctified object, holy to Yahweh, and therefore subject to the
restrictions applicable to contact with sancta (Hab 1:11; Jer 2:3; 50:7; 51:5;
Ezek 25:12; Zech 11:5; 2 Chr 28:10, 13). Two observations may be made with
regard to these passages. First, they are all to be dated from the time of the
Babylonian menace or significantly later, which suggests that the idea of this
particular type of sin that of transgressing sanctawas first applied to the
manner in which the nations treated the covenant people during this time
period and may have been suggested by the importance being assumed at the
time by the Priestly materials, in which "guilt" and "guilt-offering" play such
a prominent role. Second, all of these texts seem to be informed by an awareness that Yahweh can choose an enemy as a means of punishing Israel, so that
the nations are thought to incur guilt not simply because they have harmed
Yahweh's chosen but because they have done their work haughtily, without
regard to Yahweh's sovereignty over the process ("for Israel and Judah have
not been forsaken by their God, the Lord of hosts; but the land of the
Chaldeans is full of guilt against the Holy One of Israel" [Jer 51:5]; "They
sweep by like the wind and go on, guilty men, whose own might is their god!"
[Hab 1:6,11]), and they have done it overzealously, without restraint ("because
they have acted vengefully and become guilty" [Ezek 25:12]; "their enemies
have said, We are not guilty for they have sinned against the Lord'" [Jer
50:7]). 2 Chronicles 28 provides perhaps the most informative example of
this usage of >m. This passage, which relates details concerning the events
of the Syro-Ephraimitic crisis which are not included in the deuteronomistic
21
"Book of Leviticus," Encjud 11 141, see also Milgrom, Cult and Conscience, for thorough
treatment
607
historian's account of the period,22 interprets the crisis as the result of Judah's
sin and Yahweh's decision to inflict punishment upon the errant Judah at the
hands of Damascus and Israel. When, in addition to dealing Judah a serious
blow on the field of battle, Pekah of Israel takes a significant segment of the
Judean population captive, the prophet Oded warns the victorious Israelite
army that it is in danger of overstepping the bounds of propriety and decency,
mistreating the people of Judahwho, although deserving of punishment,
remain Yahweh's holy possession and thereby of becoming "guilty":
Behold, because the Lord, the God of your fathers, was angry with Judah,
he gave them into your hand, but you have slain them in a rage which has
reached up to heaven. And now you intend to subjugate the people of
Judah and Jerusalem . . . as your slaves. Have you not sins of your own
against the Lord your God?
Do these passages, which deal with trespass against the people set apart
to Yahweh, inform a reading of Genesis 26?23 That Gen 26:10 is not to be seen
against the background of private law dealing with recompensatory payments
is indicated by the fact that it is difficult to imagine that King Abimelech
would have been unduly concerned for this and the fact that he was careful
to point out that the entire populace would have been involved. "The community's incurring guilt over against the divinity must be meant here."24
Neither may Abimelech's question concerning the potential for incurring
guilt and his subsequent pronouncement that Isaac and Rebekkah are to be
left unharmed on the penalty of death be understood as a decree formulated
in accordance with the basic legal status of the patriarchal couple as husband
and wife. If Abimelech had understood the prevailing law and custom with
regard to the security of marriage partners to have been applicable and
sufficient to the case, it would have been unnecessary for him to describe
encroachment upon that security with the highly religious term *sm or to
have imposed the death penalty on any violator. It would have been sufficient
for him to have recognized that existing law and custom applied.
In fact, as Schmitt has pointed out, it may be precisely because Isaac and
Rebekkah have no legal standing in the community prior to the royal decree
that Abimelech must establish their status publicly. If Isaac had thought
himself to enjoy the legal rights and privileges of the sojourner, he would not
have seen the need to rely on subterfuge for protection. Abimelech's command does not fall within the parameters of ger-law. "One can . . . say, that
under these legal circumstances the murder of a sojourner involves afine,but
does not usually require a capital penalty."25
22
The historicity of the Chronicler's account, which is disputed, is not at issue here.
This discussion will assume that the narrator of this incident has given an account consistent with the practices and customs of his or her day. This approach should not be understood
as an attempt at historicization.
24
G. Schmitt, "Zu Gen 26 1-14," ZAW 85 (1973) 145 (my translation).
25
Ibid., 155.
23
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promise in two ways, both of which have to do with the blessing element in
Yahweh's promise and which stress that the patriarch can bring concrete
benefit to one outside the covenant. First, as Genesis 26 does later, Genesis
20 adds an account of Abimelech's graciousness toward the patriarch as
evidence of his recognition that the patriarch can be the source of blessing
for him (i.e., he offers gifts and later seeks a covenant). Second, Genesis 20
does not deny the assertion made by Pharaoh in Genesis 12 that the patriarch
bears responsibility for the Sarah fiasco; in fact it reiterates the claim.
Genesis 20 goes on, however, to show that just as the patriarch presents the
pagan with the opportunity for cursing (and being cursed), the patriarch can
also function as the means of blessing and salvation. Whatever the author of
Gen 12:1-3 intended by the expression "in you shall the nations bless themselves," the author/redactor/compiler of Genesis 20 regarded the patriarch's
role as that o mediator. He has Yahweh explicitly instruct Abimelech to call
upon Abraham, the prophet, to intercede on Abimelech's behalf and win his
pardon. This notion of the patriarch as intercessor calls to mind not only Gen
12:1-3 but also Abraham's intercession for Lot in Genesis 18, an intercession
in which the patriarch mediates blessing to Lot and, in the long term, to his
descendants, Ammon and Moab. Few commentators recognize the possibility of an allusion to Genesis 18 in Gen 20:7, probably because of the
presuppositions of the documentary hypothesis, which calls for Genesis 18
(J) and Genesis 20 (E) to be independent. G. von Rad, for example, saw the
mention of Abraham, the prophet, in Gen 20:7 in association with the
Elohist's ties to prophetic circles.28 But this begs the question, for Genesis
18 (J) also has ties to prophetic circles. Is it not simpler to argue that Genesis
20, which follows immediately upon the conclusion of the Sodom-Lot
episode in which Abraham's intercession succeeds in securing protection for
Lot, alludes to and reprises this theme?
Finally, Genesis 26 brings the process of refinement of the definition of
the promise that the patriarchs will be the instrument of blessing and cursing
a step further in that it points out clearly that the dangers inherent in the
situation brought about by the patriarch's deception are dangers that center
not on some simple moral transgression (hf) implying a lack of "fear" of God
(Gen 20:11) but on the very trespass of sancta ('sra). Unlike Pharaoh and
Abimelech in the earlier versions, Abimelech is challenged in Genesis 26 to
recognize the patriarch for who he truly is, namely, Yahweh's holy one.
Several observations may be made at this point concerning the tenor of the
statement which the "endangered ancestress" stories make with respect to
the types of relationship that may exist between Israel and the nations. First,
in each of the three stories the patriarch recognizes the significance of the
circumstances he has brought upon his host last. He does not intend to bring
harm upon the nations; he is, rather, inept and clumsy, thereby endangering
28
G. von Rad, Genesis: A Commentary (OTL; rev. ed.; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1976) 228.
610
not primarily his spouse, but his host. He presents his host with the opportunity for disaster. In every case the host, twice as the result of God's intervention and once because of a chance observation, recognizes the implications
of the situation and calls the patriarch to account.
Second, each of the stories lays a degree of responsibility for the
disastrous or near-disastrous situation confronting the host at the feet of the
patriarch. The improper behavior of the patriarch is the first cause of the
predicament in which the host finds himself. As Abimelech protests to
Yahweh in the Genesis 20 version, the host has behaved in good faith toward
his guests. He ought not be blamed for their deception.
Third, each of the stories stresses that the patriarch is not merely an
example for the nations, but the means of God's blessing and cursing. The
patriarch's instrumentality is not automatic or mechanically causal, however.
The patriarch does not convey blessing or cursing by his mere presence or
wish: the nations are not passive recipients only. Neither do the nations
appropriate blessing or cursing for themselves without the patriarch's participation. Rather, both parties bear a degree of responsibility. The patriarch
may act in a manner that endangers the nations (i.e., his deception), or in a
manner that offers blessing (as when he lives among them as Yahweh's
blessed). The patriarch presents the nations with the opportunity to choose
whether they will stand in a relationship of blessing or cursing, depending
on their treatment of Yahweh's holy one.
Finally, each of the stories emphasizes a different aspect of this curse/
blessing matrix. Genesis 12, the oldest version, emphasizes the surety of
Yahweh's wrath upon those who harm the chosen. It also introduces the
problem of the patriarch's responsibility for this punishment, but it does not
resolve the issue. Genesis 20 provides an answer to this dilemma in terms of
the patriarchal office of intercessor for the nations and balances the potential
for curse with an illustration of the manner in which the nations may respond
to the offer of blessing (the covenant with Abimelech). Genesis 26 grapples
with the underlying theological question: The nations may either bring curse
or blessing upon themselves in their intercourse with Israel because he is
Yahweh's holy one. The reiteration (Gen 26:3-5, 24) of the original promise
given Abraham (Gen 12:1-3) underscores this emphasis. In the patriarch,
Yahweh has chosen an avenue for the blessing of all the families of the earth.
In turn, they must recognize the key role of the chosen and, by extension,
the sanctity of Yahweh's purpose. They must not bring guilt upon themselves
by a haughty disregard for the holy (Jer 2:3; 50:7; 51:5; Ezek 25:12; Hab 1:11;
2 Chr 28:10, 13).
Ill
The reading of the "endangered ancestress" triplet offered here suggests
at least four conclusions: First, Coats's contention that the story relates
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^ s
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