cultivating a new prospective:

a case study of my experiences in Australia

Tessa Lathrop July 2013 - December 2013
Overview:
From mid-July to early
December, I left Kalamazoo
College and studied at
Curtin University, in
Perth Australia. I wanted
to distance myself from
the United States in order
to create a different
understanding of the world.
During my time in Australia,
I had the opportunity to
learn about Australias
historical and contemporary
culture, which broaden my
own viewpoint within a vast
global landscape. I was able
to reflect on my own values
and identity.
Included in this case study
are some of the lessons I
learned in my Australian
cultural classes.
studying australian culture
field trip
reflections
Understanding The Concept Of Genocide
Within An Aboriginal Australian
Historical And Contemporary Context
Balancing the By-Products of Australias
Mining Industry
analyses of
the australian
cultural context
National Identities Embodied in the
Mythscapes Surrounding Australian and
American Outlaws
Investigating Australian Hegemonic Masculinity
as a Mediator for FIFO Workers Mental
Wellbeing and Help Seeking Behavior
contents:
Examining Aboriginal Identity Formation and
Resilient Aboriginality Embedded in Young
Indigenous Australian Community
Field Trip Reflections
Understanding The Concept Of Genocide Within An Aboriginal Australian
Historical And Contemporary Context
overview:
during my australian studies class our class would go on bi-weekly field trips to observe australian culture in real life context. during
these field trips, i was able engage with the locals and ultimately reflect how these experiences connected to a much broader context
within the australian culture.
The Western Australian Museum of Perth
houses an exhibit dedicated to the history
of Aboriginal Australians. One cannot help
but feel a strong emotional upheaval while
walking through the small section of the
museum, viewing the various displays holding
the stories, folklore, and the historical
trauma of the Indigenous. Behind the exhibits
printed information lies a hidden narrative
about the Aboriginal genocide that occurred
during the civilization of Australian. By
viewing the Stolen Generation through the
lens of genocide, I started to notice that
the proud civilization of Australia by the
white colonizers was made possible by their
barbaric and de-civilized policies towards the
Aboriginals.
It is estimated that Aboriginals
inhabited Australia around 60,000 years ago,
making Aboriginal Australians one of the
oldest surviving cultures in the world (West
2010). The various layers of the Aboriginal
Australian exhibit reflect how this ancient
culture has evolved throughout the centuries.
German sociologist Norber Elias observed
an interesting speculation about the evolution
of societies throughout history. When a
dominant nation attempts to civilize society
seeking sophisticated forms of management and
control it often includes a parallel process
of de-civilization barbaric violent
practices towards minority groups (Krieken
1999). Walking further and farther into the
exhibit, one can observe the unapologetic
nature of European civilization in
Australia. Acts of violence against
Aboriginals were committed by Australian
Governments false pretense of management and
control; claiming they were simply attempting
to assimilate indigenous children into the
non-indigenous culture. The Indigenous culture
experienced a process of increased regulation,
made possible by violence and breakdown
in the stability and consistency of on-
going relations within their own culture.
(Krieken 1999). Australias history is rooted
in the duality of this civilization and de-
civilization.
Within this exhibit there is a separate
area dedicated to the history of the Stolen
Generation. The word genocide is printed on
one of the informational plaques that stand in
the Lost Generation section of the exhibit.
Examining the Stolen Generation phenomenon
as genocide of the Aboriginal Australians
uncovers international crimes on the part
of the Australian government. Europeans
white superiority complex manifested itself
in various legal efforts to extinguish the
culture and race of the Aboriginals.
Although it could be argued the
decivilized acts against Aboriginals
still continues in contemporary society, it
can be speculated that most apparent acts
of genocide - the pinnacle of Aboriginal
de-civilization takes place during the
initiation of 1905 Aboriginal Act. The 1905
Aboriginal Act was believed to be a necessary
legal movement to civilize the barbaric
Aboriginal race. The government declared all
children of Aboriginal decent to be under the
legal guardianship of the state. This act
allowed the Chief Protector of Aborigines (not
nominated by the Aboriginal population) the
ability to legally remove Aboriginal children
from their families and place them in mission
settlements and reserves controlled by the
Europeans (Mia 2001). These institutions were
meant to civilize the Aboriginal children
into white society, purging their ethnic and
cultural ties to their Indigenous families.
Children lost their immediate families and
were removed from larger networks of ancestral
support. The Stolen Generation legally sits
within a complex and contemporary definition
of genocide because it is a consequence of the
intentional efforts by Australian government
to systematically annihilate the ethnic,
racial, religious, and cultural identity of
the Aboriginals (Krieken 1999).
Australias history is polluted with an
epistemic murk that makes it difficult to pin
point clear-cut ramifications of the Stolen
Generation. The number of removed Aboriginal
children cannot be clearly calculated,
however, the Human Rights and Equal
Opportunity Commission estimates between one
in three and one in ten children between 1920
and 1970 (Krieken 1999). However, the true
tragedy of the Stolen Generation cannot be
confined to the physical acts of separating
children from their families.
The treatment of aboriginals transformed
into a large-scale genocide of their culture,
ethnicity and identity. Similar to the
aftermath of the Holocaust, young Aboriginals
are faced with the dilemma of trying to
reclaim their Aboriginal identity in the
wake of colonizers dominating civilization
(Wexler 2009). How can an Aboriginal formulate
an ethnic identity, when he or she has been
removed from crucial elements that define
the essence of an aboriginal? Defining ones
Aboriginal identity is often assisted by the
presence of ancestral land, stories and dances
past down by ancestors, and more importantly
by the collective support of the family
(Wexler 2009). The Australian civilization of
Aboriginals caused not only the systematic
removal of children from their parents,
genocide of cultural identity and ethnic,
but also continues to cause difficulties to
aboriginal identity formation (Wexler 2009).
Even more daunting, how can a young Aboriginal
feel comfortable identifying as an Aboriginal
when they face scrutiny, racism, and prejudice
by the dominant Anglo-Saxon society? In
contemporary society, many aboriginal
adolescents cope with psychological trauma and
poor social/emotional wellbeing stemming from
this disrupted Aboriginal identity formation.
The Aboriginal history exhibit presents
information that forces us to understand
the history as interdependent phenomenon,
civilization by the European settlers and
de-civilization acts against the Aboriginal
culture. By understanding civilization and
de-civilization as separate but parallel
processes in history, one cannot dismiss the
destruction of weaker races as a natural
consequence of civilization. Even though the
word genocide was used in the Museum, there is
still much controversy surrounding the use of
that definition, and many Australians are not
aware of the vastness trauma surrounding the
victimization of the Indigenous.
While it may challenge the current self-
image of the dominant Anglo-Saxon Australian
population, I believe that genocide is an
appropriate and crucial way to define the
resulting Stolen Generation. I would even
speculate that de-civilization continues
today. Although there are not explicit
examples of continued systematic destruction
of the Aboriginal population, one can argue
that the current low social and emotional
welfare of aboriginals is a consequence of
their inability to formulate a complete
identity within a collective framework of
Aboriginal culture. The question remains, how
can we continue to become a more civilized
race of people, without the use of de-
civilization to maintain control and order?

Works Cited
Krieken, Robert. The Barbarism Of
Civilization: Cultural Genocide And The
stolen
Generations1. The British Journal of
Sociology 50.2 (1999): 297-315. Print.
Mia, Tjalaminu. Life in Sister Kates Home:
an oral history perspective.Studies in
Western
Australian History22.22 (2001): 125-134.
search.informit.com.au. Web. 17 Sept. 2013.
Milliken, Robert. Australia Accused of
Genocide against Aborigines. The
Independent [Sydney] 24 May 1997, sec.
Independent Digital News and Media: n. pag.
http://www.independent.co.uk/. Web. 17 Sept.
2013.
West, Barbara A., and Frances T. Murphy.A
brief history of Australia. New York: Facts On
File,
2010. Print.
Wexler, L. (2009). The importance of identity,
history, and culture in the wellbeing of
indigenous youth. The Journal of the History
of Childhood and Youth, 2(2), 267-276.
doi:10.1353/hcy.0.0055
Balancing the By-Products of Australias Mining Industry
The Perth Mint is a historical by-
product of the discovery of gold deposits
in Australias Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie
(Perthmint.com.au 2013). Objectively, The
Perth Mint functioned as a refinery for
Australias raw gold, and minted this
resource into arguably the purest of all
gold (Perthmint.com.au 2013). Presently, the
Perth Mint acts more as a museum, showcasing
its membership to an elite group of world
mints, whose gold, silver and platinum legal
tender coins are trusted without question
(Perthmint.com.au 2013). This Mint has a
reputation for being a powerful symbol of
more than 100 years of minting excellence
in Western Australia, a consequence of
the successful mining boom that launched
Australias economy (Perthmint.com.au 2013).
However, I believe to some extent, the
Perth Mint promotes a bias success story of
Australias mining history. A mints purpose
exists within a complex man-made economic
system.
Our society is rapidly becoming more
and more blinded by our dependency on this
system because of our irrational consumption
of materialist resources. This obsession
with commodities is exemplified in our
strange prizing of showy gold coins and bars.
Fundamentally, The Perth Mint represents and
supports an industry in Australias economy
that wrongfully exploits the environment.
With air pollution, water contamination, and
damages to the local fauna and flora; it is
hard to justify the value of gold coins when
it threatens the resilience of our land.
Walking through the Perth Mints
beautiful limestone building, I could help
but remember the open pit lakes I saw while
I was on my Remote and Indigenous volunteer
trip in Laverton, WA. On one hand, the Mint
shows off gorgeous coins made possible by
mining operations; on the other hand, my trip
to Laverton revealed dangerous open pit lakes
made possible by the same mining operations.
As open-cut mining operations become more
popular, so has the appearance of open-pit
lakes. Pit Lakes are now under increasing
scrutiny from the State Mine Closure Plan
Guidelines because they create serious health
and safety risks for nearby populations
(Mining Australia 2011). I remember a
Aboriginal resident of Laverton warning me
to stay away from these lakes, informing me
that all the local Aboriginal children in the
area learn to avoid going near these open
pits. Why? They know that the open cut mining
operations leave these pits open to fill with
contaminated spill over, like sulphuric acid
(Mining Australia 2011). He later informed me
that the mining companies are suppose to put
fences around these lakes, but many fail to do
so.
In addition to affecting the land of
many Aboriginal residents, the contamination
of these lakes affect the local ecology and
exposes much of the watering feral animals in
the area (Mining Australia 2011). The metal
and acids in these lakes leak into the ground
water, dispersing throughout the land (Mining
Australia 2011). The heavy metal contamination
includes dangerous metals such as arsenic and
lead. Pit Lakes are just one example of how
Australias mining impacts the environment in
detrimental ways.
Furthermore, mining operations
inherently create rock waste that is
relatively toxic (Abs.gov.au 2013). This waste
is often stockpiled next to excavation areas
to be recycled into the backfill during mining
reclamation. Besides rock waste in excavation
sites and water pollution found in pit
lakes, the mining vehicles and machinery is
responsible for air emission containing dust,
Nitrogen, Sulfur Dioxide and Carbon Monoxide
(Abs.gov.au 2013). The Aboriginal residents
of Laverton may have been able to avoid the
toxicity in the pit lakes, but the untraceable
air pollution is unavoidable.
When I saw the gold coins in the Perth
Mint, part of me felt an appreciation for the
glowing pieces of metal. The Mint refines the
majority of Australias gold, and The Gold
Corporation the management behind the Perth
Mint has in turn become one of the top ten
exporters in Western Australia (Perthmint.
com.au 2013). These are all admirable feats,
but a part of me still felt a bit of guilt.
The extensive selection of 99% pure gold
and silver bars that are produced at the
Perth Mint refinery were made possible by
mining operations that has left incredible
environmental dangers for the residents and
wildlife of these mining towns (Perthmint.com.
au 2013).
Maybe I am a bit cynical towards
Australias mining operations because I have
become emotionally bias towards the safety of
the Aboriginal children I met in Laverton. How
do I balance the by-products of Australias
mining sector? On one side of the scale
lies brilliant pieces of crafted gold coins,
recognized worldwide and valued by many. Since
2000, the Perth Mints refined gold output
has totaled to 4,500 tons, an achievement
representing about 3.25% of the total weight
of gold produced by mankind. (En.wikipedia.
org 2013). On the other side of the scale
lies polluted water, dangerous pit lakes,
contaminated soil, and sketchy air quality.
All of these threatening elements surround
the local aboriginals and sadly without their
consent or consideration.
Maybe the guilt I feel is just an
unavoidable consequence of how blind economic
gains trump conscientious environmental
protection. Whether I am placed in America, or
studying abroad in Australia; I consistently
observe the victimization of our earth and
its more powerless residents by Capitalisms
limitless appetite for materialistic
commodities.
References
Abs.gov.au. 1301.0 - Year Book Australia,
2003. 2013.
http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.
nsf/46d1bc47ac9d0c7bca256c470025ff87/
ce28d7fbe5faa308ca256cae0015da32!OpenDocument
(accessed 22 Oct 2013).
En.wikipedia.org. Environmental issues in
Australia. 2013.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Environmental_
issues_in_Australia (accessed 22 Oct 2013).
Mining Australia. Open discussion on open
pits. 2011.
http://www.miningaustralia.com.au/features/
open-discussion-on-open-pits (accessed 22 Oct
2013).
Perthmint.com.au. History | The Perth Mint.
2013.
http://www.perthmint.com.au/visit_the_mint_
the_perth_mint_history.aspx (accessed 22 Oct
2013).
Analyses of the Australian Cultural Context
National Identities Embodied in the Mythscapes Surrounding Australian and American Outlaws
overview:
as i spent more and more time in australia, i was able to reflect on what i was experiencing, and furthermore,
form a complex web of impressions, insights, and knowledge that lead to focused analyses around specific
elements in the australian culture.
Throughout history, legends of infamous
outlaws and bandits have fluctuated on a
spectrum, painting various rebels as either
hero or villain, and sometimes illustrating
them as a mix of both. Within American and
Australian history, their narratives continue
to resonate in the forms of folktales, myths,
and legends (Tranter and Donoghue 2008).
Outlaws such as Australias iconic Ned Kelly,
and Americas infamous Jesse James have been
identified as allies of the poor, members of
the oppressed, brave, generous, and supporters
of justified violence (Tranter and Donoghue
2008).
Some historians argue Ned Kelly
and Jesse James are social bandits that
represent one aspect of both America and
Australias mythscapes. A mythscape is a
cultural sphere where myths are created,
communicated, reinterpreted, and managed
(Tranter and Donoghue 2008). First, this paper
seeks to investigate the nuanced similarities
and differences of Kelly and Jamess
characterization within folklore, exploring
the unique mythscapes within Australian
and American culture. Furthermore, by
understanding the similarities and differences
between Australias outlaw Ned Kelly and
Americas outlaw Jesse James, this analysis
examines the underlying national identities
these legends embody within their prospective
mythscapes.
In order to understand the underpinnings
of Australias historic national identity,
we need to first understand the mythscape of
The Bush, and its most famous bushranger.
The Australian mythscape is a discourse of
time and space, where legends and myths of
the nation continuously become communicated,
negotiated and reconstructed (Duncan and
Bell, 2003; cited in Rojas 2013). This
dimension of Australian culture represents and
identifies elements of a countrys national
collective identity, using nostalgic and
romantic narratives to celebrate the spirit
of its countrys people (Duncan and Bell,
2003; cited in Rojas 2013). One of the myths
within Australias mythscape is the convict
myth. This was a fundamental belief that the
quintessential convict of the 1700-1800s was
an innocent victim of British rule, unjustly
and excessively punished for minor offenses
(Rojas 2013). Many Australians some who are
even direct descendants of these early Irish
convicts identify with the nostalgic notion
of this myth by drawing upon the stories of
Ned Kelly.
Ned Kelly an outlawed bushranger is
considered one of Australias greatest folk
heroes (Australia.gov.au 2013). In the late
1840s, 50,000 Irish rebels found themselves
exiled to Australia. One of these ex-convicts
was Ned Kellys father, John Kelly; a man
accused of stealing two pigs (Australia.gov.
au 2013). When John Kelly passed away, Ned
Kelly became the primary breadwinner for his
family, working as a timber cutter and rural
worker (Australia.gov.au 2013). Ned Kelly
grew up hearing tales of bushrangers and was
an apprentice to bush worker, Harry Power
(Australia.gov.au 2013). His rebelliousness
began when he was 14, when his first crime
was stealing 10 shilling (Australia.gov.au
2013). His second crime was for armed robbery,
but he was later freed from lack of evidence
(Australia.gov.au 2013). Ned Kelly, a second
generation to the immigrant convicts, held
a deep mistrust for British authority and
a strong sense of independence (Australia.
gov.au 2013). Many believe that it was this
mistrust and independence that lead to the
eventual showdown between the Kelly Gang and
the Glenrowan police in 1880 (Australia.gov.au
2013).
Legend explains that Constable
Fitzpatrick a liar and a larrikin police
officer headed out to arrest Dan Kelly for
stealing horses (Australia.gov.au 2013). When
Fitzpatrick assaulted Neds older sister,
Kate, Ellen Kelly, Neds mother, shot him in
the wrist. Not wanting to get in trouble, she
later took care of him, bandaged the wound,
and sent him away (Australia.gov.au 2013).
However, when Fitzpatrick returned to the
station he lied and said the Kelly Gang and
supporters ambushed him. He accused Ned Kelly
for shooting at him 3 times (Australia.gov.au
2013). Ellen Kelly was then sentenced to jail
for 3 years.
At the time of this accusation,
Ned Kelly was actually 400 miles away. In
response to this injustice he later reacted
by demanding authorities to give those
people who are suffering innocence, justice
and liberty and threatening that if not [he
would] be compelled to show some colonial
stratagems which [would] open the eyes of
not only the Victoria Police and inhabitants
but also the whole British Army (Jerilderie
Letter, p. 19, cited in Australia.gov.au
2013). With his brothers and friends, he hid
out at the head of King River, an impenetrable
location. This was the same location that his
mentor Harry Powers escaped to. He relied
on friends and supporters to stay hidden,
a key component to what characterizes a
social bandit (Tranter and Donoghue 2008;
Australia.gov.au 2013). The Kelly Gang became
infamous outlaws. They raided the National
Bank at Euroa and the Faithful Creek Station
(Australia.gov.au 2013). A bounty of 8000
dollars was placed on the heads of him and his
gang (Australia.gov.au 2013).
In 1880, Kelly Gang and the police had
their last showdown. In Glenrowan Victoria,
the gang took 60 hostages in a hotel. It was
here where they famously wore suits of steel
armor to avoid the gunshots from the police.
After his fellow gang members were shot, Ned
Kelly attacked the police from behind but
was later shot in the legs (Australia.gov.au
2013). When Kelly was in the Melbourne Prison
he wrote a long letter to the authorities
accusing them of discrimination against Irish
Settlers. Although he had public support, he
was eventually found guilty. He was hanged
Nov. 11 1880, speaking his last words such
is life (Australia.gov.au 2013). His pleas
for justice resonated with the public, and he
helped many people to see the discrimination
and oppression against the poor Irish
community (Australia.gov.au 2013).
Across national boundaries, myths
about outlaws share common aspects (Tranter
and Donoghue 2010). Whereas bushranger Ned
Kelly represents Australias version of a
social bandit, outlaw Jesse James exemplifies
Americas Western social bandit (Tranter
and Donoghue 2008). Similar to Australians
outlaw Ned Kelly, American Western outlaws are
regarded as unconventional heroes; infamous
and admirable members of a community where
they were forced to become outlaws because of
the nature of the Wild West (White 1981).
Jesse James early beginnings followed
a similar pattern to Ned Kellys early
life. Like Kelly, James grew up without
the presence of a father, and his turbulent
family life seemed to push him to a life of
crime (History.com 1836). Similar to how
Ned Kellys family became victims to abusive
authority, Jesse James and his family were
subjected to unimaginable violence during
the Civil War (NPR.org 2013). Stories about
James claim militia soldiers whipped him
when they were questioning him about his
brothers whereabouts (NPR.org 2013). He
also had to witness his father being strung
up, and tortured, and suffocated when being
questioned about his family. The militia
forced his mother to burn down her house
when they were informed of her supporting
bushwhackers. It was at the conclusion of the
Civil War that Jesse and his brother Frank
became numb from violence, eventually deciding
that taking money from those with power was a
way of taking back control (NPR.org 2013).
(continued on next page)

Unlike how Ned Kelly was forced to
embrace an outlawed status, James and a group
of ex-soldiers and thieves chose to become
bank robbers for its easy cash (NPR.org 2013).
After the famous Valentines Day bank robbery
of 1866, Jesse James and his gang continued
to steal from thousands of other banks,
stores, and trains for 10 years (History.
com 2013). Whereas Ned Kelly was not known
for indulging in unjustified violence, Jesse
James and his gang thrived on their reputation
for murders (History.com 2013). Similar to
Ned Kellys Jerilderie Letter, Jesse James
had his own version of public relations.
Using a partnership with John Newman
Edwards an editor for the Kansas Times
Jesse James wrote letters to the public,
advocating for his innocence and furthering
his notoriety (Wikipedia.org 2013). These
letters were politically heated; criticizing
the republicans and enhancing Confederate
loyalties (Wikipedia.org). Those who
resented the power of big railroad companys
romanticized and further justified the
crimes of Jesse James. Regardless of the many
innocent lives taken by the James Gang and
the lack of substantial evidence supporting
this Robin Hood type narrative, Jesse James
is still idolized in popular culture for
being a good-hearted hero of the common folk
(History.com 2013).
A mythscape creates a realm of unifying
factors within a cultures history, and it
is within this discourse that particular
national identities are created, emphasized,
and socially reinforced (Tranter and Donoghue
2008). Patterns found in the re-telling of
Infamous heroes, like the iconic Outlaw,
reflect a cultural emphasis on a certain
national identity. Both these outlaws are
historical figures that represent the national
character of Australia and America, embodying
an independent and frontier spirit (Tranter
and Donoghue 2010).
For Ned Kelly, it was his armor that
symbolized for many a fight by a flawed
hero; a criminal who represented justice
and liberty to innocent people (Australia.
gov.au 2013). Ned Kelly is revered as a man
wronged by authority and never violent to the
poor or weak (Tranter and Donoghue 2008). He
was a champion of against injustice, avoiding
capture through the support of the oppressed
(Tranter and Donoghue 2008). Ned Kelly
reflects a national identity that emphasizes
the utilization of bravery and resilience
to fight against injustice (Hobsbawm, 2000;
cited in Tranter and Donoghue, 2008). Ned
Kelly also represents many traditional
Australian values, symbolizing a romantic
and rebellious aspect of national identity
in contemporary Australia (Tranter and
Donoghue 2008, 37). Even more so, Ned Kelly
embodies Australias belief in a fair go
and Anti-authoritarianism (Seal and Grant et
al. n.d.). The themes present in Ned Kellys
story resonate for most Australians, as he is
considered the epitome of Australian noble
robber tradition (Seal 2002, cited in Tranter
and Donoghue 2008).
Whereas Kelly symbolizes Australias
fair go, and bushranger, James is a slightly
different symbol of masculinity. The
national identity that Jesse James emphasizes
differs from Ned Kellys Australian national
identity; James indulged in violence and
selfish robberies that victimized both the
proletariat and bourgeoisie. It may be that
American people identify with outlaws such as
Jesse James, not for his crimes, but instead
because of particular culturally defined
masculine virtues the outlaws embodied (White
1981, 397). Jesse James can be considered the
epitome of a Western rebel, famous and known
for his conviction for crimes rather than a
conviction for justice. Americas fascination
with Jesse James as a heroic social bandit
reflects a complex history behind the social
conditions of western settlement, and more
importantly, allows insight into the basic
paradoxes of American culture (White
1981, 387). During Jesse James lifetime,
the American West was characteristically
distrusting of law enforcement. Many
supporters of Jesse James blur the definition
of what is criminal when they justify his
murders as acts of revenge. It is within
these communities that outlaws such as Jesse
James gain respect and appeal as strong men
who protect and revenge the oppressed (White
1981).
Both Ned Kelly and Jesse James stories
transcend the status of a mere outlaw, and
in modern times they have been transformed
into a national symbol (Tranter and Donoghue
2008). The legend of Ned Kelly and reputation
following Jesse James, are both politically
charged and demonstrate class-based historical
inequalities within their colonial time
periods (Tranter and Donoghue 2008). The
mythscape surrounding these two outlaws
blur the line between fact and fiction,
combining both imagination and realism in
their prospective cultural discourses. Jesse
James and Ned Kelly were both social bandits
who were friend of the poor, forced into
outlawry, betrayed (Seal 1996, 11). The
Bushranger may reside in Australias Bush,
and the Western Bandit may originate from the
Great Out West; but both of these locations
share elements of settlement, pioneering and
pastoralism (Seal and Grant et al. n.d.).
Both their lives have lived on past their
death, and both of their stories have been
exaggerated, embellished, and idolized amongst
members of contemporary societies (Seal
1996). It can be argued that one of the most
significant similarities between these two
social bandits is their legacies ability to
live beyond their years (Tranter and Donoghue
2008).
References
Australia.gov.au. Ned Kelly | australia.gov.
au. 2013. http://australia.gov.au/about-
australia/australian-story/ned-kelly (accessed
30 Oct 2013).
Barry, John V. Kelly, Edward (Ned) (1855
1880). Originally published
in Australian Dictionary of Biography, by
Unknown. 1974.
NPR.org. What Drove Wild Wests Jesse James
To Become An Outlaw?. 2013.
http://www.npr.org/2013/08/17/212374395/what-
drove-wild-wests-jesse-james-to-become-an-
outlaw (accessed 6 Nov 2013).
Outlaw Jesse James is born in Missouri, The
History Channel website,
http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/
outlaw-jesse-james-is-born-in-missouri
(accessed Nov 1, 2013).
Rojas, Ignasio. Australian Mythscape and
National Identity: Reimagining
Australia. Creative Approaches to Research 6,
no. 2 (2013) Accessed 6 Nov 2013.
Seal, Graham. Ned Kelly: The Genesis of a
National Hero. History Today 30,
(1980): 9-15.
Seal, Graham, Don Grant and Joan Newman. The
Essential Australia: A Guide
for International Students. Perth: Australian
Studies Centre Curtin University of Technology
Tranter, Bruce and Jed Donoghue. Bushrangers:
Ned Kelly and Australian
identity. Journal of Sociology 44, no. 4
(2008): 373--390.
Tranter, Bruce and Jed Donoghue. Ned Kelly
Armoured icon. Journal of
Sociology 46, no. 2 (2010): 187--205.
White, Richard. Outlaw Gangs of the Middle
Border: American Social
Bandits. The Western Historical Quarterly 12,
no. 4 (1981): 387--408
Wikipedia. Jesse James. 2013. http://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jesse_James
(accessed 6 Nov 2013).
Wikipedia. Social bandit. 2013. http://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_bandit
(accessed 6 Nov 2013).
National Identities Embodied in the Mythscapes Surrounding Australian and American Outlaws (continued)
Investigating Australian Hegemonic Masculinity as a Mediator for FIFO Workers Mental Wellbeing
and Help Seeking Behavior
Australia is endowed with an
immense resource of minerals ranging
from gold, lead and zinc, uranium, to
silver (Ga.gov.au, 2013). Australias
mineral resource supports about 7%
of its gross domestic product, and
is heavily relied on as a strong
export earning economic commodity
(Healey, 2012). With the advent of
economic globalization, Australia has
experienced an incredible economic
mining boom aided by Chinas demands
for minerals (Healey, 2012).
At the heart of Australias
mining culture lies a deeply imbedded
practice of masculine socialization.
The underlying cultural rules
surrounding the FIFO work sector
expose both men and women workers in
significant ways, often dictating
the accepted and expected emotions
of a mining worker. In addition to
the stressful and demanding nature of
FIFO work, both male and female FIFO
workers must configure their emotions
and conducts to conform to a stoic
macho ideal. This type of hegemonic
masculinity affects both male/female
workers ability to maintain a healthy
mental wellbeing and also their
families.
First, this research paper
briefly examines the background of the
Australian mining sector, focusing
primarily on the implementation
and fundamentals of the FIFO work
model. Next, in order to understand
the effects of FIFO work on the
mental wellbeing of FIFO workers,
existing literature will describe
the current psychosocial dimensions
of the Australian mining culture.
Through a psychological lens, this
paper uncovers the gendered dynamics
within the FIFO work culture, and
rationalizes the existence of an
Australian hegemonic masculinity.
By positioning masculinity as an
underlying but pervasive cultural
expectation that dictates how FIFO
workers and their partners express
emotion; this exploratory analysis
proposes a possible explanation for
the apparent stigma that surrounds
a workers ability to seek help and
formal support for mental health.
Australian mining companies use a
FIFO (Fly-in, Fly-out) work model to
strategically manage the high global
demands for mineral production. This
work model particularly popular in
Queensland and Western Australia
creates an intense commuting schedule
for mining workers (Henry and Hamilton
et al., 2013). Workers commute from
their towns or cities, to remote
mining facilities where the company
provides accommodations and meals
(Morris, 2012). A typical FIFO worker
flies into the remote location and
works 10 to 12 hours per day for an
average of 1 to 6 weeks at a time
(Joyce and Tomlin et al., 2013). This
forces FIFO employees to work in
compressed job schedules that usually
involve a weekly average of 40 or more
hours of per week balanced by a fixed
number of days at home (Henry and
Hamilton et al., 2013). The process of
flying workers into mining facilities
and flying them back home has existed
for more than 25 years, and it
maintains a lean and flexible mode of
mineral production (Morris, 2012).
Currently, the population
of Fly-In, Fly-out Workers (FIFO)
consists of approximately 200,000
people (2013). Qualitative sampling
from this population of FIFO workers
provides significant insight into
the psychosocial dimensions of the
Australian mining culture. Lifeline
a mental health organization in
Western Australia surveyed 924
FIFO workers and interviewed 18 FIFO
workers in 2013 (Henry and Hamilton
et al., 2013). In this report, many
workers perceived at lack of control
during their non-working hours when
they were stationed at their remote
locations. FIFO workers reported a
sense of powerlessness in their
ability to have control over their
lives in the stringent FIFO working
environment (Henry and Hamilton et
al., 2013, 12). Workers perceived
lack of freedom in mobility, drinking,
and flexibility on meal times, reflect
an overall sentiment of of being
trapped and financially dependent on
their work role.
FIFO workers powerlessness and
dependency on their job combine with
other job conditions that create
pressure points affecting their
wellbeing and mental health. These
pressure points include living in
remote communities, not having a
support network, unsociable rosters,
heavy workloads (Herber, 2013). Not
only is their stress associated with
FIFO on-site job conditions, but FIFO
workers also experience stress from
the significant periods of time they
are separated from their family.
FIFO work patterns especially
those with longer roster cycles
generate a high level of conflict
between a workers job and home,
and can create an unstable family
structure (Kaczmarek and Sibbel,
2008). Long periods at remote
locations, with the added factor of
having a family, proved to be the most
stressful dimension of family/home
separation (Henry and Hamilton et
al., 2013). FIFO miners reported that
their stress levels increased in the
days leading up to the start of their
work rotation when they would have to
leave home (Henry and Hamilton et al.,
2013).
FIFO employees and their families
experience increased stress levels,
poor quality relationships, family
stress, and feelings of loneliness
and isolation; these are attributed to
the family/home separation included
in FIFO work (Morris, 2013, 8). Much
of the surrounding research on the
psychosocial wellbeing of FIFO workers
has identified depression, substance
abuse, and marital relationship strain
as potential consequences of FIFO work
separation (Torkington and Larkins et
al., 2011, 135).
The conditions and situation
of FIFO work presents threatening
consequences to the psychological
wellbeing of both the FIFO worker
and their families. But how do FIFO
workers manage the stressful and
demanding conditions of FIFO work? How
do they maintain their psychological
wellbeing when they are experiencing
stress caused by their work and from
being separated from their families?
Fundamentally, every culture
selects a distinct set of traits
and characteristics that create a
leading personality which members
are encouraged to embrace. By
investigating how the mining culture
conceptualizes mental illness, one can
begin to understand the perceptions
and attitudes towards the coping of
mental illness symptoms.
(continued on next page)
The nature of how FIFO
workers cope with the stressful and
demanding job conditions suggests the
possibility of an underlying gender
dynamic that reflects a hegemonic
masculinity socialized differently
in both female and male workers. The
configurations of this gender role,
within the FIFO work culture, mediate
how workers express stress and manage
job conditions. Possibly, the mental
health behavior of both male and
female FIFO workers are manifestations
of how these workers maintain and
manage the social emphasis on a
traditional masculine identity.
In A Case study of Masculine
Identity and Health-Related Behavior,
DeVisser and Smith (2006) define
hegemonic masculinity as a dominant
discourse, characterized by physical
and emotional toughness, risk taking,
[and] being a breadwinner (De Visser
and Smith, 2006, 686). The rejection
of such masculine conformity poses
personal risk of subordination and
marginalization within ones culture
(2006). This hegemonic masculinity
is assumed normative and requires all
members, both male and female, to
position themselves in relation to it
(Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005).
Using an analysis of several
masculine images in popular Australian
cinema, Australian feminist
researchers suggest that maleness is a
dominant social discourse that is seen
as the pinnacle of the Australian
experience and of Australian cultural
identity, and as well as universally
representative of Australianess
(Lucas 1998, 140).
An Australian masculine image,
particularly common within the FIFO
mining subculture, is the distinct
bushmate (Lucas 1998). For example
the popular Australian film Crocodile
Dundee, although comedic in nature,
critiques a particular salient myth of
a true Australian man. The character
Mike Dundee, along with many other
characters from nostalgic Australian
media, showcases the adult masculine
character as someone who is constantly
adaptable to challenging situations,
physically strong, and capable of a
stoic determination for rationality
and emotional reserve (Lucas, 1998).
In agreement with the Positioning
Theory, this paper speculates that
FIFO workers actively maintain a
certain culturally acceptable identity
by positioning themselves in relation
to the dominant masculine discourse
encouraged by the context of mining
work (Davies & Harr, 1998, as cited
in De Visser and Smith, 2006). This
positioning facilitates and demands
particular patterns of behavior and
conduct that contradict effective
mental health coping strategies.
Although not all workers consciously
mimic these stereotypes, they may
be emulating these male images and
expectations in nuanced ways. The
shunning of emotional expression
and sensitive behavior that are
identified with many portrayals of
the rugged outback stereotype, are
evident in many of the FIFO workers
behaviors and beliefs. For example,
male FIFO workers cope with the
stress surrounding FIFO work using the
mentality of suck it up princess, you
just do it (Henry and Hamilton et
al., 2013, 8).
In The M Factor, a guide to
how Australian men take responsibility
for their own health, author Andrew
Pattison explains how Australian
men perceive weakness as a sin. He
describes the existence of a cult
of silent suffering with men, and
that many of them struggle to admit
personal difficulties in coping with
problems (Rennie, 1998).
One could theorize that the
remote physical positioning of the
FIFO workers creates an emotional
profile that is similarly remote
and emotionally distant (Pini and
Mayes, 2013, 79). The rural nature
of the situation enhances a distinct
emotional profile for FIFO men;
cultivating norms of emotional
suppression, behavior that opposes
behavior appropriate for home life
(Pini and Mayes, 2013, 79).
It seems that the physical
landscape and placement of the FIFO
workers shape their emotional lives.
Even though the stereotype of an
Australian male is a universal and
a national object of admiration,
affection and respect, it still poses
damaging consequences for the mental
health of both female and male FIFO
workers (Rennie, 1998).
Particularly for women, the
hegemonic masculinity found within the
mining work culture creates a gender
role they are socialized to manage.
Female FIFO workers have difficulty
finding support in a masculine
dominated work environment (Henry and
Hamilton et al., 2013). As of 2011,
females made up 65.3% of the labor
force participation rate, ages 20-
74 years of age (Australian Bureau of
Statistics, 2013).
However, these figures represent
the mining industry as a whole, so
the actual number of women that work
onsite is significantly smaller. Both
structural and sociological barriers
of FIFO work latently pressure women
to blend in.
Female mining professionals
identified three key problems to their
career: expectations to blend into
the dominant male culture, feelings
associated with being a member of
a minority group, and a lack of
knowledge on how to balance work and
family responsibilities (Pirotta,
2009). The pressure to blend in often
manifests in gender dissociation,
where women must suppress signs of
femininity on-site (2009). They often
resorted to dressing conservatively
or like a man, curbing emotional
conversations or showing signs of
weakness (2009).
In Pirottas qualitative research
report on the experiences of women in
FIFO work, women believed that self-
reliance, an ability to blend into
the community, and an acceptance to
working in a male environment, were
key qualities and behaviors need for
the FIFO lifestyle (2009).
The mining worksite is made
up of a distinct male competitive
culture that has a pervading belief
that women dont belong underground,
resulting in difficulties for female
FIFO workers to advance beyond truck
driving roles. In addition, FIFO
female works often must choose between
embracing a role as a mother or a role
as a miner; it has been reported that
little is done on site to support
working mothers. The FIFO work culture
does not cater to attributes commonly
found in a feminine gender role, and
it causes FIFO women to blend in and
position themselves around a hegemonic
masculinity.
Assuming FIFO work socializes
both men and women towards a masculine
hegemony, does this emphasized gender
role permit the workers from engaging
in help seeking behaviors? Help
seeking is the recognition of health
concern along with an assortment of
actions that utilize health services
(Addis and Mahalik, 2003). Help
seeking requires someone to engage
certain tasks such as, relying on
others for support, admitting a need
for help, recognizing and labeling
emotional problems (2003, 7).
However, these tasks stand in stark
contrast to a masculine role that
stresses the importance of self
reliance, physical toughness, and
emotional control (2003, 7).
It is possible FIFO workers do
not explicitly engage in help-seeking
actions because of their perceived
cultural pressure to maintain a stoic
masculine identity. Men are less
likely than their female co-workers to
recognize emotional problems and to
perceive signs of anxiety (Kessler et
al. 1981, cited by Henry and Hamilton
et al., 2013). Not only are FIFO men
less likely to disclose mental and
emotional problems, but FIFO women are
reluctant to outwardly communicate
these difficulties because they must
blend into in the masculine mining
culture. FIFO Women cope with blending
in by not outwardly showing their
frustrations, suppressing emotions
or using distractions to ease their
frustrations (2009).
The masculine hegemony is
a social factor that shapes FIFO
workers help seeking behavior, and
ultimately blinds the workers from
symptoms of poor mental health. The
general reluctance around seeking
support for the psychosocial impacts
of the FIFO schedule revolve around
cultural barriers; not discussing
problems, embarrassment, fear of loss
of employment, a need for trust in the
support person, and confidentiality
(Torkington and Larkins et al., 2011,
139). Unfortunately many workers are
unwilling to engage in the provided
support services by the companies
because of the perceived stigma
surrounding the use of such service
(Lifeline WA, 2013).
It is important to include the
positive psychosocial impacts of FIFO
work, when critiquing the downsides
of FIFO. Some miners felt that the
lifestyle reduced stress on their
partner and gave him the ability to
value and look forward to future time
spend with the family (Torkington and
Larkins et al., 2011, 139).
Other FIFO workers reported
a sense of community that exists
within the mining site culture. Often
colleagues become more like family
(Pirotta, 2009). The masculine figure
rooted in timeless Australian values
provides norms such as mate ship.
The mate ship found in mining work
culture may supplement positive
consequences such as strengthened
relationships and improved coping
skills for workers (Torkington and
Larkins et al., 2011, 135).
The FIFO work model also provides
valuable economic advantages for
the Australian economy. It pads
unemployment rates, enhances the
viability of the mining sector, and
economic opportunities spill over into
other sectors like Australian airlines
and local remote communities (Morris,
2013).
On the other hand, The
Australasian Centre for Rural and
Remote Mental Health argues that
ignoring mental health in the
mining workplace will eventually
lead to losses in productivity and
profitability (Building Mental Health
and Wellbeing, 2013). In its report
on managing mental wellbeing for
mining companies, it estimates that a
FIFO worker struggling with a mental
illness will be unproductive for an
average of 2 hours and 42 minutes,
during a 12-hour shift (Building
Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2013).
The mining industry employment
consists of 200,000 people directly
and if one in three workers in the
mining sector experience mental
illness this year, that results in
70,000 employees suffering from mental
illness in a year (Building Mental
Health and Wellbeing, 2013).
Overall, it can be speculated
that the best recommendation for
pro-actively reforming the problems
surrounding FIFO work would be to
develop pre-employment services that
prompt and prepare workers with
coping strategies that expand beyond
normalized masculine behavior. The
majority of FIFO workers held very
little knowledge about the realities
of their work situation prior to
starting (Henry and Hamilton et al.,
2013, 8). FIFO workers need to know
the practical demands of FIFO work and
more importantly, how to effectively
cope with how FIFO work impacts
their self, family and friends. If
workers are proper prepared, it can be
expected that they would have a higher
likelihood of being able to recognize
symptoms of mental health problems.
By identifying the dominant
social emphasis on a masculine
hegemony we can understand this
cultural expectation as a factor
that threatens the mental wellness
of the FIFO workers in a high stress
occupation. Mental wellbeing research
demonstrates that men are at a higher
risk for both work related stress
and lack of help seeking abilities,
mostly due to the stigma surrounding
a recognition of stress (Henry and
Hamilton et al., 2013).
More research needs to examine
how the masculine culture affects
FIFO women from feeling comfortable
in expressing stress and weakness.
By focusing on the stoic male
expectation that surrounds FIFO work
stress, support services can assist
in reducing the stigma surrounding
mental health and enhance both male
and females mental health literacy
and self-resilience during times of
stress. Mining corporations need to
fully commit to addressing the stigma
surrounding mental health problems,
that restricts workers from seeking
help with support services.
REFERENCES
Addis, M. and Mahalik, J. (2003). Men,
masculinity, and the contexts of help
seeking. American psychologist, 58
(1), p. 5.
Australian Bureau of Statistics
(2013). Gender Indicators. Economic
Security.
[report].
Building mental health and wellbeing
in the mining and resources sector
[Brochure]. (2013). Manunda Carins,
Queensland: Australasian Centre for
Rural & Remote Mental Health.
Connell, R. and Messerschmidt,
J. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity
rethinking the
concept. Gender & society, 19 (6), pp.
829--859.
De Visser, R. and Smith, J. (2006).
Mister In-between A Case Study of
Masculine
Identity and Health-related Behaviour.
Journal of Health Psychology, 11 (5),
pp. 685695.
Ga.gov.au (2013). Australias
Identified Mineral Resources -
Geoscience
Australia. [online] Retrieved from:
http://www.ga.gov.au/minerals/
mineral-r esources/aimr.html
[Accessed: 7 Oct 2013].
Healey, J. (2012). Australias mining
boom. Thirroul, N.S.W: Spinney Press.
Heber, A. (2013). Healthy Mining
Minds. Australian Mining, [online] 4th
April.
Retrieved from: http://www.
miningaustralia.com.au/features/
healthy-mining-minds [Accessed: 6 Oct
2013].
Henry, P., Hamilton, K., Watson, S.
and Macdonald, N. (2013). FIFO/DIDO
Mental Health Research Report.
[report] Sellenger Centre for Research
in Law, Justice and Social Change, pp.
1-95.
Joyce, S., Tomlin, S., Somerford, P.
and Weeramanthri, T. (2013). Health
behaviours and outcomes associated
with fly-in fly-out and shift workers
in Western Australia. Internal
Medicine Journal, 43 (4), pp. 440--
444.
Kaczmarek, E. and Sibbel, A. (2008).
The psychosocial well-being of
children
from Australian military and fly-
in/fly-out (FIFO) mining families.
Community, Work \& Family, 11 (3), pp.
297--312.
Lucas, C. (2013). Fly-in, fly-out jobs
strain families and work loyalty Read
more:
http://www.smh.com.au/national/
flyin-flyout-jobs-strain-families-
and-work-loyalty-20130104-2c8wk.
html#ixzz2gumsYYq4. The Sydney
Morning Herald, [online] 5th January.
Retrieved from: http://www.smh.com.
au/national/flyin-flyout-jobs-strain-
families-and-work-loyalty-20130104-
2c8wk.html [Accessed: 6 Oct 2013].
Lucas, R. (1998). Dragging it out:
tales of masculinity in Australian
cinema, from
Crocodile Dundee to Priscilla, Queen
of the Desert. Journal of Australian
Studies, 22 (56), pp. 138--146.
Morris, R. (2012) Scoping Study:
Impact of Fly-in Fly-out/Drive-in
Drive-out
Work Practices on Local Government,
Australian Centre of Excellence for
Local Government, University of
Technology, Sydney
Pini, B. and Mayes, R. (2013). Gender,
emotions and fly-in fly-out
work. Australian Journal of Social
Issues, The, 47 (1), p. 71.
Pirotta, J. (2009). An exploration of
the experiences of women who FIFO. The
Australian Community Psychologist, 21
(2), pp. 37--51.
Rennie, D. (1998). The demise of the
Aussie bloke: Once renowned throughout
the world as the epitome of
masculinity, the Australian male is
struggling to keep up with the modern
world.The Province, [online] 12
July. Retrieved from:http://search.
proquest.com.dbgw.lis.curtin.edu.au/
docview/269178895?accountid=10382
[Accessed: 12 Oct 2013].
Torkington, A., Larkins, S. and Gupta,
T. (2011). The psychosocial impacts of
fly-
in fly-out and drive-in drive-
out mining on mining employees: A
qualitative study. Australian Journal
of Rural Health, 19 (3), pp. 135--141.
Identity formation is a complex
process for adolescents, especially
for young Indigenous Australians who
are members of marginalized minority
groups (Groome, 1995). Todays
adolescent Aboriginals must negotiate
the meaning of their Aboriginality in
the midst of two different societal
expectations; fundamentally their
identity formation involves complex
acculturation. They formulate an
authentic ethnic identity within the
context of their Indigenous community,
and they experience dominant
societys misconstrued stereotypes
and definitions of Aboriginality.
These conflicting messages of
Indigenousness complicate
identity development for these
young Aboriginals, often creating
severe consequences for both their
psychological and physical wellbeing
(Wexler, 2009).
While many research studies
frame Indigenous adolescent identity
development as a problematic process
with damaging outcomes (Wexler,
2009), I believe there is alterative
perspective. Critiquing societal
problems has its benefits, but
obsessing over the marginalized
nature of Aboriginal identity
may only further stigmatization
the Indigenous community. There
are young Aboriginals who have
transcended controlling stereotyped
by confronting fears through a
connection with their spiritual
heritage (Alfred and Corntassel,
2005). This paper first focuses on
the misconceptions and stereotypes
superficially controlled by the domain
colonizing society that surround
Aboriginal identity development.
Then this paper contradicts these
assumptions by exploring the
authentic characteristics of an
Aboriginal ethnic identity. Finally,
by understanding of the dichotomous
nature of Aboriginal adolescent
identity formation, we begin to
uncover the development of resilience
sustained within this dynamic.
I never declared my ancestry. I
didn't have to. White Australia
pointed, sometimes even shouted it,
out to me. Lillian Holt, Academic
and Writer (Jens Korff, 2013).
Dominant society has both visible
and covert factors that can influence
Indigenous adolescents identity
formation and negotiation (Wexler,
2009). Identity formation relies on
the expectations of what it means to
be an Indigenous within different
contexts of society (Wexler, 2009).
The process of forming cultural
identity is enforced by the mainstream
societal constructs many Indigenous
youth live in. During this identity
acculturation, the dominant culture
often trivializing and marginalizing
Aboriginal people (Stuurman, 2004).
Within the context of mainstream
White Australia, young Indigenous
Australians are at a constant
battle with Aboriginal stereotypes.
Indigenous Australians are sometimes
navely portrayed as unsuccessful or
un-authoritative within the White
Australian discourse (Stuurman,
2004). Some Aboriginals are falsely
depicted as failures, as being unable
to cope with contemporary world
(2004). Superficial and dishonesty
stereotypes label Aboriginals as
good for nothing, no hopers, dirty,
[and] lazy (2004). False assumptions
claiming Indigenous people are slow,
reactionary and angry are solely
based transposed racist images
imposed by Western culture (2004).
For example, many mixed descent
Aboriginal people experience a double-
edged sword of judgments from White
Australian society. They may emphasize
or embrace a White identity, but
if they go to jail, die early, or
suffer from alcoholism they are
labeled Aboriginal (Jens Korff,
2013). Racist characteristics, such as
being undisciplined and incapable,
surround young Aboriginals (Jakubowicz
et al. 1994, Cited in (Groome, 1995).
When the dominant society
perpetuates artificial images of
Aboriginality, such as the noble
savages or drunk Indians, it
complicates how Indigenous Australians
create authentic identities (Wexler,
2009). This dehumanizing experience
builds an unstoppable pressure from
Western values at odds with Aboriginal
values (Stuurman, 2004) It forces
Aboriginal adolescents to feel
inadequacy, inferiority, and self-
doubt. Many feel they have become
aliens in [their] own land and to
[themselves] (Stuurman, 2004). Some
have argued that dominant White
Australian discourse forces Aboriginal
identity from an autonomous existence
to a derivative existence, positioned
under the dominant culture (Alfred and
Corntassel, 2005).
What is Aboriginal? According
to most white experts and the media,
it's a black person who lives in a
remote community, has social issues
and claims benefits that are way above
what they deserve. So being Aboriginal
but white, fairly socially adjusted
and living in an urban area, where do
I fit in? - Bindi Cole, Aboriginal
artist (Jens Korff, 2013).
But these perceptions within
mainstream White Australia ignore
the rich complexities of Aboriginal
identity, and they furthermore deny
the acceptance and recognition of
Indigenous history and culture
(Hampton and Toombs, 2013). Aboriginal
identity formation is complex,
multifaceted, and diverse among
different groups. Aboriginality is a
labyrinth full of obscure passages,
ambiguous signs and trapdoors
(Dodson, 1994; cited in Hampton and
Toombs, 2013). Indigenous Identity
is fluid and contextual by nature
(Paradies, 2006, pg. 356). Their
cultural identity is rooted in their
language, belief systems, social
structure, social behaviours, and
links to the land (Hampton and Toombs,
2013). Aboriginal traditions such as
lore, laws, and cultural mores all
combine to construct a unified and
multifaceted identity (Hampton and
Toombs, 2013).
(continued on next page)....
Examining Aboriginal Identity Formation and Resilient Aboriginality Embedded in Young Indigenous Australian
Community
Healthy identity development
provides a sense of belonging to a
specific group at family, community,
or national level. This is especially
salient for Aboriginal identity,
which is intimately connected to
the Australian country it exists in
(Hampton and Toombs, 2013). Unlike the
colonized society, Indigenous identity
is molded, reaffirmed and nurtured
by relational interaction of family
and land (Stuurman, 2004). In terms
of social identity, an Aboriginals
acceptance from others relies on
his or her ability to identity ones
self to ancestral lands and country
(Hampton and Toombs, 2013, 8). The
outcome an adolescent Aboriginals
identity development is to have
an achieved ethnic identity with
knowledge of their heritage, group
membership and a commitment to that
cultural identity in their everyday
lives (Wexler, 2009).
Without our voices, Aboriginality
will continue to be a creation for
privileged opportunists and will
always be about us rather than by us.
Julie Tommy Walker, Innawonga Woman
and Aboriginal leader ( Jens Korff,
2013).
One could speculate that when
an Indigenous adolescent successfully
negotiates through the dichotomy
in contemporary Aboriginality,
they become more resilient in both
communities. Resilience is developed
when one overcomes life challenges to
achieve a balanced sense of wellbeing
(Wexler, 2009). The formation of
ones Aboriginal identity involves
reconnecting with the geography of
his or her heritage in order to
understand the lessons and values
of their ancestors (Alfred and
Corntassel, 2005). Understanding
Aboriginal identity nurtures strength
and sustenance for struggling
youth, allowing them independent
conceptualizations of who they are,
away from the westernized colonial
power (Alfred and Corntassel, 2005).
Aboriginality functions like a double
helix model of DNA; constantly
defining and redefining itself
(Stuurman, 2004) it is this very
constant state of flux in identity
reaffirmation has ensured survival
of the worlds oldest living culture
(Stuurman, 2004). By challenging ones
identity in both an individual and
societal framework, Aboriginals may
be able to harmonize with others
cultural backgrounds, gaining a better
viewpoint from which to examine the
cultural experiences from others
perspectives (Alfred and Corntassel,
2005). The collective experiences and
meaning behind Indigenousness, along
with the flexibility and adaptability
of their identities, are all strengths
for a young Aboriginal. If this
is true, why has Indigenousness
become a distorted identity within
contemporary colonialism (Alfred and
Corntassel, 2005, 597)? Why do we
focus so much on the weaknesses of
Aboriginals, and ignore strengths and
resilience present within Indigenous
communities?
I believe that when we ignore
the strengths and resilience amongst
todays ordinary Aboriginal youth, we
further support the subordination of
Aboriginal people. We must celebrate
Adolescent Aboriginals who have
recover ways of understanding and
connecting separate from the mental
framework of colonization. We must
strive towards finding autonomous and
authentic identities that are formed
within mainstream society, but that
are also independent of artificial
colonized preconceptions (Alfred and
Corntassel, 2005). There are everyday
examples of successful Aboriginal
teenagers who have developed
resilience through their journey of
identity formation. A progression
towards identifying these resilient
teenagers could support other
struggling Indigenous teenagers to
see a solid foundation for developing
their own cultural identity.
It may be that it is this element
of resilience that makes possible
reconciliations between the two
countering societies (Wexler, 2009).
If this is true, then White Australia
has an obligation to support energy
and resources into acknowledging
patterns of Aboriginal adolescents
personal resilience and strength.
The reconciliation process between
colonizing Australians and Indigenous
Australians includes healing the
definition of Aboriginality. Now and
into the future, both Indigenous
and non-Indigenous people need to
interact in a process of dialogue,
of imagination, of representation and
interpretation (Langton, 1993; cited
in Paradies, 2006).
Both cultures need more
intercultural sensitivity, one that
cultivates a fertile environment for
healthy cultural generalizations
that support resilience and cultural
strengths. How can both Indigenous
Australians and Westernized
communities work together to highlight
and publicize existing programs
that successfully mentor Indigenous
youths. How can we force the media to
report success stories about youth
organizations like Balunu Youth
Mentoring Program? These programs
help young Aboriginals recognize
their strengths and build personal
goals, all while also understanding
their culture (Balunu.org.au, 2013).
The next step needs to expand beyond
just the acknowledgement of resilient
Indigenous individuals, but also
acknowledging an entire resilient
Indigenous community; a unified
culture that has defied the dominants
expectations and survived subtle
subordination.
'Let's be clear, Aboriginal
identity is defined by us, no one
else. We are a diverse peoples
reflecting the contemporary Australia
we all inhabit.- Jody Broun, Co-Chair
National Congress of Australias First
people ( Jens Korff, 2013)
References
Alfred, T. and Corntassel, J. (2005).
Being Indigenous: Resurgences against
contemporary colonialism. Government
and Opposition, 40 (4), pp. 597--614.
Balunu.org.au (2013). Balunu |
Rebuilding strong proud people, by
breaking the cycle..
[online] Retrieved from: http://www.
balunu.org.au/programs.html [Accessed:
30 Oct 2013].
Groome, H. (1995). Towards improved
understandings of Aboriginal young
people. Youth Studies Australia.
Hampton, R. and Toombs, M. (2013).
Indigenous Australians and health.
South
Melbourne, Vic.: Oxford University
Press.
Jens Korff, C. (2013). Aboriginal
Identity: Who is Aboriginal? -
Creative Spirits.
[online] Retrieved from:
http://www.creativespirits.info/
aboriginalculture/people/aboriginal-
identity-who-is-aboriginal#toc1
[Accessed: 29 Oct 2013].
Paradies, Y. (2006). Beyond black and
white essentialism, hybridity and
indigently. Journal of Sociology, 42
(4), pp. 355--367.
Stuurman, Robert J. (2003) Aboriginal
Identity in Contemporary Society. In
Access to
Indigenous Records National Forum,
19th - 20th June 2003, State Library
Queensland, Brisbane.
Wexler, L. (2009). The importance of
identity, history, and culture in the
wellbeing of
Indigenous youth. The Journal of the
History of Childhood and Youth, 2 (2),
pp. 267--276.
Conclusion
Even though Australian culture and American culture have similar
cultural configurations, they are distinct entities with their own
development.
One of the greatest lessons I learned while abroad was to not
compare cultures using American culture as a benchmark. This type
of ethnocentrism does not permit a culture to breathe and exist
as its own element. By separating myself from the USA, I was able
to understand Australias situation and history as a unique and
equally valid culture with different values and persona. This
isolation of sorts helped me to reflect on my own culture.
I hope, as I continue to travel, I am able to piece together each
separate culture, within a fusion of countries and histories that
are interdependent and multi-influential to each other. To me, a
global perspective is both granular and holistic.