Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
esk spor itelna, Slovensk sporiteln a, Erste Bank Ungaria i Croaia sau BCR
din Romnia i, desigur, Fundaia ERSTE. Pornind de la aceti membri diferii ai asocia -
iei Kontakt, construim un buget anual cu ajutorul cruia funcioneaz colecia.
Spui c snt bani care provin din toate aceste ri, inclusiv din Romnia, i care
se vars la buget.
Da, i BCR pltete o tax anual destinat coleciei. Ne-am gndit s construim
ceva care i are sediul la Viena, ntruct aici lucrm noi, dar care, n acelai timp, s
fie o colecie pentru toi.
Ai menionat c se achiziioneaz art chiar dinainte de 2004; despre ce fel de
art vorbim?
Achiziiile iniiale au urmat tendina de la sfritul anilor 80 i nceputul anilor
90, o tendin de a cumpra minimalism american, lucrri de Sol LeWitt, Donald
Judd etc. Dar asta a durat doar patru ani, iar aceast politic inea de directorul gene-
ral (al bncii) din acea perioad, fiindc existau legturi cu galeriile i cu ceea ce aveau
ele de vnzare. Pe durata mandatului urmtorului PDG (nc vorbim despre anii 90)
nu s-a prea cumprat nimic. Apoi, n cele din urm, la sfritul deceniului a venit dl
Treichl i, el fiind cel care a iniiat dezvoltarea din Europa de Est a grupului, a pro-
pus s se fac ceva i n domeniul artelor, gndindu-se c fiecare banc internaiona -
l i are colecia sa de art. Ajunge s v uitai la alte mari colecii de art corporatiste,
cum ar fi cea a Deutsche Bank, de pild.
Atunci se poate spune c exist i un fel de lupt pentru prestigiu, la ntrecere
cu alte bnci?
N-a spune chiar o lupt. ntruct ceea ce ne-am propus noi s facem a fost
ceva singular. Boris Marte, pe atunci ef al departamentului de sponsorizri, a avut
ideea de a ne concentra i asupra sectorului cultural din Est. La momentul acela
eu lucram n calitate de consultant independent al bncii i m ocupam i de con-
cepia coleciei, mpreun cu Rainer Fuchs, curator-ef la MUMOK Viena, i de ase-
menea cu Vt Havrnek de la Praga, respectiv cu Vladimr Beskid de la Bratislava.
Banca ne-a ntrebat ce idei avem, iar noi am propus automat un concept axat pe
Europa Central i de Est. Cu toate acestea, spre deosebire de ceea ce fceau multe
alte bnci, ne-am decis s nu ne limitm doar la producia actual de art. De exem-
plu, dac ne uitm la cum funcioneaz Deutsche Bank, ei merg la trguri de art
i cumpr lucrri care le plac, dar n numeroase colecii de art corporatiste nu
exis t nicio structur istoric sau vreun concept tematic strict. Sau, mai bine zis, e
aa n varii msuri, i pot s spun asta deoarece Colecia de Art Kontakt este, de
asemenea, membru i n cadrul unei asociaii a coleciilor de art corporatiste, cu
se diul la Paris (IACCCA). Exist numeroase colecii de art corporatiste, unele cu
accent pe fotografie, de exemplu, sau specializate pe un anumit mediu de creaie,
dar e foarte neobinuit s ai o colecie cu o focalizare att de strict. Un alt element
goes back to the beginnings of the bank in the early 19th century,
when it started as a social business, an association savings bank.
The foundation is the legal successor of this association. But the art
collection is not part of ERSTE Foundation, it is an independent asso-
ciation. Institutionally we are associated with the Foundation, but
legally not part of it. Again a similar twist: the foundation is member
of our association. Christine Bhler, who is director of the programme
Culture of ERSTE Foundation, is also chairwoman of the board of the
collection, which is now officially called Kontakt: The Art Collection
of ERSTE Group and ERSTE Foundation. The collection itself works
with membership fees from the subsidiary banks as well as ERSTE
Foundation, which means that ERSTE Group in Austria gives a certain
annual amount of money, and so do Cesk sporitelna, Slovensk
sporitelna; ERSTE Bank Hungary and Croatia or BCR in Romania
and, of course, ERSTE Foundation. From all these different members
of the association Kontakt we construct an annual budget with which
the collection operates.
You are saying that theres money coming from all these coun-
tries, including Romania, and flowing into the budget.
Yes, BCR pays an annual fee to the collection as well. We thought
that we build something which is taken care of Vienna, as we work
from here, but which is a collection for all, at the same time.
Article published in the follow-up of the dossier on contemporary art
and capital fromIDEA arts + society, #41, 2012
HISTORY, ART AND MONEY:
ON CONSTRUCTING A CORPORATE ART COLLECTION
IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE
A Discussion Between Walter Seidl and Vlad Morariu*
WALTER SEIDL works as curator, writer, and artist and is based in Vienna,
Austria. Since 2004, he has been curator of Kontakt: The Art Collection
of ERSTE Group and ERSTE Foundation, which focuses on conceptual art
tendencies in the region of former Eastern Europe. Seidl has curated
numerous exhibitions throughout Europe, North America, Japan, South
Africa and Hong Kong. His writings include various catalog essays for
artist monographs, exhibition reviews and criticism. Since 2011, he has
been adjunct professor for curatorial studies at Webster University, Vienna.
Vlad Morariu M. Walter, when did you join the team of the
Kontakt collection?
Walter Seidl I came in 2004, right at the beginning, when ERSTE
Bank decided to have a new collection policy focusing on Central and
Eastern Europe. Before that, the bank had purchased different works
over more than a century, but there hadnt been any collection policy.
By policy you mean a rationale for collecting?
Yes, before that works had been bought, but not on a perma -
nent basis. There was no concept or schedule in terms of construct-
ing a collection: sometimes people from different departments
bought works for offices, but there was no structural content behind.
In 2000 ERSTE Bank started to purchase banks from Eastern
European countries, first esk sporitelna and Slovensk sporiteln a,
and then continued advancing to the Southeast. That was also a time
when the theme of sponsoring culture emerged today you call it
corporate social responsibility and since ERSTE Bank made most of
Material publicat n continuarea dosarului despre art contemporan i capital din
IDEA art + societate, #41, 2012
Istorie, art i bani:
despre construirea unei colecii corporatiste
de art n Europa Central i de Est
O discuie ntre Walter Seidl i Vlad Morariu*
WALTER SEIDL este curator, scriitor i artist i locuiete la Viena. ncepnd cu anul 2004, este curator la Kon-
takt: Colecia de Art a Grupului ERSTE i a Fundaiei ERSTE, centrat pe tendinele artei conceptuale din regiu-
nea fostei Europe de Est. Seidl a curatoriat numeroase expoziii n Europa, America de Nord, Japonia, Africa
de Sud i Hong Kong. Printre scrierile sale se numr diverse eseuri de catalog pentru monografii de artist,
cronici de expoziii i critic. Din 2011, este profesor asistent n cadrul studiilor curatoriale de la Universita-
tea Webster din Viena.
Vlad Morariu Walter, cnd te-ai alturat echipei coleciei Kontakt?
Walter Seidl Am venit n 2004, chiar la nceput, cnd ERSTE Bank a decis o
nou politic a colecionrii, urmnd a se concentra pe Europa Central i de Est.
nainte, banca achiziionase diferite lucrri pe parcursul a peste un secol, fr s exis-
te ns vreo politic a colecionrii.
Prin politic vrei s spui o raiune a actului de a colecta?
Da, nainte se cumprau lucrri, dar nu tot timpul. Nu exista o concepie sau
o programare n sensul construirii unei colecii: cnd i cnd, oameni din diferite depar-
tamente cumprau lucrri pentru birouri, dar fr s existe un concept structural
cluzitor. n 2000, ERSTE Bank a nceput s achiziioneze bnci din ri est-euro-
pene, primele fiind C
evc k (curator, profesor la Academia de Arte Frumoase din Praga), Branka Stipanc ic
(istoric de art i curator din Zagreb) i Adam Szymzyck (director la Kunsthalle Basel).
Practic, nu avei un spaiu de expunere, dei colecia este destul de impresionan -
t. Asta a fost intenia?
102
Yes.
I guess you wont tell me how big the budget is...
Not really, because it varies from year to year, depending on the
performance of the bank. In times of crisis, you get less. But more or
less, it always stays within the same parameters.
Where do you buy the works from? Do you buy them at art fairs,
from galleries or directly from the studios?
It depends on how they are available. At the beginning we most-
ly bought from artists directly because they didnt have a gallery
representation. But in the meantime throughout the past eight
years of the existence of the collection a lot of artists got a gallery
representation, and we usually talk to the artists about how they
want to sell the work, if they want to sell it to us directly or if we
need to buy it from a certain gallery. It depends as well on how well
artists are established. For example, in Sanja Ivekovics case, we
bought from her directly but also from galleries. In Roman Ondks
case, we only deal with galleries. It also depends on the kind of con-
tract artists have.
I was active in Romania within the association which organized
the Periferic Biennial, and I would say that the scene nowadays is
very much different than what it used to be eight-nine years ago.
Currently there is a wave of commercial galleries, some of them rela-
tively successful and in expansion, others smaller, but still pretty
much active, which reconfigured a scene that used to rely more
or less on public funds. How do you think that your policy influences
this scenery? What would you say about the case of the Kontakt Art
Collection, buying works from Eastern European artists and thereby
influencing the market?
It definitely raises the prices and I can say that we created mar-
ket value. At the beginning we hardly bought from galleries, as
artists were not represented. Nevertheless, we wanted to pay a
decent amount to the artists so it wasnt the case that we paid just
a little because no one bought this art anyway. Now you can clearly
see that the prices are growing and the galleries are also active.
For example, we started to buy Ion Grigorescus work directly from
him at the beginning, and then later through Andreiana Mihail.
The same with Geta Brtescu and Marian Ivan. It depends a lot on
what is available, and where. At the beginning we bought nearly
80% directly from the artists and 20% from galleries, now it is almost
the opposite. Not quite the same scale, but the proportions have
changed in any case.
When you buy new work, who takes the decision of what is sup-
posed to be bought?
The decision is taken by a jury, we have an art advisory commit-
tee and we meet twice a year and decide together, each one propos-
es works, and then we decide together what fits into the structure
of the collection.
Are its members related to the foundation?
Not really, the advisory board of the collection currently consists
of Silvia Eiblmayr (art historian and curator, commissioner of the
Austrian contribution to the 53rd Venice Biennale), Georg Schll-
hammer (editor of springerin, Hefte fr Gegenwartskunst and docu-
menta 12 publications), Jir evck (curator, professor at the Academy
of Fine Arts, Prague), Branka Stipancic (art historian and curator,
Zagreb) and Adam Szymzyck (director, Kunsthalle Basel).
You practically dont have a space to exhibit, though the collec-
tion is pretty impressive. Is this intentional?
Right from the beginning we thought that though money flows
from the regional banks, we dont want to centralize everything in
Vienna. We equally wish to exhibit works in the region, in different
contexts. Thats what we did in 2007 in Belgrade: after 1015 years
of an intense history after the breaking of the Yugoslavian federation
and amongst all these nationalist tendencies, we brought together
art works from the whole of former Yugoslavia. We constantly have
loans, as we decided that our collection should be more like a
research collection, and works should be available as loans for exhi-
Stano Filko
White Space in a White Space (exhibition view Museum of Contemporary Art, Belgrade), 1973 to present,
courtesy: Kontakt: The Art Collection of ERSTE Group and ERSTE Foundation
I worked freelance before, and I just happened to curate a cou-
ple of exhibitions in which I included artists from Eastern Europe.
This was back in the 1990s.
Yes. When the bank contacted Rainer Fuchs from MUMOK to
come with a new concept for the collection, he also recommended
that I join as a young curator working on Eastern Europe. The bank
decided to build the collection, and asked me to curate it all of
a sudden I was working for a bank, something I would have never
imagined before. It happened by accident in a way.
So having experienced both worlds, what is your take on the
progressive corporatization of art and culture?
I think that this is a process one needs to acknowledge and get
accustomed to...
In Austria like in any other place...
In Austria the first large scale corporate collection was Generali
in the late 1980s. The model was invented as they went along, and
soon the EVN collection appeared. ERSTE Group started at the same
time as the Verbund collection, the latter having an interest mostly
in American conceptual art. And its interesting that you have these
four major corporate collections, Generali, EVN, Kontakt and Ver-
bund, in Vienna, which is quite a large number for a small country
like this.
For sure, which means that there is a lot of money here!
Its also because these corporations are located here...
If the forefront is taken, then, by corporate collections and their
relations with commercial galleries, what space and what visibility is
left for critical approaches and for marginal phenomena of the art
world?
This is the question. Because on the one hand you have the leftist
criticism, which is against the dominant role of banks in society; but
then, on the other hand the banks are buying radical or formerly mar-
ginalized artistic positions and try to offer an understanding for some-
thing that has previously been invisible, making it visible. This is the
good thing about it in all these four cases of collections, there are
people fromthe art world who decide what has to be integrated in
the collection and no CEO sitting in the board, at least not in a way
that would determine what should be purchased. There are always
people coming fromthe art realm, doing research about what they
are proposing; and this serves the corporations as well, as normally
the rationale is lets take someone fromthe art world who we trust
and who brings some expertise, and can work for us, and do a good
job. Thats quite an open way of structuring things I think.
What about the art scene in Vienna, it seems to be very much
institutionalized, with a vast array of galleries, museums and collec-
tions on display, do you have contacts with the non-institutionalized?
Of course, as a curator who has been working in off-spaces before,
I know everyone; but this is more of a personal issue than an institu-
tional relation. As a representative of the banks collection, the story
is different.
The traditional critique is that once you get critical art in a collec-
tion you tame it and neutralize it. Do you think that this is the case
or not?
I dont think so... When it comes to the understanding of the col-
lection by the thousands of employees of the bank, there is still
za lot to be done education-wise, thats for sure. The interesting
point is that not only Kontakt but also Verbunds and Generalis col-
lections are more visible in an artistic context than in the context
of the corporation. And the other positive aspect is that these collec-
tions buy art which is not so easily bought by other collectors.
Walter, thanks a lot for the time and the discussion!
scena
bitions. We loaned a series of Jir Kovandas works to the last So
Paulo Biennial, while Sanja Ivekovics works travel constantly, she has
just recently opened a show at the South London Gallery and Calvert
22 in London. There are a lot of international curators who try to
research certain artists and who contact us, asking for loans for
different exhibitions. At the moment we have between 1020 works
traveling all around the globe, and it is something quite interesting
to be part of international exhibitions: in 2012 there was the So
Paulo Biennial, the Triennial that Okwui Enwezor curated at the
Palais de Tokyo in Paris, and examples could go on.
Do you imagine having a building, which would house the collec-
tion, at some point?
We have been talking about it, but we still need to discuss this
through.
I know that Generali Foundation has a similar collection, or with
similar interests. When you have these sort of big players on the
market, what is your relation to each other? Are you in a compe-
tition?
Yes and no. Generali Foundation started much earlier, in the late
80s, and has a similar approach to conceptual tendencies, but began
focusing on Western Europe and the Americas. Later they bought
some Eastern European artists as well, but by that time Kontakt had
already come into existence, so we were a little ahead of them.
At the time when we started there was no competition apart from
the fact that both us and Generali Foundation were oriented towards
conceptual art practices. Now, of course, some artists that we have
in the collection are also part of the Generali Foundations collection,
they have Koller or Ivekovic, for example. But this is something that
fits into their collections concept as well.
I happened to be here in Vienna in 2011, during the Vienna art
fair a particular edition, I recall, as a lot of familiar faces from the
Eastern European art scene were present. I remember as well
the entrance of the fairground and the image of ERSTE Groups slo-
gan with its funny spelling Kunst ist MehrWERT (Art is Surplus/
More Value). ERSTE Group is sponsoring the fair every year, right?
Yes, ERSTE Group has been the main sponsor since the art fair
opened at the current location (Vienna Messe), and the idea was that
East European galleries get some money to pay the fee for the booth.
In this way ERSTE Group is sponsoring their participation.
Yes, the idea was to sponsor the fees for stands for galleries from
Eastern Europe. Every year about 16 galleries are supported by ERSTE
Group.
Is this, then, contradictory? I mean, what reason would there be
for a private enterprise to sponsor other private enterprises?
We see it as a help for those galleries that wouldnt come here
because it would be too expensive for them, with all the travelling
and the fees involved. Most gallerists in Eastern Europe have to think
twice about participating in an art fair. On the other hand, it is also
difficult to bring big collectors to Vienna, thinking that you have a lot
of important art fairs in Europe. Why would you, as a collector,
be interested in coming to Vienna? We thought that sponsoring all
these galleries from Eastern Europe would add in attractiveness,
as big international collectors might then decide to come to Vienna
because there is a special focus on Eastern Europe. Since I am in the
board of IACCCA, the association of corporate art collections based
in Paris, we invited their curators over to Vienna in 2012. Thus, 20
people from all over Europe connected with collections came here,
people who in other circumstances would have ignored us, because
Basel, London, Paris or Brussels are the easier option.
Has the art fair itself become a space where you understand
what is happening in Eastern Europe, in what amounts to new trends
and tendencies?
At least this should be the goal, but then it depends a lot on col-
lectors, on what they buy.
Last round of questions: how did you personally start to work
in the corporate sector? You said you were freelance before.
105
Da. Cnd banca a luat legtura cu Rainer Fuchs de la MUMOK pentru ca el s
vin cu un nou concept pentru colecie, el a recomandat ca i eu s m altur, ca
tnr curator care lucreaz pe Europa de Est. Banca a hotrt s creeze o colecie i
mi-a cerut s o curatoriez dintr-o dat, lucram pentru o banc, ceva ce nu mi-a
fi imaginat niciodat. A fost dintr-o ntmplare, ntr-un fel.
Aadar, dup ce ai experimentat ambele lumi, ce prere ai despre corporatizarea
progresiv a artei i culturii?
Cred c acesta este un proces pe care trebuie s-l recunoti ca atare i cu care
s te obinuieti...
n Austria ca i oriunde altundeva...
n Austria, prima colecie corporatist la scar mare a fost Generali, la sfritul
anilor 1980. Modelul a fost inventat din mers i, n scurt timp, a aprut colecia EVN.
Grupul ERSTE a nceput n acelai timp cu colecia Verbund, aceasta din urm avnd
un interes mai ales pe arta conceptual american. i este interesant c ai aceste
patru mari colecii corporatiste, Generali, EVN, Kontakt i Verbund, n Viena, un
nu mr mare pentru o ar mic precum aceasta.
Categoric, ceea ce nseamn c exist o mulime de bani aici!
Dar i pentru c aceste corporaii i au sediul aici...
Dac linia nti este ocupat, aadar, de coleciile corporatiste i de relaiile lor cu
galeriile comerciale, ce spaiu i ce vizibilitate mai exist pentru abordri critice i pen-
tru fenomenele marginale ale lumii artei?
Aceasta este ntrebarea. Pentru c, pe de o parte, avem critica de stnga, care
este mpotriva rolului dominant al bncilor n societate; dar, apoi, pe de alt parte,
bncile cumpr poziii artistice radicale sau marginalizate mai nainte i ncearc s
ofere o nelegere a ceva ce a fost anterior invizibil, fcndu-l vizibil. Aceasta e par-
tea bun n cazul tuturor celor patru colecii, oameni din lumea artei decid ce tre-
buie s intre n colecie, i nu managerii din consiliul de administraie, cel puin nu
ntr-o manier care ar viza ce trebuie achiziionat. Snt ntotdeauna oameni care vin
din sfera artei, care fac cercetri cu privire la ceea ce propun; i asta servete i cor-
poraiilor, ntruct, n mod normal, logica este haidei s lum pe cineva din lumea
artei n care avem ncredere, care contribuie cu expertiza sa i poate lucra pentru
noi, ca s fac o treab bun. Cred c acesta e un mod de structurare a lucruri-
lor destul de deschis.
Ce prere ai despre scena de art din Viena, care pare foarte instituionalizat,
cu o gam larg de galerii, muzee i colecii expuse? Avei contacte cu partea nein-
stituionalizat?
Desigur, n calitate de curator care a lucrat n afara sistemului, eu cunosc pe
toat lumea; dar aceasta este mai degrab o chestiune personal dect o relaie insti-
tuional. Ca reprezentant al coleciei bncii, povestea este diferit.
Critica tradiional sun c, odat ce introduci arta critic ntr-o colecie, o m -
blnzeti i o neutralizezi. Crezi c aa stau lucrurile sau nu?
Nu cred asta... Cnd vine vorba de nelegerea coleciei de ctre miile de anga-
jai ai bncii, exist nc multe de fcut cu privire la educaie, asta e sigur. E intere-
sant c nu doar colecia Kontakt, ci i coleciile celor de la Verbund i Generali snt
mult mai vizibile n context artistic dect n context corporatist. Iar cellalt aspect pozi-
tiv este faptul c aceste colecii cumpr art care nu e att de lesne cumprat de
ali colecionari.
Walter, i mulumesc mult pentru timpul acordat i pentru discuie!
Traducere de Alex Moldovan
Da, Grupul ERSTE a fost sponsorul principal de cnd trgul de art funcioneaz
n spaiul curent (Messe Wien), iar ideea era ca galeriile est-europene s primeas -
c nite bani pentru a plti taxa pentru standuri.
n acest fel Grupul ERSTE sponsorizeaz participarea acestora.
Da, ideea era s sponsorizm taxele pentru standurile galeriilor din Europa de
Est. n fiecare an, aproximativ 16 galerii snt sprijinite de Grupul ERSTE.
Nu este contradictoriu acest lucru? Adic, ce motiv ar putea avea o companie
privat s sponsorizeze alte companii private?
Noi vedem asta ca un ajutor pentru acele galerii care altminteri nu ar veni aici,
deoarece ar fi prea scump pentru ele, cu toate costurile de deplasare i taxele impli-
cate. Cei mai muli galeriti din Europa de Est trebuie s se gndeasc de dou ori
dac s participe sau nu la un trg de art. Pe de alt parte, este dificil i s aduci
mari colecionari la Viena, gndindu-ne c exist o mulime de trguri de art im -
portante n Europa. De ce ai fi interesat, n calitate de colecionar, s vii la Viena?
Ne-am gndit c sponsorizarea acestor galerii din Europa de Est le-ar spori atrac-
tivitatea, iar mari colecionari internaionali ar putea hotr s vin totui la Viena,
pentru c aici exist un interes special pentru Europa de Est. ntruct fac parte din
consiliul de conducere al IACCCA, asociaia coleciilor de art corporatiste cu sediul
la Paris, i-am invitat pe curatorii lor la Viena, n 2012. Astfel, 20 de oameni din ntrea-
ga Europ avnd legtur cu coleciile au venit aici, oameni care n alte circumstane
ne-ar fi ig norat, deoarece Basel, Londra, Paris sau Bruxelles snt opiuni mai la n -
demn.
A devenit trgul de art n sine un spaiu n care nelegi ce se ntmpl n Europa
de Est, care snt noile direcii i tendine?
Cel puin acesta ar trebui s fie scopul, dar apoi depinde foarte mult de
colecionari, de ce anume cumpr.
Ultima rund de ntrebri: cum ai nceput tu, personal, s lucrezi n sectorul corpo -
ratist? Ai spus c nainte erai pe cont propriu.
Am lucrat pe cont propriu, i ntmplarea a fcut s curatoriez cteva expoziii
n care am inclus artiti din Europa de Est.
Asta se ntmpla n anii 1990.
104
Ion Grigorescu
Electoral Meeting (The talkie-walkie, before the building of the Central Committee of the Party), 1975,
courtesy: Kontakt: The Art Collection of ERSTE Group and ERSTE Foundation
n acest moment ascult Lift Your Skinny Fists Like
Antennas to Heaven al trupei Godspeed You! Black Emperor.
Unul dintre albumele mele preferate.
Cumva, totul explodeaz de fiecare dat cnd l ascult.
Fiecare pies seamn cu un cuvnt subliniat de mii de ori, pn cnd hrtia
e arat n toate direciile de vrful markerului.
...
Vrful markerului meu se mic la nesfrit.
Reverbernd timp i spaiu.
De la stnga la dreapta i la stnga din nou i iar la dreapta, pn cnd totul se
reduce la o linie,
la un loc de care s te poi ine.
...
ntre dou pagini
(Stefano Calligaro)
(Traducere de Alex Moldovan)
At this precise moment I'm listening to Lift Your Skinny Fists Like
Antennas to Heaven by Godspeed You! Black Emperor.
One of the albums I like most.
Somehow it blows everything up every time I hear it.
Each song is like a word underlined thousand times, till the paper is
ploughed in all directions by the top of the pen.
...
The point of my marker moves endlessly.
Echoing time and space.
From left to right and left again and right again till everything is
reduced to a line,
to a place to hold onto.
...
Between two pages
(Stefano Calligaro)
Stefano Calligaro: Totul
|
All
STEFANO CALLIGARO is an artist whose work embraces various medias.
Recent solo shows include: 2011 For Not Turning All My Nothing into Something, Sabot Gallery, Cluj; 2010 Plants, Rocks and a Fish Inhabited Pond, Wcw Gallery,
Hamburg; Two Ways to Look At, SecondRoom, Antwerp; 2009 Flat Folding, White Heat, Stuttgart; Arrangements, Agenzia04, Bologna; Waldenaffairs, Den Haag.
Recent group shows include: 2012 Play Dice Would Be Nice, Gaudel de Stampa, Paris; Informal, Or-bits, Or-bits.org; Il lato oscuro della luna, Jarach Gallery, Venice;
2011 Needed by Things, Furnished Space, London; 2010 Evading Customs, Le Dictateur, Milan; 2009 Lobby, Cell project space, London; The Object of the Attack,
The David Roberts Art Foundation, London; And the Wood Said Burn Me, A locatie, Rotterdam.
insert
106
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
109
Somapolitica
1
Europei negre:
testimoniale ale unui eveniment
Dosar realizat de Alanna Lockward,
pregtit pentru IDEA art + societate de Ovidiu ichindeleanu
ALANNA LOCKWARD, autor, critic i curator independent, director fondator al Art Labour Archives (din 1996),
manager general al Institutului Decolonial Transnaional, curator al BE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body Politics.
WALTER MIGNOLO, profesor de literatur William H. Wannamaker la Duke University.
ROBBIE SHILLIAM, confereniar n relaii internaionale, Queen Mary University, Londra.
SIMMI DULLAY, artist, productor cultural, profesor de arte la Universitatea Africii de Sud, Pretoria.
INGRID MWANGI ROBERT HUTTER lucreaz mpreun ca artiti video i performeri.
ROLANDO VZQUEZ, profesor asistent de sociologie la Academia Roosevelt din cadrul Utrecht University.
JEANNETTE EHLERS e un artist video stabilit n Copenhaga.
QUINSY GARIO, artist, scriitor i director cultural stabilit n Olanda, preocupat de problemele de gen i de
cele postcoloniale. Editor al jurnalului feminist LOVER, membru al colectivului artistic panafrican State of L3 i
iniiator al proiectului artistic Zwarte Piet Is Racisme, n iunie 2011.
JULIA ROTH, cercettor postdoctoral la Freie Universitt Berlin, autor, curator al evenimentelor politico-cul-
turale pentru Bundeszentrale fr politische Bildung, Goethe-Institut, HKW, HAU. Vezi desiguALdades.net.
MANUELA BOATC, profesor de sociologie la Institutul Latinoamerican, Freie Universitt Berlin.
TERESA MARA DAZ NERIO, cercettor i artist dominican de performance.
Somapolitica Europei negre. Ctre o estetic decolonial
2
Alanna Lockward
Este esenial s subliniem c dei conceptualizarea esteticii decoloniale e relativ re -
cent, premisele sale schimbrile epistemice ce au contestat colonialitatea n prac-
ticile artistice i culturale ale emisferei sudice snt la fel de vechi ca sistemul nsui.
Sfidarea colonialismului prin dansurile i ritualurile voodoo, care a condus n cele
din urm la prima revoluie de succes a sclavilor, n Haiti, e un exemplu gritor.
Ceea ce face estetica decolonial e s conecteze aceste moteniri, dar i reprezentri-
le lor actuale, cu modelul analitic modernitate/colonialitate/decolonialitate. BE.BOP
2012. Black Europe Body Politics (46 mai 2012, Ballhaus Naunynstrasse, Berlin)
a introdus aceast abordare teoretic n artele vizuale din Europa i din continen-
tul african printr-un vast spectru de proiecii. Estetica decolonial a fost dezbtut
pentru prima dat, cu aplicare la BE.BOP 2012, la Goldsmiths University of Lon-
don, n decursul anilor 20112012. La evenimentul din Berlin, au fost sesiuni de
proiec ii de dou ore n fiecare diminea, urmate de dezbateri n mese rotunde
des pre estetica i aesthesisul decolonial, cetenia (europeanului de culoare), acti-
vismul anti-Blackface, mod i feminiti n Africa, Conferina Berlin Africa, geno-
cidul Herero i Nama i amnezia colonial n Germania i Scandinavia.
Artiti, activiti i cercettori i-au mprtit cunotinele de pe poziii de egalitate,
n decursul unor discuii bogate i variate. Filmul i arta video au fost tratate la fel,
n ciuda caracterului industrial al primului, fiind prezentate n acelai format de proiec -
ie i instalare. Arta performativ a fost dezbtut ntr-un spaiu teatral experimental,
de postmigraie. Contribuiile teoreticienilor au fost discutate ntr-un spaiu ex t raaca -
demic. Activitilor li s-a oferit suficient spaiu pentru afiarea campaniilor i rspn-
direa mesajului lor. Evenimentul a dat natere unei schimbri paradigmatice n
percepia, gndirea i aciunea decolonial. Multiplele straturi ale acestei conver saii
snt documentate n evalurile participanilor.
n procesul de organizare al BE.BOP 2012, am conceptualizat diasporicul ca abor-
dare specific n cadrul esteticii decoloniale, care subliniaz specificul anumitor ex pe -
riene continentale ale europeanului negru. Ca proces n curs de desfurare, aceast
prim conceptualizare a devenit acum estetica decolonial afropean. Ceea ce urmeaz
BLACK EUROPE BODY POLITICS: TESTIMONIALS OF AN EVENT
Dossier Realized by Alanna Lockward,
Prepared for IDEA arts + society by Ovidiu ichindeleanu
ALANNA LOCKWARD, author, critic and independent curator, founding
director of Art Labour Archives (since 1996), general manager of the Trans-
national Decolonial Institute, curator of BE.BOP 2012. Blsack Europe
Body Politics.
WALTER MIGNOLO, William H. Wannamaker professor of literature at
Duke University.
ROBBIE SHILLIAM, senior lecturer in international relations, Queen Mary
University of London.
SIMMI DULLAY, artist, cultural producer, art lecturer at the University
of South Africa, Pretoria.
INGRID MWANGI ROBERT HUTTER work together as video artists and
performance artists.
ROLANDO VZQUEZ, assistant professor of sociology at the Roosevelt
Academy of Utrecht University.
JEANNETTE EHLERS is a Copenhagen based video artist.
QUINSY GARIO, artist, writer and cultural producer based in The Nether-
lands, with a focus on gender and postcolonial issues. Editor of the femi-
nist journal LOVER, member of the pan-African art collective State of L3,
and initator in June 2011 of the art project Zwarte Piet Is Racisme.
JULIA ROTH, postdoctoral researcher at Freie Universitt Berlin, author,
curator of cultural-political events, for the Bundeszentrale fr politische
Bildung, Goethe-Institut, HKW, HAU. See desiguALdades.net.
MANUELA BOATC, professor of sociology at the Latin America Institut,
Freie Universitt Berlin.
TERESA MARA DAZ NERIO, Dominican performance artist and researcher.
Black Europe Body Politics:
Towards an Afropean Decolonial Aesthetics
1
by Alanna Lockward
It is crucial to point out that even though the conceptualization
of decolonial aesthetics is fairly recent, its points of departure the
epistemic shifts that have challenged coloniality in the artistic and
cultural practices of the Global South are as old as the system
itself. The defiance to colonialism in Vodou dance and rituals, which
in Haiti ultimately lead to the first successful slave revolution, is
a splendid case-in point in this regard.
What decolonial aesthetics does is to connect these legacies and
its current displays to the analytical model modernity/coloniality/
decoloniality. BE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body Politics (46 May
2012, Ballhaus Naunynstrasse, Berlin) introduced this theoretical
approach to the visual arts in Europe and the African continent
with a wide spectrum of screenings. Between 2011 and 2012
decolonial aesthetics in the context of BE.BOP 2012 was discussed
for the first time at Goldsmiths University of London. At the Berlin
event, there were two-hours screening sessions every morning fol-
lowed by roundtable discussions on Decolonial Aesthetics and
Aesthesis, (Black European) citizenship, anti-Blackface activism,
fashion and woman hood in Africa, the BerlinAfrica Conference,
the Herero and Nama genocide, and colonial amnesia in Germany
and Scandinavia.
Artists, activists and scholars shared their knowledge on equal terms
during rich and diverse discussions. Film and video-art were equated
in status, the industrial character of the former shared the same
screening format and set-up as the later. Performance art was dis-
111
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
110
e un sumar al parcursului meu pn n acest punct, prin cartografierea iniial a cmpu -
lui esteticii diasporice i, ulterior, sublinierea pertinenei terminologice i teoretice a afro-
peanului pentru modelele analitice actuale ale esteticii decoloniale i diasporice.
Modernitate/colonialitate/decolonialitate, modelul ori programul de cercetare
inspirat de contribuia inovatoare a sociologului i umanistului peruvian Anbal
Qui jano, ofer un instrument pentru demontarea continuitilor colonialismului de
dup decolonizarea formal. Totodat, programul definete modernitatea ca reto -
ric insepa rabil de logica specific a colonialitii (Mignolo), adic de exploatarea sis -
tematic a unor populaii ntregi n numele progresului i civilizaiei. Aa cum am
precizat la nceput, analiza i contestarea acestei inseparabiliti inextricabile au fost
parte a modernitii/colonialitii, nc de la nceputurile sale. Aceast munc se nu -
mete de colonialitate. n acest sens, gnditorii decoloniali consider c studiile post -
colo niale au un orizont limitat, fiindc omit aceast inextricabilitate, iar genealogia
lor e an corat n teorii ale (post)modernitii
3
mai curnd provinciale, fundamenta-
te n mare parte pe genealogii istorice i intelectuale eurocentrice.
Exist mai multe conceptualizri ale esteticii diasporice n studiile postcoloniale lega-
te de ceea ce R. Radhakrishnan numete era diasporei.
4
Kobena Mercer a publi-
cat pe larg pe acest subiect nc din 1994. Alte contribuii cuprind Estetica
afro-diasporic
5
a lui Alexander Weheliye i Formele diasporice africane a Kristei
Thomp son.
6
Aceste abordri teoretice mprtesc un fir comun cu eseurile esen -
iale ale lui Stuart Hall despre diaspor i reprezentare cultural.
7
Studiile au n comun
o anumi t vitalitate dialogic. Autorii aleg n mod sistematic s-i articuleze ideile por-
nind mai degrab de la dezbaterea unor practici culturale concrete dect prin sta-
bilirea unui nou universal abstract. Cu alte cuvinte, e vorba de conceptualizri specifice
si tuaiei, comme-il-faut. n cazul lui Thompson, accentul cade pe statutul social nfiat
n ritualurile de inspiraie hip-hop ale balurilor din Bahamas. Weheliye, acompaniat
de Dubois, Walter Benjamin i Ralph Elllison, introduce afromodernitatea so nic,
un indicator al disjunciei dintre sunet i surs, aa cum e exemplificat n Souls.
8
n refleciile paradigmatice ale lui Kobena Mercer despre estetica diasporic, imagi-
nea n micare joac un rol important.
9
Multe dintre lucrrile prezentate i discu-
tate pe durata BE.BOP 2012 au n comun cu primii regizori britanici negri, analizai
de Mercer, deconcertarea stereotipurilor i dislocarea prejudecilor obinuite
despre o identitate neagr esenializat. Ceea ce difereniaz lucrrile de la BE.BOP
2012 e un element mai curnd bizar: faptul c regizorii negri din Anglia nu au mai
fost nevoii s demonstreze c imperialismul i colonialismul au avut loc cu adevrat
ori, cum e n cazul Olandei, c din moment ce s-a petrecut cu mult timp n urm
e n cele din urm irelevant.
Contribuia esteticii decoloniale afropeene la conceptualizrile actuale ale esteticii
diasporice clarific modul n care creatorii diasporei trateaz ocultrile modernitii,
disimularea muncii murdare a colonialitii. n acest sens, prezena noastr vi zeaz
ceea ce Quinsy Gario numea plantaiile artei moderne
10
, i parafrazez: plantaii-
le de art ale modernitii, i anume ntr-un mod care nu e nici tangenial, nici inci -
dental. ntr-adevr, dup cum a argumentat superb Antonio Bentez Rojo n La isla
que se repite
11
[Insula care se repet], anumii artiti din Caraibe i alte diaspo re de
culoare au ales s conteste colonialitatea specific a cunoaterii i fiinei n interio-
rul mentalitii acestui sistem global de plantaii, care nu poate fi evitat, prin crea -
rea unor posibiliti ale simirii care nltur supremaia hegemonic a modernitii.
Colajul video Other [Altul] al artistei aborigene australiene Tracey Moffatt e o capo-
doper n aceast privin.
Estetica decolonial afropean presupune c diaspora din Caraibe e implicat or -
ganic n diaspora de culoare i/sau african din Europa, urmnd astfel dilemele lui
Stuart Hall
12
i ale multor altora. Exist o vast bibliografie global de studii ale dias-
porei i, mai ales n Europa, se multiplic resemantizrile noiunii aplicate pe situaii
cussed at a postmigrant experimental theatre space. The scholarly
work of theoreticians was discussed at an extra-academic space.
Activists were given plenty of space to display campaigns and spread
their message. This event created a paradigm shift in decolonial
sensing, thinking and doing. The many layers of this conversation
are documented in the evaluations of the participants.
In the process of organizing BE.BOP 2012, I conceptualized the dias-
poric as a specific approach to decolonial aesthetics with the pur-
pose of outlining the particularities of certain continental Black
European experiences. As a work-in-progress, this first conceptuali-
zation has now become Afropean decolonial aesthetics. What
follows is a review of my arrival to this point by firstly mapping the
field of diaspora aesthetics and, secondly, outlining the terminologi-
cal and theoretical pertinence of the Afropean in relation to current
analytical models of both decolonial and diaspora aesthetics.
Modernity/coloniality/decoloniality, the model or research program
inspired by the groundbreaking contribution of Peruvian sociologist
and humanist Anbal Quijano, offers a tool to dismantle the continu-
ities of colonialism after formal decolonisation. At the same time the
program defines modernity as a rhetoric inseparable from the logic
of coloniality (Mignolo), which consists of the systematic exploitation
of entire populations in the name of progress and civilization.
As mentioned at the beginning, the analysis of and contestations
over this inextricable inseparability have been part of modernity/colo-
niality since its very inception. This work is called decoloniality. In
this sense, decolonial thinkers examine post-colonial studies as limit-
ed in scope since apart fromomitting this inextricability, their geneal-
ogy is anchored in rather provincial theories of (post)modernity
2
based largely on Eurocentric historical and intellectual genealogies.
There are several conceptualizations of diaspora aesthetics in post-
colonial studies within what R. Radhakrishnan calls The Age of
Diaspora.
3
Kobena Mercer has published extensively on the subject
since 1994. Other contributions include Alexander Weheliyes Afro-
diasporic aesthetics
4
and Krista Thompsons African diasporic
forms.
5
These theoretical approaches share a common thread
with the seminal essays on diaspora and cultural representation by
Stuart Hall.
6
They also share a dialogical stamina in their analysis.
The authors systematically choose to articulate their ideas by depart-
ing from the discussion of specific cultural practices rather than try-
ing to establish yet another abstract universal. In other words, these
are situation-specific conceptualizations, comme-il-faut. In the case
of Thompson, the focus is given to the social status performed in the
hip-hop-inspired prom rituals in the Bahamas. Weheliye, accompa-
nied by Dubois, Walter Benjamin and Ralph Elllison, introduces
sonic Afro-modernity as an indicator of the disjuncture between
sound and source, as exemplified by Souls.
7
In Kobena Mercers paradigmatic reflexions on diaspora aesthetics,
moving-image plays a relevant role.
8
Many of the works presented
and discussed during BE.BOP 2012 share with the early Black British
filmmakers analyzed by Mercer the confounding of stereotypes and
the displacement of common assumptions of an essentialized Black
identity. What differentiates the works of BE.BOP 2012 is a rather
bizarre element: the fact that Black filmmakers in Britain did not
have to prove that colonialism and imperialism actually hap-
pened or, as in the case of The Netherlands, that since that hap-
pened so long ago they are ultimately irrelevant.
The contribution of Afropean decolonial aesthetics to the current
conceptualizations of diaspora aesthetics illuminates the way in which
diaspora creators are addressing the occlusions of modernity, the
concealment of the dirty job of coloniality. In this sense, through our
presence we address what Quinsy Gario has described as modern
art plantations
9
, and I paraphrase the art plantations of modernity
something neither tangential or incidental. It is indeed in this glob-
ally inescapable plantation system mentality, superbly argued by
Antonio Bentez Rojo in La isla que se repite
10
, that certain artists from
the Caribbean and other Black diasporas have chosen to challenge
specifice. De dragul claritii, voi cita definiia dat de Agustn Lao Montes diaspo-
rei africane, fiindc se apropie de propria mea experien ca membr a diasporei
caraibiene: Dac do meniul istoric mondial a ceea ce numim n prezent diaspora
african, ca o con diie a dispersiei i ca proces al dislocrii, se bazeaz pe forme de
violen i teroare ce snt eseniale modernitii, asta implic deopotriv un proiect
cosmopolit de articulare a istoriilor diverse ale popoarelor africane, crend concomi -
tent curente in telectuale/culturale i micri politice translocale.
13
Decolonialul n
estetic substan iaz ideea c sntem i am fost dintotdeauna parte a modernitii.
De aceea, strategiile noastre de re-existen
14
snt analizate ca parte integrant a
mo dernitii. n loc s ne definim ca alte moderniti, ne numim colonialitate deco -
lo nizat.
Urmtorul citat din Stuart Hall ilustreaz o critic esenial a gndirii i esteticii de -
co loniale adus studiilor culturale i postcoloniale: Gndindu-m la propriul meu
sim al identitii, am realizat c el a depins dintotdeauna de faptul de a fi un mi grant,
de diferena fa de voi toi. Astfel c unul dintre lucrurile fascinante legate de aceast
discuie e c m regsesc pe mine ntr-o poziie central, n sfrit. Acum c, n era
postmodern, voi toi v simii att de dispersai, eu devin central. Ceea ce mi se
p rea a fi dispersat i fragmentat devine, paradoxal, experiena modern reprezen-
tativ! Asta nseamn s te ntorci acas cu nverunare!
15
Din perspectiva decolonial, nu am abandonat niciodat acest acas (colonialita-
tea). Procesul decolonizrii minilor noastre presupune o realizare a acestui fapt.
Noi am fost mereu aici, ca parte ascuns a modernitii, astfel c prezena noastr
se justific de la sine. Pe de alt parte, gndirea i aciunea decolonial are n comun
cu judecata lui Hall autoreprezentarea, din moment ce, n cele din urm, recunoate-
rea noastr n mirajele reflexive ale modernitii ne unete n solidaritate. Mai mult
dect att, estetica decolonial afropean adopt povara reprezentrii a lui Hall ca
un dar bine-venit: darul contiinei de sine, darul decolonizrii mentale, sensibile
i estetice.
Pe durata BE.BOP 2012, la fel ca n dilema lui Hall, am devenit centrai n propriile
noastre experiene ntr-un context paneuropean. Am discutat ntre noi, cu noi nine,
despre noi nine. A fost un banchet al identitilor. Aa-numitele ere postrasiale, posti -
dentitare ori postnegre erau oximoroane n vocabularul nostru.
16
Amnezia colonial rspndit n Germania i rile scandinave evideniaz un abil sce-
nariu paneuropean al negrii, ce nu aduce n discuie implicarea sistematic n reeaua
financiar a comerului transatlantic cu sclavi i ulterior n Conferina Berlin Afri-
ca (18841885), ca s menionm doar dou exemple. Din moment ce artiti din
diverse locuri din Europa s-au dedicat ntru totul acestor vacuumuri istorice, opiu-
nea mea a fost de a le conecta punctele comune. Propria mea practic curatorial,
n calitate de estetic decolonial afropean, e un rspuns dat la ceea ce Erna Brod-
ber a descris ca fiind Continentul Contiinei Negre, de pe poziia locuirii n Eu -
ropa, i nu n Caraibe. Astfel, particularizarea afropean e menit s semnaleze
emergena contiinei negre n Europa, dintr-o perspectiv panafrican.
Pe durata BE.BOP 2012, multe discuii s-au concentrat asupra lucrrilor artitilor,
gnditorilor i activitilor ce animeaz continentul contiinei negre din Africa (Simmi
Dullay), diaspora caraibian i african din Europa (Teresa Mara Daz Nerio, Jean-
nette Ehlers, Quinsy Gario, Ylva Habel, Grada Kilomba, Adetoun Kppers-Ade-
bisi, Michael Kppers-Adebisi, Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter, David Olusoga, Minna
Salami, Bonaventure Soh Bejeng Ndikung, Robbie Shilliam, Jean-Marie Teno i Emeka
Udemba) i din Australia (Tracey Moffatt i Sumugan Sivanesan).
Decolonialul din estetica decolonial afropean recunoate lupta noastr comun
mpotriva colonialitii, materializat n exemple terifiante ale rasializrii i criminali -
zrii sistematice a oamenilor de origine african n Europa, ce vor fi discutate ulterior.
mpreun, n aceast cltorie a minilor i sensibilitilor decolonizate, nu pre tindem
the specific coloniality of knowledge and being by creating possibili-
ties of sensing that strip the hegemonic supremacy of modernity.
The video-collage Other by Aboriginal-Australian artist Tracey
Moffatt is a masterpiece in this regard.
The Afropean decolonial aesthetics assumes the Caribbean diaspora
as organically implied in Black and/or African diaspora in Europe,
following the predicaments of Stuart Hall
11
and so many others.
There is a vast global bibliography on diaspora studies and, particu-
larly in Europe, situation-specific re-semantizations of the term are
mushrooming. For the sake of clarity, I will quote the definition of
Agustn Lao Montes of an African Diaspora since it feels closer to
my own experience as a member of the Caribbean Diaspora: If the
world-historical field that we now call the African diaspora, as a con-
dition of dispersal and as a process of displacement is founded on
forms of violence and terror that are central to modernity, it also sig-
nifies a cosmopolitan project of articulating the diverse histories of
African peoples while creating translocal intellectual/cultural cur-
rents and political movements.
12
The decolonial in aesthetics sub-
stantiates the notion that we are and always have been part of
modernity. This is why our strategies of re-existence
13
are analyzed
as an integral part of modernity. Instead of defining ourselves as
other modernities, we call ourselves decolonized coloniality.
The following quote by Stuart Hall is illustrative of a key contestation
of decolonial thinking and aesthetics with respect to post-colonial
and cultural studies: Thinking about my own sense of identity,
I realize that it has always depended on the fact of being a migrant,
on the difference from the rest of you. So one of the fascinating
thinks about this discussion is to find myself centered at last. Now
that, in the postmodern age, you all feel so dispersed, I become cen-
tered. What Ive thought of as dispersed and fragmented comes,
paradoxically, to be the representative modern experience! This is
coming home with a vengeance!
14
From the decolonial perspective, we have never abandoned home
(coloniality). The process of decolonization of our minds involves a
realization of this fact. We have always been here as the hidden side
of modernity, therefore our presence is self-explanatory. Self-agency,
on the other hand, is something that decolonial thinking and doing
shares with Halls dictum, since ultimately our recognition in the mir-
roring mirages of modernity unites us in solidarity. Furthermore,
Afropean decolonial aesthetics embraces Halls burden of represen-
tation as a most welcomed gift: the gift of self-awareness, the gift
of mental, sensing and aesthetics decolonization.
As in Halls predicament, during BE.BOP 2012, we became centered
in our own experiences within a pan-European context. We talked
between ourselves, to ourselves, about ourselves. It was a banquet of
identities. The so-called post-racial, post-identity or post-Black
eras were oxymorons in our vocabulary.
15
The pervasive colonial amnesia in Germany and Scandinavian coun-
tries illustrates a skillful pan-European scenario of denial, including
the systematic involvement in the financial network of the trans-
Atlantic slave trade and later in the BerlinAfrica Conference (1884
1885), to name just two examples. Since artists in different European
locations thoroughly engage with these historical vacuums, my
choice to connect their commonalities, and my own curatorial praxis,
as an Afropean decolonial aesthetics responds to what Erna Brodber
has described as the Continent of Black Consciousness, from the
situation of living in Europe and not the Caribbean. Therefore, the
particularization of Afropean is meant to signal the emergence
of Black Consciousness in Europe from a pan-Africanist perspective.
During BE.BOP 2012, multiple dialogues were focused on the works
of artists, thinkers and activists inhabiting the Continent of Black
Consciousness in Africa (Simmi Dullay), the Caribbean and African
diaspora in Europe (Teresa Mara Daz Nerio, Jeannette Ehlers,
Quinsy Gario, Ylva Habel, Grada Kilomba, Adetoun Kppers-Adebisi,
Michael Kppers-Adebisi, Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter, David
Olusoga, Minna Salami, Bonaventure Soh Bejeng Ndikung, Robbie
113
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
112
doar justiie retroactiv pentru motenirile coloniale din Africa, ci subliniem deopo-
triv continuitile acestor moteniri n colonialitate: colonialismul fr colonii.
Colonialitatea european e prezent n mod sinistru ntr-o instituie complet nou:
Frontex, programul de securitate a frontierelor externe i interne, fondat n 2005,
i instituia cu cea mai rapid cretere bugetar n cadrul Uniunii Europene. Uniu -
nea European nsi a fost de la nceput conceptualizat n direct legtur cu (exploa-
tarea) Africii, fiind n consecin numit de fondatorii si Eurafrica.
17
ntr-adevr,
exist continuiti istorice irefutabile ntre Conferina Berlin Africa (18841885),
pro iectul originar Eurafrica (Uniunea European) i cartografierea intervenionist
actual a rutelor de imigrare din continentul african. Aceast iniiativ a externali -
zrii granielor ar putea fi definit ca fiind de facto un rzboi cartografic mpotriva
Africii i justifi c relevana termenului afropean ca instrument care traduce n -
crengturile ac tua le ale colonialitii n Europa. Afropean anun aceste realiti,
tre ce dincolo de simpla reflecie inversnd ordinea celor dou componente ale sale.
Ei spun Eurafrica, iar eu spun afropean, din propria noastr istorie comunitar.
18
n mod paradoxal, prezena african n Europa e mai veche dect n Americi. Cei
800 de ani (contestai nc) de ocupaie african a Peninsulei Iberice snt un exem-
plu tipic. Conferina panafrican originar a avut loc n 1900, la Londra. Iar Ngri-
tude
19
, epigrama ce a contribuit la eliberarea continentului african n aa-numitul secol
scurt, a fost inventat n anii 1930 la Paris, unde s-a inut de asemenea unul din-
tre cele cinci congrese europene panafricane.
BE.BOP 2013, intitulat Decoloniznd Rzboiul Rece, va fi dedicat expunerii mo dului
n care corpul negru, ca spaiu al demnitii, puterii i frumuseii, a invadat imagi-
naia radical a artitilor i a gnditorilor n Europa, dincolo de diviziuni rasiale. Vom
discuta despre motenirea Angelei Davis, o fost student a lui Herbert Marcuse,
i Richard Wright, care a publicat pentru prima dat Black Power n Londra, inspi-
rat de panafricani ca George Pademore i Kwame Nkrumah.
Un alt motiv pentru pertinena termenului afropean n raport cu estetica diaspo -
ric i cu studiile despre diaspor n general e c, spre deosebire de SUA, Regatul
Unit, Caraibe i America Latin, diaspora neagr din Europa continental nu se poate
consola cu faptul c ar fi mcar o comunitate acceptat n interiorul naiunii n gene-
ral chiar dac una patologizat. De fapt, contrar ateptrilor, pn i noiunea unei
comuniti negre ori africane e respins n mare parte din Europa continental
n ciuda atraciei sale cnd e perceput ca nou ori recent. n aceast privin,
afro pean confer o rezonan aparte esteticii diasporice, accentundu-i nuanele
fa de discursurile academice hegemonice concentrate pe Statele Unite i deopo-
triv n raport cu studiile culturale britanice de culoare la Hall.
n mod similar, n ceea ce privete delimitarea sa n cadrul studiilor diasporei, ter-
menul afropean uureaz sarcina de a stabili de la bun nceput: colonialismul a avut
loc efectiv. n Americi (unde a fost creat termenul estetic decolonial) asta e de
la sine neles, pn la absurd. Cu toate acestea, n realitile noastre europene se
petrece exact contrarul. Afropean mbuntete nelegerea dialogic ntre cele
dou procese de decolonizare mental, care au eluri comune i o motenire colonia -
list african i european mprtit, ns istoriografii canonice foarte diferite.
Du p cum am spus anterior, tergerea sistematic din istorie a motenirilor colonia -
le n urma Conferinei Berlin Africa (18841885) e exemplar pentru aceast si -
tuaie. Pentru a da un exemplu revelator, nu exist niciun monument n Berlin care
s comemoreze acest eveniment extraordinar. Mai mult dect att, afropean ur -
mrete i contientizarea creterii alarmante a afrofobiei n Eu ro pa continental.
Dup cum dezvluie cu atta dezinvoltur Quinsy Gario n campania sa Zwarte Piet
Is Racisme [Zwarte Piet este rasism], o caricatur denigrant a negritudinii e consi -
derat n Olanda o motenire inocent, care nu poate fi schimbat, ntru totul lip-
sit de vreo legtur cu colonialismul, care, dup cum tim, s-a petrecut n tr-un
Shilliam, Jean-Marie Teno and Emeka Udemba) and Australia
(Tracey Moffatt and Sumugan Sivanesan).
The decolonial in Afropean decolonial aesthics acknowledges our
common struggle against coloniality, materialized in chilling exam-
ples of systematic racialization and prosecution of people of African
descent in Europe, which will be discussed further on. Together, in
this journey of mind and sensing decolonization, we are not only
demanding retribution from the colonial legacies in Africa, but we
are also outlining the continuities of these legacies in coloniality:
the colonialism without colonies.
European coloniality is chillingly present in a brand new institution:
Frontex, an external and internal borders program, founded in
2005, with the fastest growing budget in the European Union.
The European Union itself was first conceptualized as inseparable
from (the exploitation of) Africa and therefore named by its
founders as Eurafrica.
16
Indeed, there are irrefutable historical
continuities between the BerlinAfrica Conference (18841885),
the original Eurafrica (European Union) project and current inter-
ventionist mappings of migration routes in the African continent.
This border externalization initiative could be defined as a de
facto cartographic war against Africa and adds ups to the rele-
vance of Afropean as a translating tool of current entanglements
of coloniality in Europe. Afropean announces these realities and
goes beyond the mere reflection by inverting the order of its two
components. They say Eurafrica and I say Afropean, from our
own community tale.
17
Paradoxically, the African presence in Europe is older than in the
Americas. The (still contested) 800 years of African occupation of the
Iberian Peninsula is a case in point. The original Pan-African Confer-
ence took place in London, in 1900. And Ngritude, the epigram
that contributed to the liberation of the African continent in the so
called Short Century, was invented in Paris in the 1930s, where
also one of five European Pan-African Congress were held.
BE.BOP 2013, entitled Decolonizing the Cold War, will be dedicat-
ed to exposing how the Black Body as a space of dignity, power and
beauty permeated the radical imagination of artists and thinkers in
Europe beyond racial divides. We will be talking about the legacies
of Angela Davis, a former student of Herbert Marcuse, and Richard
Wright, who first published Black Power in London, inspired by
pan-Africans such as George Pademore and Kwame Nkrumah.
Another ground for the pertinence of Afropean in relation to dias-
pora aesthetics and diaspora studies in general, is that, unlike in the
USA, the UK, the Caribbean and Latin America, the Black Diaspora
in continental Europe cannot comfort itself with being an accepted
community within the nation at large, albeit a pathologized one.
In fact, against all odds, the very notion of a Black or Afro-communi-
ty is disavowed in much of continental Europe in spite of its attrac-
tion when seen as new or recent. In this regard, the Afropean
gives a particular resonance to Diaspora Aesthetics, accentuating its
nuances vis--vis hegemonic US-focused academic discourses, and
also in relation to Black British cultural studies la Hall.
Likewise, with regards to its demarcation within Diaspora Studies,
the Afropean clarifies the particular challenge of establishing the
fact that colonialism actually did happen in the first place. In the
Americas (where the term decolonial aesthetics was coined) this is
self-explanatory to the point of absurdity. However, in our European
realities, it is absolutely the opposite. Afropean is meant to opti-
mize the dialogical understanding between two processes of mental
decolonization with common objectives and a shared African and
European colonialist legacy, but very different canonical historiogra-
phies. As previously argued, the systematic historical erasure of
colonial legacies after the BerlinAfrica Conference (18841885) is
exemplary of this situation. To give a revealing example, there are
no monuments in Berlin that commemorate this outlandish event.
Additionaly, Afropean is also aimed at expanding awareness on
the alarmingly growing Afrophobia of continental Europe.
trecut mult prea ndeprtat ca s mai conteze cumva. De asemenea, machiajul
n negru (Blackface) e instituionalizat n Germania ca tradiie teatral respectabil.
Infamul tort suedez
20
i nenumrate exemple alarmante de profilare rasial, abu-
zuri ale poliiei i crime aleatorii asupra imigranilor africani din Grecia snt doar vr-
ful aisbergului.
Trebuie s admit c, n pofida contiinei politice bine antrenate, discursul instiga-
tor i condamnarea comunitilor somaleze din Suedia, numrul de mori n cus-
todia poliiei n Germania, ratificarea legal a rasismului antialb n Frana, confiscarea
documentelor legale de reziden ale cetenilor afrospanioli de ctre poliie i o
list lung de aciuni de neconceput ne iau nc prin surprindere pe muli dintre noi.
Eu ropa neagr i diaspora african triesc realmente momente extrem de pericu-
loase ale colonialitii i au nevoie de atta solidaritate ct e omenete posibil.
Pertinena esteticii decoloniale afropeene n dezbaterile actuale asupra probleme-
lor identitare n strategiile expoziionale ale diasporei negre e susinut de o decla-
raie revelatoare a curatorului i scriitorului Simon Njami: ntotdeauna am regretat
faptul c istoria anumitor locuri din Caraibe a fost trecut sub tcere. Asta nu e doar
din vina albilor. Att albii, ct i negrii au avut o atitudine destul de ambigu n aceas -
t chestiune. Pot s-l citez din minte pe Csaire, cnd, vorbind despre Caraibe, spu-
nea c locuitorii si nu vor fi niciodat capabili s-i schimbe situaia pn nu i vor
fi asumat toate aspectele istoriei lor. n ce const aceast istorie? Sclavie, desigur,
i Africa. Dar de cte ori vizitez regiunea snt bulversat de omisiunea cras a acelui
continent n dezbaterile artistice. Nu e vorba de agitaie n numele negrilor, i.e. a
africanilor, ca n zilele timpurii ale Negritudinii. Mai curnd e vorba de ncorpora-
rea evoluilor de pe continentul african ca parte integrat a propriei lor istorii. Snt
puine conexiuni, puine proiecte menite s aduc laolalt aceste dou pri de lume,
cu toate c acolo ar putea fi viitorul. Ni se spune c istoria e scris de nvingtori.
Dar mai punem nc problema n termeni de nvingtori i nvini?
21
n ce mod relev acest citat anumite proteste-cheie ale esteticii decoloniale i cum
i contest presupoziiile estetica decolonial afropean? Trebuie s mbuntim abor-
darea larg teoretizat despre Caliban din Caraibe
22
, utiliznd modelul analitic mo -
der ni tate/colonialitate/decolonialitate ca instrument de interogare a colonialitii
esteticii? Sau ar trebui n schimb s vorbim despre estetica specific a colonialitii
ca aspect al colonialitii cunoaterii i fiinei? Ar trebui oare s ne concentrm energii -
le pe de-a-ntregul asupra strategiilor de re-existen ntreprinse n prezent de prac -
tici le ar tistice pe plantaiile artistice ale modernitii? Sau ar trebui s facem toate acestea
n acelai timp?
Ne putem gndi la multiple ci de a da un rspuns foarte simplu pentru prima parte
a citatului lui Njami, care ar putea fi rezumat astfel: Faptul c nu ai citit, vzut ori
auzit ceva despre un lucru nu nseamn neaprat c nu se ntmpl sau c nu a avut
loc. ntr-adevr, lipsa de informare sau dezinformarea este inevitabil n variile con -
texte ale diasporelor negre, africane ori caraibiene, iar ca urmare, noi, cei implicai
n conceptualizarea lor, att ca teoreticieni, ct i ca mediatori, trebuie s urmrim
n mod activ umplerea acelor goluri, i nu simpla lor expunere ori deplngere. Cea
de-a doua parte a acestei declaraii simptomatice a lui Njami, despre punerea pro -
ble mei n termeni de nvingtori i nvini, e lapidar. ntr-adevr, pentru estetica
de co lonia l e o chestiune de principiu, n cel mai literal sens, ca punct de plecare,
dezvluirea sistematic a retoricii nvingtorilor (modernitatea european = civiliza -
ie) n logica specific a colonialitii: orice art produs altundeva n afara Europei
e primiti v ori un simplu mimetism al esenei universale a artei europene.
n mod evident, Simon Njami nu observ modul n care imaginaia imperial con-
tinu s i descrie prezena ca gnditor al diasporei pe plantaiile artistice ale moder-
nitii. De pe lista inepuizabil a colonialitii i ofer ca referin urmtorul citat din
cocuratorul documenta 12, Roger Buergel: Conform directorului expoziiei,
As Quinsy Gario so cheerfully exposes in his performance-campaign,
Zwarte Piet Is Racisme, a demeaning caricature of Blackness is val-
ued as an unchangeable innocent cultural heritage in The Nether-
lands, utterly unrelated to colonialism, which, as we know,
happened too long ago to even matter anymore. Blackface is also
institutionalized in Germany as a respectable theatrical tradition.
The infamous Swedish cake
18
and countless alarming examples on
racial profiling, police harassment and random murders of African
immigrants in Greece are just the tip of the iceberg.
Adding to these symptomatic examples, I must admit that in spite of
consistently trained political awareness, the hate-speech and prose-
cution of Somali communities in Sweden, the deaths under police
custody in Germany, the legal prescription of Anti-white racism in
France, the kidnapping of legal residency documents to Afro-Spanish
citizens by the police and a long list of unthinkable acts, still take
many of us by surprise. Black Europe and the African diaspora are
indeed living extremely dangerous moments of coloniality and need
as much solidarity as we can humanly get.
The pertinence of Afropean decolonial aesthetics in relation to cur-
rent debates on identity issues in Black Diaspora exhibition strate-
gies is sustained by a revealing statement of curator and writer
Simon Njami: It has always been a matter of regret to me that the
history of certain parts of the Caribbean has been obscured. That is
not just the fault of the whites. Both whites and blacks have adopted
a fairly ambiguous attitude to this topic. I can quote Csaire from
memory who said, in talking of the Caribbean, that its people would
never be capable of transforming their situation until they had
admitted all aspects of their history. What does this history consist
of? Slavery, of course, and Africa. But every time I visit the region
I am struck by the glaring omission of that continent in artistic
debates. It is not a question of agitating on behalf of the Negroes,
i.e. Africans, as in the early days of Ngritude. Rather it is about
incorporating the developments in the African continent as an inte-
gral part of their own history. There are few links, few projects aimed
at bringing these two parts of the world closer together even though
that might be where the future lies. We are told that history is writ-
ten by the victors. But are we still tackling the debate in terms of
conquerors and the conquered?
19
How does this particular quote reveal certain key contestations of
decolonial aesthetics and how does Afropean decolonial aesthetics
challenge its presuppositions? Do we need to nurture the widely the-
orized Caribbean Caliban
20
approach using the analytical model
modernity/coloniality/decoloniality as a tool to question the coloniali-
ty of aesthetics? Should we instead speak of the aesthetics of colo-
niality as an aspect of the coloniality of knowledge and being?
Should we focus our energy entirely on the strategies of re-existence
of what artistic practices are doing today in modernitys art planta-
tions? Or should we do all of that at the same time?
One can think of many ways to deliver a very simple response to the
first part of Njamis quote, which could be resumed as: The fact that
you have not read, seen or heard about something does not neces-
sarily mean that it does or did not happen. It is indeed the inevitabil-
ity of misinformation or disinformation among the different contexts
of the Black, African and Caribbean Diasporas that demand from
those of us engaged in its conceptualization, both as theoreticians
and as facilitators, to actively pursue the filling of those gaps and not
to simply expose or complain about them. The second part of this
symptomatic statement by Njami in relation to tackling the debate
in terms of conquerors and the conquered is lapidary. Indeed, for
Decolonial Aesthetics it is a matter of principle, in its most literal
meaning, as departure point, to systematically unveil the rhetoric
of the conquerors (European modernity = civilization) in the logic of
coloniality: any art produced elsewhere outside Europe is primitive
or just a mimicry of the universal essence of European art.
Obviously, Simon Njami is unaware of how the imperial imagination
persists on portraying his presence as Diaspora thinker in the art
115
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
114
Roger Buer gel, vara ploioas a fost responsabil pentru lipsa de entuziasm la docu-
menta 12 ce a luat sfrit duminica trecut: Viaa n afara ncperilor expoziiona-
le nu a putut prospera. Din cauza asta, atmosfera ideal, vitalitatea nu au putut fi
cultivate. Arta necesit cldur: De aceea Grecia e leagnul civilizaiei i Africa acela
al umanitii.
23
E imperativ s-i reamintim lui Njami c Hegel i-a fcut diviziunea epistemic a Afri-
cii
24
n acelai timp n care se stabilea pe continent prima misiune colonial protestan -
t german (1829). n acest sens, am putea interpreta filosofia hegelian a istoriei
ca pe o excepional campanie de relaii publice n sprijinul colonizrii europene.
Walter Mignolo a stabilit conexiunea inextricabil ntre discursul rasializant al lui Kant
25
i crearea esteticii sale ce stabilea c doar europenii albi snt capabili s ncerce i
s neleag sublimul. Sentina infam a lui Hegel asupra caracterului anistoric al con-
tinentului african e n acest sens o simpl continuare a slbaticelor i imaginative-
lor categorizri kantiene.
26
n panafricanismul lui Marcus Mosiah Garvey sntem somai s ne decolonizm gn-
direa. n timpul unui discurs din octombrie 1937 n Nova Scotia, publicat ulterior
n revista sa, Black Man, el ne soma s ne emancipm din sclavia mental. Aceast
porunc legendar a fost parafrazat cu miestrie de Bob Marley n al su Redemp -
tion Song [Cntecul izbvirii] (1979). Vd o confirmare a profeiei lui Garvey n este-
tica decolonial afropean. O vd n fiecare rnd al scrierilor mele i n fiecare moment
de solidaritate ntre diaspore, pe care am simit-o de la nceputul propriei mele deco-
lonizri mentale (Haiti 1994, mai exact). n consecin i ca s conchid, s mai rspun-
dem o dat ultimei ntrebri puse de Njami: ... nc mai punem problema n termeni
de n vingtori i nvini?
ntr-adevr o facem, de fapt exact acesta e rolul esteticii decoloniale afropeene, s
pre tind responsabilitate epistemic i justiie pentru fptuitorii i motenitorii actuali
ai privilegiului alb n plantaiile artistice ale modernitii, n timp ce ne ce lebrm deopo-
triv pe noi nine n recunoaterea noastr reciproc. Sntem aici fiindc am fost
DINTOTDEAUNA aici, dar asta nu nseamn neaprat c vrem s ne potrivim n
Cubul alb. Sntem aici aa cum ne spune Quinsy Gario:
[...] s vorbim
despre munca noastr
despre meleagurile noastre
despre corpurile noastre
despre noi nine.
Sinele ce tranziteaz
n i n afara percepiei
ntre pauzele
de timp i spaiu
i dincolo
de ideea despre ceea ce e uor
nesntos.
BE.BOP 2012. Somapolitica Europei negre: O reflecie
Walter Mignolo
I.
A fost ntr-adevr un eveniment formidabil. Fr s m gndesc am scris formida-
bil; mi-a venit pur i simplu n jocul degetelor pe tastatur cnd am scris primele
propoziii. Mi-a atras atenia apariia acestui cuvnt fr s-l fi invocat. Am verificat
n Tezaur i mi-a oferit ca opiuni: dificil, impresionant, alarmant. Ei bine, din tr-un
plantations of modernity. As a reference from the inexaustible list of
coloniality, I offer him the following quote by documenta 12 co-cura-
tor, Roger Buergel: The rainy summer was responsible for taking
away the excitement of documenta 12 that finished last Sunday,
according to exhibition director, Roger Buergel: The life outside the
exhibition halls could not flourish. This meant that the ideal atmos-
phere, the liveliness could not be nurtured. The arts need warmth:
This is why Greece is the origin of civilization and Africa that of
mankind.
21
It is imperative to remind Njami that Hegel made his epistemic divi-
sion of Africa
22
at the same time that the first German protestant col-
onizing mission was established in the continent (1829). In this sense,
we could interpret Hegels philosophy of history as a formidable
public relations campaign in favour of European colonization. Walter
Mignolo has established the inextricable connection between Kants
racialization discourses
23
and its invention of aesthetics which deter-
mined that only white Europeans were capable of attempting and
understanding the sublime. Hegels infamous dictum on the a-histor-
ical character of the African continent is in this sense a mere continu-
ation of Kants wildly imaginative categorizations.
24
In Marcus Mosiah Garveys pan-Africanism we are commanded to
decolonize our minds. During a speech in Nova Scotia in October
1937, which was later published in his Black Man magazine, he com-
manded us to emancipate ourselves from mental slavery. This leg-
endary command has been masterfully paraphrased by Bob Marley
in his Redemption Song (1979). I see a compliance to Garveys
prophecy in Afropean decolonial aesthetics. I see it in every line
of my writings and in every moment of solidarity between the dias-
poras that I have experienced since my own mental decolonization
started (Haiti 1994, to be precise). Therefore and in order to con-
clude, lets answer again the last question posed by Njami: ... are
we still tackling the debate in terms of conquerors and the con-
quered?
Indeed we are, in fact this is exactly what Afropean decolonial
aesthetics is about, demanding epistemic accountability and retribu-
tion from the perpetrators and current inheritors of white privilege in
modernitys art plantations while at the same time celebrating our-
selves in our mutual recognitions. We are here because we have
ALWAYS been here but it does not necessarily mean that we want
to fit into the white Cube. We are here as Quinsy Gario tells us:
. . . to talk
about our work
about our locations
about our bodies
about ourselves.
The selves that move
in and out of sight
between the pauses
of time and space
and beyond
the notion of what is slightly
unsound.
BE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body Politics: A Reflection
by Walter Mignolo
I.
It was indeed a formidable event. I wrote formidable without
thinking; it just came to the dance of the fingers on the keyboard
when I wrote the first sentences. It called my attention that this
word came without being invited. I checked the Thesaurus and it
gave me as options: difficult, impressive, alarming. Well, for some
unknown reason I chose the right word. The heart has its reason,
that reason doesnt know, is a famous dictum of a famed French
mo tiv sau altul, am ales cuvntul potrivit. Inima i are raiunile ei, pe care raiunea
nu le cunoate, e o maxim faimoas a unui renumit antropolog francez. Aa c
se cade s i lai inima s guverneze asupra minii, mai ales n cazul unui eveniment
centrat pe aesthesis (simire); un eveniment nscris n procesele globale de de -
colonizare a esteticii i de emancipare a aesthesisului.
Fr ndoial a fost impresionant. Nu e doar prerea mea, ci consensul general. A
fost dificil i doar Alanna poate spune ce a presupus organizarea acestui eveniment,
chiar dac au existat parteneri fantastici cu care am colaborat, Allianz Kulturstiftung
i Ballhaus Naunynstrasse.i mi nchipui c ar putea fi ntr-adevr alarmant pen-
tru faciunea din populaie care presupune c imaginaia, creativitatea, inovaia i pro-
gresul snt tr sturi eseniale ale modernitii i postmodernitii. Snt deopotriv trsturi
esen iale pentru gnditorii, artitii, universitarii i activitii decoloniali care denun
retori ca modernitii, logica specific a colonialitii, desprinzndu-se de moderni-
tate, post modernitate i altermodernitate. Dac retorica modernitii necesit
inventivitate, crea tivitate i imaginaie pentru a menine logica specific a colonia-
litii, aceste trsturi snt deopotriv eseniale pentru gramatica decolonialitii. Cu
alte cuvinte, inovaia, creativitatea i ima ginaia nu aparin exclusiv unei direcii. Totul
depinde de proiecte le ce necesit utilizarea acestor concepte.
Estetica (aa cum e explicat n catalog) a fost din secolul al optsprezecelea regle-
mentat de filosofie, iar rolul su era controlul, administrarea i manipularea gus-
tului. Reglementrile estetice nu au aprut n Namibia, China ori Brazilia. Au fost
o invenie regional a filosofilor europeni. Apropo, asta s-a datorat n mare parte
filosofilor germani: Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten, Immanuel Kant iGotthold
Ephraim Lessing snt principalii arhiteci. A fost mai mult dect potrivit ca Somapo-
litica Europei negre s conteste acea motenire i s deschid imaginaia, modu-
rile de existen i sensibilitile oamenilor lsai pe dinafar de estetica filosofic
modern (postmodern i altermodern). Kant nu s-a sfiit s descalifice 80% din
glob pentru incapacitatea de a simi frumosul i sublimul. Cei mai afectai au fost,
desigur, datorit rolului Africii n imaginarul cretin i secular european, Africa i afri-
canii. Rechizitoriul lui Kant e bine cunoscut: Negrii din Africa nu au de la natur niciun
sentiment care s se ridice deasupra naivului. Domnul Hume provoac pe orici-
ne s dea un singur exemplu n care un negru s fi manifestat talente, i afirm c
din tre sutele de mii de negri care au fost dui din rile lor n alte pri, cu toate c
muli dintre ei au fost lsai liberi, totui niciunul nu s-a aflat vreodat care s fi repre-
zentat ceva important fie n art sau tiin, fie vreo alt proprietate distinctiv, cu
toa te c dintre albi se ridic constant chiar i din plebea cea mai de jos i prin daruri
excepionale dobndesc consideraie n lume. Att de esenial este diferena din-
tre aceste dou rase de oameni, i ea pare s fie mare att cu privire la capaci tile
sufletului, ct i la culoare (Observaii asupra sentimentului de frumos i sublim.
27
Cu att mai potrivit atunci faptul c acest eveniment formidabil,Somapolitica Europei
negre, cea mai recent component adugat unui portofoliu impresionant al Art
Labour Archives, fondat n 1996, a fost conceput, organizat i executat de criti cul
de art, curatorul i autorul Alanna Locwkard (originar din Republica Dominican)
i s-a desfurat n Berlin n cooperare cu Allianz Kulturstiftung i Ballhaus Naunyn -
strasse. Ballhaus Naunynstrasse: decizia Alannei de a susine acolo evenimentul a
fost una dintre cele mai nelepte micri din tot procesul de organizare a evenimen -
tului. Am fost acas, literalmente. n seara dinaintea inaugurrii, adic n seara de 3
mai, am avut plcerea i onoarea de a o ntlni pe directoarea Ball haus Naunyn -
strasse, Shermin Langhoff. Cnd o ntlneti pe Shermin n calitate de director al unui
proiect precum Ballhaus, tii c urmtoarele trei zile vor fi aa cum trebuie s fie.
Shermin (nscut n Bursa, Turcia) e plin de energie, buntate, entuziasm, inteli-
gen i cu multe realizri n munca ei cu teatrul dedicat subiectului migrrii n Euro-
pa. Toate acestea au fost ca o plas de siguran. Ulterior l-am ntlnit pe Wagner
anthropologist. It is then appropriate to let the heart rule over the
mind, particularly to refer to an event centered on aesthesis (sens-
ing); an event inscribed in global processes to decolonize aesthetics
and to liberate aesthesis.
It was not doubt impressive. Not just my opinion, but by consensus.
It was difficult and Alanna can tell you what it took to put this event
in place, in spite of fantastic cooperation partners such asAllianz
Kulturstiftung and Ballhaus Naunynstrasse.And I imagine that it
could be alarming, indeed, for the sector of the population assuming
that creativity, imagination, innovation and progress are essential
features of modernity and postmodernity. They are also essential
features for decolonial thinkers, artists, scholars and activist denounc-
ing the rhetoric of modernity, the logic of coloniality and delinking
from modernity, postmodernity and altermodernity. If the rhetoric of
modernity calls for invention, creativity and imagination to maintain
the logic of coloniality, these features are also essential for the gram-
mar of decoloniality. In other words, there are no strings attached to
innovation, creativity and imagination. It all depends of the projects
that require the uses of those concepts.
Aesthetics (as it is explained in the catalog) was since the eigh-
teenth century regulated by philosophy and its function was to con-
trol, manage and manipulate taste. Aesthetic regulations did not
happen in Namibia, China or Brazil. They were a regional invention
of European philosophers. German philosophers, by the way, had a
lot to do with it: Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten, Immanuel Kant
andGotthold Ephraim Lessing are the major architects. It was just
more than appropriate that Black Europe Body-Politics contested
that legacy and opened up the imagination, ways of living and sensi-
bilities of people left out of the game by modern (postmodern and
altermodern) philosophical aesthetics. Kant was not shy in disquali-
fying 80% of the planet for falling short in sensing the beautiful and
the sublime. The most damaged were of course (of course because
the place of Africa in the Christian and secular European imaginary)
Africa and Africans. Kant indictment is well known: The Negroes
of Africa have by nature no feeling that rises above the trifling.
Mr. Hume challenges anyone to cite a single example in which a
Negro has shown talents, and asserts that among the hundreds of
thousands of blacks who are transported elsewhere from their coun-
tries, although many of them have even been set free, still not a sin-
gle one was every found who presented anything great in art or
science or any other praiseworthy quality, even though among the
whites some continually rise aloft fromthe lowest rabble, and through
superior gifts earn respect in the world. So fundamental is the differ-
ence between these two races of man, and it appears to be as great
in regard to mental capacities as in colour (Observations on the
Feeling of the Beautiful and the Sublime,1767).
More than appropriate then that this formidable event,Black
Europe Body Politics, the latest addition to the impressive portfolio
of Art Labour Archives, founded in 1996, was conceived, organized
and executed by art critic, curator and author Alanna Locwkard
(originally from the Dominican Republic), and took place in Berlin in
cooperation by Allianz Kulturstiftung and Ballhaus Naunynstrasse.
Ballhaus Naunynstrasse: Alannas decision to hold the event there
was one of her wisest moves in the organization of the event. We
were at home, literally. The evening before the beginning of the
event, that is, the evening of May 3, I had the pleasure and the
honor of meeting the director of the Ballhaus Naunynstrasse:
Shermin Langhoff. When you meet Shermin as head of a project
such as Ballhaus, you know that the next three days would be right.
Shermin (born in Bursa, Turkey) is full of energy, of kindness, of
enthusiasm, of intelligence and achievements in her theatre labor
concerned with the question of migration in Europe. All of that was
like a security blanket. Later on we met Wagner Carvalho, born in
Brazil, curator and initiator of the project in/outandMove Berlin. At
that moment he was designated co-director as Shermin was already
scheduled to take other responsibilities. We found in Wagner the
nale i unul dintre cele dou lungmetraje,Le Malentendu colonial [Nenelegerea colo-
nial] (2004), al lui Jean-Marie Teno, de departe cel mai bun documentar pe subiect
pe care l-am vzut. Chiar mai mult, un documentar decolonial onest, exact n spi-
ritul lui Aim Csaire, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah i al altor gnditori decolo-
niali. Acest documentar, mpreun cu Other al fotografei i artistei video austra liene
Tracey Moffatt, a furnizat cadrul pentru nelegerea lucrrilor mai scurte, n di recia
temelor propuse pentru discuii dimineaa trziu ori dup-amiaz. Videoul de apte
minute al lui Tracey Moffatt e compus dintr-un montaj de clipuri luate de la Holly-
wood i din filme de tip hollywoodian, n care snt reprezentai an thro pos (Alii, albii
noneuro-americani) de pretutindeni din lume. Prima parte reu nete o selecie de
situaii conflictuale n care albii snt alarmai de strania prezen a lui anthropos. Edi-
tarea n crescendo a clipurilor luate din diferite filme e acompaniat de o coloan
sonor preluat dinThe Battle of Algiers [Btlia pentru Alger] (1966) a lui Gillo Ponte -
corvo. Coloana sonor aparine momentului din film n care patru femei musulma-
ne i schimb habitusul i dobndesc o nfiare european. Motivul transformrii
lor e c devin purttoare de bombe ce vor fi plasate n sectorul fran cez, dac reu -
esc s treac de linia de securitate pzit de soldaii francezi. n partea a doua, videoul
cumuleaz scene n care oameni de culoare, brbai i femei, i brbai i femei albi
se ndrgostesc ori ajung ntr-o situaie n care prietenia i/sau pasiunea risipesc frica
reciproc i lipsa de respect. Totui iubirea i prietenia, pe ct de bune par a fi, se
petrec mereu n imaginaia omului alb. Oamenii de culoare snt reprezentai; ei nu
au oportunitatea s reprezinte. Cea de-a doua parte arat includerea generoas a
regizorilor albi care-i rezerv privilegiul de a fi generoi i inclusivi.
n proieciile matinale de la BE.BOP 2012 publicul s-a bucurat de un festival al crea-
tivitii, inventivitii i imaginaiei lui anthropos. ine cont de faptul c eu scriu
aces te rnduri n calitate de anthropos. Ca fiu al unor imigrani italieni n Argentina,
am o descenden european, dar nu snt un cetean european aadar, snt un
anthropos. Snt alb n America Latin, ca William Kentridge n Africa de Sud, dar deve-
nim nonalbi n Europa de Vest i SUA. Africa de Sud, n contradicie cu America de
Sud, are avantajul, din perspectiva imaginarului alb dominant, de a avea engleza
ca limb oficial a rii. n America de Sud, italienii au ajuns s vorbeasc o limb
italian stricat i limba oficial a rilor respective, spaniola ori portugheza. Cele trei
limbi erau deja suspecte din pricina apartenenei lor la Sudul Europei (nu snt
Spania, Portugalia i Italia cele n nevoie ori care au fost salvate de Uniunea Euro-
pean, creia se presupune c i aparin?). Dar cnd aceste limbi snt utilizate n fos-
tele colonii, ele denun prezena anthroposului, asudacas, cum snt numii imigranii
sud-americani n Europa.
S ne gndim la cine au fost artitii i performerii prezentai n proieciile matinale:
afro-daneza Jeannette Ehlers; Quinsy Gario, nscut n Curaao i educat n Saint
Marteen i Curaao i care locuiete n prezent n Olanda; Sumugan Sivanesan, nscut
ntr-un popor nomadic din sud-estul Asiei dintr-o mam singaporez, i care locu-
iete n Australia; evreul sud-african William Kentridge; Ingrid Mwangi, nscut din -
tr-un tat kenyan i o mam german, care a trit att n Africa, ct i n Germania
i colaboreaz cu soul ei Robert Hutter, formnd subiectul compus Ingrid Mwangi
Robert Hutter; Teresa Mara Daz Nerio i nsi Alanna Lockward, ambele domi-
nicane, Teresa locuind n Olanda i Alanna n Germania, i Emeka Udemba, o nige-
rian ce triete n Nigeria i Germania.
De ce am abuzat de rbdarea ta spunndu-i pe unde circul oamenii, unde s-au
nscut, unde triesc, n loc s-i vorbesc de munca lor? Fiindc am vrut s-i amin-
teti de sentina lui Kant despre sensibilitatea aparte a europenilor (i era clar pen-
tru el i mai apoi i pentru Hegel c nucleul Europei erau Frana, Anglia i
Germania), despre capacitatea lor de a simi frumosul i sublimul, i ceea ce a spus
despre africani, n paragraful pe care l-am citat mai sus: c africanii snt departe de
pieces, Jean-Marie TenosLe Malentendu colonial (2004), by far the
best documentary I have seen on the topic. More so, a frankly decolo-
nial documentary, right on the spirit of Aim Csaire, Frantz Fanon,
Kwame Nkrumah and other decolonial thinkers. This documentary,
together with Other by Australian photographer and videoartist
Tracey Moffatt, provided the frame to understand the shorter pieces
in line with the issues set up for discussions in the late mornings and
afternoons. The seven minutes video by Tracey Moffatt is composed
of a montage of clips taken from Hollywood and Hollywood-type
movies, where theanthropos (Others, non-Euro-Americanwhites)
around the world are portrayed. The first part amasses a selection
of confrontational situations in whichwhite people are alarmed by
the strange presence of theanthropos. The in crescendo editing of
the clips taken from different films, is accompanied by a soundtrack
taken from Gillo Pontecorvo,The Battle of Algiers (1966). The sound-
track belongs to the moment in the film in which four Muslim women
are changing their habitus and become European-looking. The reason
for their transformation is to become the carriers of bombs that will
be placed in the French quarters once they manage to cross the
security line guarded by French soldiers. In the second part, the video
collects scenes in which People of Color, men and women, and white
men and women fall in love with each other, or reached a situation
in which the embrace of friendship and/or passion dissipated the
mutual fear and disrespect. However, love and friendship as good
as it seems are always in thewhite mans imagination. People of Color
are portrayed; they do not have the opportunity to portray. The sec-
ond part shows the generous inclusivity of white filmmakers who keep
for themselves the privilege of being generous and inclusive.
In the morning screenings ofBE.BOP 2012 the audience enjoyed a
festival of theanthroposs creativity, inventiveness and imagination.
Mind you that I am writing this piece as ananthropos. As son of Ital-
ian migrants to Argentina, I am of European descent but not a Euro-
pean citizen therefore, ananthropos. I amwhite in Latin America,
like William Kentridge in South Africa, but we become off-white in
Western Europe and the US. South Africa, in contradistinction to
South America has the advantage, from the perspective of the
dominantwhite imaginary, to have English as the official language of
the country. In South America, Italians ended up speaking a broken
Italian and the official language of the respective countries, Spanish
or Portuguese. The three languages were already suspicious for
belonging to the South of Europe (are not Spain, Portugal and Italy
those in need or who have been rescued by the European Union
to which they also supposedly belong?). But when they are spoken
in the ex-colonies, they denounce the presence of theanthropos,
the Sudacas, as South Americans migrants are known in Europe.
Lets think of who were the artists and performers featured in the
morning screenings: Afro-Danish Jeannette Ehlers; Quinsy Gario,
born in Curaao and educated in Saint Marteen and Curaao and
now residing in The Netherlands; Sumugan Sivanesan, a nomadic
South East Asian born of a Singaporean mother, who resides in Aus-
tralia; Jewish South African William Kentridge; Ingrid Mwangi, born
of a Kenyan father and a German mother, who lived both in Africa
and Germany and collaborates with her husband Robert Hutter form-
ing a subject-compound Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter; Teresa Mara
Daz Nerio and Alanna Lockward herself, both Dominicans, Teresa
residing in The Netherlands and Alanna in Germany, and Emeka
Udemba, a Nigerian who lives in Nigeria and Germany.
Why did I abuse of your patience by telling where people circulate,
where they were born, where do they live, instead of talking about
their work? Because I wanted you to remember Kants dictum about
the special sensibility of Europeans (and it was clear for him and
later on for Hegel too that the core of Europe was France, England
and Germany), to sense the beautiful and the sublime, and what he
said of Africans, in the paragraph I quoted above: that Africans were
far from being endowed with a sensibility to perceive THE beautiful
and the sublime.
25
He meant what for him, in his skin, he considered
117
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
116
Carvalho, curator i iniiator al proiectelor in/out[afar/nuntru] iMove Berlin [Berli -
nul se mic], nscut n Brazilia. El fusese numit codirector, n timp ce Shermin pre-
lua i alte responsabi liti. Am regsit n Wagner acelai entuziasm i aceeai dedicaie.
Nu a ratat nicio proiecie i nicio sesiune de discuii. A preluat pn i responsabilit -
ile de fotograf i camera man pe durata unei pri considerabile a evenimentului.
Dincolo de plasa de siguran pe care att Shermin, ct i Wagner ne-au oferit-o tutu-
ror, am avut sentimentul aparte c gndirea creativ n Europa nu mai e generat
de motenirea lui Kant ori a lui Hegel, ci de sensibilitatea, creativitatea, buntatea
i viziunea imigranilor europeni, cei care cunosc att logica stpnului, ct i pe cea
a sclavului, ori, n alt formulare, cei care cunosc att retorica imperial a moderni -
tii n Europa (i m refer mai ales la cele ase ri imperialiste europene: n sud,
Ita lia, Spania i Portugalia; n nord, Frana, Germania i Anglia. Desigur, am putea
s adugm Olanda i Belgia, care au fost motivul principal pentru goana pentru
Afri ca de la Conferina Berlin Congo,18841885), ct i logica necesar a colonia -
litii. Ei/noi tim c fr colonialitate nu exist modernitate, postmodernitate i alter -
modernitate.
Aceste viziuni au aprut datorit locuirii granielor (i nu doar trecerii lor); ele snt
nonimperiale. Snt viziuni ce tind nspre o lume unde putem tri n armonie i pleni -
tudine. i nu au o politic de includere, ci snt deschise. Includerea nseamn s vrei
s menii lucrurile sub control (precum incluziunea generoas a lui Habermas); a
fi deschis nseamn s fii deschis s construieti mpreun, i nu s-l incluzi pe cellalt
(albul n acest caz) n teritoriul tu privat. n ncpere i printre participani, au fost
civa ceteni germani albi, cei care neleg nedreptile comise de guvernele, co -
mer cianii i corporaiile rilor lor i trsturile imperialiste ale unei moteniri filo-
sofice germane altfel remarcabile. Cooperarea cu cetenii germani (i vest-europeni
n general) disideni e fr ndoial modul n care va fi construit viitorul fr ex clu-
dere i fr includere. Singura modalitate de a elimina excluderea e cea de a eli-
mina includerea. Nu poi elimina excluderea prin generozitatea includerii! Mo mentul
n care simi c eti inclusiv e cel n care menii deja spectrul excluderii.
ntr-adevr, estetica filosofic a fost i nc mai este un dispozitiv conceptual de
con trol (includere i excludere) al percepiei i sensibilitii, de formare a populaiei.
Estetica a fost n mod clar legat de proiectul emergent al statului-naiune n Eu ro -
pa la finele secolului XVIII. Influena lui Kant s-a extins dincolo de principiile es teticii,
n formarea epistemologiei i configurarea universitii moderne a Iluminismului.Dis-
puta facultilor (1798) rmne un pilon al organizrii cmpului secular al cunoate-
rii. Printr-o micare n for, controlul asupra educaiei a fost preluat de la Biseric
i Monarhie, pentru formarea sensibilitii etnoclasei emergente: burghezia alb ger-
man (i european).
Vremurile s-au schimbat. Noi sntem aici fiindc voi ai fost acolo, dup cum spune
maxima prin care nelegem logica istoric a colonialitii ascuns sub retorica civi-
lizaiei, progresului i dezvoltrii modernitii. Europa nu se afl doar n cea mai spec-
tacular criz politico-economic, ci este deopotriv transformat radical de
rumoarea dezmoteniilor. Kant nu i-ar fi putut imagina la vremea lui c ideile sale
din Observaii i Disput vor fi contestate de oameni, acum rezideni europeni i
ceteni pe care el, Kant, i considerase suboameni i undeva departe.BE.BOP
2012 i ce va s vin n viitor e un indicator al unei schimbri a anselor: e sem-
nalul c forele decoloniale elibereaz aesthesisul i astfel elibereaz sensibilitatea
ce fusese articulat politic i legal n Declaraia drepturilor omului i ceteanului. Acum
tim foarte bine ce nsemna om i cine erau cetenii.
II
La vremea desfurrii evenimentului, lucrasem deja cu Alanna cam de doi ani asu-
pra esteticii decoloniale. Am vzut cteva dintre scurtmetraje n cadrul proieciilor mati-
same enthusiasm and dedication. He did not miss one single screen-
ing or one single discussion session. He even took over the duties of
photographer and video cameraman during significant parts of the
event.
Beyond the security blanket that both Shermin and Wagner offered
to all of us, I had the distinctive feeling that the creative thinking in
Europe is being generated not longer by Kant or Hegels legacies,
but by the sensibility, creativity, kindness, and vision of European
immigrants, those who know both the reason of the master and the
reason of the enslaved or to put it in other words, who know both
the imperial rhetoric of modernity in Europe (and I mean, mainly the
six European imperial countries: in the South, Italy, Spain and Portu-
gal; in the North, France, Germany and England. Certainly we could
add Holland and Belgium who was the main reason for the scramble
for Africa of the BerlinCongo Conference, 18841885) and the nec-
essary logic of coloniality. They/we know that without coloniality
there is no modernity, postmodernity and altermodernity.
These are visions that come from dwelling in the borders (and not
just crossing borders); they are non-imperial. There are visions aim-
ing at a world where we can live in harmony and in plenitude. And
they are not inclusive, but open. Being inclusive means that you want
to keep control (like the generous inclusiveness of Habermas); being
open means that you are open to build together, and not to include
the other (whitein this case) in your private territory. In the room
and among the participants, where severalwhiteGerman nationals,
those who understand the injustices committed by governments,
merchants and corporations of their countries and the imperial lega-
cies of an otherwise remarkable German philosophical legacy. The
cooperation with dissident German nationals (and Western Euro -
peans in general) is no doubt the way futures without exclusion and
without inclusion shall be built. The only way to eliminate exclusion
is to eliminate inclusion. You cannot eliminate exclusion by being
generously inclusive! The moment you feel you are inclusive you are
already maintaining the specter of exclusion.
Indeed, philosophical aesthetics was and still is a conceptual appa-
ratus to control (include and exclude) sensing, sensibility and to
shape the population aesthetics was clearly linked to the national-
state emerging project in Europe at the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury. It was necessary to shape the taste of the citizens, parallel to
civic education. Kant was not only influential in shaping aesthetics
principles. He was decisive in shaping epistemology and in lining up
the modern university of the Enlightenment.The Contest of the Fac-
ulties (1798) remains as a pillar for the organization of the secular
field of knowledge. It was indeed a potent move to take away the
control of education from the Church and the Monarchy and to form
the sensibility of the emerging ethno-class: the whiteGerman (and
European) bourgeoisie.
Times have changed. We are here because you were there as the
dictum goes to understand the historical logic of coloniality hidden
under the rhetoric of civilization, progress and development of
modernity. Europe is not only in the most spectacular political-eco-
nomic crisis, but it is also being radically transformed by the rumor
of the disinherited. Kant couldnt have imagined at that time that his
ideas inObservationsand The Contest will be contested by people,
now European residents and citizens who he, Kant, considered lesser
human and far away.BE.BOP 2012, and what is to come in the
future, is a signpost of the reversal of fortune: the sign that decolo-
nial forces are liberating aesthesis and by doing so liberating the
sensibility that was politically and legally enunciated in the Declara-
tion of the Rights of Man and the Citizen. We know very well now
what Man meant and who the Citizens were.
II.
By the time of the event, I have been working with Alanna on
decolonial aesthetics for about two years. I have seen several of the
short pieces in the morning screenings and one of the two long
119
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
118
snt singurele, nici pe departe! Nu vom confunda mijloacele cu scopurile: democra -
ia i socialismul snt mijloace: dou opiuni ctre un scop comun; ns snt mijloa-
ce care duc undeva, nu un scop n sine. E imperativ s concepem democraia i
socialismul ca fiind dou dintre multe alte opiuni. Construirea opiunilor e miza jocu-
lui, i aceasta e direcia nspre care tinde estetica decolonial.
nchei prin cuvintele nelepte ale unui filosof jamaican stabilit n SUA: Fiecare epoc
e o realitate vie. Lucrurile stau aa ntruct ele snt funcii ale comunitilor umane vii,
care, la rndul lor, snt funcii ale lumii sociale. Ca realiti vii, ele se nasc i vor muri.
Aceasta nseamn c societile trec prin procese de natere i descompune re. O
trstur incorect a majoritii civilizaiilor ce ating statutul imperial e convin gerea
naiv c aceast realizare le va asigura nemurirea. tim ns c nicio comunitate vie
nu dureaz la nesfrit poate doar prin memoria istoric a altor comuni ti. Degra-
darea survine. Sarcina cu care se confrunt fiecare comunitate subordo nat e s se
pregteasc pentru momentul n care condiiile pentru eliberarea sa vor fi propice.
Cnd oamenii snt pregtii, ntrebarea crucial va fi asupra nu mrului de idei dispo-
nibile pentru reorganizarea vieii sociale. Ideile, dintre care multe se vor contura prin
munc politic asidu, timp de ani de zile, nu trebuie s fie perfecte, ntruct, n cele
din urm, munca laborioas, creativ a comunitilor va fi cea care le va purta mai
departe. Acea munc e manifestarea concret a imaginaiei politice. Fanon a des-
cris acest el ca stabilire a unei noi umaniti. El tia ct de nfricotor e un aseme-
nea efort, ntruct trim n vremuri n care o astfel de ruptur radical pare a fi nici
mai mult, nici mai puin dect sfritul lumii. ntre timp, sarcina de construi re a infra -
structurii pentru ceva nou trebuie planificat, i acolo unde e loc, ncerca t, ntruct,
aa cum o tim cu toii deja, dat fiind principiul sociogenic al problemei, nu avem nicio
alt opiune dect de a construi opiunile pe care se sprijin viitorul speciei noastre.
29
Opiunea decolonial urmrete s contribuie la dialogul civilizaiilor, la integrrile
continentale i la un viitor comun i armonios. Comunalul nu e nici comunita ris-
mul politic liberal, nici comunismul marxist. Nu e nici binele comun al liberalismu-
lui economic, nici bunurile comune ale marxismului. Comunalul e un orizont
decolo nial al vieii ce vine din istoriile locale, nonmoderne, ce au coexistat dintot-
deauna cu modernitatea occidental. Estetica decolonial, eliberarea aesthesisului,
e esenial pentru ruperea chingilor imperiale ale cunoaterii i esteticii moderne.
Uniunea European 2012 ne-a dat multe semnale de destrmare.BE.BOP 2012 e
unul dintre multele semnale ale unui viitor n devenire.
Estetica decolonial la BE.BOP 2012
Robbie Shilliam
La nceputul lunii mai am participat la BE.BOP 2012. Somapolitica Europei negre.
BE.BOP 2012 e o mas rotund i un program de proiecii cu caracter transdisci-
plinar i internaional n care snt contestate fanteziile (rasializate) ale ceteniei euro-
pene, eveniment curatoriat de Alanna Lockwardn afiliere cu Institutul Decolonial
Transnaional (IDT). IDT urmrete s exploreze formarea i transformarea latu-
rii ntunecate a modernitii: colonialitatea. BE.BOP 2012 ne-a strns pe toi laolalt
pentru a cultiva estetica decolonial. Acestea snt refleciile mele:
Am avut trei reacii la lucrrile artistice prezentate la BE.BOP 2012. Cred c ele reflect
ct de mult apreciez importana cultivrii unei estetici decoloniale ntr-un mod
intuitiv i intenional, facilitat de o relaie puternic ntre scriitori i artiti, cu toii fiind
muncitori intelectuali.
Prima reacie a fost un strigt n capul meu, i nc unul destul de virulent, odat cu
lucrrile lui Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter, mai alesNeger [Negru]i Wild Life [Via
slbatic]. De fapt, ce s-a ntmplat a fost mai curnd o caden de strigt i geamt:
a fi nzestrai cu sensibilitatea de a percepe frumosUL i sublimul.
28
Kant s-a refe-
rit la ceea ce pentru el, n pielea lui, era frumos i sublim. Nimic greit n asta; el
avea dreptul s exprime ce simea. Nu a avut ns dreptul s emit o judecat uni-
versal, clasificnd ierarhic oamenii n conformitate cu ceea ce simea el n pielea
sa i ceea ce procesa n creierul su.
Am putea proceda n mod analog cu profilul participanilor la discuiile din cadrul
meselor rotunde, dar aici i voi crua timpul i te voi invita s consuli catalogul i
s vizitezi paginile online. Vei fi la fel de surprins cum am fost i eu cnd am aflat cine
se afla la mas. Majoritatea participanilor s-au reunit n jurul subtitlului discuiei de
la masa rotund: Somapolitica Europei negre. Desi gur, nu e evident cine ar trebui
s fie invitat s abordeze o asemenea chestiune. O opiune e s invii experi albi
s vorbeasc despre experiene negre ori probleme negre. Cealalt e s invii
oa meni cu experien s vorbeasc despre experienele lor i experienele lor
cu experii, din moment ce experii i ascund propria experien sub pretextul
obiectivitii i al neutralitii.
Nu m ntorc aici nicio secund la vechea i lenea dilem (o dilem realmente mo -
dern i postmodern, nu una decolonial), dac africanii ori afro-europenii benefi -
ciaz de privilegii epistemice n propria lor nelegere a Africii ori a altor continente
dincolo de Europa i de SUA; ori a propriei lor situaii n Europa. i desigur nici nu
voi susine c euro-americanii din tiinele sociale i umanitii ar avea o perspecti -
v obiectiv asupra Africii i a imigranilor afro-europeni (i aici Africa poate fi nlo-
cuit cu orice alt loc i orice ali imigrani asociai cu acel loc ar putea fi Pakistan
ori fosta Europ de Est sau Rusia). Susin ns c euro-americanii din tiinele socia-
le, artitii ori curatorii muzeali au dreptul la propria lor prere, la fel ca africanii i
afro-europenii. i c toat lumea ar trebui s tie c asta e doar opinia lor. n ambe-
le cazuri, opiniile snt legate de interese i nu exist niciun set de interese care s
aib dreptul ori privilegiul de a fi impus celuilalt. De aceea e imperativ s punem
capt ideii privilegiului epistemic i estetic. Asta e exact ceea ce BE.BOP 2012a ncer-
cat s nlture. n caz contrar, nu a mai scrie ce scriu aici.
Diferena e c, cel puin odat cu Kant (dar cu siguran i naintea lui), hegemo-
nia cunoaterii n politic, filosofie, estetic ori economie a fost cldit, instituiona-
lizat n fabricarea civilizaiei occidentale, prin cele dou limbi i piloni filosofici: greaca
i latina.BE.BOP 2012 a fost un semnal puternic, printre multe altele din zilele noas-
tre, care ne face s nelegem faptul c privilegiile epistemice i estetice ale mo -
der nitii (cf. Kant) s-au sfrit.
Acum, e foarte important s remarcm c artitii, participanii i publicul din cele trei
zile intense nu a fost n ntregime compus din africani ori persoane de origine africa -
n (diasporici, dup cum spune maxima). Ei au fost afro-caraibieni, din fosta Europ
de Est, din Asia de Sud-Est, latino-americani (adic cu descenden europea -
n),ceteni germani albi i probabil ali albi din public pe care nu i-am putut iden-
tifica. Ce e esenial de neles aici e c BE.BOP 2012 a fost condus i organizat din
perspectiva somapoliticii Europei negre. i anume, a esteticii politice. A fost un eveni -
ment al identitii n politic, i nu al politicii identitare. Europenii non-negri nu au
fost exclui. Evenimentul a fost deschis tuturor celor care au vrut s joace dup reguli -
le stabilite pentru acest eveniment: identitatean politic. Aadar, nu a fost un eveni -
ment organizat de negri i doar pentru negri, ci a fost un eveniment ghidat de principiile
somapoliticii Europei negre, deschis tuturor de di ferite culori, religii i etniciti
celor care se lupt pentru a scoate la lumin latura ntunecat a modernitii occiden -
tale, pentru a cldi o via mplinit i un viitor ar monios.
tim cu toii c nu e o sarcin uoar, ns opiunile trebuie construite. Noi, toi cei
implicai n acest eveniment i n linia de gndire i aciune pe care acesta o presupu -
ne, nu putem lsa viitorul n minile arhitecilor democraiei i socialis mul ui. Aces-
tea snt dou opiuni i dou modaliti de a atinge armonia i plenitu dinea, ns nu
beautiful and sublime. Nothing wrong with that; he had the right to
express what he sensed. He had no right to make a universal state-
ment, classifying and ranking people according to what he sensed
in his skin and processed in his brain.
I could do the same with the profile of the participants in the round-
table discussions, but I will spear you the time here and invite you
to go to the catalog and check their webpages. You would be as sur-
prised as I was when learning who was seating around the table.
The majority of the participants were convened around the subtitle
of the roundtable discussion: Black Europe Body Politics. Certainly,
it is not obvious who should be invited to address such an issue.
One option is to invitewhite experts to talk about black experi-
ences or Black problems. The other is to invite people with expe-
rience to talk about their experience and their experiences with
the experts, since experts hide their experience under the pretense
of objectivity and neutrality.
I am not for a minute going back here to the old and idle posed
dilemma (indeed a modern and postmodern dilemma, not a decolo-
nial one), of whether Africans or Afro-Europeans have epistemic priv-
ileges in their understanding of Africa or other continents beyond
Europe and the US; or of their situation in Europe. Nor I would sup-
port of course the claim that Euro-American social scientists and
humanists have an objective view of Africa and of Afro-European
immigrants (and you can change Africa here for any other place
and any other immigrants associated with that place it could be
Pakistan or former Eastern Europe or Russia). I am claiming that
Euro-American social scientists, artists or museum curators are enti-
tled to their own opinion exactly as Africans and Afro-Europeans.
And that every-body should know that it is their own opinion.
In both cases, opinions are tied up with interests, and there is not
one set of interests that have the right or the privilege to be imposed
upon the other. That is why it is imperative to end with the idea of
epistemic and aesthetic privilege. That is precisely whatBE.BOP
2012 contributed to dispel. Otherwise, I will not be writing what
I am writing here.
The difference is, since Kant at least (but certainly before too), that
the hegemony of knowledge, in politics, philosophy, aesthetics or
economy was built, institutionalized in the fabrication of Western
civilization, with its two languages and philosophical pillars: Greek
and Latin.BE.BOP 2012 was a potent sign, among many of our
times, to understand that the epistemic and aesthetic privileges
of modernity (cf. Kant) are over.
Now, what is to be noted, is that artists, participants and audiences
in the three intense days, were not all Africans or of African-descent
(diasporic as the dictum goes). They were Afro-Caribbeans, former
Eastern Europeans, South East Asians, Latin Americans (meaning,
of European descent),white German nationals and perhaps other
whites in the audience that I couldnt identify. What is crucial to
understand here is thatBE.BOP 2012 was lead and organized from
the perspective of Black Europe Body Politics.That is, of political
aesthetics. It was an event of identityin politics not of identity
politics. The non-Black Europeans were not excluded. The event
was open to all who wanted to play according to the rules set up for
this event: identityin politics. Meaning that this was not an event
lead by Blacks and for Blacks only, but it was unmistakably an event
lead by Black Europe Body Politics open to all of different colors,
religions and ethnicities who are struggling to make visible the
darker side of Western modernity and to build plenitude of life and
harmonious futures.
We all know that it is not an easy task, but options have to be built.
We, all those involved in this event and in the line of thinking and
doing that the event presupposes, cannot leave the future in the
hands of the architects of democracy and socialism. These are two
options, and two ways to achieve harmony and plenitude, but not
the only ones, and by far! We shall not confuse means with ends:
democracy and socialism are means: two options toward a common
end; but they are means to go there, not the end in itself. It is imper-
ative to conceive democracy and socialism as two among many other
options. To build options is the name of the game, and that is the
direction decolonial aesthetics is moving.
I close with the wise words of a Jamaican philosopher based in the
US: Each epoch is a living reality. This is so because they are func-
tions of living human communities, which, too, are functions of the
social world. As living realities, they come into being and will go out
of being. What this means is that societies go through processes of
birth and decay. An erroneous feature of most civilizations that
achieve imperial status is the silly belief that such an achievement
would assure their immortality. But we know that no living communi-
ty lasts forever, save, perhaps, through historical memory of other
communities. Decay comes. The task faced by each subordinated
community, however, is how prepared it is for the moment in which
conditions for its liberation are ripe. When the people are ready, the
crucial question will be of how many ideas are available for the reor-
ganization of social life. The ideas, many of which will unfold through
years of engaged political work, need not be perfect, for in the end,
it will be the hard, creative work of the communities that take them
on. That work is the concrete manifestation of political imagination.
Fanon described this goal as setting afoot a new humanity. He knew
how terrifying such an effort is, for we do live in times where such a
radical break appears as no less than the end of the world. In the
meantime, the task of building infrastructures for something new
must be planned, and where there is some room, attempted, as we
all no doubt already know, because given the sociogenic principle
of the problem, we have no other option but to build the options on
which the future of our species rest.
26
The decolonial is an option whose aims are to contribute to dialogue
of civilizations, continental integrations and to communal and har-
monious futures. The communal is neither the liberal political
communitarianism nor the Marxist communism. It is neither the lib-
eral economic common good, nor the Marxist commons. It is the
communal, a decolonial horizon of life that come from non-modern
local histories that have always co-existed with Western modernity.
Decolonial aesthetics, the liberation of aesthesis, is crucial for break-
ing away from the imperial chains of modern knowledge and aes-
thetics. TheEuropean Union 2012 has send us many sings that things
are falling apart.BE.BOP 2012 is one of the many signs of becoming
futures.
Decolonial Aesthetics at BE.BOP 2012
by Robbie Shilliam
In early May I took part in BE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body Politics.
BE.BOP 2012 is an international transdisciplinary roundtable and
screening program in which the (racialized) fantasies of European cit-
izenship are contested. It was curated byAlanna Lockwardand affili-
ated with theTransnational Decolonial Institute. The Transnational
Decolonial Institute (TDI) aims to explore the formation and transfor-
mation of the darker side of modernity: coloniality. BE.BOP 2012 put
us all together to cultivate a decolonial aesthetics. These are my
reflections:
I had three reactions to the artistic works presented at BE.BOP 2012.
I think they speak to my appreciation of the importance of cultivat-
ing a decolonial aesthetic in an intuitive and intentional way, facili-
tated by a strong relationship between writers and artists, both of
whom are intellectual workers.
The first reaction was a scream in my head. This arrived quite
strongly with the works ofIngrid Mwangi Robert Hutter, especially
Neger and Wild Life. Actually, what arrived was more like a cadence
of scream and grunt: the first, the horror of being racially interpolat-
ed; the second, a gut response to this in the form of caricaturing vio-
lence visited upon the self through dehumanization. When Quinsy
121
fotogra fii de pe o plaj din Ghana cu un grup de oameni ce pesc n apele Atlan-
ticului. Ea arat doar reflexiile lor n ap. S-a iscat o dezbatere, dac era o estetic
a invizibili zrii ori a simulacrului. Am precizat c imaginile puteau fi interpretate prin
intermediul unui aspect al multor cosmologii africano-americane, n care Guineea
e asumat ca trm al strbunilor i spiritelor ce zace sub mare. O asemenea inter-
pretare nu poate dect s-i umanizeze n mod fundamental pe aceia i pe urmaii
lor care au fost forai s parcurg o dezumanizare. O astfel de interpretare trans-
form, de ase menea, trecerea unidirecional ntr-un drum cu dou sensuri. Ulte-
rior, Alanna a comentat c, dei e o bun cunosctoare a acestor cosmologii, nu
fcuse acea legtur. Cu siguran nu snt un geniu. Pur i simplu, m-am documen-
tat asupra aces tor cosmologii nainte de conferin, aa c le aveam deja n minte.
ns cred c acest episod demonstreaz c avem un drum de parcurs nainte ca
estetica noastr decolonial s devin att intuitiv, ct i intenional.
Reflecii despre BE.BOP 2012 n Africa de Sud i Berlin
Simmi Dullay
Adevratul rol al artei revoluionare e cristalizarea fenomenului n forme organi-
zate. Mao Tse-Tung (18931976)
Reflecia mea se situeaz ntre contextul metafizic al discursurilor de exil, cu aspira -
ia lor de apartenen spiritual, materialismul dialectic al lui Marx i estetica deco-
lonial, prin intermediul autoetnografiei i al poeziei.
SesiunileSomapolitica Europei negre, seminariile, prezentrile, interveniile i cone -
xiunile ne-au oferit nou, nomazilor, diasporei negre, exilailor tricontinentali, afro-
politanilor, un spaiu pentru contemplarea i articularea propriilor noastre spaii, a
propriilor noastre corpuri, a propriei noastre fiine deopotriv prin diferen i lucruri
n comun.
Curatoarea Alanna Lockward ne-a asigurat o aren n care ne-am putut reuni din
locuri i postnaionalisme disparate, unii dintre noi fiind nu o dat, ci de dou sau
de trei ori nlturai din patria-mam, din cauza experienelor cu ntlniri coloniale
de prim rang... Pentru mine, sensurile reuniunii noastre ca strini (dei cu intere -
se comune) s-au desluit n aflarea apartenenei i solidaritii n experienele
fiecruia dintre noi i n textele/naraiunile care au nceput s dea form unei este-
tici decoloniale subversive a diferenei, comunalitii i solidaritii.
Apropo de decolonialism, etic i estetic, Ngu
-
g wa Thiongo, care a inventat ter-
menul i a scris unul dintre manifestele seminale ale decolonizrii, Decolonise Your
Mind [Decolonizeaz-i mintea], a publicat recent o carte intitulat Globalectics [Glo -
ba lectica], ce cred c ne reflect pe fiecare dintre noi i situarea noastr geografic
i istoric: Globalectica e derivat din forma globului. Pe suprafaa sa nu este un
singur centru: orice punct e n mod egal un centru. Ct despre centrul intern al globu -
lui, toate punctele de la suprafa snt echidistante n raport cu acesta asemenea
spielor unei roi de biciclet ce se ntlnesc la butuc. Globalectica unete globalul
i dialecticul pentru a descrie un dialog mutual afectiv, ori un multilog, ntre fenome -
ne ale naturii i creterii ntr-un spaiu global ce transcende rapid spaiul limitat arti-
ficial, ca naiune i regiune. Globalul e ceea ce oamenii vd din navele spaiale ori
de pe staia spaial internaional: dialecticul e dinamica intern pe care ei nu o per-
cep. Globa lectica cuprinde ntregul, interconectivitatea, egalitatea potenialului
prilor, tensiunea i micarea. E un mod de a gndi i de a relaiona cu lumea, mai
ales n era globalismului i a globalizrii.
31
Cu toate c Ngu
-
g scrie c ... nu este un singur centru: orice punct e n mod egal
un centru, aceasta transcende politrixul postmodernismului i (n ce m privete)
mologies whereby Guinea is comprehended as the land of ancestors
and spirits that lies under the sea. Such a comprehension cannot but
fundamentally humanise those and their descendents who were
forced to make a passage of dehumanization. Such a comprehension
also makes the one-way passage into a two-way street. Later on,
Alanna commented that she was well versed in such cosmologies
and yet she had not made that connection. I am certainly no genius.
Quite simply, I had been researching these cosmologies before the
conference, so they were in the front of my head already. But I think
this episode demonstrates that we have some way to go before our
decolonial aesthetics become both intuitive and intentional.
Reflection on BE.BOP 2012 in South Africa and Berlin
by Simmi Dullay
The true function of revolutionary art is the crystallization
of phenomena into organised forms.
Mao Tse-Tung (18931976)
I have based this reflection betwixt the metaphysical context of exilic
discourses and its yearning for spiritual belonging, Marxs material
dialectics, and also on decolonial aesthetics, through auto-ethnogra-
phy and poetry.
TheBlack Europe Body Politics sessions, seminars, presentations,
interventions and connections offered us, the nomads, the Black
diaspora, the tricontinental exiles, the Afropolitans, a space for con-
templation and articulation of our own spaces, our own bodies, our
ownbeing through both difference and commonalities.
As a space, the curating ofBE.BOP 2012, by Alanna Lockward, pro-
vided an arena in which we could come together from disparate
locations and post-nationalisms, some of us not once but twice and
thrice removed from our motherlands, due to all having experienced
colonial encounters of the first kind... For me, the implications of
coming together as strangers (albeit with common interests) resolved
in finding belonging and solidarity in each others experiences and
the consequent narratives/text that began shaping a subversive
decolonial aesthetics of difference, commonality and solidarity.
Speaking of decolonisation, ethics and aesthetics, Ngu
-
g wa Thiongo,
who coined the term and wrote one of the seminal manifestos of
decolonization, Decolonise Your Mind, recently published a book
which he has entitled Globalectics, which I feel reflects every one
of us and our geographical and historical positionality:
Globalectics is derived from the shape of the globe. On its surface,
there is no one center; any point is equally a center. As for the inter-
nal center of the globe, all points on the surface are equidistant to it
like the spokes of a bicycle wheel that meet at the hub. Globalec-
tics combines the global and the dialectical to describe a mutually
affecting dialogue, or multi-logue, in the phenomena of nature and
nurture in a global space that is rapidly transcending that of the arti-
ficially bounded, as nation and region. The global is that which
humans in spaceships or on the international space station see: the
dialectical is the internal dynamics that they do not see. Globalectics
embraces wholeness, interconnectedness, equality of potentiality
of parts, tension, and motion. It is a way of thinking and relating to
the world, particularly in the era of globalism and globalization.
27
Though Ngu
-
g speaks of ... no one center; any point is equally a
center... this transcends the politrix of postmodernism and (in my
opinion) its unethical relativity. AtBE.BOP 2012 the deliberate use
of irony surpassed the vapid hipster postmodern tricksterismof colo-
niality; deflecting concrete truth, through jargon speak of multiplicity,
death of the author and hence escapes accountability, responsibility
and any radical change or radical restoration concerning the inequal-
ity in the world based on Western hegemony. The political aesthetics
facilitated byBE.BOP 2012 and curated as a performance/event
takes possession of both difference and solidarity in Blackness and
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
120
n primul rnd, oroarea de a fi interpolat rasial; n al doilea, un rspuns instinctiv sub
forma caricaturizrii acestei violene asupra sinelui prin dezumanizare. Cnd Quin-
sy Gario ne-a artat filmarea arestrii sale n Olanda pentru c purta tricoul su Zwarte
Piet Is Racisme, am realizat c acest strigt ar putea veni dintr-o alt direcie. Nu
din partea lui Quinsy, care era culcat la pmnt de poliie, fr a fi provocat, ci din
cea a privitorilor albi care trebuie s i umple mintea cu zgomot de fond pentru a
nbui conversaia despre rasism. Probabil c nu au nicio resurs pedagogic prin
care s neleag disonana cognitiv ce-i face s urle dup tcere n prezena
com plicitii n nedreptate.
Cea de-a doua reacie a fost accelerarea pulsului i a btilor inimii. Am simit asta
n lucrarea lui Tracey Moffatt. La nceput, am crezut c videoul ei era o prezenta-
re cerebral a tropului orientalist sine/altul, prin editarea unui colaj din scene hol-
lywoodiene cu ntlniri exotice. i totui muzica spunea altceva, iar pn la finalul
videoului eram furios i energizat. Quinsy a precizat ulterior c partitura muzical
a fost preluat din faimosul film The Battle of Algiers. i atunci am realizat c Fanon
se infiltrase la Ballhaus!Am simit aceeai pulsiune i btaie la instalaia Teresei Mara
Daz Nerio, dedicat lui Sarah Baartman. Videoul arat numeroi privitori i tre ctori
ce trec pe lng Teresa, care st nemicat ntr-un costum enorm de grotesc i sexua-
lizat. Am simit nevoia s fug n acea ncpere i s o ajut s ias din acel costum.
Nu snt sigur dac a fost vreo urm de masculinitate n acea reacie, dar e cert c
senzaia mea a fost c evadarea ar fi trebuit s fie concluzia instalaiei. n cele din
urm, am simit aceeai pulsiune i btaie n videourile lui Jeannette Ehlers, mai ales
n Black Magic at the White House [Magie neagr la Casa Alb]. Jeannette traseaz
un vv
30
pe podea, invocnd spirite care s exorcizeze albitatea ce face sclavia invi-
zibil. Dar odat cu asta, am simit deopotriv i altceva.
Cea de-a treia reacie a fost una linititoare, o altfel de luciditate, o reconciliere. Am
mai simit-o doar n combinaie cu cea de-a doua reacie, uneori n treact. Dar era
acolo. De exemplu, atunci cnd Jeannette deseneaz acelvv, ea deschide poarta
unor fore vindectoare. Am perceput un sentiment similar de reconciliere n unele
dintre lucrrile fotografice mai recente ale lui Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter. Sensibi-
litatea contrar acesteia ar fi melancolia, pe care cred c a invocat-o William Kent -
ridge, din partea colonizatorului german, atunci cnd s-a referit la genocidul popoarelor
Herero i Nama din sud-vestul Africii (Namibia de azi). Melancolia nu las loc ns
reconcilierii, e o amnare a responsabilitii pentru nedreptile is torice.
Astfel, interpretez aceste trei reacii ca: 1) ocul de a fi rnit; 2) rezistena n faa agre-
sorului; 3) vindecarea de sine colectiv. Studiile postcoloniale au fost deosebit de
eficace n tratarea dei uneori prea cerebral a primelor dou. Cea de-a treia
e evitat de majoritatea savanilor. Nu vreau s recuperez cea de-a treia estetic
de dragul completrii unei progresii liniare. Asta ar fi o amnare aboliionist-liberal
a rspunderii pentru relaii din trecut. Vreau s evit psihologia dezvoltrii, care e,
ca i Freud, un produs al categorizrii unor mari fii de umanitate ca slbatici ce
tre buie dresai ntru maturitate ori, mai precis, plasai sub supraveghere. n schimb,
vreau s consider aceste trei sensibiliti drept contemporane, relaionale, ntreesu-
te. S ai o estetic pur a vindecrii ar fi utopic. Oamenii simt durerea. Trebuie s
re cunoatem asta. i totui durerea nsi i reacia sa snt saturate ntr-o estetic a
violenei. Prin urmare, concentrarea exclusiv asupra acesteia din urm ar fi o abroga -
re a responsabilitii pe care o avem de a trata nedreptile ntr-un mod creativ. n
plus, durerea i rezistena pot fi uor comercializate ntr-un voaierism comod.
Toate cele trei sensibiliti, dar poate cu accentul pus asupra vindecrii: asta e pen-
tru mine o estetic decolonial. i asta pentru c vindecarea presupune o estetic
ce nu e imanent violenei coloniale ori supremaiei albe, ci care o transgreseaz,
poate chiar o transcende. Vindecarea necesit o ncredere de sine aparte n con-
fruntarea cu epistema colonial. mi amintesc c Jeannette a prezentat o serie de
Gario showed us the video ofhis arrestin Holland for wearing his
Zwarte Piet Is Racisme t-shirt, I realised that this scream could come
fromanother direction. Not fromQuinsy being wrestled to the ground
by police, unprovoked, but from white gazers who must use white
noise in their head to drown out a conversation on racism. Perhaps
they have no pedagogical resources through which to understand
the cognitive dissonance that makes them scream for silence in the
presence of complicity in injustice.
The second reaction was a quickening and thumping of the heart.
I felt this in Tracey Moffatts work. At first, I thought that her video
was a cerebral presentation of the Orientalist self/other trope,
cutting together a collage of Hollywood scenes of exotic encounter.
However the music said otherwise and by the end of the video I was
angry and pumped up. Quinsy mentioned afterwards that the music
score was taken from the famous film, The Battle of Algiers. And
then I realised that Fanon had infiltrated the Ballhaus! I also felt this
quickening and thumping with Teresa Mara Daz Nerios installation
ofSarah Baartman. The video witnessed various onlookers and inter-
lopers passing by Teresa who was standing stifled in a huge grotesque
and sexualised costume. I wanted to run into the room and help her
out of that suit. Im not sure if there wasnt some masculinity in that
reaction, but I am sure that I felt that the conclusion to the installa-
tion had to be to escape it. Finally, I felt the quickening and thump-
ing in Jeannette Ehlers videos, especiallyBlack Magic at the White
House. Jeannette draws a vv on the floor, invoking the spirits to
exorcise the whiteness that makes slavery invisible. But with this,
I also felt something else.
The third reaction was a soothing, a different kind of saneness, a rec-
onciliation. I only ever felt it in combination with my second reaction,
sometimes fleetingly. But it was there. For example, when Jeannette
draws thevv she opens the gate for healing agencies. I got a simi-
lar sense of reconciliation in some of Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutters
more recent photographic work. The counter-sensibility to this
would be melancholy, which I thinkWilliam Kentridgeinvoked on
the part of the German colonizer over the Herero and Nama geno-
cides in South West Africa (present day Namibia). Melancholy does
not allow for reconciliation, it is a deferral of responsibility for histori-
cal injustices.
So, I interpret these three reactions as: 1) the shock of being wound-
ed; 2) resistance to the aggressor; 3) collective self-healing. Postcolo-
nial studies has been very good at attending to albeit sometimes
cerebralising the first two. The third is avoided by most scholar-
ship. I do not want to retrieve the third aesthetic for the sake of
fulfilling a linear progression. That would be a liberal-abolitionist
deferral of accountability for past relationships. I want to avoid
developmental psychology, a product, along with Freud, of cate-
gorising vast swathes of humanity as savages in need of being
trained into adulthood, or more accurately, ward-ship. Instead,
I want to take these three sensibilities as co-eval, as relational, as
woven together. To have an aesthetic purely of healing would be
utopian. People feel the pain. That has to be acknowledged. And
yet, the pain itself and its reaction is saturated in an aesthetic of vio-
lence. So to focus only on that would be an abrogation of the respon-
sibility we hold to creatively attend to injustices. Besides, pain and
resistance can be easily commodified into a safe voyeurism.
All three sensibilities, but perhaps with the gravity situated in heal -
ing: that is a decolonial aesthetic to me. This is because healing
requires an aesthetic that is not immanent to colonial violence or
white supremacy but transgressive of it, perhaps transcendent to it.
Healing requires a special kind of self-confidence when confronted
with the colonial episteme. I remember that Jeannette showed a
sequence ofphotos from a Ghanaian beachof a group of people
walking into the Atlantic waters. She makes only their reflections in
the water visible. A debate ensued about whether the aesthetic was
invisibilisation or simulacra. I mentioned that the pictures could be
comprehended by way of an aspect of many African-America cos-
123
i
numere
contabiliznd morii i dispruii
ne-am amintit de arhitecii genocidului
care au scos Africa n afara istoriei
plasnd negritudinea n afara
civilizaiei.
Noi scoatem civilizaia din interior
identificat
am fcut legturile ntre noi
i
am recunoscut
existena neagr un loc n sine
ce manifest i creeaz sens
ce ntotdeauna a fcut-o i va continua
s depeasc
limitele eurocentrismului.
Cerneal sngernd
scurgndu-se peste granie
n scrieri, filme,
Imagini
art
fcnd ascunsa,
orbitoarea absen
prezent
pentru a face traiectoriile invizibile ale colonialitii
vizibile
att pentru
a sparge tcerea
ct i pentru a face uz de
ironie
ntr-un
context politic
ce se confrunt cu
demonizarea negritudinii
ntreinut de fascinaia
privirii albe nepoftite
i
ale sale
nlbite
constructe ale istoriei.
ntruct am fost martori
de-a lungul ultimilor
cinci sute de ani
vznd cum
albitatea ocup negritudinea
i i insereaz semnificaia
ca s serveasc perpetuu
acel
monstru
alb
hegemonic.
Noi
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
122
relativitatea sa lipsit de etic. LaBE.BOP 2012, folosirea intenionat a ironiei a surcla -
sat mechereala insipid a hipsterului postmodern al colonialitii, cea care evit
adevrul concret prin jargonul multiplicitii i morii autorului, eludnd astfel rspun-
derea, responsabilitatea i oricare schimbare radical ori reparaie radical a inegali -
tii globale fundamentate de hegemonia occidental. Estetica politic facilitat de
BE.BOP 2012 i curatoriat ca un performance/eveniment i asum att diferena,
ct i solidaritatea din negritudine i prezint o imaginaie radical, una ce e critic,
informat i contient; o imaginaie radical ce pericliteaz hegemonia eurocen-
tric, din moment ce simpla noastr prezen n lipsa unei intervenii curatoriale albe
a fost autoreferenial.
Un aspect ce nc mi capteaz fascinaia e uzul ironiei. n anii optzeci, n Scandina -
via, n vremea copilriei mele, am purtat blugi rupi, iar prinii mei mi-au inut o
mo ral sever. Ce mi-a rmas n minte e cum m ntrebau amndoi cum de pu -
team lua parte la romanticizarea srciei... ntotdeauna revin la ntrebarea dac oa -
menii negri i pot permite sau nu s fie ironici ori dac asta servete pur i simplu
consolidrii stereotipului, fiindc reacionez visceral, cu grea, cnd m lo vesc de
exprimri ale ironiei i indiferenei postmoderne, ce mi amintesc de Jeff Koons i
an tiestetica sa, menit s submineze marea art prin reprezentri ale culturii de
mas. Dar, avnd n vedere c ironia postmodern presupune n general c o lucra-
re de art ori literatur face n mod intenionat contrarul a ceea ce pare s fac, aceast
dinamic genereaz un tip de exploatare bazat pe elitismul implicit. Ce nseamn
cu adevrat pentru mase c Jeff Koons i expune pornografia porelanului sraci-
lor la Palatul Versailles? Acelai lucru i cu imensul su cine-crnat, menit doar s amuze
elita establishmentului artistic, care e n general singura ce gsete amuzant aceast
antiestetic.
Cnd am iniiat acest proces de reflecie, m-am folosit de metode diferite, am luat
notie i am contemplat. Am cutat cuvinte, am revzut imagini i coresponden,
dar mi-am exprimat totodat experienele i prin poezie, pe care am ales s o includ
aici, ntruct gsesc c aceasta capteaz o reflecie proaspt i imediat, ce s-ar pier-
de uor n forma unui eseu. Am ales s intitulez urmtorul poem:
Materie neagr
Povestea ce continua s apar sub diferite forme
i diferite reprezentri
de la
politic
estetic
art
pn la ritualurile
documentate
la imagini cu oase nlbite
i
corpuri mutilate
fcute pentru albi
i
conceptul de nonalb
al lui Steve Biko
consumul
canibalic
i
prezentrile
unor
date impariale gritoare
presents a radical imagination, one that iscritical, aware and con-
scious; a radical imagination that poses a threat to Eurocentric hege-
mony, since our mere presence withoutwhite curatorial interventions
was self-referential.
One aspect that keeps gripping my fascination is the use of irony.
When growing up in the eighties in Scandinavia, I would wear torn
jeans and my parents gave me such a sever talking to. What stuck
with me, is both of them asking me how I could participate in the
romanticization of poverty... I always return to the question of
whether or not Black people can afford to be ironic, or if it just
serves to reinforce stereotype, because I react viscerally, with
nausea, when I come across expressions of postmodern irony and
indifference, which reminds me of Jeff Koons and his anti-aesthetic,
meant to subvert high art through representations of mass culture.
But considering that postmodern irony generally entails that a piece
of art or literature is self-consciously doing the opposite of what it
appears to be doing, the dynamic creates a sense of exploitation
based on the implicit elitism. What does it really mean to the masses
that Koons exhibits his porcelain porn of the impoverished at the
Chteau Versailles? Same point with his giant sausage dog which is
really just to amuse the elite art establishment, who generally are
the only ones that find this anti-aesthetic humorous.
When I began this process of reflection, I employed different meth-
ods, took notes and contemplated. I looked up words, revisited
images and correspondence as well as expressed my experiences
through poetry, which I have chosen to include here, as I find it
holds a fresh and immediate reflection that can easily get lost in
the form of an essay. I have chosen to call the following poem:
Dark Matter
The narrative that kept emerging in different forms
and different representations
from the
politics
aesthetics
art
to the documented
rituals
to images of bleached bones
and
mutilated bodies
made forwhites
and
Steve Bikos
concept of non white
cannibalistic
consumption
and
the presentations
of
speaking cold facts
and
numbers
accounting for the dead and the missing
we recalled the architects of mass murder
who placed Africa outside of history
placing Blackness outside of
civilization.
We drew civilization from within
identified
made our connections to each other
and
recognised
Black existence a site in itself
which manifests and creates meaning
that always has and will continue
to surpass
the limits of Eurocentricism.
Bleeding ink
seeping across boundaries
Into writing, films,
Images
art
making the hidden,
the glaring absence
present
to make the invisible trajectories of coloniality
visible
to both
break the silencing
as well as employ
irony
within a
political context
that confronts
the demonization of Blackness
held in the fascination
of the uninvited white gaze
and
its
whitewashed
constructions of history.
As we have stood witness
over the past
five hundred years
seeing how
whiteness occupies Blackness
and inserts its meaning
to perpetually serve
the
white
hegemonic
beast.
We
The sister outsiders
The Afropolitans
The Tricontinental Black exiles
The dark matter
Draw the universe
In our image
...
I found an incredible strength in our visibility, nearly a spiritual
aspect, which is one I generally find when I lose my self in the
process of art making, not a religious spirituality but a spirituality
of oneness where one just exists. I believe it was this visibility in our
presence that reverberated loudly with dissidence and for many
of us positioned our coming together to contemplate, to share, to
strategize, as significant in a ritualistic sense, one that acts as a cata-
pult, a key, an opening, a gateway... Since our meeting served to
mediate meaning, in its full sense, where we place ourselves at the
centre of history, as evidence of aesthetic politics reflecting lost lan-
guages, new hybrids cultures that we represent, that whiteness
wants to forget, to deny, thatcolonial amnesia that Alanna thought-
fully and strategically chose as a lens to frame many of the sessions.
Creating a performance of ritual remembering, of manifestations,
being and creation through radical political Black imaginations,
we took up from where people like Amilcar Cabral, Mao Tse-Tung,
Che Guevara, Steve Biko, Marcus Garvey (amongst many others) left
off, to explore and create ways and means to extend and expand
this crucial space of ethical and aesthetic concern.
And there we were, each one of us manifestations of fragments of
histories that are still being denied, that Hegel
28
had written out of
negri n mijlocul familiilor lor ucise, care triesc pe locul de nmormntare al celor
dragi, asigurndu-i turistului vestic posibilitatea ntoarcerii acas cu fotografii au -
tenticeafricane. Astfel acesta poate povesti publicului lui despre regsirea-de-sine-
new-age-n-Africa-Asia-ori-America de Sud. M trezesc ncercnd s neleg sensul
imperialismului colonial, ns singura concluzie raional la care ajung e o imagine
sinistr pe care Vestul a portretizat-o ca voodoo; una care utilizeaz puterea ima -
ginii datnd de la nceputurile cartografierii europene a rutelor de comer, cu sub-
secventa i simultana cartografiere a corpurilor negre, prin eugenie, craniometrie
i antropologie fizic, pentru a justifica exploatarea prin munc i consum sexual.
***
n teza mea de masterat (2010), am nceput s-mi formez propria abordare des-
pre puterea imaginii. Scuz-mi citarea extensiv, ns are o mare nsemntate
pentru a contextualiza importana unei practici estetice decoloniale subversive: Imagi-
nea hrii devine un document textual prin pretenia poziiei de superioritate care
nregistreaz, asimileaz i reprezint propriul subiect. Constructul autorului trans-
form subiectul n obiect, expunnd diviziunea, demarcaia, revendicarea i renu-
mirea teritoriului. Funcia hrii de aproximare a reprezentrilor spaiale n scopul
navigaiei a fost creat prin procesul explorrii efective, renscriind i cooptnd locui-
torii n cauz i pmnturile lor. Harta lumii ce urmeaz arat n ce msur a fost re -
n scris Africa din mici buci decupate datorit impactului colonizrii, n
detrimen tul su.
[...]
Conferina Berlin Africa a secionat Africa n sfere de control. n 18841885, n
reuniunea din biroul de la Berlin al cancelarului Otto von Bismarck, minitrii de exter-
ne din paisprezece puteri europene i din Statele Unite au stabilit regulile de baz
pentru exploatarea ulterioar a continentului negru. Africanii nu au fost invitai i
nici nu au fost informai despre deciziile luate.
35
Pn n prezent, aceast diviziune teritorial continu s reflecte exploatarea eco-
nomic i nsrcirea Africii de ctre Europa i SUA.
Prin reprezentri selective repetitive, imaginile construiesc o realitate a percepiei.
Cred c prima demonstraie cunoscut de utilizare a puterii imaginii la scar univer -
sal apare n arta european a cartografiei: tiina/practica trasrii hrilor (Amber
Boyd, The imperial archive [Arhiva imperial]). Puterea imaginii rezid n abili tatea
sa de a reflecta i construi deopotriv lumea n care trim. Dislocarea imaginii din
po ziia i contextul ei istoric o debaraseaz de sens/identitate. Acest mo ment de
tran ziie transform imaginea intangibil vie ntr-un obiect material fix; lsnd-o goal
pentru a fi nscris cu interpretarea privirii spectatorilor si. Reprezentarea, funcia
i sensul snt dictate i determinate de cei care posed att mediile de producie,
ct i pe cele de comunicare. Astfel, imaginea e construit ca obiect ce asigur maxi-
mizarea profitului.
36
Dac inem cont de asta, pn i existena noastr e un act de disiden, iar pe lng
asta, noi contemplm n mod contient, crem art, iar n conversaiile noastre crem
cultur i recrem sinele despre care vorbea Fanon n Black Skin White Masks [Piele
neagr, mti albe]: Nu exist o lume alb, nu exist o etic alb, aa cum nu exist
nici inteligen alb. Exist, n orice parte a lumii, oameni care caut. Nu snt prizo -
nierul istoriei. Nu trebuie s caut n ea sensul destinului meu. Trebuie s-mi aduc
aminte, n mod constant, c adevratul salt const n introducerea inveniei n exis-
ten. n lumea prin care trec, m creez la nesfrit.
37
Creativitatea, apoi producia cultural prezint i ne ofer posibilitatea unei arme
culturale a autorealizrii i a eliberrii.
La BE.BOP 2012, n prezena noastr colectiv i n munca noastr, am vizionat mai
multe reprezentri de ritualuri i bntuiri att de vii n performance-ul lui Jean nette
and the United States established ground rules for the future
exploitation of the dark continent. Africans were not invited or
made privy to their decisions.
29
Until today this land division continues to reflect the economic
exploitation and impoverishment of Africa by Europe and the US.
Through selective repetitious representation, images construct
a perceived reality. I believe that the first known demonstration
of utilizing the power of the image universally is evident in the Euro-
pean art of cartography: the science/practice of map-drawing
(Amber Boyd, The imperial archive). The power of the image
resides in its ability to both reflect and construct the world we live
in. Dislocating the image from its historical position and context
rids it of meaning/identity. This moment of transition, converts
the intangible living image into a fixed material object; leaving
it hollow to be inscribed by the interpretation of the gaze of its
onlookers. Representation, function and meaning is dictated and
determined by those who own both the means of production
and communication. Hence the image is constructed as object to
secure maximum profit.
30
Considering this, our very existence is then an act of dissidence, in
addition to that, we are consciously contemplating, making art and
in conversation with each other, creating culture and recreating the
self as Fanon spoke of in Black Skins White Masks: There is no white
world, there is nowhite ethic, any more than there is awhite intelli-
gence. There are in every part of the world men who search. I am
not a prisoner of history. I should not seek there for the meaning of
my destiny. I should constantly remind myself that the real leap con-
sists in introduction invention into existence. In the world through
which I travel, I am endlessly creating myself.
Creativity, cultural production then, presents and offers us the possi-
bility of a cultural weapon of self-realization and liberation.
AtBE.BOP 2012 in our collective presence and in our work, I kept
seeing representations of rituals and hauntings, so vividly in the per-
formance of Jeannette Ehlers in her videoart pieceBlack Magic at the
White House(2009). Not coming from the Caribbean myself, Alanna,
who does, explained the context to me. I recall seeing the piece for
the first time at the DurbanBE.BOP 2012 screening and presenta-
tion, which started with Jeannettes piece and was blown away by the
sheer power it imbues. I commented to Alanna, that because I found
Jeannette Ehlers piece the most powerful of all, maybe it should
have ended the screening selection. Alanna explained that Jeannettes
performance is a ritual that opens the doors between the material
world and the spirit world, which is why she found it so important to
always start the screenings of BE.BOP 2012 with Ehlers piece: to set
the scene, to invoke our presence, and instil our memory, to open
the door between this world and the Other.
In relation to the occult undertones of Nazism, the deadly limitations
of colonial imagination and its amnesia, the mapping and creation
of the Other based on identity through image manipulation made
me realize the significance of a decolonial aesthetic that preserves
and cultivates thesacred and thespiritual process of art, as ritual,
as political strategy harnessing the power that lies in constructing
and taking possession of ones own image.
Reflecting on the South AfricanBE.BOP 2012 screening, I found that
this collection of videoart pieces (dealing with Black citizenship in
Europe) was extremely relevant within a South African context
because of how history and belonging are constructed here. Coming
from the political history of Indian indentured labourers in South
Africa, as well as growing up within the more immediate political
context of my family, who became conscientised in the radical poli-
tics of revolution, Black consciousness, anti-colonial struggles, Black
Panthers, womens liberation, Civil Rights Movement, and the gener-
al rising ferment of discontent during the sixties. These parameters
afforded me to grow up with an insight into the trajectories of enslave-
ment and legislation of indenture, from the first-hand experiences
of the people I grew up around with, and I have drawn from this
history ... collected in Berlin, a city which has one of the most sinister
colonial and imperial legacies, which has been systematically hidden,
completely erased. My imagination could not create the horrors and
nightmares this city is built upon: from its obsession with Nazi con-
cepts of race hygiene based on eugenics, hand in hand with pseu-
do-scientific racism and Christianity which enabled and cemented
the enslavement trade, and of course the infamous BerlinAfrica
Conference (18841885). The more I think and visualise the historical
trajectory and the tools they used to measure, the knives they used
to cut and dissect, the killing sprees and death camps and the obses-
sive documentation to prove the inferiority of Others; stopping at
nothing, exhibiting Black people dead or alive, whole or dissected,
in formaldehyde, as stripped craniums, cut out genitals, decapitated
heads in glass jars and the visual propaganda that became scientific
discourse and legislated Black people as sub humans, enforced by
visually constructed racist representations, the harder it strikes me
that this deliberate enslavement of a group of people and their sub-
sequent annihilation seems near supernatural. Making images of
people that reflected a distortion, an inflicted sub humanity reflects
white Hollywood and todays media spectacle and its representation
of Voudoun as Black magic. This in theory and praxis seems to effec-
tively render Black people as Other. In the movies when casting
Voudoun spells, there is always that famous scene of manipulation
of the image, stealing part of the victims belonging and often
inciting possession, desire or death. Distorting the image, poking
holes through the eyes, cutting off the heads, the crude suturing of
limbs, inflicting pain, killing or creating monsters, which begins to
sum up the macabre pornography of coloniality, consisting of and
representing the racialised image; such as Black face, the minstrel
performance, the exotic-erotic, the noble savage, the Aunt Jemima,
the maid, the idiot savant, the starving African child, the emaciated
bare breasted woman covered in flies, the Natural Geographic ren-
ditions of the living lamenting their dead who passed away in mas-
sacres... In technicolor, for the viewers pleasure, the news flashes
of Black survivors amongst their slayed families, living on the burial
sites of their loved ones, ensures that the Western tourist can bring
back home authenticAfrican photographs. They can tell their audi-
ence about their self-realization-new-age-finding-themselves-in-
Africa-Asia-or-South America. I find myself trying to make sense of
colonial imperialism, but the only rational conclusion that comes to
me, reveals a sinister picture that the West has painted as Voodoo;
one which utilizes the powers of the image dating from the onset
of the European cartography of trade-routes and its subsequent and
simultaneous mapping of Black bodies, through eugenics, craniome-
try and physical anthropology, to justify exploitation through labour
and sexual consumption.
***
In my master thesis (2010), I began shaping my own approach to
the power of the image. Pardon my extensive quote, but it is of great
significance to contextualize the importance of a subversive decolo-
nial aesthetic praxis: The image of the map becomes a textual doc-
ument through claiming a superior position to record, assimilate and
represent its subject. The authors construction converts the subject
into object, exposing the division, demarcation, claiming and renam-
ing of land. The function of the map as an approximation of spatial
representation for navigational purposes was created through the
process of actual exploration re-inscribing and co-opting the respec-
tive inhabitants and their lands. The following map of the world
shows the extent to which Africa has been re-inscribed into small
cut up pieces by the impact of colonization to its divided detri-
ment.
. . .
The BerlinAfrica Conference carved Africa into spheres of control.
Meeting at the Berlin office of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck between
1884 and 1885, the foreign ministers of fourteen European powers
125
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
124
Surorile excluse
Afropolitanii
Exilaii Tricontinentalei Negre
Materia neagr
Trasm universul
Dup chipul i asemnarea noastr
...
Vizibilitatea noastr mi-a dat o putere incredibil, un aspect aproape spiritual, unul
pe care l gsesc de regul cnd m pierd n procesul creaiei artistice, nu o spiritua -
litate religioas, ci o spiritualitate a singularitii, n care unul exist pur i simplu. Cred
c aceast vizibilitate a prezenei noastre a fost cea care a reverberat zgomotos cu
disidena i pentru muli dintre noi a dat o semnificaie ritualic reuniunii noastre pen-
tru vizionare, mprtire, planificare, ca un fel de catapult, cheie, deschidere, o
ca le de acces... Din moment ce ntlnirea noastr a avut ca scop medierea sensu-
lui, n ntregul su neles, unde ne poziionm pe noi nine n centrul istoriei, ca
mrturie a politicii estetice ce reflect limbajele pierdute, culturile hibride noi pe care
le reprezentm, pe care albitatea vrea s le uite, s le nege acea amnezie colonia -
l pe care Alanna a ales-o cu grij i n mod strategic ca o lentil ce ncadra multe
se siuni. Am creat un performance al amintirii ritualice, al manifestaiilor, al existenei
i creaiei prin imaginaiile politice negre radicale, am preluat de unde au l sat-o cei
ca Amilcar Cabral, Mao Tse-Tung, Che Guevara, Steve Biko, Marcus Garvey (prin-
tre muli alii), ca s explorm i s crem ci i mijloace de extindere i expansiu-
ne a acestui spaiu esenial de interes etic i estetic.
i uite aa ne-am aflat acolo, fiecare dintre noi manifestare a fragmentelor unor isto-
rii ce snt nc negate, pe care Hegel
32
le-a scos n afara istoriei... colectate n Ber-
lin, un ora cu una dintre cele mai sinistre moteniri coloniale i imperiale, ce a fost
ascuns sistematic, tears cu totul. Imaginaia mea nu era capabil s creeze oro-
rile i comarurile pe care a fost cldit acest ora: de la obsesia sa cu conceptele
naziste ale igienei rasiale bazate pe eugenie, mn n mn cu rasismul pseudo-
ti in ific i cretinismul care au fcut posibil i au consolidat comerul cu sclavi, i desi -
gur infama Conferin Berlin Africa (18841885). Cu ct m gndesc mai mult i
vizualizez traiectoria istoric i instrumentele cu care au msurat-o, cuitele pe care
le-au utilizat s taie i s disece, masacrele i lagrele de concentrare i documenta -
rea obsesiv pentru demonstrarea inferioritii Celorlali; fr a se da n lturi de
la nimic: expunnd oameni negri mori sau vii, ntregi ori disecai, n formol, sub form
de cranii dezgolite, organe genitale tiate, capete n borcane de sticl, cu toat propa -
ganda vizual ce devenea discurs tiinific i legifera c oamenii negri snt subumani,
ntrit de reprezentri vizuale rasiste, cu att mai mult m surprinde ct de supra -
na turale par aceast nrobire deliberat a unui grup de oa meni i anihilarea lor ul -
terioar. Crend imagini care reflect aceast distorsiune, o subumanitate rnit reflect
Hollywoodul alb i spectacolul media al zilelor noastre i reprezentrile sale des-
pre [dansul] voudoun ca magie neagr. n teorie i n practic asta pare s-l redea
cu eficien pe omul negru ca pe un Altul. Cnd se face o vra j voudoun n filme,
exist mereu acea scen faimoas de manipulare a imaginii, furtul unor obiecte apar -
innd victimei, urmat deseori de invocarea posesiunii, dorinei i morii. Distorsio-
narea imaginii, mpungerea gurilor prin ochi, t ie rea capetelor, custura brut a
membrelor, provocarea durerii, uciderea ori crearea montrilor, toate acestea ncep
s totalizeze tocmai pornografia macabr a colonialitii, constnd din i reprezen-
tnd imaginea rasializat; precum machiajul negru [Blackface], spectacolele minstrel
33
,
exotic-eroticul, slbaticul nobil, Aunt Jemima
34
, servitoarea, savantul idiot, copilul
afri can nfometat, femeia emaciat cu snii goi acoperit de mute, reprezentrile
Natural Geographic ale celor vii plngndu-i morii care au trecut n nefiin n ma -
sacre... n tehnicolor, pentru plcerea spectatorului, tiri care arat supravieuitori
127
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
126
Ehlers din lucrarea ei videoBlack Magic at the White House(2009). Alanna, care
vine din Caraibe, spre deosebire de mine, mi-a explicat contextul. mi amintesc c
am vzut lucrarea pentru prima dat la proiecia i prezentarea BE.BOP 2012, din
Durban, care a nceput cu lucrarea lui Jeannette i am fost bulversat de puterea extra-
ordinar pe care o rspndea. ntruct am considerat lucrarea lui Jeannette Ehlers
ca fiind cea mai puternic dintre toate, i-am spus Alannei c poate aceasta ar fi tre-
buit s nchid selecia proieciilor. Alanna a explicat c performance-ul lui Jean nette
e un ritual ce deschide porile ntre lumea material i lumea spriritual, i de aceea
considerase att de important s nceap proieciile BE.BOP 2012 de fiecare dat
cu aceast lucrare: pentru a aranja cadrul, a ne invoca prezena i a ne stimula memo-
ria, pentru a deschide poarta ntre lumea aceasta i Cealalt.
Fa de subcurenii oculi ai nazismului, limitrile letale ale imaginaiei coloniale i amne-
zia ei, cartografierea i crearea Celuilalt n baza unei identiti produse prin manipu -
larea imaginii m-au fcut s realizez importana unei estetici decoloniale ce conserv
i cultiv sacrul i spiritualul procesului artistic, ca ritual, ca strategie politic de a lua
sub control puterea aproprierii i construirii propriei imagini.
Gndindu-m la proiecia sud-african a BE.BOP 2012, aceast colecie de lucrri
video (ce trateaz cetenia neagr n Europa) e extrem de relevant n context
sud-african datorit modului n care se construiesc aici istoria i apartenena. Pro-
vin din istoria politic a unor muncitori indieni angajai n servitute n Africa de Sud
i am crescut n contextul politic mai intim al familiei mele, care a dobndit contiin -
politic cu ocazia politicilor radicale ale revoluiei, a contiinei negritudinii, a lupte -
lor anticoloniale, Panterelor Negre, emanciprii femeilor, micrii pentru drepturile
civile i n fermentul insatisfaciei generale ce cretea n anii aizeci. Aceti parametri
mi-au permis s m maturizez cu o nelegere intim a traiectoriilor nrobirii i a
legislaiei servituii, din experienele imediate ale oamenilor cu care am cres cut.
Fo losesc aceste cunotine n propria mea producie cultural, la fel cum am f -
cut-o i n colaborarea cu Alanna n proiecia BE.BOP 2012 din Durban.
Am avut plcerea de-a lucra cu Alanna i n perioada prealabil evenimentului din
Berlin. Am scris un eseu mpreun, pe care Alanna l-a prezentat la un simpozion
des pre feminismul global, care a avut loc la Universitatea din Warwick. Ulterior, l-am
prezentat mpreun la cea de-a 18-a Conferin Anual a Asociaiei Internaiona-
le pentru Filosofie i Studii Africane din cadrul Universitii KwaZulu-Natal. Asta a
dus la propunerea Alannei de a prezenta o proiecie a BE.BOP 2012 n Africa de
Sud, n Durban i n Johannesburg, la organizarea creia am contribuit. Am scris
m preun o propunere/un comunicat de pres, din care citez fragmentul despre
relevana Somapoliticii Europei negre pentru Durban: Sensul gzduirii acestui pro-
iect n Durban se bazeaz pe punctele comune ale traiectoriilor ascunse ale nro-
birii unor populaii ntregi, precum i pe istoria bogat a muncitorilor n servitute
n KwaZulu-Natal i pe tot cuprinsul Africii de Sud. Ca ora-port, Durban are o isto-
rie licenioas ce nu a fost nc scoas la lumin, fiind deschis comerului cu nave-
le de sclavi. Are supravieuitori deopotriv din rndul sclavilor i al exploratorilor i
aventurierilor coloniali. Semnificaia prezentrii lui Lockward n Durban e c aceas-
ta ofer o conexiune tangibil ntre experiene diferite ale comerului triangular, n
istorii actuale ce contest reducerea la tcere, astzi, a lumii tricontinentale. O per-
spectiv paralel se produce n Africa de Sud cnd e vorba de traiectoriile ascunse
i deseori negate ale nrobirii muncitorilor n servitute. Citind introducerea lui
Agnes Sam la Jesus is Indian [Isus e indian] (1989), am aflat despre legislaii de apart -
heid anterioare istoriei oficiale a apartheidului. Muncitorii indieni angajai n ser-
vitute n Africa de Sud au fost primii care trebuiau s dein permise de trecere nc
din 1898, cnd o lege le-a restricionat mobilitatea i le-a interzis deopotriv drep-
tul la proprietate, la pmnt ori la cetenie, ei fiind n acel moment unicul segment
rasializat al populaiei sud-africane.
knowledge in my own cultural production, as I did when Alanna
and we collaborated in the Durban screening ofBE.BOP 2012.
I also had the pleasure to work with Alanna leading up to the event
in Berlin. We wrote a paper together that Alanna presented at a
symposium on Global Feminism that took place at the University
of Warwick. And then we presented it together at the18thAnnual
Conference of the International Association for African Philosophy
and Studies at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. This led to Alanna
suggesting that we presented a screening ofBE.BOP 2012 in South
Africa, both in Durban and Johannesburg, which I helped organise.
In preparation, we co-wrote a proposal/press release from which
I quote the relevance thatBlack Europe Body Politics has for Durban:
The significance of hosting this project in Durban is based on the
commonalities of the hidden trajectories of the enslavement of entire
populations, as well as on the rich history of indentured labourers in
KZN and South Africa at large. As a port city, Durban has a licen-
tious history that has yet to be uncovered, one that was open to
slave-ships, survivors of both slaves and colonial explorers and
adventurers. The significance of Lockwards presentation in Durban
is that it offers a tangible connection between different experiences
of the triangular trade in present narratives that challenge the
silencing of the Tricontinental world today. A parallel to this stand
point is taking place in South Africa with regards to the hidden and
often denied trajectories of the enslavement of indentured labourers.
Reading Agnes Sams introduction to Jesus is Indian (1989), I came
across information about Apartheid legislations prior to the official
history of Apartheid. Indian Indentured labourers in South Africa
were the first ones to carry passes as early as 1898, when a law
restricted their movement and also prohibited their ownership of
property, land or citizenship as the only racialized segment of the
population in South Africa at the time.
Alanna continues: In my research on the implementation of dif-
ferent legislations both in Germany and in todays Namibia on pass
laws and anti-miscegenation between 1905 and 1907, which for the
first time legally prescribed true German citizenship as exclusively
white, the notion of the real origin and emergence of the official
Apartheid history is also challenged. Both historical re-enactments
come together in dismantling from different angles this hegemonic
narrative creating therefore a fertile ground for a long overdue dis-
cussion on the current definitions on citizenship in Europe and the
rest of the world.BE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body Politics brings
into the global arena the imperative task of analysing the figure of
the citizen in a world where only a few privileged groups are able
to move freely across borders.
And I add: This discussion is imperative not just in Durban, but also
in Trinidad, London, Kinshasa, Berlin, Johannesburg, Cairo, Paris,
New York, Kingston, Copenhagen, Chennai, Cape Town or Buenos
Aires... It spans across the world and weaves a historic tapestry,
making visible what Lockward calls Decolonial Diasporic Aesthetics,
counter-discourses of re-existence that question those canonic
accounts of colonialismand empire that continue to deny any agency
to those constructed as Others, while simultaneously making invisi-
ble their histories of five hundred years through the (global) system-
atic inoculation of colonial amnesia.
I found that the conversations we had in Berlin around belonging
resonate deeply with the conversations we are having right now in
South Africa around legitimacy, citizenship, entitlement and owner-
ship. As I mentioned before, many sessions were framed by the title
colonial amnesia, and in so many ways I feel our articulation, our
mapping of different outsider trajectories, our remembering, serves
as a powerful manifestation just by the mere presence of our visible
existence but also far surpassed the immediate tangible collective
space in the connections we made.
I think the incredible power/energy/strength that emanated from
these three days of roundtable and screenings was its function as the
meeting point serving as the crossroads bringing together the frag-
Alanna continu: n cercetrile mele privind implementarea diferitelor legislaii de
mobilitate i mpotriva relaiilor interrasiale ntre 1905 i 1907 n Germania i n
Namibia de azi, legi ce au prescris pentru prima dat n mod legal adevrata ce -
tenie german ca fiind exclusiv alb, se contest deopotriv conceptul originii
reale i apariia istoriei oficiale a apartheidului. Cele dou reconstituiri istori-
ce demonteaz din unghiuri diferite aceast naraiune hegemonic, deschiznd ast-
fel un te ren fertil pentru o discuie care trebuia s aib loc demult, despre definiiile
actuale ale ceteniei n Europa i n restul lumii.BE.BOP 2012. Somapolitica Euro-
pei negre aduce n arena global sarcina imperativ a analizei figurii ceteanului n -
t r-o lume n care doar ctorva grupuri privilegiate le e permis libera trecere peste
granie.
Iar eu adaug: Aceast discuie nu e imperativ doar n Durban, ci i n Trinidad, Lon-
dra, Kinshasa, Berlin, Johannesburg, Cairo, Paris, New York, Kingston, Copenhaga,
Chennai, Cape Town ori Buenos Aires... Ea acoper ntreaga lume i ese o tapi-
serie istoric ce face vizibil ceea ce Lockward numete estetica decolonial dias-
poric, contradiscursuri ale re-existenei ce pun sub semnul ntrebrii acele istorii
canonice ale colonialismului i imperiului ce continu s nege orice autoreprezen-
tare celor construii ca Alii, fcnd totodat invizibile istoriile lor vechi de cinci sute
de ani prin inocularea sistematic (global) a amneziei coloniale.
Consider c discuiile pe care le-am avut la Berlin despre apartenen rezoneaz
profund cu discuiile pe care le avem la momentul actual n Africa de Sud despre
le gitimitate, cetenie, drepturi i proprieti. Dup cum am precizat n prealabil,
multe dintre sesiuni au fost ncadrate de titlul amneziei coloniale, i n att de multe
privine simt c articularea noastr, cartografierea noastr a diferitelor traiectorii ale
excluderii, rememorrile noastre servesc ca o puternic manifestaie fie doar i prin
simpla prezen a existenei noastre vizibile, ns una care depete, n plus, cu mult,
spa iul colectiv imediat tangibil, datorit conexiunilor pe care le-am fcut.
Cred c puterea/energia/fora incredibil ce a emanat din aceste trei zile de discuii
libere i proiecii a fost dat de rolul su ca punct de ntlnire, ca rscruce ce reune -
te fragmentarea istoricitii pe care fiecare dintre noi o ncarneaz, diferitele in tersec -
ii culturale. Nu interseciile culturale violente ale ntlnirilor coloniale i anistoricitatea
postmodernismului, ci frumuseea solidaritii ntre oameni ce articuleaz o este-
tic decolonial.
Reflecie despre BE.BOP 2012
Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter
Participarea la BE.BOP 2012 a oferit rara ocazie de a aborda cu curaj idei pentru
mbuntirea acestei lumi. Walter Mignolo a ntrebat: Ce este ceea ce vrem? i
cum vom proceda astfel nct s aib loc? Unul dintre rspunsuri a fost: Noi vrem
o lume dreapt, dup cum a spus Quinsy Gario. ntr-un astfel de spaiu m simt
inspirat; departe de ajustrile cinice (aa-zis practice) ce ne menin deseori de parte
de contemplarea profunzimii experienei umane i a ansei sale proprii.
La un moment dat, n vreme ce reflectam la ce era ceea ce ne-a adus pe toi lao-
lalt la aceast mas rotund, Walter a formulat-o n cel mai bun mod pentru mine.
El a spus ceva de genul: Pentru c am fost atini cu toii de rana colonial. Aceast
ran ne-a fost provocat nou tuturor i avem responsabilitatea de-a o privi ndea-
proape, de a-i decoda nelesul ascuns pentru viitorul nostru comun.
ncepnd fiecare diminea cu o proiecie de lucrri de art, a fost o modalitate impor-
tant de a vedea i a simi calea ctre discuiile de peste zi. Propriile mele lucrri
pre zentate au crescut pentru mine; le-am simit devenind vii i pertinente, maturi -
zndu-se prin plasarea lor ntr-un context specific ce le angaja.
mentation of historicity that each one of us embody, of different cul-
tural intersections. Not the violent cultural intersections of colonial
encounters and the a-historicity of postmodernism, but the beauty
of solidarity amongst people articulating a decolonial aesthetics.
Reflection on BE.BOP 2012
by Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter
Taking part in BE.BOP 2012 offered a rare moment to courageously
dwelve into ideas for the improvement of this world. Walter Mignolo
asked: What is it that we want? And how are we going to bring this
about? One of the answers was, We want a just world, as Quinsy
Gario expressed. This is the kind of space in which I feel inspired;
away from the cynical (so-called practical) adjustments that often
keep us away from contemplating the depth of human experience
and the chance that lies therein.
At some point, when I was reflecting on what it was that had brought
us together at this roundtable, Walter framed it best for me. He said
something like, Because we have all been touched by the colonial
wound. This wound has been inflicted on us all and we have the
responsibility to look closer at it, to decode its hidden meaning for
our common future.
Beginning each morning with a screening of artworks was an impor-
tant way to see and feel our way into the discussions of the days.
My own presented works grew for me; I felt them becoming alive
and pertinent, maturing through their placing within the specific
context that was engaging them.
Finally, I reflect that artworks can address the issues that decolonial
aesthetics seeks to address in a manner that is appropriate: person-
al, multilayered and beyond words.
Some Comments on BE.BOP 2012
by Rolando Vzquez
BE.BOP 2012 was an exceptional event. It is a difficult task to put
together comments that would do justice to the depth and the
amplitude of the event. What I offer here are some reflections on
certain aspects which I think contributed to these very special three
days. I will focus on basic questions: where, who and how.
Where. The event was hosted by the Ballhaus Naunynstrasse, in my
view this had a tremendous impact on the success of theBE.BOP.
The Ballhaus Naunynstrasse in its tradition of hosting critical theatre,
postmigration theater, became not just the host but also an active
member of the conversation. It became a secure space whose prac-
tices came into dialogue with the topics of the discussions. The
modern/colonial ordering of the world has come through the appro-
priation and administration of space. Almost all spaces are today at
the service of the economy of profit or power. For me the Ballhaus
Naunynstrasse is a lesson on the importance of opening up and
keeping physical spaces alive where the coming together of ideas
and interventions can happen.
Who. The magic of the curatorial work that shaped theBE.BOP
2012, was not only the selection of art but rather the bringing
together of people from a wide variety of backgrounds but with a
similar path. This would not have been possible through an imper-
sonal mechanism of selection. It was possible through friendships,
networks and what we could see as affective communities.
How. The conversation was much more than a transdisciplinary con-
versation. Yes, it moved across disciplines, but also across practices
and lived experiences. More concretely the feelings and thinking of
the arts came in conversation with the thinking and feelings of the
academic and curatorial practices. In a sense, those of us who shared
written texts felt that the art works presented and the experiences
shared by the artist were giving flesh to the written text. Conversely,
129
Ca artist vizual, provin dintr-un mediu destul de diferit fa de restul participanilor
de la BE.BOP 2012 ce veneau n marea lor majoritate dintr-un cadru universi-
tar. Nu snt deloc obinuit s verbalizez ori s contextualizez la acest nivel nalt.
BE.BOP 2012 m-a zguduit din temelii i m-am simit n largul meu i totodat stin-
gher, umil, solicitat i foarte mndr s particip.
Cu siguran a deschis noi ci i a fost o surs continu de inspiraie. Am convinge -
rea c asta duce la apariia unui nou mod de a nelege lumea. mi amintesc c Wal-
ter Mignolo spunea ceva de genul: Modernitatea e doar un construct/o idee nu
e necesar ca ea s fie astfel,i are att de mult dreptate. Snt nenumrate alte posi-
biliti.
S continum s muncim pentru ele! Snt gata!
Sper c vom putea s continum aceast discuie la o multitudine de alte niveluri
i voi munci din greu s ncerc s organizez ceva aici n Copenhaga pentru urmtoa-
rea mea expoziie din toamna anului viitor.
i mulumesc mult, Alanna, c ai muncit cu ndrjire pentru aceast dezbatere esenial!
Pace i iubire.
Jeannette
Asta e reflecia mea
Quinsy Gario
BE.BOP 2012 a fost pentru mine o revelaie i o experien pozitiv. ntlnirea i
discutarea activ a naturii politice a esteticii construite de oamenii negri ori de cei
neidentificai ca fiind norma n cadrul societii lor au fost ceva nou. n Olanda, dezba -
terile de felul acesta se termin de regul cu oftaturi de disperare, dar aici atmosfe -
ra era plin de optimism i sfidare fa de statu-quo.
Am receptat-o ca pe un du fierbinte n timp ce prezentrile m uluiau rnd pe rnd
i m fceau s realizez nc o dat de ce refuz s-mi restrng aria muncii mele i
do meniile n care m implic. Totul este interconectat, de la mod la producia dra-
matic. De la video la aesthesis. Mi s-a ridicat prul de pe ceaf i am avut pielea
de gin n cea mai mare parte a timpului petrecut acolo.
Experiena a revigorat deopotriv propria mea soluie n ce privete proiectul pe
care l-am prezentat, Zwarte Piet Is Racisme.
38
Dezbaterile ptrunztoare i discuii-
le ncurajatoare au ilustrat cu precizie motivul pentru care fac ceea ce fac. Am creat
o atmosfer n care gnduri i concepte oneste puteau fi explorate i lmurite. Iar
atitudinea critic fa de noi nine mi-a conferit deopotriv motivaia de a folosi ntot-
deauna cuvinte, aciuni i concepte n mod contient i intenionat. Ni mic nu exist
pur i simplu, iar cnd Alanna Lockward i Grada Kilomba au dus conversaia
napoi la femeia neagr i la subiectivitile negre traumatice am vzut instrumen-
te pe care le pot utiliza n propria mea practic i n reprezentaii.
Nu am tiut exact la ce s m atept, iar cnd am plecat mi-am dat seama c gru-
pul m-a schimbat.
O evaluare a BE.BOP 2012. Somapolitica Europei negre
Julia Roth
Snt deplin recunosctoare c am avut ocazia s asist la BE.BOP 2012 la Ballhaus
Naunynstrasse n Berlin. Evenimentul a fost n numeroase privine o experien extra-
ordinar i extrem de motivant pentru mine. n primul rnd (pentru contextele noas-
tre), combinaia rar de proiecii i prezentri artistice urmate de reflecii critice sub
forma meselor rotunde a fost fantastic, cum a fost de altfel reuniunea de artiti,
which sincere thoughts and concepts could be explored and fleshed
out. And being critical towards ourselves also provided me with
the extra incentive to always be aware and deliberate about words,
actions and concepts used. Nothing is simply there and when Alanna
Lockward and Grada Kilomba steered the conversation back towards
respectively female Black and traumatic Black subjectivities I saw
tools to use in my own practice and performances.
I didnt quite know what to expect and when I left I realized that we
as a group changed me.
An Evaluation of BE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body Politics
by Julia Roth
I am deeply grateful to have been able to assist toBE.BOP 2012
at Ballhaus Naunynstrasse in Berlin. The event was an outstanding
and overly inspiring experience for me at many levels. First of all, the
(for our contexts) seldom combination of screenings and artistic pre-
sentations with critical reflections in form of roundtables was great,
as was the bringing together of artists, activists and critical thinkers
beyond disciplinary boundaries. In form, format and content, BE.BOP
2012 thus broke with the established hierarchically-asymmetrical
forms of organization of knowledge and representation. By implicitly
negating the very structures that produce inequalities and exclusion,
the event serves as a showcase example for new socio-political and
aesthetics frameworks.
The choice of discussants and artists provided a brilliant framing for
an overly due topic in German (and European) discourse: the critical
thematization of Black European citizenship. A decolonial perspec-
tive, as proposed by advisor Walter Mignolo, enables to take the
historical and structural genesis of the entanglement of racism and
citizenship as constructed since the Renaissance into focus. Manuela
Boatcs elaborations on citizenship as a sort of property inheri-
tance provided a further theoretical depth. Contributions drawing
on concrete examples and experiences of inequalities and oppres-
sions caused by structural racism as well as artistic forms of resist-
ance gave these theoretical frameworks concrete everyday bases
(e.g. Gabriele Dietze on German soccer, Grada Kilomba on growing
up Black in Europe, Quinsy Gario on experiencing offenses when con-
fronting Dutch society with its racist heritage or Michael Kppers-
Adebisi on a Black German TV program). The artistic contributions,
then, incorporated aesthetic forms of resistance to such racist inter-
polations, or in Walter Mignolos terms forms of epistemic-artis-
tic-aesthetic disobedience and de-linking from hegemonic discourse
and representation, providing examples of a Decolonial Diasporic
Aesthetics a term and concept coined by curator Alanna Lockward
raising the hope for further decolonization of knowledges, minds,
bodies and arts everywhere. As decolonial thinking implicitly aims at
overcoming the structures of inequality caused by structural colonial-
ity, it can by its very principle of political change help to bridge the
gap between abstract academic theorizing and everyday experi-
ences. BE.BOP 2012 provided a showcase example of the possibility
of imagining Worlds and Knowledge Otherwise. The event was at
once theoretically and thematically enriching and aesthetically chal-
lenging and further introduced a change of the terms of the debate.
In that sense,BE.BOP 2012 was a ground-breaking intervention and
perfect template of how to deal with the most urging societal-politi-
cal issues and problems in transnationally entangled contexts today
(without blinding out its historical continuity).
In this spirit, curator Alanna Lockward did an incredible job by
bringing together an unparalleled choice of people and energies,
whose encounter was marked by absolute respectfulness. Even
decolonial guru Walter Mignolo had just one voice among many
and was neither provided more time nor space as any other partici-
pant. It is impressive, how the project has traveled already and
brought speakers from very diverse places into dialogue. In the
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
128
n final, consider c arta poate trata problemele urmrite de estetica decolonial,
ntr-o modalitate potrivit: personal, multistratificat i dincolo de cuvinte.
Cteva comentarii despre BE.BOP 2012
Rolando Vzquez
BE.BOP 2012 a fost un eveniment excepional. E o sarcin dificil s formulezi
comentarii care s reflecte profunzimea i amploarea evenimentului. Ceea ce ofer
aici snt cteva reflecii asupra anumitor aspecte ce cred c au contribuit la aceste
trei zile deosebit de speciale. M voi concentra pe chestiuni elementare: unde,
cine i cum.
Unde. Evenimentul a fost gzduit de Ballhaus Naunynstrasse, iar n opinia mea asta
a avut un impact enorm asupra succesului BE.BOP. n tradiia sa de gzduire a tea-
trului critic, teatru de postmigraie, Ballhaus Naunynstrasse a devenit nu doar gazd,
ci i un participant activ n conversaie. A devenit un spaiu al siguranei, ale crui
prac tici au intrat n dialog cu temele de discuie. Ordinea modern-colonial a lumii
a aprut ca urmare a aproprierii i administrrii spaiului. Aproape toate spaiile snt
azi n slujba economiei profitului ori a puterii. Ballhaus Naunynstrasse e pentru mine
o lecie asupra importanei deschiderii i meninerii vii a spaiilor fizice n care se poate
manifesta reuniunea ideilor i a interveniilor.
Cine. Magia muncii curatoriale ce a configurat BE.BOP 2012 nu a constat doar n
selecia artei, ci mai curnd n reunirea unor oameni ce provin din medii extrem
de variate, dar cu o traiectorie similar. Aa ceva nu ar fi fost posibil printr-un meca-
nism de selecie impersonal. A fost posibil prin prietenii, reele i ceea ce snt ntr-a -
devr comuniti afective.
Cum. Conversaia a fost mult mai mult dect o conversaie transdisciplinar. Da,
ea a trecut dincolo de discipline, dar i dincolo de practici i de experienele trite.
n mod concret, senzaiile i gndirea artelor au intrat n dialog cu gndirea i senza -
iile practicilor academice i curatoriale. ntr-un fel, aceia dintre noi care au comuni -
cat n scris au simit c lucrrile artistice prezentate i experienele mprtite de
artist ddeau materialitate textului scris. n revers, n dialogurile cu Jeannette Ehlers
i Ingrid Mwangi, am fost ncntat s descopr c ei, n calitate de artiti, au conside -
rat c textele scrise articulau n cuvinte experienele i lucrrile lor. n conversaia
din jurul disciplinelor, din jurul practicilor am descoperit c noi toi parcurgem ace-
lai drum, a spune drumul memoriei, dreptii i demnitii.
BE.BOP 2012 a fost un moment unic al ntlnirii, unul ce nu s-a supus ordinii mo -
dern-coloniale a vieii sociale. El a contestat segmentarea disciplinar a practicilor
i a dialogurilor, clasificarea i dispersia subiectivitilor, controlul spaiului pentru pro-
fit i putere, separaia dintre gndire i corp.
Cteva gnduri despre BE.BOP 2012
Jeannette Ehlers
Vreau s mi ncep evaluarea n acelai mod ca Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter, cu
un citat din Rolando Vzquez, exprimat n timpul uneia dintre frumoasele noastre
cine de dup lucru: Lucrrile tale artistice m inspir, pentru c ele vizualizeaz gn-
durile mele abstracte.
Ca artist vizual, am fost att de uurat s l aud spunnd asta, am fost extrem de
mi cat i tulburat de toi intelectualii ce verbalizau lucrurile cu care m confrun-
tasem emoional n lucrrile mele recente ns pe care nu le-am putut exprima
n cuvinte.
in dialogues with Jeannette Ehlers and Ingrid Mwangi, I was happy
to discover that they, as artists, found that the written texts were
giving words to their experiences and their artworks. In the conver-
sation across disciplines, across practices we discovered that we are
all walking along the same path, I would say the path of memory,
justice and dignity.
BE.BOP 2012 was a unique moment of encounter, one that dis -
obeyed the modern/colonial ordering of social life. It challenged the
disciplinary segmentation of practices and dialogues, the classifica-
tion and dispersion of subjectivities, the control of space for profit
and power, the separation between thought and the body.
Some Thoughts on BE.BOP 2012
by Jeannette Ehlers
I want to start my evaluation like Ingrid Mwangi Robert Hutter, with
a quotation of Rolando Vzquez expressed during one of our lovely
after work dinners: Its so inspiring to watch your art works because
they visualize my abstract thoughts.
I was so relieved to hear him say that, because I, as a visual artist,
was very moved and shaken by all the intellectuals verbalizing
of what I have emotionally been dealing with in my recent works
but havent been able to express in words.
As a visual artist, I have a quite different background than many of
the other participants at BE.BOP 2012 who were mostly from a uni-
versity setting. Im not at all used to verbalize and contextualize on
this high level.BE.BOP 2012 shook the grounds in me and I felt at
one and the same time very inadequate, humbled, challenged and
very proud of being part of it.
It definitely opened up new paths and has been a source of inspira-
tion ever since. I have a strong feeling this leads to the coming of a
new way of understanding our world. I recall Walter Mignolo saying
something like: Modernity is just a construction/an idea it does
not have to be this way and hes so right. There are plenty of other
possibilities out there.
Lets keep working for them! Im in!
I hope we will be able to continue this discussion on all different
kinds of levels and I will work hard to try and set something up here
in Copenhagen for my show next years fall.
Thank you so much Alanna for working so stubbornly for this essen-
tial debate.
Peace and love.
Jeannette
Heres My Reflection
by Quinsy Gario
BE.BOP 2012 was for me an eye opening en heart warming exper-
ience. Meeting and actively discussing the political nature of aesthet-
ics constructed by Black people or people not identified as the norm
within their societies was refreshing. In The Netherlands, debates
like these usually derail into a sigh of despair and here the air was
filled with optimism and defiance towards the status quo.
I experienced it as a warm bath as the presentations one by one
wowed me and made me realize again why I refuse to narrow down
the scope of my work and fields that I engage with. Everything is
interconnected from fashion to theater production. From video to
aisthesis. The hairs on the back of my neck stood up and I had
goosebumps for most of the time that I was there.
The experience also reinvigorated my own resolve towards the proj-
ect that I presented, Zwarte Piet Is Racisme).
31
The inquisitive and
encouraging debates and discussions illustrated exactly why I do
what I do and make what I make. We created an atmosphere in
131
tic i artistic. O tendin similar o putem remarca i n de par tamentele hegemo-
nice de feminism i studii de gen, ce par deseori a fi rupte de activismul politic i de
alianele de solidaritate. Sper c ceea ce putem numi coala de gndire BE.BOP va
avea parte de o carier de success similar cu cea a Ball haus Naunynstrasse, unde
a avut loc lansa rea evenimentului fr pericolul aproprierii i ncorporrii neolibe-
rale. Ar fi grozav s vedem evenimente ulterioare susinute de un numr mai mare
de actori instituionali i cu rezultate comunicate unui public mai larg.
Unind activiti, universitari i artiti, BE.BOP 2012 nu a deschis doar un nou orizont
al politicii. Mai mult dect att, acest eveniment unic i spiritul pe care-l ncorporea -
z ofer prilejul de a marca o posibil schimbare de paradigm nspre o politic i
o estetic decoloniale, ca instrument pentru schimburi fa n fa i pentru aliane
din colo de simplele politici identitare. Atept cu nerbdare multe alte BE.BOP-uri
n viitorul apropiat!
Cetenia corpului negru european 2012
Manuela Boatc
Cercurile universitare germane au nceput abia de curnd s ia n serios probleme-
le postcoloniale. Nu fiindc problemele nu ar fi fost deja prezente i nu fiindc oame-
nii dinuntru i mai ales cei din afara mediului academic german ori de la periferia
lui nu s-ar fi ocupat i nainte de trecutul colonial al Germaniei, de practicile sale
coloniale actuale ori de propria lor condiie ca subieci rasializai ai Germaniei. Ast-
fel de preocupri au fost ns minimalizate constant, ca adresndu-se nevoilor unei
minoriti prea restrnse, ntr-o ar ce a deinut prea puine colonii, pentru un inter-
val prea scurt de timp ca s mai conteze. Postcolonialismul nc e vzut de marea
majoritate ca fiind un curent academic importat din Marea Britanie ori din SUA i
care nu are nimic de-a face cu Germania, i chiar mai puin cu teoria so cial n gene-
ral. ns n Germania se aloc din ce n ce mai mult spaiu fizic i intelectual pen-
tru decolonizarea unor practici instituionale, culturale, politice (unele fiind toate
ntr-una), dar i pentru regndirea i dezvarea produciei teoretice coloniale care
avusese statut canonic. n ultimii (civa) ani am fost martorii unui numr de publica -
ii i conferine despre sociologia postcolonial, studii critice ale albitii, diaspora afri-
can german, diaspora asiatic german, rasismul limbajului german i femeile
afro-germane.
Cei dintre noi implicai n efortul de a scoate la lumin aceste probleme i altele tiu
c asta presupune ntotdeauna o lupt i realizm uneori c am fcut doar un mic
pas dup efortul colosal de organizare a unei conferine, a unui curs ori a unei publi-
caii, n contextul predominant necritic al mediului universitar german.
...i apoi, mai e opiunea scurtcircuitrii contextului ostil, pur i simplu, n locul pailor
mruni pentru schimbarea lui, i asta e ceea ce BE.BOP 2012 a fcut pentru mine
la multe niveluri: intelectual, vizual, estetic, politic i probabil i n alte cteva mo -
duri pe care nc le procesez. O cunoteam pe curatoare, Alanna Lockward, i plat-
forma sa organizatoric, Art Labour Archives, am colaborat n trecut n multe
proiecte cu mentorul Walter Mignolo i eram destul de familiarizat cu civa din-
tre participani; n plus, tiind c evenimentul va avea loc n inima Berlin-Kreuzberg,
la Ballhaus Naunynstrasse, cu viziunea sa singular de pionierat n reprezentaiile
teatrului de postmigraie, m ateptam cumva la ceva de genul cutremurului men-
tal i senzorial cauzat de BE.BOP 2012 dar, pe de alt parte, nimeni nu prea poate
s prevad un cutremur.
Chiar i titlurile fiecrei sesiuni de mese rotunde au fost ele nsele festinuri intelec-
tuale, evideniind rupturi, lacune i scurtcircuite epistemice n imaginarul colonial:
Europa neagr, amnezia colonial, moteniri ale sclaviei ori opiunea de co -
having collaborated in many projects with the advisor, Walter Migno-
lo, being quite familiar with a few participants, and knowing that it
would take place at the Ballhaus Naunynstrasse, with its singularly
pioneering vision of postmigrant theater performances in the heart
of Berlin-Kreuzberg, I vaguely expected something like the mental
and sensory earthquakeBE.BOP 2012 occasioned but then again,
one can never quite foresee an earthquake.
The titles of each of the roundtable sessions themselves were intel-
lectual feasts for bringing to light the ruptures, blind spots, and
epistemic shortcircuits in the colonial imaginary: Black Europe,
colonial amnesia, enslavement legacies, or the decolonial
option are all deeply disturbing phrases, sitting uncomfortably
within mainstream historiography, social theory, or political visions.
The intellectually gratifying visual impact of the titles was coupled
with the visual impact of Black women occupying (sic!) the physical,
epistemic and intellectual space of the sessions and thereby stand-
ing thewhitecoherence of German academic gatherings on its head.
I wasnt there for all of the screenings of art works, but watched
some of them afterwards, so my reaction to them was solitary; but
there is something to be said for solitude when it helps you place the
aesthetic beauty of Jeannette Ehlers video Black Magic at the White
House (2009) in the context of her political message challenging the
invisibility of Denmarks involvement in the triangular trade as a play
of lights and shadow mirrored in the wordplay of black and white in
the title. I was there for the final screening of Toxi (1952), directed
by Robert Stemmle and organized by AfricAvenir, at the Hackesche
Hfe cinema and the ensuing discussion about the construction of
the German nation aswhite in post-fascist Europe, about historically
inadequate translations, and the (il)legitimate use of racializing
terms such as blackamoor out of linguistic interest the last of
which sat uncomfortably with more than just one postcolonial sensi-
bility in the audience.
But what I didnt know I would be there for was Ingrid Mwangi
Robert Hutters spontaneous, breathtaking performance after the
film: admiration, amazement, awe, as well as envy, helplessness, and
ultimately joy at the opportunity to take in what seemed to me an
otherworldly acoustic experience, a deeply disturbing and simulta-
neously fulfilling visual show, paired with the gratifying sense that
the bundle of emotions that several of us must have felt during the
screening of Toxi has thus been given artistic, bodily, decolonial
expression. Part of the earthquake. Awaiting the aftershocks.
Offwith Her Laughter!Off with His Laughter!
Musing onBE.BOP 2012: DelinkingOffGenocidal White Laughter
by Teresa Mara Daz Nerio
BE.BOP2012. Black Europe Body Politics gave rise to what Rolando
Vzquez calls ahumbling of modernity, that is to openly challenge
modernity as coloniality.
32
The transdisciplinary roundtable and
screening hosted at Ballhaus Naunynstrasse by the wonderful Sher-
min Langhoff and Wagner Carvalho was rich in theliberation of
sensing and sensibilities
33
, historically trapped in thecolonial-impe-
rialistic-Othering discourses and practices canonized in Western-
European/North-American political, economical, cultural, and
genocidal tactics. These tools were used to prescribe and describe
Other human beings, as different (to thewhitehegemony). These
human beings were/are to be used asdispensable lives.
34
BE.BOP
2012 invested inindependent thoughts and decolonial freedoms
35
which allow us tospeak in our own terms and create a space for dia-
logueoutside of the hegemony ofwhite supremacy.
Rolando Vzquez explains that thishumbling of modernityconsists
in showing how the power of modernity is centered in speaking
while the Other is spoken aboutthereinmodernitys power is about
orality. More specifically, he is referringto the Zapatistaslistening-
opening to the Other,which introduces an ethical question that
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
130
activiti i gnditori critici dincolo de barierele disciplinare. Astfel, n form, format
i coninut,BE.BOP 2012 s-a detaat de formele ierarhic-asimetrice de organiza-
re ale cunoaterii i reprezentrii. Prin negarea implicit a nsei structurilor ce pro-
duc inegaliti i excludere, evenimentul e un exemplu-model pentru noi cadre
sociopolitice i estetice.
Alegerea interlocutorilor i a artitilor a oferit un cadru excepional pentru o tem
ndelung ateptat n discursul german (i european): tematizarea critic a ceteniei
negre europene. O perspectiv decolonial, aa cum a fost ea propus de mento-
rul Walter Mignolo, permite canalizarea ateniei nspre geneza istoric i structural
a in ter seciei rasismului i ceteniei, aa cum au fost ele construite nc din Renate-
re. Refleciile Manuelei Boatc despre cetenie ca un fel de proprietate motenit
au oferit un plus de profunzime teoretic. Contribuii bazate pe exemple concre-
te i experiene ale inegalitii i opresiunii cauzate de rasismul structural, dar i pe
forme artistice de rezisten au conferit acestor cadre teoretice fundamente con-
crete n viaa cotidian (e.g. Gabriele Dietze despre fotbalulul german, Grada Ki -
lom ba despre ce nseamn s creti negru n Europa, Quinsy Gario despre insultele
primite n momentul confruntrii societii olandeze cu motenirea ei rasist ori
Michael Kppers-Adebisi despre un program TV afro-german). Mai apoi, contribuii -
le artistice au ncorporat forme estetice de rezisten fa de asemenea interpolri
rasiste ori n termenii lui Walter Mignolo forme ale nesupunerii epistemico-artis-
tico-estetice i ale desprinderii de discursul i reprezentarea hegemonice, furniznd
exemple ale unei estetici decoloniale diasporice un termen i concept inventat
de curatorul Alanna Lockward , hrnind sperana pentru viitoarea decolonizare
a cunoaterii, minii, corpurilor i artelor de pretutindeni. Din moment ce gndirea
decolonial are ca scop depirea structurilor de inegalitate cauzate de colonialita -
tea structural, tocmai principiul su de schimbare politic poate contribui la
micorarea prpastiei dintre teoretizarea academic abstract i experienele coti-
diene.BE.BOP 2012 a oferit un exemplu-model al posibilitii de a imagina Altfel
de Lumi i Altfel de Cunoatere. Evenimentul a fost deopotriv stimulativ din punct
de vedere teoretic i tematic i provocator din punct de vedere estetic, i mai mult
chiar, a introdus o schimbare a termenilor dezbaterii. n acest sens,BE.BOP 2012 a
fost o intervenie revoluionar i un exemplu perfect al modului de tratare a ce -
lor mai presante teme i probleme sociopolitice n contextele transnaionale de azi
(fr a le oblitera continuitatea istoric).
n acest spirit, curatorul Alanna Lockward a fcut o treab extraordinar n alege-
rea oamenilor i a energiilor. ntlnirea a fost marcat de cel mai profund respect.
Pn i Walter Mignolo, guru decolonial, a fost doar o voce printre altele i nu i
s-a acordat mai mult timp ori spaiu dect oricrui alt participant. Modul n care pro-
iectul a cltorit deja aducnd n dialog interlocutori din locuri foarte diferite e im -
presionant. S sperm c exemplele de la BE.BOP 2012 vor marca o schimbare
de direcie n contextul german, marcat de un puternic separatism ntre dezbateri -
le i discursurile academice i cele activiste, precum i de ncercri de dialog mar-
cate de conflicte. n Germania, o turnur decolonial e ntr-adevr neglijat i cu
adevrat o cale ce trebuie asumat, n timp ce oficialitile nu se sfiesc s plani fice n
continuare prezentarea coleciei etnologice extraeuropene n Forumul Humboldt
planificat nuntrul unui castel n stil baroc, reconstruit n acel punct reprezentativ pen-
tru Berlin, Schlossplatz. Includerea artitilor, curatorilor i decidenilor nonhege monici
e absolut necesar n acest caz. Forumul Humboldt e doar unul dintre multele exem-
ple care reamintesc refuzul Germaniei de a se confrunta cu trecutul su colonial i
cu implicarea sa n violena colonial structural. Un asemenea refuz e de altfel omni-
prezent la nivel academic: n timp ce studiile clasice postcoloniale i fac locul cu nce-
tul n cadrul universitilor, ele o fac n mare parte acordnd atenie criticii anglo-saxone
i abordrilor i dezbaterilor teoretice lipsite de conexiunea necesar cu practica poli-
German context, which is marked by a strong separatism between
academic and activist debates and discourses as well as by conflict-
laden attempts of dialogues, the example ofBE.BOP 2012 will hope-
fully mark a path breaking change of direction. In Germany, a
decolonial turn is indeed a neglected and necessary path to take,
as officials feel no shame to continue planning to present the ethno-
logical extra-European collection in the planned Humboldt-Forum
inside the reconstruction of a Baroque-style castle at Berlins most
representative Schlossplatz Square. The inclusion of non-hegemonic
artists, curators and decision-makers is highly needed here. The
Humboldt-Forum is just one of many reminders of a German
refusal to confront its colonial past and its part-taking in structural
colonial violence. Such a refusal is also omnipresent at the academic
level: while classical Postcolonial Studies are slowly entering the uni-
versities, they do so mainly by focusing on Anglo-Saxon critics and
theoretical approaches and debates without the necessary links to
political and artistic practice. A similar trend can be observed in
hegemonic Feminist and Gender Studies departments, which often
seem completely de-linked from political activism and alliances of
solidarity. I hope that what can be termed the BE.BOP school of
thought will confront a similarly successful career as the Ballhaus
Naunynstrasse where the launch event took place without the dan-
ger of neoliberal appropriation and incorporation. It would be great
to see follow-up events supported by more institutional actors and
its outcomes be communicated into wider publics.
By uniting activists, academics and artistsBE.BOP 2012 not only
opened a new horizon of politics. Furthermore, this unique event
and the spirit it incorporates offers to mark a possible paradigm shift
toward a decolonial politics and aesthetics as a foil for exchange on
eye level and for alliances beyond pure identity politics. I am very
much looking forward to many futureBE.BOPs to come!
Black Europe Body Citizenship 2012
by Manuela Boatc
German academic circles have only recently begun to take postcolo-
nial issues seriously. Its not that the issues hadnt been there before,
and its not that people in and especially outside German acade-
mia or at its margins were not engaging with Germanys colonial
past, her present colonial practices, or their own postcolonial condi-
tion as Germanys racialized subjects before. Its that such engage-
ment was constantly played down as speaking to the needs of too
few persons in a country having had too few colonies for too little
time to even matter. To be sure, postcolonialism still appears to the
great majority as an academic trend imported from the UK or the US
and which has nothing to do with Germany, and even less with social
theory in general. But there increasingly is physical and intellectual
space dedicated to the decolonization of institutional, cultural, politi-
cal practices (some of which are all at once) in Germany as well as to
the unthinking and unlearning of colonial theoretical production hav-
ing attained canonical status. The past (few) years have seen a num-
ber of publications and conferences on postcolonial sociology, critical
whiteness studies, the African German diaspora, the Asian-German
diaspora, German language racism, and Afro-German women.
Those of us involved in the endeavor of bringing these and other
issues to light know that it is always a struggle, and we sometimes
find ourselves having only taken baby steps after the gigantic effort
of putting together a conference, a class, or a publication in the
overwhelmingly uncritical context of German academia.
...And then there is the option of plainly short-circuiting the hostile
context, instead of taking baby steps towards changing it, and this
is whatBE.BOP 2012 did for me on a number of levels: intellectually,
visually, aesthetically, politically and probably in a number of sev-
eral other ways that I am still processing. Knowing the curator,
Alanna Lockward, and her organizing platform, Art Labour Archives,
133
tre, trebuind s asculte (de la cei care snt considerai viei dispensabile n discursu -
rile hegemonice coloniale i imperiale, vest-europene/nord-americane), pentru a
nva ce implic poziia lor hegemonic pentru Ceilali.
Cred c acest aspect e extrem de important pentru posibilitatea unui dialog des-
chis. Puterea ca oralitate nu n seamn cu necesitate derobarea de putere a altuia,
aa cum spune Vzquez, umilire: nu ncercarea de a-l distruge pe cellalt,astfel
c puterea noastr dobndit i vocile noastre nu urmresc s distrug nimic i pe
nimeni, ci s se desprind de constructele supremaiei albe despre ei nii i Cei-
lali, nscute din mentalitatea genocidal pe care o evoc William Kentridge n insta-
laia/videoul su Black Box/Chambre Noire [Cutia neagr] (2005), n care el nareaz
primul genocid european al secolului 20, genocidul Herero-Nama n Namibia de
azi, sub stindardul Trauerarbeit
43
[travaliului doliului], al doliului contient.David
Olusoga, coautor alThe Kaisers Holocaust: Germanys Forgotten Genocide and the
Colonial Roots of Nazism[Holocaustul kaizerului: Genocidul uitat al Germaniei i r -
dcinile coloniale ale nazismului] (2010), referindu-se la acelai eveniment, i des-
crie organizarea ca fiind conceput i executat de criminali birocratici, criminali
care au ucis din spatele biroului.
44
Confluena lucrrilor artistice, a analizelor teo-
retice i a filmelor documentare ce contest refuzul de a recunoate i de a cere
iertare
45
al Germaniei pentru genocidul Herero-Nama a ocupat un loc special n
cadrul BE.BOP 2012. Asta se datoreaz eforturilor comune ale namibienilor,
germa nilor negri i simpatizanilor pentru pro movarea agendei recunoaterii geno-
cidului Herero-Nama de ctre guvernul german. De curnd, n Bundestagul ger-
man a fost introdus o moiune intitu lat:Recunoaterea ca genocid a crimelor
coloniale germane n fosta Afric de Sud-Vest german i munca pentru o justiie
res taurativ. Moiunea a fost discutat la 22 martie 2012 i a fost respins nc o
dat de guvernul german. Prezena activistului Michael Kppers-Adebisi (AFROTAK
TV cyberNomads primele arhive media de cultur i educaie afro-german, acti-
ve din 2001) ca partener media a mbogit discuia, att el, ct i Adetoun Kppers-
Adebisi fiind foarte activi n campania de recunoatere a genocidului din partea
guvernului german.
n eseul ei din catalog, Estetica decolonial a diasporei: Somapolitica Germaniei
negre,Alanna Lockward, teoretician i curator, teoretizez diasporicul n con tex-
tul esteticii decoloniale. Fcnd referire la cetenia neagr n Europa, ea afirm: Colo-
nizarea continentului african ce a urmat Conferinei Berlin Congo 18841885
a decis legitimitatea (sau ilegitimitatea) ceteniei negre. Aceast nelegere e vala-
bil n Europa pn n zilele noastre. [...]Cetenia a fost proclamat ca drept uni-
versal pentru toi indivizii albi, cretini i occidentali i e inextricabil legat de
con ceptul de civilizaie.
46
FilmulToxi (1952), n regia lui Robert Adolf Stemmle
(19031974), proiectat la cinematograful Hackesche Hfe n parteneriat cu Afric -
Avenir (totodat partener media) i cu sprijinul luiEric Van Grasdorff,atinge conclu -
ziile lui Lockward despre somapolitica Germaniei negre, care au furnizat de altfel
i inspiraia pentru conceptualizarea BE.BOP 2012. Filmul nareaz povestea unei
fete germane negre pe nume Toxi, care e abandonat de bunica ei alb pe pra gul
unei familii germane albe. Fetia e adoptat, ns problemele cauzate de prezen a
sa o plaseaz cnd n afara cminului, cnd napoi. Rasializarea ei este subiectul prin-
cipal al filmului, ns ea este i sexualizat, nu ntr-un mod violent, dar n subtili tatea
necesitii de a obiectiva constant individul negru i negritudinea sa. Totui fil mul
e un document important al procesului de rasializare i integrare a germani lor negri
n Germania i deopotriv un registru bogat al conceptului de civilizaie ce a fost/este
instrumental n discursul supremaiei albe despre corpul negru.
Vorbind ntr-un context european i eurocentric i nefiind un cetean care, aa cum
afirm Manuela Boatc, iniial nu era doar alb, ci i exclusiv brbat, din moment ce
cetenia era acordat doar brbailor ce dein proprietate, celor care pot plti taxe
Speaking in a European and Eurocentric context and not being a
citizen which, as Manuela Boatcstates was not only white, initial-
ly, but also exclusivelymale since it wasOnly granted to male
property-owners, whose ability to pay taxes and military tribute, and
thus contribute to themaintenance of the social order qualified them
as active citizens
40
often means thatspeaking is not always possible,
but dancing is. Emeka UdembasDancing with the Star (2011) one
of the video-art pieces screened atBE.BOP 2012, presents a couple
composed by a Black man and a nudewhite woman, who wears a
headscarf and a second piece covering her mouth and nose. They sit
in a complete silenced blank space surrounded by white walls, in
opposite sites of the corner. They seem to be waiting for something,
and nothing happens, then the woman starts getting impatient and
makes a move with her hands and they both stand and begin to
dance. This dancing in a slow motion, dispassionate and repetitive
insistence challenges racialization, gendering, religious propaganda
and political stereotypes. The use of the headscarf which refers to
the construction of an islamic woman, interplays with her naked-
ness in favor of challenging common asumptions onwhiteEuropean
women as inoculated from any racialized and/or religious identifica-
tions since their hegemonic position aswhite and Christian is consid-
ered normal, therefore invisible. Simultaneously, she is leading the
dance which points towards identifying the dependence many
Black men experience while trying to obtain their European citizen-
ship thanks to their relationship withwhitewomen. The stereotype
of the Black man instrumentalizing and being instrumentalized along
the race and gender lines in his relationship with awhitewoman is
thwarted by our inability to place this woman. The use of the head-
scarf is further problematized since it clearly suggests Islam.
By showing a white nude woman the artist strategy is counter-dis-
cursive in relation to a particularly symptomaticwhitemale Eurocen-
tric (violent) fantasy. A case in point is the filmSubmission(2004) by
Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Theo van Gogh were an islamic woman is strip
naked and verses of islam are written all over her skin, in what can
be described as a perfect example of a sadisticwhitesupremacist
islamophobic film. YetDancing with the Star(2011) leaves this woman
unmarked, she leads, her identity is veiled and therein another
stereotype is outlined. This one alludes to the complicitybetween
the Black man and the islamic woman as both are objects of crimina-
lization. While one is a feminized and sexualized incarnation of the
so-called terrorist, the other one is representing the refugee.
All these possible combinations which are clearly infinite are a by-
product of the violence pervasive in the Othering inherent to hege-
monic discourses. At the same time these dancing dilemmas portray
without further clarification the essential nature of citizenship, which
as Lockward and Boatc have argued, carries its original conceptual-
ization as bothwhiteand male. An islamic woman born in The
Netherlands, even if she has citizenship is still calledallochtoon
41
,
a term that places the individual constantly outside its birthplace,
outside of the nation-state. For the Black man, as a refugee, the
so-called illegality of his presence in Europe further objectifies him
and imprisons him into the nation, the dispensable status of his life
comes into being and his freedom of movement and choice are per-
manently in danger.
Quinsy Gariosdiscussedthe Zwarte Piet, Black Peteror the helper
of Sinterklaas (Santa Claus),a blackfaced,Afrowiged,red lipped,
blue eye-character dressed in colourful pagecostumeandusedboth
as a decorative and as a submissive image of the Black man to/for
thewhiteman. TheZwarte Pietis part and parcel ofaDutch tradi-
tion obviously related to their long-standing involvement in the
tradition ofenslavement, which still goesuncontested in The Nether-
lands. Quinsy Gario has set out to challengethis particular white
hegemonic narrative andhasopened a newdialogue through his
t-shirt project,whereZwarte Piet Is Racismeis printed in big letters.
Predictable police brutality wasforcefully displayed on thefirst time
he worethe challenging t-shirt during a celebration of Sinterklaas
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
132
lo nial snt toate formulri profund tulburtoare, fa de care istoriografia, teoria
social ori viziunile politice convenionale se raporteaz greoi. Impactul vizual al titlu -
rilor, satisfctor la nivel intelectual, a fost asociat cu impactul vizual al femeilor negre
ocupnd (sic!) spaiul fizic, epistemic i intelectual al sesiunilor i astfel ntorcnd pe
dos coerena alb a ntrunirilor mediului universitar german.
Nu am asistat la toate proieciile lucrrilor artistice, ns am vizionat unele dintre
ele ulterior, astfel c reacia mea fa de ele a fost una solitar; ns e ceva ce trebu -
ie spus despre solitudine cnd ea te ajut s poziionezi frumuseea estetic a
videoului lui Jeannette Ehlers, Black Magic at the White House (2009), n contex-
tul me sajului ei politic, contestarea invizibilitii implicrii Danemarcei n comerul
tri unghiular, printr-un joc de umbre i lumini reflectat de jocul de cuvinte despre
ne gru i alb din titlu. Am fost prezent la ultima proiecie cu Toxi (1952), n regia
lui Robert Stemmle i organizat de AfricAvenir, la cinematograful Hackesche Hfe,
i la discuia ce a urmat, despre construcia naiunii germane ca alb n Europa post-
fas cist, despre traducerile inadecvate istoric i utilizarea (i)legitim a terme nilor rasia -
li zani ca blackamoor din interes lingvistic ultima deranjnd mai mult de o sensi bilitate
postcolonial din public.
ns ce nu tiam e c voi fi acolo pentru reprezentaia spontan, uimitoare a lui Ingrid
Mwangi Robert Hutter de dup film: admiraie, uluire, veneraie, dar i invidie, nepu-
tin i n cele din urm bucurie pentru oportunitatea de a asimila ceea ce mi fcea
impresia a fi o experien acustic stranie, o reprezentaie vizual profund tulburtoa-
re i totodat desvrit, combinat cu senzaia de recunotin c tumultului
emoional pe care unii dintre noi trebuie s l fi simit pe durata proieciei cu Toxi i
s-a dat ast fel o expresie artistic, corporal, decolonial. Parte din cutremur. Snt
n ateptarea replicii.
Gata cu rsul ei!Gata cu rsul lui! Meditnd la BE.BOP 2012:
Desprinderea de Rsul Alb Genocidal
Teresa Mara Daz Nerio
BE.BOP 2012. Somapolitica Europei negre a dat natere la ceea ce Rolando Vz-
quez numete oumilire a modernitii, i anume contestarea deschis a moder-
nitii ca o colonialitate.
39
Masa rotund transdisciplinar i proiecia gzduit la Ballhaus
Naunynstrasse de minunaii Shermin Langhoff i Wagner Carvalho au abun dat n elibe -
rare a simurilor i a sensibilitilor
40
captive istoric n discursurile i practicile alteri -
zrii-colonial-imperialiste, canonizate de tacticile politice, economice, culturale i
genocidale vest-europene/nord-americane. Aceste instrumente au fost i mai snt
folosite pentru a prescrie i descrie Alte fiine umane, diferite (fa de hegemonia
alb). Aceste fiine umane erau/snt menite a fi utilizate ca viei dispensabile.
41
BE.BOP
2012 a investit ngndirea independent i libertile decoloniale
42
ce ne-au per-
mis s vorbim n termenii notri proprii i s crem un spaiu pentru dialog n afara
hegemoniei supremaiei albe.
Rolando Vzquez explic faptul c aceastumilire a modernitiiconst n expu-
nerea modului n care puterea modernitii e centrat n actul vorbirii n timp ce
se vorbete despre Cellalt;astfel, puterea modernitii st n oralitate. Mai exact,
el se re fer la ascultarea-deschiderea fa de Cellalt a revoluionarilor zapatiti,care
introduce o chestionare etic ce trebuie s fie prezent dac se vrea ca dialogul s
fie autentic. Modernitatea nu ascult, ea vorbete, i noi sntem cei despre care
se vorbete, astfel c dialogurile pe care le-am construit la BE.BOP 2012 au con-
stat n ascultarea i deschiderea fa de Cellalt, ateptnd de la toi participanii la
dialog acelai lucru: s asculte. Abordarea lui Vzquez presupune participarea etic
i responsabil a indivizilor albi privilegiai, care au intrat cu umilin n discuiile noas-
must be present if an authentic dialogue is intended. Modernity does
not listen, it speaks, and we are the ones spoken about, therefore
the dialogues we constructed atBE.BOP 2012 amounted to listen-
ing and opening to the Other while at the same time expecting that
anybody taking part in the dialogue did the same: listen. Vzquez
approach is indeed tantamount to the ethical and responsible partic-
ipation ofwhiteprivileged individuals who entered our discussions
where they were humbled and compelled to listen in order to learn
(from the ones that in their Western European/North American colo-
nial and imperial hegemonic discourses are still considereddispens-
able lives) what their hegemonic position entails for Others. I believe
this point to be of extreme importance in order to have an open dia-
logue. Power as orality does not necessarily mean disempowering
somebody else, as Vzquez said,humbling: not trying to destroy the
other,therein our empowerment and our voices do not seek to
destroy anything or anybody but to delink fromwhite supremacists
constructions of themselves and Others, born from the genocidal
mentality William Kentridge portrays in his video/installation Black
Box/Chambre Noire (2005), where he narrates the first European
genocide of the 20thcentury, the Herero-Nama genocide in present
day Namibia, under the flag ofTrauerarbeit
36
or conscious mourn-
ing.David Olusoga, co-author ofThe Kaisers Holocaust: Germanys
Forgotten Genocide and the Colonial Roots of Nazism (2010), refer-
ring to the same event, describes its organization as conceived and
executed by bureaucratic killers, killers that killed from behind the
desk.
37
The confluence of artistic works, theoretical analysis and doc-
umentary films contesting Germanysrefusal to recognize and apol-
ogize
38
for the Herero-Nama genocide had a special place in BE.BOP
2012. This is due to the joint effort of Namibians, Black Germans and
simpatizers in order to push the agenda of the German government
acknowledgement of the Herero-Nama genocide. Recentlya motion
was introduced in the German Bundestag, entitled:Acknowledging
the German colonial crimes in former German South West Africa as
genocide and working towards restorative justice. The motion was
discussed on March 22, 2012 and once again the German govern-
ment has rejected it. The presence of activistMichael Kppers-Ade-
bisi (AFROTAK TV cyberNomads the first Black German Media,
Culture & Education Archives, active since 2001) as a media partner,
further enriched the discussion as he and Adetoun Kppers-Adebisi
have being very active in claiming recognition of the genocide from
the German government.
In her catalogue essayDecolonial Diasporic Aesthetics: Black
German Body Politics, Alanna Lockward, conceptualizer and curator,
theorizes the Diasporic within the Decolonial Aesthetics. Referring to
Black citizenship in Europe she states thatThe colonization of the
African continent after the BerlinCongo Conference 18841885 des-
ignated the legitimacy (or not) of Black citizenship. This understand-
ing is valid in Europe until today. . . .Citizenship has been proclaimed
to be a universal right for all white, Christian and Western individu-
als and it is inextricably connected to the concept of civilization.
39
The filmToxi (1952), directed by Robert Adolf Stemmle (19031974),
screened at Hackesche Hfe Kino in partnership withAfricAvenir
(also media partner) and facilitated byEric Van Grasdorff,touches
on Lockwards conclusions onBlack German Body Politicswhich is
the inspiration for the conceptualization of BE.BOP 2012 in the first
place. The film narrates the story of a Black German girl named Toxi
who is abandoned by her white grandmother at the doorsteps of
awhiteGerman family. The girl is taken in, but the vicissitudes her
presence causes put her in and out of the house, her racialization is
the main subject of the film, yet she is also sexualized, not in a vio-
lent way, but in the subtlety of the necessity to constantly objectify
the Black person and her/his Blackness. Yet the film is an important
document of the processes of racialization and integration of Black
Germans in Germany and also a rich register onthe concept ofcivi-
lizationwhich has/is been instrumental in white supremacists dis -
courses in relation to the Black body.
135
Cartografiind corpul negru n exil],avnd ca subiect imaginile notorii cu ministrul
culturii din Suedia performnd o mutilare genital, mai exact o clitoridectomie, pe
ca ricatura corpului unei femei negre, realizat sub forma unui tort negru, cu prile
interne glazurate n conformitate n rou-sngeriu. Ministrul suedez al cul turii e sur-
prins pe pelicul n timp ce rde i alimenteaz capul n machiaj negru, care se
dovedete a fi creatorul lucrrii, Makode Linde,un artist afro-suedez.Muli din-
tre noi au vzut imaginea i nu intenionez s elaborez prea mult asupra ei. Dul-
lay sublinia z complicitatea lui Makode Linde cu supremaia alb, care l transform
n epitomul unui nonalb, teoretizat cu ajutorul lui Steve Biko. Ea comenteaz n con-
tinuare relaia dintre tortul lui Makode Linde i viaa lui Sarah Baartman:Ceea ce
gsesc a fi profund tulburtor i macabru n performance-ul lui Linde e insistena
sa de a pune n scen momentul n care Baartman e transformat pentru totdeau-
na ntr-un obiect pentru privirea alb, prin violena de a lua metalul rece ascuit i
a-i dezmembra corpul, creierul i organele genitale. Oricine reproduce acest mo -
ment ntr-un act cultural trebuie tras la rspundere. Reproducerea acestui moment
al mutilrii, odat cu plcerea i rsul albului, presu pune contientizarea i cunoate-
rea faptului c Sarah Baartman a refuzat s interpreteze goal, ea a refuzat ntot-
deauna s se expun complet. Este larg cunoscut faptul c Baartman a luptat activ
i l-a tachinat pe omul de tiin care dorea s-i documenteze sexul ca pe un nsemn
al di ferenei rasiale. n consecin, ea a contestat n mod activ ncadrarea ei ca fiin
primitiv, hipersexualizat, exotic, neagr.
Noiunea lui Dullay de rs i plcere alb e echivalat, de asemenea, n figura lui
Zwarte Piet. E esenial s remarcm c publicul alb rdea la amintirea lucrrii lui Ma -
kode Linde. Mi-a venit inspiraia s ncep s teoretizez Rsul Alb Genocidal ca re -
zultat al ideilor discutate mai sus, devenite posibile datorit ntlnirii incredibil de
ncnttoare care a fost BE.BOP 2012. Somapolitica Europei negre. Asta se petrece
concomitent cu propria mea cercetare asupra reprezentrii femeii negre i mes-
tiza [metise] caraibiene, n cinematografia mexican i spaniolo-caraibian a anilor
19401950. n aceste filme am gsit deseori corelaia dintre Rsul Alb, rasializarea
i sexualizarea corpului femeii negre i mestiza. Un caz specific poate fi observat
n filmul mexican Angelitos negros [ngeraii negri] (1948), n care Beln, o mestiza
n mod vizibil neagr
49
, un copil traumatizat, ncearc s treac drept alb, aplicnd
cu inocen pudr alb pe faa ei i fugind la mama; aceasta izbucnete n rs, cu ci -
nism. Acest episod de Rs Alb Genocidal e rezultatul a patru ani (Beln are 4 ani)
de abuzuri i respingeri, n care mama ajunge n punctul de a-i nega maternitatea
n faa unei prietene albe, n timp ce laud copilul blond al acesteia. Ea nu tie c ea
nsi e neagr, ns nu neagr n mod vizibil, astfel c ea i presupune albitatea i
i aplic privilegiul alb asupra propriului su copil. Episodul Rsului Alb Genocidal e ur -
mat de abandonarea copilului, prsirea casei i, n cele din urm, uciderea accidenta -
l a menajerei sale negre, care, fapt din nou tiut de ea, era de fapt mama sa.
Snt pe cale s fac legtura ntre plcerea i rsul alb al lui Dullay i vieile dispensa -
bile ale lui Mignolo n raport cu multe dintre prezentrile de la BE.BOP 2012 i pro -
ieciile sale. De exemplu, documentarul fantastic al lui Jean-Marie Teno, Le Malen tendu
colonial (2004), cerceteaz amnunit rolul bisericii protestante germane n triviali -
zarea genocidului Herero-Nama. Analiza mea nu e lipsit de experien personal:
ca femeie dominican ce triete n Olanda de zece ani, rasializarea i sexualiza-
rea snt nscrise n modul n care albii i execut glumele rasiste inofensive de zi
cu zi aceasta e pinea de fiecare zi n context olandez. Rasializarea oamenilor negri
(Zwarte Piet), suprasexualizarea i subjugarea lor pentru a-i face s stea la locul
lor ca ras inferioar (tortul lui Makode Linde) nu snt nimic altceva dect perpe-
tuarea colonialitii i a ideologiilor sale, inerent suprematist-albe. Rsul Alb e geno-
cidal pentru c menine intacte presupunerile despre universalitatea superioritii
albe i ideea inferioritii oamenilor din Sudul Global. Acestea snt ntocmai baze-
inherentwhite supremacist ideologies. White Laughter is genocidal
because it keeps in place the assumptions about the universality
ofwhitesuperiority and the notion of Global-South peoples infe-
riority. These are the very foundations on which colonialism, slavery,
imperialism, capitalism, that is: modernity/coloniality stand as uni-
versal genocidal machines. I want to theorize Genocidal White
Laughter in the context of cultural production and performative
practices and honoring the decolonial option, my intention is to detect
the moments where White Laughter serves its genocidal tendencies
towards what Jos-Manuel Barreto calls the idea of annihilation
43
and delink fromit. As Mignolo puts it:The decolonial turn is the
opening and the freedomfromthe thinking and the forms of living
(economies-other, political theories-other), the cleansing of the colo-
niality of being and of knowledge; the de-linking fromthe spell of the
rhetoric of modernity, fromits imperial imaginary articulated in the
rhetoric of democracy.
44
This process ofcleansing of the coloniality
of being and the coloniality of knowledgeis also described by Robbie
Shilliamasacollective self-healing. . . Healing requires an aesthetic
that is not immanent to colonial violence or white supremacy but
transgressive of it, perhaps transcendent to it
45
, that means thata
Decolonial Aesthetics is also inspired by healing.
Therein, to delink from Genocidal White Laughter we need to detect
its genesis and its complicity with world histories of genocide in their
relation with culturally produced and reproduced images of the dis-
pensable livesconstructed as Others. Black peoples, for example,
have been constructed by Western Eurocentricwhite supremacists
intellectuals and scientists as genocidal laughter material. Our chal-
lenge as decolonial thinkers and creators is to delink from this
demeaning images by means of cleansing and/or healing from the
coloniality of being,a term whichemergedin discussions of a
diverse group of scholars doing work on coloniality and decoloniza-
tion.
46
Nelson Maldonado Torres pointsouthow Thecoloniality of
Being raises the challenge of connecting the genetic, the existential,
and the historical dimensions where Being shows most evidently its
colonial side and its fractures.
47
Vzquezs humbling of modernity
may well be put in place as a contributor to Shilliams healing and
Mignolos cleansing in order to detect and delinkoffGenocidal
White Laughter.
Notes:
1. Text initially published in Social Text, January 2013, Walter Mignolo
and Rolando Vzquez (eds.), Decolonial Aesthetics Dossier,
http://www.socialtextjournal.org/periscope/
2. As Enrique Dussel puts it: Modernity is, for many (forJrgen Haber-
masorCharles Taylor)an essentially or exclusively European phe-
nomenon. In these lectures, I will argue that modernity is, in fact,
a European phenomenon but one constituted in a dialectical relation
with a non-European alterity that is its ultimate content. Modernity
appears when Europe affirms itself as the center of a world history
that it inaugurates: the periphery that surrounds this center is conse-
quently part of its self-definition. The occlusion of this periphery (and
of the role of Spain and Portugal in the formation of the modern world
system from the late fifteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries) leads
the major contemporary thinkers of the center into a Eurocentric fal-
lacy in their understanding of modernity. If their understanding of the
genealogy of modernity is thus partial and provincial, their attempts
at a critique or defense of it are likewise unilateral and, in part, false.
Enrique Dussel, Eurocentrism and Modernity: Introduction to the
Frankfurt Lectures, in John Beverley, Jos Oviedo, and Michael Aronna
(eds.), The Postmodernism Debate in Latin America, Durham, Duke
University Press, 1995, pp. 6577. Quoted in Walter Mignolo, Delink-
ing: The Rhetoric of Modernity, the Logic of Coloniality and the Gram-
mar of De-Coloniality, Durham, Duke University Press, 2008, p. 53.
3. Rajagopalan Radhakrishnan, Ethnicity in an Age of Diaspora, Transi-
tion #54, November 1991.
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
134
i tribut militar, i astfel, contribuia lor la meninerea ordinii sociale i califica drept ceteni
activi.
47
Asta nseamn deseori c nu e ntotdeauna posibil s vorbeti, ns s dan-
sezi este. Una dintre lucrrile de art video proiectate la BE.BOP 2012, Dancing with
the Star [Dansnd cu o stea] (2011) a lui Emeka Udemba, prezint un cuplu com-
pus dintr-un brbat negru i o femeie alb nud, care poart doar un batic i un arti-
col secundar ce i acoper gura i nasul. Ei stau ntr-un spaiu gol nconju rai de perei
albi, ntr-o tcere total, n coluri opuse. Par s atepte ceva, i nimic nu se ntmpl,
apoi femeia devine nerbdtoare i face o micare cu minile i amndoi se ridic i
ncep s danseze. Acest dans lent, lipsit de pasiune i repetitiv confrunt rasializarea,
atribuirea genului, propaganda religioas i stereotipurile politice. Utilizarea earfei ce
face trimitere la construcia unei femei islamice interacionez cu nuditatea ei,
favoriznd contestarea preconcepiilor comune despre femeia eu ro pean alb, aa
cum au fost acestea inoculate de oricare identificare rasial i/sau religioas, dat fiind
c poziia lor hegemonic ca alb i cretin e considerat norma l, deci invizibil. Toto-
dat, ea conduce dansul, semnaliznd identificarea dependen ei pe care muli br -
bai negri o resimt cnd ncearc s-i obin cetenia european prin relaie cu femei
albe. Stereotipul brbatului negru instrumentaliznd i fiind instrumentalizat n relaia
sa cu femeia alb de-a lungul liniilor de ras i de gen e contra carat de inabilitatea
noastr de a poziio na aceast femeie. Utilizarea earfei e mai departe problemati-
zat, aceasta sugernd n mod clar Islamul. Prin expunerea unei femei goale albe,
strategia artistului e contradiscursiv n raport cu o fantezie (violen t) simptomatic
specific a brbatului alb eurocentric. Un exemplu relevant e filmul Submission[Supu-
nere] (2004) al lui Ayaan Hirsi Ali i Theo van Gogh, n care o femeie islamist e
dezbrcat complet i versete islamice snt scrise pe ntreaga suprafa a pielii ei, n
ceea ce poate fi descris ca fiind un exemplu perfect de film islamofob sadistic alb supre-
matist. ns Dancing with the Star(2011) o las pe aceas t femeie nemarcat, ea con-
duce, identitatea ei e ascuns, i cu asta e subliniat un alt stereotip. Acesta face aluzie
la complicitatea dintre brbatul negru i femeia islami c, ambii fiind obiecte ale crimi -
nalizrii. n timp ce unul e o ncarnare feminizat i sexualizat a aa-numitului tero-
rist, cellalt reprezint refugiatul. Toate aceste combinaii posibile, care snt n
mod clar infinite, snt un produs derivat al violenei generalizate inerente n discur-
surile hegemonice ale Alteritii. Totodat, aceste dileme dansante redau fr vreo
clarificare suplimentar natura esenial a ceteniei, care, aa cum Lockward i Boatc
au argumentat, comport conceptualizarea sa originar ca fiind deopotriv alb i mas-
culin. O femeie islamist nscut n Olanda, cu toate c posed cetenie, e denu-
mit n continuare allochtoon
48
, un termen ce pozi io neaz n mod constant
individul n afara locului su de natere, n afara statului-naiune. Pentru brbatul negru,
ca refugiat, aa-numita ilegalitate a prezenei sale n Europa l obiectiveaz n conti -
nuare i l ncarcereaz n naiune, statutul dispensa bil al vieii sale materializndu-se,
libertatea sa de micare i de alegere fiind periclitat n permanen.
Disputatul Zwarte Piet, Negrul Peterori ajutorul lui Sinterklaas (Mo Crciun) al
lui Quinsy Gario,un personaj cu machiaj negru, peruc afro, buze roii, ochi al -
ba tri, mbrcat ntr-un costum de paj viu colorat i utilizat deopotriv ca imagine
de corativ i submisiv a brbatului negru fa de/pentru omul alb. Zwarte Piete
parte i seciune a unei tradiii olandeze legate de ndelunga lor implicare n tra -
di ia sclavagismului, ce rmne nc necontestat n Olanda.Quinsy Gario i-a pro-
pus s confrunte aceast naraiune hegemonic alb particular i a iniiat un nou
dialog prin proiectul lui cu tricouri pe care e imprimat cu majuscule mesajulZwar-
te Piet Is Racisme. Brutalitatea previzibil a poliiei s-a manifestat cnd el a mbrcat
pentru prima dat tricoul n timpul unei celebrri de Sinterklaas (Mo Cr ciun). Perso -
nalitatea fermectoare i ncpnarea lui Gario l-au ajutat s realizeze multe prin
rspndirea acestui contradiscurs. n mod similar, prezentarea lui SimmiDullay,Uproo-
ting and Belongings: Mapping the Black Body in Exile [Dezrdcinare i apartenene:
(Santa Claus).Garioscharming personality andstrong will hasassist-
ed him in accomplishing a lotinspreading this counter narrative.
Similarly, SimmiDullays presentationUprooting and Belongings:
Mapping the Black Body in Exile,centered on the infamous images
of the SwedishCultureMinister performing genital mutilation, to be
more precise a clitoridectomy, on the caricature of a Black womans
body in the form of a Black coated cake with her interiors according-
ly coated inblood-red. The SwedishCultureMinister is caught on
camera laughing and feeding it to the head in Blackface, which
turns out to be the creator of the piece, Makode Linde,an Afro-
Swedishmale artist.Many of us have seen the image and I do not
intent to expand too much on it. Dullay points the complicity of
Makode Linde withwhite supremacy making him the epitome of a
non-white, which she theorizes via Steve Biko. She further expands
on the relationship between Makode Lindes cake and the life of
Sarah Baartman:WhatI find profoundly disturbing and macabre
about Lindes performance is his insistence of staging the moment
when Baartman is perpetually transformed into an object for the
white gaze, through the violence of taking cold sharp steel and dis-
membering her body, her brain and her genitals. Anyone who repro-
duces this moment as a cultural act needs to be held accountable.
Reproducing this moment of mutilation and its reciprocal white
pleasure and laughter, demands consciousness and awareness to
the fact that Sarah Baartman refused to perform naked, she always
refused to expose herself completely. It is widely documented that
Baartman actively fought and taunted the scientist who wanted to
document her sex as a marker of racial difference and therefore
she actively challenged her framingas theBlack, exotic, primitive
hyper sexualized being.
Dullays notion ofwhite pleasure and laughterisalso equated in
the figure of the Zwarte Piet. In Makode Lindes piece recollection it
is crucial to note that thewhite audience was also laughing. I have
been inspired to start theorizing on Genocidal White Laughter as a
result of the ideas discussed above made possible by the unbeliev-
able gratifying meeting that wasBE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body
Politics. This is taking place in conjunction with my own research on
Black andmestiza Caribbean women representations in the Mexican
and Spanish-Caribbean cinema of the 40s and 50s. In these films
I often found the correlation between White Laughter, racialization
and sexualization of Black and themestiza womens body. A specific
case is to be seen in the Mexican filmAngelitos negros (1948) were
Belen, avisibly Black
42
mestiza and traumatized child tries to pass
forwhite, innocently applying white powder in her face and running
to her mother, who cynically bursts out laughing. This Genocidal
White Laughter episode is the result of four years (Belen is 4 years
old) of dismissive abuse, where the mother gets to the point of deny-
ing her motherhood in front of awhite friend of hers, whilst praising
her friends blond baby. Unbeknownst to herself (the mother), she is
also Black, but notvisibly Black therefore she assumes her whiteness
and applies herwhiteprivilege to her own child. The Genocidal White
Laughter episode is followed by the abandonment of the child, leav-
ing the house, and eventually the accidental killing of her Black maid,
who was actually, also unbeknownst to her, her mother.
I amin the process of connecting Dullays white pleasure and laugh-
ter with Mignolosdispensable livesalso in relation to many of the
presentations ofBE.BOP 2012 and its screenings. Jean-Marie Tenos
amazing documentaryLe Malentendu colonial (2004), for example,
delves into the German Protestant churchs role in trivializing the
Herero-Nama genocide. My analysis is not devoid of personal experi-
ence, as a Dominican woman living in The Netherlands for the past
ten years, racialization and sexualization is inscribed in the way in
whichwhites perform their harmless everday racist jokes, this is
daily bread in the Dutch context. The racialization of Black people
(Zwarte Piet), their oversexualization and subjugation in order to
make them stay put in place as an inferior race (Makode Lindes
cake) is nothing less than the perpetuation of coloniality and its
137
6. Krista Thompson, Youth Culture, Diasporic Aesthetics and the Art of Being Seen in the Bahamas, Afri-
can Arts, primvara 2011, p. 38.
7. Stuart Hall, Cultural Identity and Diaspora, Framework, nr. 36, 1989.
8. Cnd Du Bois introduce pentru prima dat SorrowSongs [Cntecele suferinei] n Forethought, el le
leag n mod direct de sufletele oamenilor negri: Fiecare capitol tiprit e precedat de un acord din Sorrow
Songs un oarecare ecou al unei melodii tulburtoare din singura muzic american ce a irupt din sufle-
tele negre ntr-un trecut ntunecat (W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, Chicago, 1903 (1989), 2;
sublinierea mi aparine). Mai mult dect att, n Afterthought la Souls, Du Bois le cere cititorilor si s Aud
plnsetul [su] (217), iar cel mai bun mod de a auzi sufletele oamenilor negri, aa cumremarc Du Bois
la sfritul primului capitol, Of Our Spiritual Strivings, e s asculi Sorrow Songs (12). Du Bois nu le
cere cititorilor si s priveasc ori s vad sufletele oamenilor negri, n schimb, el scrie pentru ca oame-
nii s poat asculta sufletele oamenilor negri. Weheliye, p. 319.
9. Kobena Mercer, Diaspora Aesthetics and Visual Culture, in Harry Justin i Ian Kennell Jackson (ed.), Black
Cultural Traffic: Crossroads in Global Performance and Popular Culture, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press,
2005, p. 141161.
10. Aa c hai s ne lum rmas-bun de la generalizrile facile i confortabile, lsate n cenua nencrederii
suspendate. Noi snteminvadatorii i squatterii plantaiilor artei moderne ce ne mping la i dincolo de limi-
ta sntii mentale i a sanatoriului ori a sanitarizrii. Nets have many holes, performance de T. Mar-
tinus i Glenda Martinus, n colaborare cu Quinsy Gario, 2012.
11. Antonio Bentez Rojo, The Repeating Island: The Caribbean and the Postmodern Perspective, Durham, Duke
University Press, 1998.
12. Exist cel puin dou modaliti diferite de a gndi identitatea cultural. Prima poziie definete identi-
tatea cultural n termenii unei culturi singulare mprtite, un fel de identitate autentic singular colec-
tiv, ascuns nuntrul multor altor identiti, mult mai superficiale ori impuse n mod artificial, pe care
oamenii cu o istorie ori o descenden mprtit o au n comun. Conform acestei definiii, identitile
noastre culturale reflect experienele istorice comune i codurile culturale mprtite ce ne confer nou,
ca popor unitar, cadrele de referin i de sens invariabile i continue dedesubtul diviziunilor schimbtoa-
re i al vicisitudinilor istoriei noastre actuale. Aceast unitate, ce st la baza tuturor celorlalte diferenieri
mai superficiale, e adevrul, esena, caraibianismul experienei negre. Aceast identitate e cea pe care
un caraibian ori o diaspor de culoare trebuie s o descopere, s o excaveze, s o scoat la lumin i s
o exprime prin reprezentrile cinematice. Hall, p. 223.
13. Agustn Lao Montes, Hilos Descoloniales. Trans-localizando los espacios de la Dispora Africana, Tabu-
la Rasa (Bogot, Columbia), nr. 7, iulie-decembrie 2007, p. 55.
14. Adolfo Albn Achinte, Comida y colonialidad, CALLE14 (Bogot, Columbia), vol. 4, nr. 5, 2010, p. 20.
15. Stuart Hall, citat in Mercer, op. cit.
16. Vezi nsemnrile lui Walter Mignolo i Simmi Dullay despre Somapolitica Europei negre, n acest dosar.
17. Peo Hansen i Stefan Jonsson, Bringing Africa As ADowry To Europe, Interventions, 13:3, 2011, p. 443463.
18. ... Mammy nu a vrut s i spun povestea ei nici preedintelui, nici oamenilor si, ntruct aceasta nu era
a sa; ea nu era un erou. Era povestea unei aciuni cooperative; era o poveste a comunitii. Noi amf-
cut-o posibil. Edna Brodber, Louisiana: A novel, London, New Beacon Books, 1994, p. 161.
19. Micarea literar i teoretic Ngritude a fost fondat la Paris n anii 1930 de trei intelectuali imigrani pro-
venii din colonii diferite ale Franei, din Africa i Caraibe, Aim Csaire, Lopold Sdar Senghor i Lon
Damas, ca expresie a solidaritii i rezistenei comune mpotriva rasismului colonial, prin transformarea
insultei uzuale din limba francez ntr-o valorizare pozitiv autonom. Cuvntul a fost introdus n limba fran-
cez de Aim Csaire n jurnalul micrii ltudiant noire i folosit pe larg n poemul-carte Cahier d'un retour
au pays natal (19381939). (N. red.)
20. Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth Cake Controversy: Swedish Minister of Culture Slammed for Racist Cake, The
Huffington Post, 17.04.2012.
21. Jocelyn Valton, Art in the Caribbean: A Way to Defy History. Jocelyn Valton in Conversation with Simon
Njami, in Nancy Hoffmann i Frank Verputten (ed.), Who More Sci-Fi Than Us: Contemporary Art from
the Caribbean, catalogul expoziiei, Kunsthal Kade, Amersfoort, Kit Publishers, 2012, p. 139.
22. Roberto Fernndez Retamar, Todo Calibn, La Habana, Cuba, Fondo Cultural del ALBA, 2000.
23. Der Tagesspiegel, 24.09.2007, p. 25.
24. Olufemi Taiwo, Exorcising Hegels ghost: Africas challenge to philosophy, African Studies Quarterly #4,
1997.
25. Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze, The Color of Reason: The Idea of Race in Kants Anthropology, in E. C.
Eze (ed.), Postcolonial African Philosophy, Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, 1997.
26. E un fapt unanim cunoscut c I. Kant nu i-a prsit niciodat oraul-port, Knigsberg (nici mcar pentru
a vizita Berlinul!), i c i-a pregtit seminariile antropologice i estetice din transcrierile interaciunilor sale
cu marinari, aa cumo demonstreaz cu acuratee riguroas cercetarea lui Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze. Aces-
21. Der Tagesspiegel, 24.09.2007, p. 25.
22. Olufemi Taiwo, Exorcising Hegels ghost: Africas challenge to philo-
sophy, African Studies Quarterly #4, 1997.
23. Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze, The Color of Reason: The Idea of Race in
Kants Anthropology, in E. C. Eze (ed.), Postcolonial African Philoso-
phy, Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, 1997.
24. It is common knowledge that Kant never abandoned his port city of
Knigsberg (not even to visit Berlin!) and prepared his anthropological
and aesthetics lectures from transcriptions of his interactions with sea-
men, as Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze research establishes with rigorous
accuracy. These oral registers, based on the mythologies pullulating
in the imaginaries of the plantation economy, are the basis of the
universal character of European art as we know it until today.
Welcome to decoloniality Simon Njami!
25. Eze, op. cit.
26. Lewis R. Gordon, Fanon and Development: A Philosophical Look,
in Lansana Keita (ed.), Philosophy and African Development: Theory
and Practice, Dakar, CODESRIA, 2011.
27. Ngu
-
g wa Thiongo, Globalectics: Theory and the Politics of Knowing,
New York, Columbia University Press, 2012.
28. G. W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, translation by J. Jibree,
New York, Dover, 1956, p. 93.
29. See: http://wysinger.homestead.com/berlinconference.html/
30. Dullay, M.A. thesis, 2010, p. 28.
31. See: http://zwartepietisracisme.tumblr.com/
32. The basic thesis is the following: modernity is a European narrative
that hides its darker side, coloniality. Coloniality, in other words, is
constitutive of modernity there is no modernity without coloniality.
Walter D. Mignolo,Coloniality: The Darker Side of Modernity,
originally published with the title Coloniality and Modernity/Rational-
ity, Cultural Studies, vol. 21, #23, 2007, pp. 155167.
33. Decolonial Aesthetics Manifesto, IDEA arts + society #39, 2011, pp.
8991; http://transnationaldecolonialinstitute.wordpress.com/
decolonial-aesthetics/
34. Subjectivities have been formed under the naturalization of dispen-
sability of human lives in the frame of the colonial matrix of power.
During the period of heavy slave trade lives made dispensable for
economic reasons implied that the people involved in slave trade
or benefiting directly or indirectly from it, did not subjectively care.
And if they did not care it was because either they accepted that
Africans were not quite human or did not care because they were get-
ting used to accepting the fact that there are human lives who are
just as dispensable as human beings even though necessary as work-
ers, be they enslaved, servants or employed at minimum wage.
Cf. Walter D. Mignolo, Dispensable and Bare Lives: Coloniality
and the Hidden Political/Economic Agenda of Modernity, Human
Architecture: Journal of The Sociology of Self-Knowledge, 7, 2, 2009,
pp. 6988,78.
35. Decolonial Aesthetics Manifesto.
36. Germany is one of the countries in which a public consciousness
about the crimes of the past is more advanced. For more than sixty
years Germany has dealt with the dark side of its history by an exami-
nation of Nazi atrocities, a process that it is often called Vergangen-
heitsbewltigung.A similar practice of remembering and analizing
the past has been advanced in relation to the crimes committed
under the communist regime of East Germany. Such a collective soul-
searching process has effects in the self-conception of the nation, its
main rationale being that of functioning as a warning about some-
thing that happened and should not, and cannot, happen again. Yet,
a similar attempt at reaching a truthful account of the events has not
been made in relation to the brutalities carried out by the German
Empire during the times of the Second Reich. The killing of hundreds
of thousands of human beings in German East Africa, todays Tanzania,
and the genocide of the Herero and Nama in German South-West
Africa, todays Namibia, remain unknown, hidden and forgotten.
This is not only the case of Germany, but it is also a common feature
+ (BE.BOP 2012)
136
le pe care colonialismul, sclavia, imperia lismul, capitalismul, adic: modernitatea/colo-
nialitatea snt mainrii universale ale genocidului. Vreau s teoretizez Rsul Alb Geno -
cidal n contextul produciei culturale i al practicilor performative i, pentru a onora
opiunea decolonial, intenia mea e de a detecta momentele n care Rsul Alb ser -
ve te tendinelor sale genocidale, pentru a realiza desprinderea de ceea ce Jos-Ma -
nuel Barreto numete idea anihilrii.
50
Aa cum se exprim Mignolo: Turnura
decolonial e deschiderea i eliberarea de gndirea i formele de existen (alte eco-
nomii, alte teorii politice), curarea de colonialitatea fiinei i cunoaterii; desprin-
derea de vraja retoricii modernitii, de imaginarul su im perial articulat n retorica
de mocraiei.
51
Acest proces de curare de colonialitatea fiinei i cunoateriie
descris i de Robbie Shilliam, ca o vindecare de sine colectiv [...] Vindecarea pre-
supune o estetic ce nu e imanent violenei coloniale ori supremaiei albe, ci care
o transgreseaz, probabil o transcende.
52
Aceasta nseamn c o estetic decolo-
nial e inspirat i de vindecare.
n aceast privin, pentru a ne disocia de Rsul Alb Genocidal trebuie s-i detectm
geneza i complicitatea sa cu istoriile genocidului din lume, n raportul lor cu imagi-
nile, produse i reproduse cultural, ale vieilor dispensabileconstruite ca fiind Cei-
lali. De exemplu, oamenii negri au fost construii de intelectualii i oamenii de tiin
suprematiti albi occidentali eurocentrici ca material pentru rsul genocidal. Provo-
carea noastr n calitate de gnditori i creatori decoloniali e s ne disociem de aces-
te imagini denigratoare prin intermediul currii i/sau vindecrii de colonialitatea
fiinei,un termen ce a aprut n discuiile unui grup divers de universitari ce lucrau
asupra colonialitii i decolonizrii.
53
Nelson Maldonado Torres indic modul n
care Colonialitatea Fiinei aduce provocarea de a conecta geneticul, existenialul
i di mensiunile istorice n care Fiina i arat n mod evident latura sa colonial i
fractu rile acesteia.
53
Umilirea modernitii a lui Vzquez i poate la fel de bine
gsi locul ca o contribuie la vindecarea lui Shilliam i curarea lui Mi gnolo, pen-
tru a detecta i a ne desprinde de Rsul Alb Genocidal.
Traducere de Anca Bumb
Note:
1. Somapolitic: body politics, n englez n original. Conceptul se opune celui de egopolitic, specific for-
melor cunoaterii bazate pe suveranitatea politic a subiectului european, i face parte, alturi de geopo-
litic, din arhitectura conceptual a gndirii decoloniale. Somapolitica face posibil dialogul epistemic cu culturi
pentru care diviziunile dintre natur i cultur, suflet i corp, minte i corp nu au sens ori nu snt absolute,
ori cu subieci precumimigranii sau descendenii diasporici, a cror rezisten sau memorie cultural e trans-
mis n forme care nu snt bazate pe scrierea alfabetic. Vezi Walter D. Mignolo, Colonialitatea: partea mai
ntunecat a modernitii, IDEA art +societate #3334, 2009, p. 175187. (N. red.)
2. Text publicat iniial n Social Text, ianuarie 2013, Walter Mignolo i Rolando Vzquez (ed.), Decolonial Aes-
thetics Dossier, http://www.socialtextjournal.org/periscope/
3. Dup cum spune Enrique Dussel: Modernitatea e pentru muli (pentru Jrgen Habermas ori Charles
Taylor) un fenomen esenial ori exclusiv european. n aceste prelegeri voi susine c modernitatea e, de
fapt, un fenomen european, ns unul format ntr-o relaie dialectic cu o alteritate noneuropean ce con-
stituie la capt de linie coninutul su. Modernitatea apare atunci cnd Europa se afirm pe sine drept cen-
tru al istoriei mondiale pe care o inaugureaz: n consecin, periferia ce nconjoar centrul e parte a
acestei autodefiniri. Excluderea acestei periferii (i a rolului Spaniei i Portugaliei n formarea sistemului mon-
dial modern de la finele secolului al cincisprezecelea pn la jumtatea secolului al aptesprezecelea) i con-
duce pe marii gnditori contemporani ai centrului la eroarea eurocentric n conceperea modernitii.
Dac astfel concepia lor despre genealogia modernitii este parial i provincial, ncercrile lor de criti-
c ori de aprare a ei snt deopotriv unilaterale i, n parte, false. Enrique Dussel, Eurocentrismand Moder-
nity: Introduction to the Frankfurt Lectures, in John Beverley, Jos Oviedo i Michael Aronna (ed.), The
Postmodernism Debate in Latin America, Durham, Duke University Press, 1995, p. 6577. Citat de Wal-
ter Mignolo, Delinking: The Rhetoric of Modernity, the Logic of Coloniality and the Grammar of De-Colonia-
lity, Durham, Duke University Press, 2008, p. 53.
4. Rajagopalan Radhakrishnan, Ethnicity in an Age of Diaspora, Transition #54, noiembrie 1991.
5. Alexander Weheliye, The Grooves of Temporality, Public Culture, 17(2), p. 324.
4. Alexander Weheliye, The Grooves of Temporality, Public Culture,
17(2), p. 324.
5. Krista Thompson, Youth Culture, Diasporic Aesthetics and the Art
of Being Seen in the Bahamas, African Arts, Spring 2011, p. 38.
6. Stuart Hall, Cultural Identity and Diaspora, Framework, no. 36,
1989.
7. When Du Bois first introduces the Sorrow Songs in Forethought,
he links them directly to the souls of black folk: Before each chapter,
as now printed, stands a bar of the Sorrow Songs some echo of
haunting melody from the only American music which welled up from
black souls in the dark past (W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk,
Chicago, 1903 (1989), 2; emphasis mine). Moreover, in the After-
thought to Souls, Du Bois asks his readers to Hear [his] cry (217), and
the best way to hear the souls of black folk, as Du Bois remarks at the
end of the first chapter, Of Our Spiritual Strivings, is to is to listen to
the Sorrow Songs (12). Du Bois does not ask his readers to view or see
the souls of black folk, but instead he writes so that men may listen
to the souls of black folk, Weheliye, p. 319.
8. Kobena Mercer, Diaspora Aesthetics and Visual Culture, in Harry
Justin and Ian Kennell Jackson (eds.), Black Cultural Traffic: Cross-
roads in Global Performance and Popular Culture, Ann Arbor, Univer-
sity of Michigan Press, 2005, pp. 141161.
9. So lets say goodbye to easy and comfortable generalizations, lain to
rest among the ashes of the suspension of disbelief. We are the invaders
and squatters of the modern art plantations that drive us to and beyond
the brink of sanity and the sanitariumand the sanitized. Nets have
many holes, performance by T. Martinus and Glenda Martinus with
Quinsy Gario, 2012.
10. Antonio Bentez Rojo, The Repeating Island: The Caribbean and the
Postmodern Perspective, Durham, Duke University Press, 1998.
11. There are at least two different ways of thinking about cultural iden-
tity. The first position defines cultural identity in terms of one,
shared culture, a sort of collective one true self, hiding inside the
many other, more superficial or artificially imposed selves, which
people with a shared history and ancestry hold in common. Within the
terms of this definition, our cultural identities reflect the common his-
torical experiences and shared cultural codes which provide us, as
one people, with stable, unchanging and continuous frames of refer-
ence and meaning, beneath the shifting divisions and vicissitudes of
our actual history. This oneness, underlying all the other, more
superficial differences, is the truth, the essence, of Caribbeanness,
of the black experience. It is this identity which a Caribbean or black
diaspora must discover, excavate, bring to light and express through
cinematic representation. Hall, p. 223.
12. Agustn Lao Montes, Hilos Descoloniales: Trans-localizando los espa-
cios de la Dispora Africana, Tabula Rasa (Bogot, Colombia), no. 7,
JulyDecember 2007, p. 55.
13. Adolfo Albn Achinte, Comida y colonialidad, CALLE14 (Bogot,
Colombia), vol. 4, no. 5, 2010, p. 20.
14. Stuart Hall, quoted in Mercer, op. cit.
15. See Walter Mignolos and Simmi Dullays notes on Black Europe
Body-Politics in the dossier.
16. Peo Hansen and Stefan Jonsson, Bringing Africa As A Dowry To
Europe, Interventions, 13:3, 2011, pp. 443463.
17. ... Mammy would not tell the president nor his men her tale for it was
not hers; she was no hero. It was a tale of cooperative action; it was
a community tale. We made it happen. Erna Brodber, Louisiana:
A novel, London, New Beacon Books, 1994, p. 161.
18. Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth Cake Controversy: Swedish Minister of Cul-
ture Slammed for Racist Cake, The Huffington Post, 17.04.2012.
19. Jocelyn Valton, Art in the Caribbean: A Way to Defy History. Jocelyn
Valton in Conversation with Simon Njami, in Nancy Hoffmann and
Frank Verputten (eds.), Who More Sci-Fi Than Us: Contemporary Art
from the Caribbean, exhibition catalogue, Kunsthal Kade, Amersfoort,
Kit Publishers, 2012, p. 139.
20. Roberto Fernndez Retamar, Todo Calibn, La Habana, Cuba, Fondo
Cultural del ALBA, 2000.
139
o vedere ce arta soldai care mpachetau craniile. ns aceste imagini oribile snt cu cele apte capete ale
prizonierilor Nama, probabil din Shark Island, conservate, numerotate i etichetate ca Hottenttotte,
denumirea german pentru Nama. Ulterior ele au fost studiate de oamenii de tiin rasiti inspirai de teo-
riile geneticianului german Eugen Fischer, ale crui idei aveau s influeneze nu doar cel de-al Doilea Reich
ci i pe al Treilea. [...] Prin msurarea craniilor, a trsturilor faciale i a culorii ochilor, Fischer i discipolii
si urmreau s demonstreze c populaiile indigene din Africa nu erau doar inferioare, ci, n formularea
sa, animale. Teoriile rasiale ce au fost utilizate pentru a justifica genocidul erau acumnaintate de rmiele
umane ale victimelor sale. Pn n 1908, lagrele de concentrare au fost n cele din urm nchise, trei sfer-
turi din populaia Herero, 65.000 de oameni, au fost ucii, jumtate din ntreaga populaie Nama a fost,
de asemenea, exterminat, pe tot cuprinsul rii sute de sate au rmas goale i Africa de Sud-Vest
aparinea n cele din urm germanilor. [...] Ultimii dintre Herero i Nama au fost literalmente vndui ca
sclavi fermierilor germani. Pn i astzi mai snt dintre cei care i amintesc anii sclaviei. Extrase din docu-
mentarul Namibia-Genocide and the Second Reich, BBC Bristol, 2005. Cercetare ntreprins de Abby
dArcy Hughes, documentar produs i regizat de David Olusoga.
45. Eric Van Grasdorff, Nicolai Rschert i Firoze Manji, Unbearable silence, or Hownot to deal with your colo-
nial past, 20 martie 2012, Pambazuka News, 577, Special Issue: Germany and genocide in Namibia.
46. Alanna Lockward, Decolonial Diasporic Aesthetics: Black German Body Politics, in Lockward i Migno-
lo, p. 9.
47. Manuela Boatc, The mark of the non-modern: Citizenship as ascribed inequality in the global age, in
Lockward i Mignolo, p. 16.
48. Allochtoon (plural: allochtonen) e un cuvnt olandez (din grecescul a a , din a (allos), altul, i
(chtho
-
n), pmnt/teritoriu), nsemnnd literalmente originar dintr-o alt ar. Este contrarul cuvn-
tului autochtoon (n englez, autochthonous ori autochthone; din grecescul au, din au (autos),
sine i iar ), nsemnnd literalmente originar din aceast ar.
49. Folosesc vizibil negru n raport cu vizibil negru dup Marco Polo Hernandez Cuevas, The Erasure of
the African Element of Mestizaje in Modern Mexico: The coding of visibly black mestizos according to white
aesthetics in and through the discourse on nation during the cultural phase of the Mexican revolution
19201968, n care el vorbete de mestizos/as n mod vizibil negri i mexicani vizibil negri care contest
ideea c n Mexic mestizaje (amestecul raselor) e bazat doar pe origini indigene i europene albe, din
care e eliminat elementul african. Mexicanii n mod vizibil negri se refer la mexicanii negri care snt un
mix rasial, i totui n mod vizibil negri; cu alte cuvinte, negritudinea e prezent n acest mestizaje mexi-
can, fie c e vizibil, fie c nu, aa cum e ea de altfel.
50. Jos-Manuel Barreto, Human Rights and the Buried Crimes of Modernity, in P. Singh i V. Kanwar, Cri-
tical International Law: Post-Realism, Post-Colonialismand Transnationalism, NewDelhi, Oxford Universi-
ty Press, n curs de apariie.
51. Walter D. Mignolo, Epistemic Disobedience and the Decolonial Option: A Manifesto, in Transmoderni-
ty: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the Luso-Hispanic World, 1(2), toamna 2011, p. 48.
52. http://robbieshilliam.wordpress.com/2012/06/04/decolonial-aesthetics-at-be-bop-black-europe-
body-politics.
53. i include pe Fernando Coronil, Santiago Castro-Gmez, Oscar Guardiola, Edgardo Lander, Walter Mi-
gnolo, Anbal Quijano, Freya Schiwy, Catherine Walsh i alii. Nelson Maldonado Torres, On The
Coloniality of Being, Cultural Studies, 21:2, p. 240270, 263, nota 2.
54. Ibid., p. 243.
Traducere de Anca Bumb
Resurse:
BE.BOP 2012. BLACK EUROPE BODY POLITICS:
http://blackeuropebodypolitics.wordpress.com/
Anunarea a BE.BOP 2013. BLACK EUROPE BODY POLITICS: DECOLONIZING THE COLD WAR:
http://decolonizingthecoldwar.wordpress.com/
Art Labour Archives a Alannei Lockward: http://artlabourarchives.wordpress.com/
Site-urile web ale unora dintre artitii participani:
http://zwartepietisracisme.tumblr.com/
http://teresadiaznerio.wordpress.com/
http://www.jeannetteehlers.dk/video.html/
http://www.ingridmwangi.de/
Blogul lui Robbie Shilliam: http://robbieshilliam.wordpress.com/2012/06/04/decolonial-aesthetics-at-be-
bop-black-europe-body-politics/
Ballhaus Naunynstrasse: www.ballhausnaunynstrasse.de/
46. They include Fernando Coronil, Santiago Castro-Gmez, Oscar
Guardiola, Edgardo Lander, Walter Mignolo, Anbal Quijano, Freya
Schiwy, Catherine Walsh, and others. Nelson Maldonado Torres, On
the Coloniality of Being, Cultural Studies, 21:2, 2007, pp. 240270,
263, note 2.
47. Ibid., p. 243.
Resources:
BE.BOP 2012. BLACK EUROPE BODY POLITICS:
http://blackeuropebodypolitics.wordpress.com/
Announcement of BE.BOP 2013. BLACK EUROPE BODY POLITICS:
DECOLONIZING THE COLD WAR:
http://decolonizingthecoldwar.wordpress.com/
Alanna Lockwards Art Labour Archives:
http://artlabourarchives.wordpress.com/
Websites of some of the participating artists:
http://zwartepietisracisme.tumblr.com/
http://teresadiaznerio.wordpress.com/
http://www.jeannetteehlers.dk/video.html/
http://www.ingridmwangi.de/
Robbie Shilliams blog:
http://robbieshilliam.wordpress.com/2012/06/04/decolonial-
aesthetics-at-be-bop-black-europe-body-politics/
Ballhaus Naunynstrasse: www.ballhausnaunynstrasse.de/
Dutch Art Institute: http://dutchartinstitute.eu/page/1635/shift-in-
my-thinking/
Kade Museum: http://framerframed.nl/en/projecten/decolonial-
aesthetics-and-european-blackness/
Transart Institute Berlin:
http://transartinstitute.wordpress.com/2011/07/
Universidad de Cdiz: http://www.anglistik.uni-muenster.de/imperia/
md/content/englischesseminar/es2009/
The Bioscope Johannesburg:
http://www.thebioscope.co.za/2012/04/05/black-europe-body-
politics-screening-and-presentation-at-the-bioscope/
KwaZulu-Natal Arts Society:
http://kznsagallery.co.za/events/2012/April/black_europe_body_
politics_film_screening.htm/
National Arts Gallery of Namibia:
http://www.africavenir.org/index.php?id=32&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=131765
&cHash=954ac8d23647ac254c2afc7d1073219f/
Selected Bibliography:
Decolonial Aesthetics Manifesto. IDEA arts + society #39, 2011, pp.
8991; http://transnationaldecolonialinstitute.wordpress.com/
decolonial-aesthetics/
Albn Achinte, Adolfo. Comida y colonialidad. CALLE14 (Bogot,
Colombia), vol. 4, no. 5, 2010.
Biko, Steve. I Write What I Like. With personal memoir by Alfred Stubbs.
New York, Harper & Row, 1978.
Boyd, Amber. Cartography.http://www.qub.ac.uk/imperial/
key-concepts/Cartography.htm/
Dullay, S. Exploring Exile as Personal and Social Transformation Through
Critical Reflection and Creative and Artistic Expression. Unpublished.
Eze, Emmanuel Chukwudi. The Color of Reason: The Idea of Race in
Kants Anthropology. In E. C. Eze (ed.), Postcolonial African Philoso-
phy. Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, 1997.
Fanon, Frantz. Peau noire, masques blancs. Paris, Editions du Seuil, 1952.
Gordon, Lewis R. Fanon and Development: A Philosophical Look. Africa
Development, vol. 29, no. 1, 2004, pp. 7194.
Hernndez Cuevas, Marco Polo.The Erasure of the African Element of
Mestizaje in Modern Mexico: The coding of visibly black mestizos
according to white aesthetics in and through the discourse on nation
during the cultural phase of the Mexican revolution 19201968.
a+ (BE.BOP 2012)
138
te declaraii orale, bazate pe mitologiile ce polueaz imaginarul economiei plantaiei, snt fundamentul carac-
terului universal al artei europene, aa cumo timpn n ziua de azi. Bine ai venit n decolonialism, Simon
Njami!
27. Immanuel Kant, Opere. Observaii asupra sentimentului de frumos i sublim. Note la Observaii asupra senti-
mentului de frumos i sublim, traducere de Rodica Croitoru, s.l. [Bucureti], ALL. s.a. [2008], p. 94. (N. red.)
28. Eze, op. cit.
29. Lewis R. Gordon, Fanon and Development: A Philosophical Look, in Lansana Keita (ed.), Philosophy and
African Development: Theory and Practice, Dakar, CODESRIA, 2011.
30. Vv: simboluri voodoo folosite n Haiti, prin care s-au continuat tradiii religioase de dinaintea traficului
transatlantic de sclavi. (N. red.)
31. Ngu
-
g wa Thiongo, Globalectics: Theory and the Politics of Knowing, NewYork, Columbia University Press,
2012.
32. G. W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, traducere de J. Jibree, NewYork, Dover, 1956, p. 93 [Prelegeri
de filosofie a istoriei, traducere de Petru Drghici, Bucureti, Humanitas, 1997].
33. Minstrel performances: un tip de spectacol de comedie aprut n Statele Unite ntre 1830 i 1920, care
a devenit pentru o perioad important cea mai popular art dramatic la nivel naional. Se baza pe cari-
caturizarea rasist a sclavilor de plantaie n cteva stereotipuri, interpretarea fiind asigurat de actori albi
cu machiaj negru. (N. red.)
34. Aunt Jemima: nume de firm de alimente pentru micul dejun, de mare succes n Statele Unite, fondat
la sfritul secolului XIX; numele provine de la unul dintre personajele stereotipice ale spectacolelor min-
strel. (N. red.)
35. Vezi: http://wysinger.homestead.com/berlinconference.html/
36. Dullay, tez de masterat, 2010, p. 28.
37. Frantz Fanon, Piele neagr, mti albe, traducere de Vasi Ciubotariu, Cluj, Tact, 2011, p. 204. (N. tr.)
38. Vezi: http://zwartepietisracisme.tumblr.com/
39. Premisa e urmtoarea: modernitatea e o naraiune european ce i ascunde latura ntunecat, colo-
nialitatea. Cu alte cuvinte, colonialitatea e constitutiv modernitii nu exist modernitate fr colonia-
litate. Vezi Walter D. Mignolo, Colonialitatea: partea mai ntunecat a modernitii, IDEA art +
societate #3334, 2009, p. 175187.
40. Manifestul esteticii decoloniale, IDEA art + societate #39, 2011, p. 8991; http://transnationaldeco-
lonialinstitute.wordpress.com/decolonial-aesthetics/
41. Subiectivitile s-au format sub naturalizarea dispensabilitii vieilor umane n cadrul matricei coloniale de
putere. n perioada apogeului comerului cu sclavi, vieile dispensabile din raiuni economice presupuneau
c oamenilor implicai n comerul cu sclavi ori care beneficiaz n mod direct sau indirect de pe urma lui
nu le pas n mod subiectiv. i dac nu le psa era ntruct fie ei acceptau c africanii nu erau tocmai oameni
ori nu le psa fiindc se obinuiser s accepte faptul c exist viei umane ce snt deopotriv dispensabi-
le ca fiine umane chiar dac necesare ca muncitori, fie ei sclavi, servitori ori angajai pe un salariu minim.
Cf. Walter D. Mignolo, Dispensable and Bare Lives: Coloniality and the Hidden Political/Economic
Agenda of Modernity, Human Architecture: Journal of The Sociology of Self-Knowledge, 7, 2, 2009, p.
6988, 78.
42. Manifestul esteticii decoloniale.
43. Germania e una dintre rile n care contiina public cu privire la crimele trecutului e mai avansat. Timp
de mai bine de aizeci de ani, Germania s-a confruntat cu latura ntunecat a istoriei sale printr-o exami-
nare a atrocitilor naziste, un proces ce e deseori numit Vergangenheitsbewltigung. O practic similar
de rememorare i examinare a trecutului a fost naintat n raport cu crimele comise sub regimul comu-
nist al Germaniei de Est. Un asemenea proces colectiv de introspecie are repercusiuni n contiina de
sine naional, raiunea sa de a fi esenial fiind aceea de a funciona ca un avertisment a ceva ce s-a ntm-
plat i nu ar mai trebui, nu mai poate s se ntmple iar. Cu toate acestea, o ncercare similar de a ajun-
ge la o relatare fidel a evenimentelor nu s-a produs n ce privete brutalitile comise de Imperiul German
pe durata celui de-al Doilea Reich. Masacrarea a sute de mii de oameni n Africa de Est german, Tanza-
nia de azi, i genocidul popoarelor Herero i Nama n Africa de Sud-Vest german, Namibia de azi, rmn
necunoscute, ascunse i uitate. Asta nu e doar n cazul Germaniei, ci e o trstur comun a tuturor pute-
rilor coloniale moderne i contemporane. Care e msura i profunzimea, dac e vreuna, a contiinei popoa-
relor din Germania, Spania, Portugalia, Marea Britanie, Olanda, Frana, Belgia, Italia, SUA i China n ce
privete barbaria i crimele comise de-a lungul secolelor de imperialismmodern n America, Africa ori Asia?
Jos-Manuel Barreto, The Politics of Amnesia: The Herero-Nama Genocide in the Context of European
and German Strategies of Denial, in Alanna Lockward i Walter Mignolo (ed.), Catalogue for BE.BOP 2012.
Black Europe Body Politics, Berlin, 2012, p. 28.
44. Gardienii de la Shark Island i din alte lagre au fost implicai n tiinele rasiale ce au fost iniial utilizate pen-
tru a justifica rzboiul, soldaii au nceput comerul cu craniile oamenilor Herero i Nama mori, vnzn-
du-le savanilor, muzeelor i universitilor din Germania. Practica era ntr-att de rspndit, nct a fost produs
in all modern and contemporary colonial powers. Which is the extend
and depth, if any, of the consciousness of the peoples of Germany,
Spain, Portugal, Great Britain, Holland, France, Belgium, Italy, the
USA and China about the barbarism and crimes committed alongside
of centuries of modern imperialism in America, Africa or Asia? Jos-
Manuel Barreto, The Politics of Amnesia: The Herero-Nama Genocide
in the Context of European and German Strategies of Denial, in
Alanna Lockward and Walter Mignolo (eds.), Catalogue for BE.BOP
2012, Black Europe Body Politics, Berlin, 2012, p. 28.
37. The guards of Shark Island and other camps became involve in the
racial sciences that had originally being used to justify the war, sol-
diers begun to trade in the skulls of dead Herero and Nama people,
selling them to scientist, museums and universities back in Germany.
The practice was so widespread that this postcard was produced
showing soldiers packing the skulls. But these horrific pictures are of
the seven heads of Nama prisoners, probably from Shark Island, they
were preserved, numbered and labeled as Hottenttotte, the German
name for the Nama. They were then studied by race scientists who
had being inspired by the theories of a German geneticist called
Eugen Fischer whos ideas were to influence not just the Second Reich
but also the Third. . . . By measuring skulls, facial feautures and eye
color, Fischer and his proteges saw to prove that the native peoples of
Africa where not just inferior but as he put it animals, the racial theo-
ries that have being used to justify the genocide where now being
advanced by the human remains of its victims. By 1908 the concentra-
tion camps where finally shut down, three quarters of the Herero,
65,000 people had being killed, half of all the Nama people had also
being exterminated, across the country hundreds of villages stood
empty and German Southwest Africa finally belonged to the Germans.
. . . The last of the Herero and Nama where literally sold off to the
German farmers as slaves. Even today there are those who remember
the years of enslavement. Excerpts from the documentaryNamibia-
Genocide and the Second Reich, BBC Bristol, 2005. Research by Abby
dArcy Hughes, produced and directed by David Olusoga.
38. Eric Van Grasdorff, Nicolai Rschert, and Firoze Manji,Unbearable
silence, or How not to deal with your colonial past, March 20, 2012,
Pambazuka News, 577, Special Issue: Germany and genocide in
Namibia.
39. Alanna Lockward, Decolonial Diasporic Aesthetics: Black German
Body Politics, in Lockward and Walter, p. 9.
40. Manuela Boatc, The mark of the non-modern: Citizenship as
ascribed inequality in the global age, in Lockward and Mignolo,
p. 16.
41. Allochtoon (plural: allochtonen) is a Dutch word (fromGreek a a,
froma (allos), other, and (chtho
-
n) earth/land), literally
meaning originating from another country. It is the opposite of the
wordautochtoon (in English, autochthonous or autochthone; from
Greek au , from au (autos), self and again ) literally
meaning originating from this country.
42. I am usingvisibly Black in relation to visibly black in Marco Polo
Hernandez Cuevas,The Erasure of the African Element of Mestizaje
in Modern Mexico: The coding of visibly black mestizos according to
white aesthetics in and through the discourse on nation during the cul-
tural phase of the Mexican revolution 19201968, where he speaks of
visibly blackmestizos/as and visibly black Mexicans contesting the idea
thatmestizaje(the mixture of races) in Mexico is based on indigenous
and whiteEuropean roots only, wherefrom the African element is
excised. The visibly black Mexicans refers to Black Mexicans who
are mix-raced and yet visibly black, that is blackness is present in
Mexicanmestizaje whether it is visible or not, which is indeed the case.
43. Jos-Manuel Barreto, Human Rights and the Buried Crimes of Moder-
nity,in P. Singh and V. Kanwar, Critical International Law: Post-Real-
ism, Post-Colonialism and Transnationalism, New Delhi, Oxford
University Press, forthcoming.
44. Walter D. Mignolo, Epistemic Disobedience and the Decolonial
Option: A Manifesto, in Transmodernity: Journal of Peripheral
Cultural Production of the Luso-Hispanic World, 1(2), Fall 2011, p. 48.
45. http://robbieshilliam.wordpress.com/2012/06/04/decolonial-
aesthetics-at-be-bop-black-europe-body-politics.
140
Dutch Art Institute: http://dutchartinstitute.eu/page/1635/shift-in-my-thinking/
Kade Museum: http://framerframed.nl/en/projecten/decolonial-aesthetics-and-european-blackness/
Transart Institute Berlin: http://transartinstitute.wordpress.com/2011/07/
Universidad de Cdiz: http://www.anglistik.uni-muenster.de/imperia/md/content/englischesseminar/es2009/
The Bioscope Johannesburg: http://www.thebioscope.co.za/2012/04/05/black-europe-body-politics-scree-
ning-and-presentation-at-the-bioscope/
KwaZulu-Natal Arts Society: http://kznsagallery.co.za/events/2012/April/black_europe_body_politics_
film_screening.htm/
National Arts Gallery of Namibia:
http://www.africavenir.org/index.php?id=32&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=131765&cHash=954ac8d23647ac254c2afc7
d1073219f/
Bibliografie selectiv:
Manifestul esteticii decoloniale. IDEA art +societate #39, 2011, p. 8991;
http://transnationaldecolonialinstitute.wordpress.com/decolonial-aesthetics/
Albn Achinte, Adolfo. Comida y colonialidad. CALLE14 (Bogot, Columbia), vol. 4, nr. 5, 2010.
Biko, Steve. I Write What I Like. Cu o autobiografie de Alfred Stubbs. New York, Harper & Row, 1978.
Boyd, Amber. Cartography. http://www.qub.ac.uk/imperial/key-concepts/Cartography.htm/
Dullay, S. Exploring Exile as Personal and Social Transformation Through Critical Reflection and Creative and
Artistic Expression. Nepublicat.
Eze, Emmanuel Chuckwudi. The Color of Reason: The Idea of Race in Kants Anthropology. In E. C. Eze
(ed.), Postcolonial African Philosophy. Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, 1997.
Fanon, Frantz. Piele neagr, mti albe. Traducere de Vasi Ciubotariu, cu prefa de Ovidiu ichindeleanu. Cluj,
Tact, 2011.
Gordon, Lewis R. Fanon and Development: A Philosophical Look. Africa Development, vol. 29, nr. 1, 2004,
p. 7194.
Hernandez Cuevas, Marco Polo. The Erasure of the African Element of Mestizaje in Modern Mexico: The coding
of visibly black mestizos according to white aesthetics in and through the discourse on nation during the cul-
tural phase of the Mexican revolution 19201968. Tez de doctorat, University of British Columbia, 2001.
Lockward, Alanna i Walter Mignolo (ed.). Catalogue to BE.BOP 2012. Black Europe Body Politics. Berlin, 2012.
Maldonado Torres, Nelson. On the Coloniality of Being. Cultural Studies, 21:2, 2007, p. 240270.
Mignolo, Walter. Coloniality and Modernity/Rationality. Cultural Studies, vol. 21, #23, 2007, p. 155167.
. Dispensable and Bare Lives: Coloniality and the Hidden Political/Economic Agenda of Modernity.
Human Architecture: Journal of The Sociology of Self-Knowledge, 7, 2, 2009, p. 6988.
. Epistemic Disobedience and the Decolonial Option: A Manifesto. Transmodernity: Journal of Peripheral Cul-
tural Production of the Luso-Hispanic World 1(2), toamna 2011.
Olusoga, David i Casper Erichsen. The Kaisers Holocaust: Germanys Forgotten Genocide and the Colonial Roots
of Nazism. London, Faber and Faber, 2010.
Quijano, Anbal. Colonialitatea puterii, eurocentrism i America Latin. Traducere de Ovidiu ichindelea-
nu. IDEA art + societate #3334, 2009, p. 164174.
Singh, P. i V. Kanwar (ed.). Critical International Law: Post-Realism, Post-Colonialismand Transnationalism. New
Delhi, Oxford University Press. n curs de apariie.
Thiongo, Ngu
-
g wa. Globalectics: Theory and the Politics of Knowing. New York, Columbia University Press,
2012.
Mao Tse Tung. Quotations fromMao Tse Tung. Quotations from: 19271964. Peking, Foreign Languages Press,
1966. Versiune online: Mao Tse Tung Internet Archive, 2000, transcript/adnotat de David Quentin i Brian
Baggins: http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book.
Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia, 2001.
Lockward, Alanna and Walter Mignolo (eds.). Catalogue to BE.BOP 2012.
Black Europe Body Politics. Berlin, 2012.
Maldonado Torres, Nelson. On the Coloniality of Being. Cultural Studies,
21:2, 2007, pp. 240270.
Mignolo, Walter. Coloniality and Modernity/Rationality. Cultural Studies,
vol. 21, #23, 2007, pp. 155167.
. Dispensable and Bare Lives: Coloniality and the Hidden Political/
Economic Agenda of Modernity. HumanArchitecture: Journal
of The Sociology of Self-Knowledge, 7, 2, 2009, pp. 6988.
. Epistemic Disobedience and the Decolonial Option: A Manifesto.
Transmodernity: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the
Luso-Hispanic World, 1(2), Fall, 2011.
Olusoga, David and Casper Erichsen. The Kaisers Holocaust: Germanys
Forgotten Genocide and the Colonial Roots of Nazism. London,
Faber and Faber, 2010.
Quijano, Anbal. Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America.
Nepantla: Views from the South 1.3, 2000, Duke University Press, pp.
533556.
Singh, P. and V. Kanwar (eds.). Critical International Law: Post-Realism,
Post-Colonialism and Transnationalism. New Delhi, Oxford University
Press. Forthcoming.
Thiongo, Ngu
-
g wa. Globalectics: Theory and the Politics of Knowing.
New York, Columbia University Press, 2012.
Mao Tse Tung. Quotations from Mao Tse Tung. Quotations from: 1927
1964. Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1966. Online version: Mao
Tse Tung Internet Archive, 2000, transcription/Markup by David
Quentin and Brian Baggins:
http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book.
141
verso
1989
Alexandru Polgr
S ncepem cu cteva puneri n gard.
Acesta nu e un eseu tiinific i nu voi oferi cifre i citate interesante
n sprijinul celor ctorva gnduri pe care a dori s le mpart cu cei inte-
resai de ce s-a ntmplat cu adevrat n 1989 sau, mai curnd, ca
1989, ca evenimentul pe care istoria l consemneaz n mod greit
ca prbuire a comunismului.
Dac exist o arie bibliografic documentabil care s constituie un fel
de baz pentru ce am de zis, ea ine mai curnd n dou nume, care
apar in, ambele, aa-numitei filosofii contemporane, dar snt astzi, n
mod egal i la fel de infam, ieite din uz: Martin Heidegger i Grard
Gra nel.
1
Gndul central la care voi raporta ncercarea mea de a inter-
preta evenimentul numit 1989 e acela
al istorialitii (Ge schicht lichkeit, histo-
rialit), care presupune c exist o struc-
turare mai de profunzime n spatele
cursului real al istoriei dect aceea pro-
pus de diversele modele sau periodizri
inventate de cercetrile istoriografice.
Aceast structurare mai de profunzime
(sau, mai curnd, doar diferit) are de-a
face cu ceea ce Heidegger a numit o
epoc a fiinei o paradigm de sens
care d un profil comun sau o forma-
litate comun diverselor practici care
aparin unei asemenea epoci: de la art
la tiine, de la politic la religie. Am pus cuvntul d n ghilimele deoa-
rece e imposi bil s-i pstrm aici nelesul plin. O epoc a fiinei nu este
o Cauz care produce efecte, ci, mai degrab, o construcie teoretic
abstract menit s atrag atenia asupra faptului c exist un fel de stra-
nie co-apartenen a practicilor care se ivesc ntr-o epoc dat. Aceast
co-apartenen e lecturabil, dup Heidegger, ntr-o suit de trsturi,
care trebuie numite, n pofida ambiguitii nemijlocite a termenului n
zilele noastre, onto-logice, n msura n care ele depesc, de pild,
simplele perioade artistice sau paradigme tiinifice, aa cum snt defi-
nite acestea de teoria artei sau de epistemologie. Pentru Heidegger, toate
trsturile modernitii snt reductibile la ceva ce el a numit esena teh-
nicii moderne
2
(faimosul Ge-stell), care permite delimitarea modernitii
nu doar ca o perioad istoric, cum e ea ndeobte teoretizat de diverse -
le tiin e sociale, ci drept o epoc rezultnd din ivirea unui nou sens al
fiinei (al lui a fi), care atrage dup sine sau, mai curnd, se manifes -
t pe sine ca o nou definiie a lui a-fi-om (umanitatea modern drept
subiect al aciunii i al cunoaterii
3
), precum i o nou definiie a lumii
(ca natur), a cunoaterii (ca reprezentare sistematic a legilor naturii)
etc. Ge-stell, in nuce, nseamn c toate fiindurile snt interpretate por-
nind de la un sens de baz care afirm, instaniaz, postuleaz (reve-
leaz, dez-vluie, pro-duce) Natura drept ceva cruia omul i poa te fi
proprietar i stpn (cum zicea Descartes). De unde tiinele noastre pozi-
tive, care snt aa nu fiindc s-ar opune unei tiine care ar fi, n mod ciu-
1989
Alexandru Polgr
Let us start with a few cautions.
This is not a scientific essay, and I am not going to offer any interesting numbers
and quotations supporting the few thoughts I would like to share with those inter-
ested in what actually happened in 1989 or, rather, as 1989, as the event erro-
neously recorded by history as the fall of communism.
If there is a documentable bibliographical area that constitutes some sort of basis
for what I have to say, it holds rather in two
names, which both belong to so-called con-
temporary philosophy, but are today equally
and infamously out of fashion: Martin Heideg-
ger and Grard Granel.
1
The central thought
to which I will refer my attempt at interpret-
ing 1989 is that of historicity (Geschicht -
lichkeit, historialit), which supposes that
there is a deeper structuring behind the actu-
al course of history than that proposed by
various models or periodizations invented in
historiographic studies. This deeper or rather
just different structuring has to do with
something that Heidegger has called an age of Being a paradigm of meaning
that gives a common shape or formality to various practices belonging to such
an age: from art to sciences, from politics to religion. I put the word gives in
quotation marks because it is impossible to retain here its full meaning. An age of
Being is not a Cause that produces effects, but rather an abstract theoretical con-
struction meant to draw attention upon the fact that there is some sort of strange
co-belonging of practices occurring in a certain age. This co-belonging is readable,
according to Heidegger, in a number of features that must be called, in spite of
the immediate ambiguity of the term today, onto-logical, insofar as they exceed
simple artistic periods or scientific paradigms, for instance, as defined by art
theory or epistemology. For Heidegger, all features of modernity are reducible to
something he called the essence of modern technology
2
(the famous Ge-stell),
which allows for delimiting modernity not only as a historical period, as it is usually
theorized by various social sciences, but as an age resulting from the occurrence of
a new meaning of Being (of to be), which also triggers
or, rather, manifests itself in a new definition of being-human (modern
humanity as the subject of action and knowledge
3
), as well as in a new definition
of world (as nature) and knowledge (as systematic representation of natural laws),
etc. Ge-stell, in a nutshell, means that all beings are interpreted from a basic
meaning that posits (reveals, un-covers, pro-duces) Nature as something to be
owned and mastered by man (as Descartes put it). Hence our positive sciences,
Evoluia PIB la nivel mondial (n mii de miliarde de dolari)
Evolution of global GDP (in trillions of dollars). Sursa / Source: Google
1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2011
$70T
$60T
$50T
$40T
$30T
$20T
$10T
$ 0
World
143
verso
te numele. Prin urmare, post-comunismul, ca termen relativ, pare s
fie, i el, la fel de eronat.
Cum se poate vedea cu ochiul liber, pn i o asemenea minim pre-
cauie n legtur cu termenii nii ai dezbaterii noastre scoate la lumin
o situaie logic (lingvistic, semantic) cu totul special, despre care am
putea nelege deja c nu e deloc de la sine neleas, chiar dac n lumea
specialitilor n tiine socioumane, de la istorici la tranzitologi de tot felul,
o asemenea chestiune ar putea prea o luare la trnt perfect steril cu
cuvintele. Dar nu-i nimic de fcut mpotriva acestui lucru: oamenii de
tiin par s cread astzi doar n numerologia voodoo a nesfritelor
lor statistici. Cnd spun asemenea lucruri n-a ti s m apr, bineneles,
de mantra tiinific a epocii noastre (mprtit deopotriv de teo-
reticieni neomarxiti sau doar neostnga i de tot felul de specialiti
n tiine politice), iar atitudinea mea ar putea trece drept un fel de obscu-
rantism reacionar. Ar fi aproape lipsit de sens s reamintesc c statis-
ticile de toate felurile i, n general, analiza cantitativ, n pofida preciziei
lor mbucurtoare i foarte utile,
snt, nainte de toate, interpretare
i aparin fenomenului mai general
al comprehensiunii politice, despre
care orice specialist tie c ea nu
poa te fi niciodat politicete neutr.
Atitudinea mea, de fapt, nu vrea s
spun c tiina ar fi inutil, ci c
tiin a (sau manifestarea ei ca sta-
tistic) nu e singurul mod de gn dire
re levant pentru nelegerea proce-
selor sociale, politice i economice
care constituie istoria noastr de du -
p 1989. Exist i un altul.
Din pcate, azi nu se poate susine
c acest cellalt mod de gndire, nu -
mit n mod tradiional filosofie (un
nume tot mai dificil de folosit n sens
tra diional), ar fi pur i simplu dispo-
nibil sau la ndemn pentru apli caii social-politice. Spre deosebire
de tiin, filo-sofia, n distana ei marcat n raport cu nelepciunea,
trebuie s se inventeze pe ea nsi pe fundalul unei tradiii care nu e
nici decum un depozit de metode asem ntor celui al tiinelor mo -
derne obinuite (naturale sau umane). Cu alte cuvinte, filosofiei i lipsesc
algoritmurile atitudinii tiinifice care fac posibil o reprezentare can tita-
tiv i calitativ a faptelor. Sarcina cea mai proprie a filosofiei este aceea
de a determina sarcina gndirii, adic de a gsi un rspuns la ntrebarea
ce-i de gndit? Pe scurt, asta nseamn aruncarea chestiunii gndirii nsi
ntr-o pur lips de siguran, n timp ce, n cazul tiinei, asemenea ches -
tiuni snt deja decise (i salvgardate): gndirea e un proces psihofizic ce
are loc ntr-un creier, iar sarcina ei este aceea de a reprezenta realita-
tea aa cum este. n acest sens, pentru oamenii de tiin de toate tipuri -
le, existena comunismului i a postcomunismului e la fel de puin
enigmatic precum aceea a oricrui fapt tiinific. Nu spun c asta n-ar
fi i cazul unora dintre filosofi, dar susin c sarcina gnditorului att n cadrul
tiinei, ct i n cel al filosofiei e aceea de a se ntreba: a fost oare cu ade -
vrat comunism? E oare cu adevrat postcomunism? Aceste dou
As one can see, even such a minimal caution towards the very terms of our debate
brings to light a very particular logical (linguistic, semantic) situation about which
we might already sense that it does not go without saying, even though in the
world of human and social scientists, from historians to transitologists of all kinds,
such a question might appear as a perfectly sterile wrestling with words. But there
is nothing to do against this: scientists seem to believe today only in the voodoo-
like numerology of their countless statistics. Of course, when I utter such things
I could not defend myself against the scientific mantra of our age (shared equal-
ly by neo-Marxists or just neo-left-wing theorists, as well as by all sorts of political
scientists), and my attitude could pass as some sort of reactionary obscurantism.
It would be almost worthless to remind that statistics of all sorts and, in general,
quantitative analysis, in spite of their felicitous and extremely useful precision, are
first and foremost interpretation, and belong to the more general phenomenon of
political comprehension, of which all scientists know that it can never be politically
neutral. My attitude, in fact, does not
want to say that science is futile, but
rather that science (or its appearance
as statistics) is not the only mode of
thinking that is relevant for understand-
ing the fundamental social, political and
economical processes that constitute our
post-1989 history. There is another.
Unfortunately, today one cannot claim
that this other mode of thinking, tradi-
tionally called philosophy (a name
increasingly harder to use in a traditional
sense), would be simply available or
at hand for socio-political applica-
tions. Unlike science, philo-sophy, in its
marked distance from wisdom, must
invent itself against the background of a
tradition that is by no means a depository
of methods similar to regular modern sciences (natural or human). In other words,
philosophy lacks the algorithms of scientific attitude that make possible a quanti-
tative and qualitative representation of facts. Philosophys most proper task is
to determine the task of thinking, to find an answer to the question what is to be
thought? In brief, this means to throw the matter of thinking itself into sheer
insecurity, while, for science, such questions are already decided (and secured):
thinking is a psycho-physical process occurring in the brain and the task of think-
ing is to represent reality as it is. In this sense, for scientists of all sorts the exis-
tence of communism and post-communism is just as clear-cut as any other
scientific fact. I am not saying that this is not the case also for some philosophers,
but I claim that the thinkers task in both science and philosophy is to ask: was
it truly communism? Is it truly post-communism? These two questions come
logically before any sort of assessment of the two decades that came after 1989,
since the question itself: post-communism, twenty years later already contains
these two presuppositions: that it was communism, that it is post-commu-
nism.
142
dat, negativ, ci pentru c repet matricea fundamental a tiinei mo -
derne n general, n care se afl la lucru o falie esenial ntre un subiect
care postuleaz i un obiect postulat, n aa fel nct aceast falie de vine
presupoziia fundamental a ntregii atitudini tiinifice. Cu toate astea,
Ge-stell nu se refer doar la atitudinea tiinific, ci descrie, de aseme-
nea, transformarea fiindurilor ntr-o resurs a manipulrii de ctre om
(de pild n cadrul economiei), precum i ivirea pieei (mondiale)
moderne ca regulator a cum anume ne raportm la fiinduri.
4
Pe scurt,
generalitatea Ge-stell-ului vizeaz toate fenomenele moderne din punc -
tul de vedere al acelui ceva care le comand drept principiul lor cen-
tral: calculele pieei.
5
Granel, n ce-l privete, complic gndul Ge-stell-ului, al esenei tehni -
cii moderne, grefnd peste el noiunea marxian de capital
6
, despre care
demonstreaz c se refer, de fapt, nu n primul rnd la capitalurile real-
existente (cel financiar, cel industrial i cel comercial), ci la principiul care
st n spatele tuturor acestora, i anume acumularea sau producia neli-
mitat a unei bogii teleologice i, totodat, nermurite sau infinite.
7
Pen tru Granel, modernitatea este, din punctul de vedere al istorialitii,
regimul Infinitului, cruia producia infinit de bogie infinit i este doar
un caz, chiar dac unul esenial, care furnizeaz matricea generatoare
a tuturor fenomenelor moderne.
8
n lumina acestor detalii, se ivete posibilitatea de a interpreta evenimen-
tul numit 1989 drept mplinirea istorial efectiv a produciei infinite
(sau, pentru a-i folosi numele mai pedestru, a capitalismului), n timp ce
regimurile socialiste sau comuniste real-existente (voi reveni ntr-o
clip la aceste ghilimele) pot fi descrise ca regimuri ale unei producii
cumva nc finite (cel puin virtual i la nivelul ideologic cel mai patent).
Acesta ar fi, pe scurt, gndul de baz pe care l voi desfura n cele ce
urmeaz.
Pentru a face asta, voi ncepe prin a interoga niel raiunea din spatele
ntlnirii noastre (postcomunismul, douzeci de ani mai trziu).
9
Prin aceast interogare, intenia mea nu e aceea de a alimenta vreo sus-
piciune vag n legtur cu ndreptirea teoretic i politic a unei ase-
menea priviri n urm asupra istoriei noastre celei mai recente. Cu toate
astea, nu pot subscrie cu inima uoar la a continua s folosim n mod
necritic termeni precum socialism, comunism sau, vorba vine, post -
comunism. Nu c toi aceti termeni ar fi fost utilizai n mod fraudu-
los de-a lungul ntregului secol al XX-lea, dar, n ce m privete, mi
este destul de clar c regimurile care au pretins ntr-un fel sau altul c
snt comuniste n-au fcut dect s falsifice nucleul emancipator al sta-
fiei (orict de fragil sau de nerecunoscut ar fi devenit acest nucleu astzi,
n vremurile noastre aa-zis postcomuniste). Cci comunismul ca
ncercare de a aboli producia bazat pe proprietatea privat, precum
i separarea dintre productori (lucrtori, muncitori) i mijloacele lor de
producie nu se epuizeaz n nlocuirea economiei de pia cu o pro-
ducie bazat pe proprietatea privat de stat (i spun asta pentru c mi
se pare c a sosit clipa s observm c proprietatea de stat e tot att
de privat de rezervat ca proprietatea capitalist obinuit, mai ales
atunci cnd e salvgardat de un aparat represiv care ine la distan pro-
ductorii efectivi de deciziile eseniale privitoare la elurile i structura
produciei). De vreme ce o emancipare comunist n acest sens, cel
mai banal, n-a avut nicidecum loc n societile comuniste real-existen-
te, cu greu s-ar putea vorbi de un comunism de fapt care s-i meri-
which are so not because they would oppose a science that would be strangely
negative, but because they repeat the fundamental matrix of modern science in
general, wherein an essential split between a positing subject and a posited object
is at work as the basic presupposition of scientific attitude as such. Nevertheless,
Ge-stell does not refer only to scientific attitude, but also describes the transforma-
tion of beings into a resource of human manipulation (for instance, in economy), as
well as the emergence of modern (global) market as a regulator of how we relate
to beings.
4
In brief, Ge-stells generality covers all modern phenomena from the
point of view of what commands them as their central principle: the calculations
of market.
5
Granel, in his turn, complicates the thought of Ge-stell, of the essence of modern
technology, by grafting onto it Marxs notion of Capital,
6
about which he demon-
strates that it refers, in fact, not primarily to really existing capitals (financial,
industrial, and commercial), but to the principle that stands behind them all, that
of a limitless accumulation or production of a teleological and, simultaneously, lim-
itless or infinite wealth.
7
For Granel, modernity is, from the point of view of his -
toricity, the regime of the Infinite, of which infinite production of infinite wealth
is only an example, even though an essential example that provides us with the
generative matrix of all modern phenomena.
8
In the light of all this, one could interpret 1989 as the actual historical accom-
plishment of infinite production (or, using its more pedestrian name, capitalism),
while so called really existing socialist or communist regimes (I will return in
a second to these quotations marks) could be described as regimes of a somehow
finite production (at least virtually and at the most obvious ideological level). This
would be, in brief, the guiding thought (or thesis) that I would like to unfold in
what follows.
In order to do this I would start by interrogating a little the reason behind our
meeting (post-communism, twenty years later).
9
By this interrogation, my intention is not that of raising some vague suspicion
about the theoretical and political legitimacy of such a looking back at our most
recent history. Nevertheless, it is not easy for me to agree with using uncritically
terms such as socialism, communism or, for that matter, post-communism.
Not that all these terms would have been used fraudulently during the entire
20th century, but, to my mind, it is quite clear that every regime that claimed
to be communist in a way or another actually falsified the liberating core of
the specter (however fragile or unrecognizable such a core might have become
today, in our so-called post-communist times). For, communism as an attempt
at abolishing production based on private property, as well as the separation
between producers (laborers, workers) and their means of production does not
exhaust itself in replacing the free market economy with a production based on
state private property (since I believe it is high time to notice that state property
is just as private reserved as regular capitalist property, especially when it is
safeguarded by a repressive apparatus that keeps away actual producers from
essential decisions regarding the aims and structure of production). Since a com -
munist emancipation in this most basic sense did not occur in really existing
(really? existing?) communist societies, one could hardly speak of an actual
communism worth of its name. Hence, post-communism, as a relative term,
seems to be just as erroneous.
Consumul global de ap n miliarde de metri cubi pe an
Sursa / Source: www.wrsc.org
World
Asia
North America
Europe
Africa
South America
Australia & Oceania
Global water consumption, 19002025
(by region, in billion m
3
per year)
6,000
5,500
5,000
4,500
4,000
3,500
3,000
2,500
2,000
1,500
1,000
500
0
1900 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 1998 2000 2100 2025
145
verso
vingtor de ctre filosoful maghiar G. M. Tams
10
, cruia i datorez aceas -
t linie de interpretare. Totui, ntr-una dintre scrierile sale cele mai recen-
te, Tams arat c nu e ndeajuns s numim comunismul real-exis tent
(sau mai curnd socialismul, zice el) capitalism de stat, ci e impor-
tant s acordm atenie felului particular de capitalism de stat care a fost
ridicat de aa-numitele regimuri comuniste.
11
Cu toate c acest deta-
liu e extrem de important atunci cnd sarcina e aceea de a descrie mode-
lul social-economic precis aplicat n Europa de Est, n U.R.S.S. i n alte
pri, de vreme ce au existat diferene destul de semnificative ntre ri-
le luate individual, faptul cu adevrat decisiv pentru tipul de meditaie
pe care ncerc s-o organizez aici e totui ideea c, n pofida tuturor n -
cercrilor de a construi o enclav socialist sau o viziune alternativ
despre lume ntre graniele teritoriului delimitat de Cortina de Fier,
comunismul real-existent (= capitalismul de stat socialist) n-a fost
n stare s opereze o separare cu adevrat semnificativ de lumea
capitalist. Lumea socialist fusese mult mai puin izolat de economia
global dect las s se neleag un ter-
men precum Cortina de Fier. Aces-
ta e un fapt pe care toi economitii i
sociologii serioi l tiu sau ar trebui
s-l tie.
Dac ns comunismul a putut
pstra pentru mult vreme iluzia c
elul su suprem fusese construirea
unei societi bazate pe o concepie
despre lume cu adevrat diferit
(implicnd, prin urmare, un alt tip de
globalizare), pn i cel mai nepregtit
ochi teoretic poate observa c, n ce
privete interpretarea de baz a rea-
litii (sau, de fapt, a fiinei, pen tru
a ne mica deja n direcia lui Heideg-
ger), a omului i a lumii (ca natur i, prin urmare, ca resurs natu-
ral), precum i a sensu lui vieii (= producia, dublat mereu,
bineneles, de pretenia ideologic a construirii unei societi comu-
niste), au existat, de fapt, foarte puine diferene ntre lumea capita-
list i cea comunist. Asta descri sese Heidegger n a sa Introducere
n metafizic drept acelai-ul metafi zic al Rusiei i al Americii.
12
nainte de a ncerca s sap mai adnc n chestiunea a ce fel de formaiu-
ne de adevr se anun n aceast coinciden mai mult dect stranie a
celor dou tipuri de acelai ce pot fi trasate ntre comunismul real-exis-
tent i capitalismul de pia liber (acelai-ul reperat din punctul de
fug al capitalismului de stat i cel reperat din punctul de fug metafi-
zic), a vrea s reamintesc aici c, n locul pe care l-am menionat, Heideg -
ger vorbete de aceeai frenezie a exploatrii economice a resurselor
(prin care totul devine o resurs) n ntlnirea sa cu modul de gndire
tehnic. Heidegger poate stabili cu atta siguran similaritatea metafizic
a Rusiei i a Americii pentru c privete aceste dou entiti mon-
dial-politice dinspre punctul de fug al gndului su despre esena teh-
nicii moderne. E crucial totui c aceast similaritate e una metafizic,
adic, folosind un termen heideggerian i mai specific, onto-logic,
una care are de-a face cu interpretarea subiacent a fiinei care e la lucru
n ridicarea Rusiei i a Americii ca proiecte mondial-politice. Aceast
Europe, the U.S.S.R. and elsewhere, since there were quite significant differences
between individual countries, the truly decisive fact for the type of meditation
I try to organize here is nevertheless the idea that, in spite of all attempts at build-
ing a socialist enclave or alternative worldview within the confines of the territo-
ry delimited by the Iron Curtain, really existing communism (= socialist state
capitalism) was not able to perform a truly significant separation from the capital-
ist world. The socialist world was much less isolated from global economy than a
term such as the Iron Curtain would suggest. This is a fact all serious economists
and social scientists know or should know.
If communism could preserve for a long time the ideological illusion that its
highest aim was to build a society based on a truly different worldview (implying,
consequently, a different sort of globalization), even the most unprepared theo-
retical eye can notice that in terms of the basic interpretation of reality (or, in
fact, Being, to start moving towards Heidegger), of man and world (as nature
and, consequently, as natural resource),
as well as of the meaning of life (= pro -
duction, always doubled, of course, by the
ideological claimof building a communist
society), there were, in fact, very little dif-
ferences between the capitalist world
and the communist world. This is what
Heidegger described in his Introduction
to Metaphysics as the metaphysical same-
ness of Russia and America.
12
Before attempting to dig myself deeper into
what sort of truth formation announces itself
in this more than curious coincidence
between the two different types of same-
ness that can be drawn between really
existing communism and free market capitalism (the sameness diagnosed from
the vantage point of state capitalism and that diagnosed from the vantage point
of metaphysics), I would like to remind here that, in the place I mentioned,
Heidegger speaks of the same frenzy of economic exploitation of resources
(whereby everything becomes a resource) in its meeting with the technological
mode of thinking. Heidegger can establish so surely the metaphysical sameness of
Russia and America because he is scrutinizing these two world political entities
from the vantage point of his notion about the essence of modern technology.
Nevertheless it is crucial that this sameness is metaphysical, that is, using a more
specifically Heideggerian term, onto-logical, one that concerns the underlying
interpretation of Being that is at work in the setting up of Russia and America as
world political projects. This sameness does not prohibit, of course, the well-known
differences between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. in what concerns social organiza-
tion, details of everyday life, the practice of power, etc.
However, there is a consequence of this sameness that a later text by Heidegger,
which reasserts the sameness, seems to make almost unfathomable. In his Letter
on Humanism, Heidegger speaks of the world historical importance of commu-
nism,
13
but he leaves this thought in an exemplary indetermination, which is all the
more disquieting insofar as a metaphysical sameness between Russia and Ameri-
144
ntrebri vin logic naintea oricrei evaluri a celor dou decenii de dup
1989, de vreme ce chestiunea ca ata re: postcomunism, douzeci de
ani mai trziu conine deja aceste dou presupoziii: c a fost comunism,
c e post-comunism.
Tabra celor care cred cu adevrat c socialismul real-existent a fost
Comunism e destul de mare. La urma urmei, acest rspuns are de par-
tea lui faimosul dicton al lui Marx i Engels, conform cruia comunismul
nu e un ideal la care realitatea ar trebui ajustat, ci micarea muncito-
reasc nsi, lupta real. De fapt, aparena c aa-zisele state comu-
niste au fost, nu doar iniial, ci de-a lungul ntregii lor dezvoltri istorice,
un rezultat al acestei micri e una dintre primele precondiii pentru iden-
tificarea comunismelor/socialismelor reale cu Comunismul ca atare. Cu
toate astea, intenia principal din spatele unei asemenea identificri e
astzi aceea de a mpiedica muncitorii de toate felurile s lupte pentru
un aranjament social mai avantajos pentru cei de-o seam cu ei. n cazul
n care comunismul a fost epuizat n ntregime de eecul su istoric, asta
nseamn un singur lucru: comunismul ca atare e imposibil, iar ordinea
sociopolitic n care oamenii trebuie s munceasc pentru profitul ultim
al unei bogii aflate n cretere permanent (adic mpotriva lor nii i
a emanciprii lor n raport cu aceast matrice social de baz) e singu-
ra de care dispunem i de care vom putea dispune vreodat. Iat de
ce e att de important pentru dumanii societii fr clase s impun
consensul ideologic asupra epuizrii comunismului i a socialismului n
experiena lor (declarativ) real-existent n Est i Vest. Dar comunis-
mul, bineneles, nu s-a epuizat n numeroasele experiene istorice
care au avut loc sub stindardul su.
Susin c, n pofida faptului c fora ideii comuniste (care este aceea a
unei reorganizri mai mult sau mai puin treptate, mai mult sau mai puin
violente a produciei capitaliste) i-a pierdut tot mai mult puterea de mobi-
lizare printre muncitorii salariai, adevrul faliei de clas, falie ce consti-
tuie matricea generatoare fundamental a societii noastre, e la fel de
actual-inactual ca-ntotdeauna. Au reuit oare comunismele sau socia-
lismele reale s rezolve chestiunea acestei falii sociale? ntrebarea cere
de la noi s cntrim o alta: conteaz oare, din punctul de vedere al divi-
ziunii social-politice dintre o funcie-capitalist i o funcie-proletar n cadrul
produciei de mrfuri, dac funcia-capitalist e saturat de un individ sau
de un stat? Rspunsul, n ce m privete, e acela c, atta timp ct falia
social dureaz, compoziia efectiv a polului capitalist e mai puin im -
portant (cum spuneam, proprietatea e la fel de privat adic de rezer-
vat doar unuia dintre poluri n folosirea sa ca mijloc de producie ,
indiferent de persoanele reale sau de mecanismele care organizeaz
privarea muncitorilor de mijloacele lor de producie). Acesta e unul din-
tre argumentele principale pentru care nu putem fi de acord cu preten -
ia comunismelor i socialismelor reale de a fi fost realizarea istoric
a comunismului.
Drept consecin a acestui fel de a raiona, post-comunismul nu e ceva
ce vine dup comunism, ci mai curnd un fel straniu de post-capi talism.
Bineneles, acest gnd n-are nimic foarte nou. E mai curnd consecina
aplicrii categoriei capitalismului de stat (folosite n cadrul micrii so -
cialiste nc din secolul al XIX-lea, de la social-democrai la comunitii
consiliti i la Lenin nsui) la reflecia asupra situaiei istorice a comunis -
mului real i existent. Cel mai recent, i n raport direct cu gndirea
situaiei de dup 1989, termenul a fost readus n discuie cel mai con-
The camp of those who truly believe that really existing communism was Commu-
nism is quite wide. After all, this answer has on its side Marxs and Engels famous
dictum that communism is not an ideal to which reality should be adjusted, but
the actual workers movement itself. In fact, the appearance that so-called com-
munist states were not only initially, but in their entire historical development
a result of this movement is one of the first preconditions for the identification of
really existing communisms/socialisms with Communism as such. However, the
main point behind such identification is today to prevent workers of all sorts from
fighting for a more advantageous social arrangement for their kind. If commun-
ism, in its totality, has been extinguished in its historical failure, it means that com-
munism as such is impossible, and the socio-political order that makes people
work for the ultimate profit of an ever growing wealth (that is, against themselves
and their liberation from this fundamental social matrix) is the only one we have
and could ever have. This is why it is so important for the enemies of a classless
society to establish the ideological consensus that communism actually exhausted
itself in the experience of really existing (self-declared, self-baptized) commun-
isms or socialisms in East and West. But what if communism did not exhaust
itself in the manifold historical experiences that occurred under its banner?
I claim that in spite of the fact that the force of the communist idea, which is that
of a more or less progressive, more or less violent reorganization of capitalist pro-
duction, has increasingly lost its power of mobilization among actual wage work -
ers, the truth of the class split that constitutes the fundamental generative matrix
of our society is just as timely-untimely as ever. Did really existing communisms
or socialisms manage to solve the matter of this social split? This question
requires from us to think about another: does it matter, from the point of view of
the socio-political division between a capitalist-function and a proletarian-function
in production, whether the capitalist-function is fulfilled by an individual or a
state? The answer, to my mind, is that, as long as the social split endures, the actu-
al social composition of the capitalist pole is indifferent (as I was saying, property
is just as private, that is, reserved to one pole in its usage as a means of produc-
tion, regardless the actual persons or mechanisms that organize the privation of
workers from their means of production). This is one of the main arguments why
really existing communisms or socialisms cannot be granted their claim to
have been the historical realization of communism.
As a result of this way of reasoning post-communism is not something that
comes after communism, but a rather strange sort of post-capitalism.
Of course, this thought has nothing terribly new. It is rather the consequence of
applying the category of state capitalism (used in the socialist movement since
the 19th century, from social democrats to council communists and Lenin himself)
to the reflection upon the historical situation of really existing communism.
Most recently, and in direct relationship to the thinking of the post-1989 condition,
the term was brought up again most convincingly by the Hungarian philosopher
G. M. Tams,
10
to whom I owe this line of interpretation. In one of his latest writ-
ings, however, Tams explains that it is not enough to term really existing com-
munism (or rather socialism, says he) state capitalism, but is important to pay
heed to the quite particular sort of state capitalism that was erected by the so-
called communist regimes.
11
Although this detail is extremely important when
the task is that of describing the precise socio-economic model applied in Eastern
Consumul mondial de iei, 19502005 (n milioane de tone)
World oil Consumption, 19502005
4,000
3,000
2,000
1,000
0
M
illio
n
T
o
n
s
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2005
verso
147
z Scrisoare despre umanism, dialogic (de unde i faimosul dialog cu
marxismul i hegelianismul despre care vorbete Heidegger
15
). Acest
detaliu e important n msura n care el face perfect clar c lucrul care
ghideaz eforturile lui Heidegger nu e o simpl opiune metodologic.
n genere, o opiune metodologic presupune mereu o redefinire a
certitudinii (tiinifice), o schimbare de paradigm care reuete s adu -
c o ipotez explicativ mai bun pentru un numr de fapte i pentru
corelaiile dintre ele. Nu aa stau lucrurile la Heidegger, care, spre deose-
bire de Hegel i Marx, delimiteaz ct se poate de net gndirea de tiin -
.
16
Dificultatea care iese la lumin n eforturile lui Heidegger e legat
de enigma ne-ascunderii c lumea este. Nu exist, de fapt, explicaii posi-
bile care s mearg dincolo de simplitatea lumii ca orizont de dez-vlui-
re, de des-coperire a tot ce ine de modul nostru de a fi. Lumea este,
aadar, un nivel de primitivitate logic imposibil de atins din punctul de
vedere al unei teorii care presupune omul ca subiect i lumea (= na -
tura + cultura) drept un obiect al cunoaterii, aceast mprire fiind o
modalitate de a rata faptul simplu c
este lume. Existena lumii vine naintea
oricrei comprehensiuni a lumii. Ca
ori zont de expunere
17
, lumea nu e to -
talitatea obiectiv a fiindurilor postula -
t de ntreaga tradiie metafi zic (mereu
virtuala omnitudo realitatis). Dimpo-
triv, metafizica se ridic tocmai pe n -
ceoarea faptului fundamental al
dez vluirii (care nu e un fapt printre al -
tele, ci faptul care ne d toate celelal-
te fapte) n favoarea lumii culturale,
a lumii omului, a lumii subiectului
(aa cum se poate documenta acest lu -
cru att la Hegel, ct i la Marx
18
). Aadar,
pentru Heidegger istoria mondial nu
e istoria faptelor omeneti, ci succesiu-
nea epocilor fiinei, modificarea ordonat, reglat a matricei fundamen -
tale (a interpretrii fiinei) care ine laolalt asemenea epoci ntr-o istorie
a fiinei. Aceast matrice poate fi pus n lumin prin urmrirea schimbri-
lor aduse de o anumit epoc n definiia omului i a ceea l nconjoar
pe acesta. Abia din punctul de vedere al unei asemenea matrici se poate
afirma, n genere, similaritatea metafizic a Rusiei i a Americii, dar
e din acelai punct de vedere c o nonidentitate mondial-istoric ntre
comunism i capitalism (care este teza mea, repet: a nu se con funda
acest gnd cu acela al lui Heidegger) devine, aadar, aproape imposibil
de surprins. n acest punct cred c poate deveni util Granel, dar nu nain-
te de a ncerca s coroborez intuiia lui Heidegger despre acelai-ul meta-
fizic dintre America i Rusia cu ipoteza c lucrul care se mplinete
de fapt n dezvoltarea istoric a comunismului real-existent este o form
de capitalism. Cum va deveni limpede de-ndat, aceast ncercare e i
una dintre cile posibile de a introduce gndul lui Granel despre matri-
cea de baz a modernitii.
Am vzut c o anumit diferen ntre capitalismul de pia liber i
comunismul real-existent a putut fi trasat n privina dreptului de pro-
prietate/a puterii asupra capitalului sau, mai curnd, a configuraiei parti -
culare a separrii social, politic i economic constitutive dintre muncitori
veiling, dis-covering horizon of everything that pertains to our mode of being.
World is, thusly, a level of logical primitiveness impossible to reach fromthe point
of view of a theory that supposes man as a subject and world (= nature + culture)
as an object of knowledge, this very split being a way of missing the simple fact
that there is world. It is the very existence of world that comes before any compre-
hension of world. As a horizon of disclosure,
17
world is not the objective totality of
beings posited by the metaphysical tradition (the always virtual omnitudo realitatis).
On the contrary, metaphysics erects itself on distorting the basic fact of disclosure
(which is not a fact among others, but the fact that gives us all other facts) in favor
of cultural world, a world of man, a world of the subject (as this can be docu-
mented in both Hegel and Marx
18
). Therefore, world history for Heidegger is not the
history of human deeds, but the succession of ages of Being, the orderly modifica-
tion of the fundamental matrix (interpretation of Being) that holds together such
ages in the history of Being. This matrix can be highlighted by following the shifts
brought by a certain age in the definition of
man and its surrounding. It is fromthe point
of view of such a matrix that the metaphysi-
cal sameness of Russia and America can be
affirmed at all, but it is fromthe same point
of view that a world-historical non-identity
between communismand capitalism(which
is my thesis, not to be confounded with Hei-
deggers thought, I repeat) becomes, there-
fore, almost impossible to grasp. This is
where I believe that Granel will come in
handy, but not before trying to corroborate
Heideggers intuition about the metaphysical
sameness between Russia and America
with the hypothesis that it is, in fact, a form
of capitalismthat fulfils itself in the historical
development of really existing communism. As it will become clear soon, this is
also a possible path for introducing Granels thought about the fundamental matrix
of modernity.
We have seen that a certain difference between free market capitalism and
really existing communism could be traced in what concerns the actual owner-
ship/power over capital or, rather, the particular configuration of the socially,
politically and economically constitutive separation between laborers and their
means of production. This is how we arrived to the general formula of state capi-
talism, even though there were significant differences between the various forms
of state capitalism in the so-called socialist bloc. If we add to this Heideggers
notion about the metaphysical co-belonging of Russia and America, we arrive
to the following question: what exactly, from state capitalism as such, could
allow for articulating a metaphysical difference of world historical significance
between the really existing specter and free market capitalism?
In his Age of the World Picture, Heidegger suggests that, understood most prop-
erly, the concept of worldview (Weltbild) is about the fact that the world becomes
an image,
19
something rationally projected and presented as some sort of model to
be achieved. As it is not hard to notice, the details of such a world-image are quite
146
similaritate nu interzice, bineneles, bine cunoscutele diferene ntre
U.R.S.S. i S.U.A. n ce privete organizarea social, detaliile vieii de
zi cu zi, practica puterii etc.
Exist totui o consecin a acestei similariti pe care o reformulare a ace-
lai-ului ntr-un text ulterior al lui Heidegger pare s-o fac aproape inson-
dabil. n Scrisoare despre umanism, el vorbete despre importana
mondial-istoric a comunismului
13
, dar las acest gnd ntr-o indetermi-
nare exemplar, lucru cu att mai ngrijortor cu ct acelai-ul me tafizic al
Rusiei i al Americii ar implica, dac nu m nel cu totul, c relevana
lor mondial-istoric e, de asemenea, aceeai. Totui, de vre me ce am
menionat deja c pentru Heidegger acelai nu nseamn identic,
am putea merge un pic mai departe cu interogaia, adic pn dincolo de
diferenele patente dintre Rusia i America, i s ne ntre bm dac nu
exist oare i o diferen mondial-istoric ntre cele dou. Asta ar nsem-
na s considerm comunismul i capitalismul ca dou modaliti diferite
de a popula matricea Ge-stell-ului. Dac am ine cont de aceast non-
identitate esenial dintre cele dou, teza lui Heidegger s-ar traduce n felul
urmtor: comunismul, ca o saturare prezumtiv diferit a Ge-stell -ului,
a dez-vluirii fiinei i fiindului comandate de esena tehnicii moderne (aceas-
ta ar fi teza mea), nu difer, de fapt, n chip esenial de dez-vluirea aflat
la lucru n democraia reprezentativ de tip capitalist, fr s fie ns iden-
tic cu ea. n mod cert, asta face destul de dificil de vzut care ar fi
importana mondial-istoric mai particular a comunismului, de vreme
ce din punctul de vedere al lumii, un concept care surprinde la Heideg-
ger situaia fundamental de ne-ascundere ce caracterizeaz modul nos-
tru de a fi (Dasein), comunismul sau, mai curnd, comunismul (cci
Heidegger e unul dintre acei gnditori care nu par s fac diferena din-
tre comunismul real-existent i ceea ce este i-real nu utopic, ci prin-
cipial n ideea comunist) aparine aceleiai lumi moderne creia i aparine
i capitalismul. Aici, dintr-un punct de vedere strict tiinific, dezbate-
rea risc s devin atunci chiar mai teologic sau mai scolastic dect
n cazul ncercrii de a clarifica vocabula comunism i capacitatea sa de
a face dreptate, de unul singur, adic fr explicaii suplimentare, lucru-
lui cunoscut sub numele de comunism real-existent.
Dificultatea provine din surprinderea sensului precis al expresiei mon-
dial-istoric la Heidegger. Acest termen vine din Hegel i Marx, fiind un
concept fundamental al gndirilor lor, dar pare s treac printr-o mutaie
semnificativ la Heidegger. n ultimele paragrafe din Fiin i timp, aces-
ta a ncercat s clarifice nelesul diferit pe care l acorda istoriei mon-
diale, lundu-i ca punct de plecare noiunea sa re-lucrat de lume
(dez-vluire, divulgare, ne-ascundere, Lichtung, altheia).
14
Aceast
noiune nu e doar pur i simplu nou, aa cum spunem despre ceva
nemaiauzit c e nou (chiar dac nimeni altcineva naintea lui Heideg-
ger nu s-a gndit s fac legtura ntre simplitatea fundamental a ne-ascun-
derii i istorialitatea sau temporalitatea Da-sein-ului). Istoria lumii difer
de istoria mondial aa cum difer istoria fiinei de istoria univer-
sal, unde aceasta din urm reprezint nc un concept mai mult sau
mai puin istoriografic, chiar dac unul radicalizat de Hegel n ideea sa
despre autodezvoltarea Spiritului i de Marx n conceptul su de pro-
ducie, neleas drept motorul istoriei. Raportul dintre aceste dou
vi ziuni diferite asupra istoriei (cea heideggerian i cea hegelo-marxian)
nu e ns unul exclusiv (conceptul lui Heidegger nu vine s nlocuiasc
pur i simplu gndul articulat de Hegel i Marx), ci, aa cum demonstrea -
ca would imply, if I amnot totally wrong, that their world historical relevance is also
the same. However, since I already mentioned that for Heidegger the same does not
mean identical, one could interrogate even further, that is, beyond the obvious dif-
ferences between Russia and America, whether there is, perhaps, also a world-
historical difference between the two. This would mean to consider communismand
capitalismas two different ways of populating the matrix of Ge-stell. If one sticks to
this essential non-identity of the two, Heideggers thesis would translate as follows:
communism, as an allegedly different sort of embodiment of Ge-stell, of the un-
veiling of Being and beings commanded by the essence of modern technology (this
would be my thesis), does, in fact, not differ essentially fromthe un-veiling at work
in capitalist representative democracy, but is not identical with it either. Arguably,
this makes it rather difficult to see what would be the more specific world historical
importance of communism, since fromthe point of view of world, a concept that
captures in Heidegger the fundamental situation of un-concealment that character-
izes our mode of being (Da-sein), communism or, rather, communism(since
Heidegger is one of those thinkers who do not seemto make the difference between
really existing communism and what is un-real not utopian, but principled
in the communist idea) belongs to the same modern world to which capitalism
belongs. Here, froma strictly scientific point of view, the debate risks becoming
then even more theological or scholastic than in the attempt at clarifying the
word communism and its capability of doing justice, alone, that is: without further
explanations, to what is known as really existing communism.
The difficulty here comes from grasping the precise meaning of the expression
world historical in Heidegger. This term originates in Hegel and Marx, as a fun-
damental concept of their thought, but seems to go through a significant change
in Heidegger. The latter attempted to clarify his different meaning of world histo-
ry in the last paragraphs of Being and Time, taking as a point of departure his
re-worked notion of world (un-veiling, disclosure, un-concealment, Lichtung,
altheia).
14
This notion is not simply new as something previously unheard-of is
new (even though nobody else has thought before about connecting the basic
simplicity of un-concealment and the historicity or temporality of Da-sein). The his-
tory of world differs from world history as the history of Being differs from
universal history, where the latter is still a more or less historiographic concept,
even if radicalized by Hegel in his notion about the self-development of Spirit
or by Marx in his concept of production understood as an engine of history.
The relationship between these two different views on history (the Heideggerian
and the Hegelo-Marxian) is not exclusive (Heideggers concept does not come
to simply replace Hegels and Marxs thought), but, as the Letter on Humanism
demonstrates, dialogical (hence the famous dialogue with Marxism and
Hegelianism that Heidegger speaks of).
15
This detail is important insofar as
it makes perfectly clear that what guides Heideggers efforts is not a simple
methodological choice. A methodological choice in general always supposes
a redefinition of (scientific) certainty, a paradigmshift that manages to come up
with a better explanatory hypothesis about a number of facts and their interrelated-
ness. This is not the case for Heidegger, who, unlike Hegel or Marx, draws a clear
line between thought and science.
16
The difficulty that comes to light in Heideg-
gers efforts is related to the enigma of the un-concealment that world is. There are,
in fact, no possible further explanations beyond the simplicity of world as an un-
Evoluia emisiei mondiale de dioxid de carbon, 18502030 (n tone metrice)
Sursa / Source: www.c2es.org
Global carbon dioxid emission, 18502030
149
verso
nscrie n reeaua ordinii mondiale: secundarul (de pild, economicul) devi-
ne primarul (de pild, politicul), n timp ce lumea nsi i coninutul ei
devin o materie de disociat de formele adic de limitrile lor concre-
te i transformabil n funcie de ficiunile politicii, economiei, ideologiei,
tiinei etc.
22
Din punctul de vedere al acestui concept complex de Pro-
ducie (sau Infinit-Producie, cum cred c ar trebui numit), putem subli-
nia mai bine nu doar acelai-ul dintre Ru sia i America, ci i diferena
metafizic, imposibil de sondat n vreun alt fel, dintre cele dou.
Participnd la programul general al modernitii, Producia (dezvluire
a fiindurilor, dar, de asemenea, i mod de producie) inventat de Ru -
sia (ca termen generic pentru capitalismul de stat) e simultan in-finit
i finit, n msura n care experiena istoric a regimurilor real-existen-
te n U.R.S.S., Europa de Est, China i alte pri ale lumii reprezint,
de fapt, o ncercare de re-modelare a legturilor sociale anterioare, nu
n primul rnd n numele Ne-limitatului
(apeiron) sau al unei producii nelimitate
a unei bogii nelimitate, ci n numele
unei noi Limite (orict de ideologice ori
false): bunstare social generalizat i/
sau construcia so cietii comuniste.
Poate c e inutil s reamintesc aici c, pen-
tru muli locuitori ai statelor est-euro-
pene, copia mundan a acestei Idei a
fost suficient de bun pentru a lsa o
amintire de neters. Acesta este motivul
pentru care, n Romnia de astzi, de
pild, muli snt de acord c a fost mai bine
pe vremea lui Ceauescu. Avnd n faa
ochilor peisajul de ruine dezolante ofe-
rit de descompunerea marii industrii, a
garaniilor sociale, a sistemului medical,
a nvmntului, a infrastructurii etc.,
aceti oameni nu snt deloc nite barbari
fr suflet care i doresc o repunere n scen a atrocitilor asociate cu
sistemul de stat aa-zis comunist, ci brbai i femei care lupt pen-
tru supravieuire n condiiile capitaliste prezente. Acest detaliu poate
furniza o perspectiv destul de interesant asupra naturii ideologice sau
nonideologice a limitei comuniste, plasndu-ne n faa unei contradicii
sau a unui paradox greu de neles pentru cei din afar, iar asta nu din
cauza unui privilegiu mai mult sau mai puin absurd al victi mei, ci ca
rezultat al faptului c, aa cum se ntmpl n orice aren sporti v, spec-
tatorii triesc lucrurile n mod diferit dect sportivii de pe teren: adevrul
trit al comunismului sau socialismului real-existent prezint un ciu-
dat amestec ntre un anumit tip de bunstare (sau siguran so cial) i
un anumit tip de disconfort politic (fluctuant n funcie de cei aflai la pute-
re i de perioadele istorice). Pentru marea majoritate a oameni lor care
au trit n regimurile aa-zis comuniste, amintirea siguranei zilei de
mine, judecat pe fundalul descompunerii sale din prezent, face aspec-
tele politice mai puin relevante, mai ales c, exceptnd un numr foar-
te limitat de persoane (cel mai adesea intelectuali), chestiunea libertii
politice a fost i este nc mai puin important dect duritatea supravieui-
rii. Nu spun asta pentru a sugera c viaa sub comunism a fost floa-
re la ureche. N-a fost. Cu toate astea, nu trebuie s negm mobilitatea
elsewhere is actually an attempt at re-shaping the previous social bonds not
primarily in the name of the Un-limited (apeiron), or that of un-limited production
of unlimited wealth, but in that of a new Limit (however ideological or false):
generalized social welfare and/or building a communist society.
Perhaps it is useless to remind here that the earthly copy of this Idea was still good
enough to leave an indelible mark in the memory of people leaving in Eastern
European states. This is why, in todays Romania, for instance, many of them agree
that it was better under Ceauescu. In contemplating the landscape of desolate
ruins offered by the decomposition of grand scale industry, welfare, health system,
education, infrastructure, etc., these people are not heartless barbarians who wish
for a reenactment of the ferocities associated with the so-called communist state
system, but desperate men and women who struggle for survival in the current
capitalist conditions. This detail can provide a quite interesting perspective on the
ideological or non-ideological nature of the
communist limit, placing us before a contra-
diction or paradox difficult to understand by
outsiders, and this not because of some
more or less absurd privilege of the victim,
but as a result of the fact that, as it happens in
any sport arena, spectators experience a game
in a different manner than players on the field:
the experienced truth of really existing com-
munism or socialism presents a strange mix-
ture between a certain kind of welfare (or social
security) and a certain kind of political unease
(fluctuating in accordance with persons in
power and historical periods). For the vast
majority of people living in the so-called com-
munist regimes, the memory of welfare,
retained against the background of its current
decomposition, makes the political aspects less relevant, all the more that with the
exception of a very limited number of persons (mostly intellectuals), the matter of
political freedom has been and still is less important than the harshness of survival.
This is not to say that life under communism was a piece of cake. It was not.
However, one must not deny the actually equalitarian social mobility that re-shap-
ed the fundaments of traditional peasant societies, building an industry and an
urban development that prepared these societies for joining a bit later the
developing capitalist world. That this preparation was not as useless as the cur-
rent hatred against everything communist may suggest is proved not only by the
possibility of the enormous brain-drain that brought to the West a great number
of ex-communist specialists in all fields (from technology to social science), but
also by the fact that after more than twenty years of its fall, communist infra-
structure (roads, railroads, block buildings, etc.), despite the destruction and the
lack of maintenance caused by an increasing general poverty doubled by deregu-
lation, still assures the functioning of the new capitalist society as a whole. Such
details that one can identify through the most simple of all field works (a simple
walk to post-communist towns would suffice) suggest that, in a strange way, the
regime of (communist) Finitude has actually prepared the way for the regime of
148
i mijloacele lor de producie. Aa am ajuns la formula general a capi-
talismului de stat, chiar dac exist diferene semnificative ntre diver-
sele forme de capitalism de stat n cadrul aa-numitului bloc socialist. Dac
adugm la asta ideea lui Heidegger despre coapartenena metafizic
a Rusiei i a Americii, ajungem la urmtoarea ntrebare: ce anume,
din capitalismul de stat ca atare, ar putea permite articularea unei dife-
rene metafizice de importan mondial-istoric ntre stafia real-exis-
tent i capitalismul de pia liber?
n a sa Epoc a viziunilor despre lume, Heidegger sugereaz c,
neles n chipul cel mai propriu, conceptul de viziune despre lume
(Weltbild) nseamn c lumea devine viziune (= imagine)
19
, ceva pro-
iectat n mod raional i prezentat ca un fel de model care trebuie pus
n practic. Cum nu e greu de observat, detaliile unei asemenea imagini
mondiale snt n mod destul de evident diferite n cazul capitalismului
de pia liber i al capitalismului de stat. n timp ce ambele presu-
pun ceva de numit progres tehnologic, dezvoltare militar i o producie
de mrfuri tot mai extins, n cadrul capitalismului de pia liber
aceti trei piloni ai ordinii sociale snt reglai de pia, iar tendina e aceea
de a construi un stat care reprezint, n aparen, doar un simplu cadru
legal i coercitiv pentru dezvoltarea liber a pieei. Grosso modo, avem
aici ideea statului minimal, ceva ce democraia (neo)liberal, capitalist
numete libertate, dei e adevrat c aceast libertate elementar
a pieei e mbuntit cu un numr de drepturi civile, cum ar fi liber-
tatea cuvntului, aceea de a cltori etc. Am crede c aceast li ber tate
liberal e o trstur esenial a diferenei dintre capitalismul de pia liber
i economia planificat, dar, dei acest lucru probabil c nu e complet
fals la nivelul politic cel mai superficial, de-ndat ce ne-am focaliza privi-
rile pe valoarea politic efectiv a acestei liberti n forma sa dezvoltat,
actual (n sfrit nengrdit de vechea adversitate dintre blocul capi-
talist i cel comunist), ar aprea c puterea cetenilor de a schim ba
ceea ce ei consider a fi nedrept sau pur i simplu inconvenabil n ordi-
nea politic nu e foarte diferit n cele dou regimuri. Diferena dintre
ele const, de fapt, doar n evidena opresiunii: manifest n capitalismul
de stat, ascuns n capitalismul de pia liber. Cercetate cu grij, n pofi-
da oricrei cosmetici etice i morale, diversele liberti furnizate de ordi-
nea capitalist liberal snt acelea care nu deranjeaz puterea absolut
a pieei, care e ntrupat ntr-o putere de stat la fel de ndeprtat de
influena cetenilor obinuii precum perechea sa totalitarist. Statul
modern ca atare e total (cuprinznd toate aspectele vieii sociale) asta
nu e o particularitate a comunismului sau a socialismului real-existent.
Astfel, diferena ideologic dintre libertate i ne-libertate nu ajut la
a surprinde diferena metafizic, onto-logic mai particular dintre cele
dou forme de organizare social, politic i economic pe care Hei-
degger le numete generic Rusia i America.
Lui Granel, noiunea heideggerian de Ge-stell i se pare insuficient pen-
tru a reda esena modernitii, dar nici pe departe de prisos. Dimpotriv,
doar pe urmele Ge-stell-ului (esena tehnicii moderne ca mod al dezvlu-
rii fiindurilor) putem nelege cum ceea ce Marx a numit Capital s-a trans-
format n legea lumii (moderne). Granel combin trsturile Ge-stell-ului
cu cele ale Capitalului n conceptul su de Producie i, respingnd n parte
modelul marxian al explicaiei istorice
20
, susine c lucrul esenial pentru
timpurile moderne e acela c ele snt vremuri ale lui apeiron, ale nengrdi-
tului sau ale infinitii
21
, prin intermediul creia o ciudat anomalie se
obviously different in the case of free market capitalism and state capitalism.
While both suppose something to be called technological progress, military devel-
opment and increasingly extended commodity production, in free market state
capitalism these basic pillars of the social order are regulated by the market,
and the tendency is to build a state that apparently acts primarily as a legal and
coercive frame for the free development of market. Grosso modo, this is the idea
of minimal state, something that (neo-)liberal, capitalist democracy calls free-
dom, although it is true that this basic freedom of the market is enhanced with
a certain number of civil rights, such as the freedom of speech, the freedom to
travel, etc. One would believe that this liberal freedom is an essential feature
of the difference between free market capitalism and planned economy, and
while this is probably not completely false at the most superficial political level, as
soon as one focuses on the actual political value of this freedom in its developed,
current form (finally unchecked by the old adversity between a capitalist bloc
and a communist bloc), it would appear that the power of citizens to change
what they deem to be unjust or simply inconvenient in the political order is not
very different in the two regimes. The difference between them consists, in fact,
only in the obviousness of oppression: manifest in state capitalism, concealed in
free market capitalism. Scrutinized carefully, in spite of all ethical and moral
cosmetics, the various freedoms provided by the liberal capitalist order are those
that do not bother the absolute power of market, which is embedded in the frame
of a state power just as remote from the influence of ordinary citizens as its totali-
tarian counterpart. Modern state as such is total (encompassing all aspects of
social life) this is not a particularity of really existing communism or socialism.
Thusly, the ideological difference between freedom and un-freedom does not
help in grasping the more specific metaphysical, onto-logical difference in the two
forms of social, political and economical organization generically called Russia
and America by Heidegger.
For Granel, Heideggers notion of Ge-stell seems insufficient in rendering the
essence of modernity, but by no means useless. On the contrary, it is only on
the basis of Ge-stell (the essence of modern technology as a mode of disclosing
beings) that one can understand how what Marx has called Capital shifted into
the law of the (modern) world. Granel combines the features of Ge-stell and those
of Capital in his own concept of Production and, partially rejecting Marxs model
of historical explanation,
20
claims that what is essential to modern times is that
they are times of apeiron, of the unlimited or infinity,
21
whereby a strange distur-
bance inscribes itself in the network of the world order: the secondary (say, the
economical) becomes the primary (say, the political), while the world itself and
its content become a matter to be dissociated from their actual forms that is,
limit(ation)s and moldable according to the fictions of politics, economics, ideolo-
gy, science, etc.
22
From the point of view of this complex notion of Production
(or Production-Infinity as I believe that it should be termed), one can highlight bet-
ter not only the sameness of Russia and America, but also the otherwise
unfathomable metaphysical difference between the two.
By participating to the general program of modernity, the Production (disclosure
of beings, but also mode of production) established by Russia (as a generic term
for socialist state capitalism) is both in-finite and finite, insofar as the historical
experience of really existing regimes in the U.S.S.R., Eastern Europe, China and
Copii fr adpost n Statele Unite ale Americii (n milioane)
Sursa / Source: commons.wikimedia.org
Homeless children in the United States
(in millions)
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
151
verso
5. Ibidem.
6. G. Granel, LEnseignement de la philosophie, in Apolis, Mauvezin, Trans-Europ-
Repress, 2009, p. 8990.
7. G. Granel, La Production totale, in Apolis, p. 75.
8. G. Granel, De lUniversit, Mauvezin, T. E. R., 1982, p. 126. n romnete: Despre
Universitate, traducere, cuvnt-nainte i note de Adrian T. Srbu, postfa de Claude
Karnoouh, Cluj, Idea, 2002.
9. Prima versiune a acestui text a fost scris pentru un colocviu inut la Paris n octom-
brie 2011.
10. G. M. Tams, Un capitalism pur i simplu, in Genealogii ale postcomunismului, ed.
Adrian T. Srbu i Alexandru Polgr, Cluj, Idea, 2009, p. 1128.
11. G. M. Tams, Its All Over NowBaby Blue, Antikommunizmus ma, <http://red-
news.hu/a-gyakorlat-elmelete/default/its-all-over-now-baby-blue-antikommuniz-
mus-ma/minden-oldal.html>.
12. M. Heidegger, Einfhrung in die Metaphysik, Gesamtasugabe, vol. 40, II. Abteilung: Vor-
lesungen (19251944), Frankfurt am Main, Vittorio Klostermann, 1983, p. 40.
13. Heidegger, Brief ber den Humanismus, p.
340341.
14. M. Heidegger, Sein un Zeit, Tbingen, Max Nie-
meyer, 1967, p. 387392.
15. Heidegger, Brief ber den Humanismus, p.
339340.
16. M. Heidegger, Washeisst Denken?, Gesamtaus-
gabe, vol. 8, I. Abteilung: Verffentlichte Schriften
19101976, Frankfurt amMain, Vittorio Kloster-
mann, 2002.
17. Expunere nu trebuie luat aici drept claritate,
ci pentru simplul fapt c un fiind poate aprea n
genere ca fiind clar ori neclar.
18. G. Granel, Traditionis traditio, Paris, Gallimard,
1972, p. 229.
19. M. Heidegger, Die Zeit des Weltbildes, in
Gesamtausgabe, vol. 5, I. Abteilung: Verffentlichte
Schriften 19141970. Holzwege, Frankfurt am Main, Vittorio Klostermann, p. 89.
20. B. Bouttes i G. Granel, Cartesiana, Mauvezin, T. E. R., 1982, p. 134135.
21. Granel, De lUniversit, p. 125126.
22. Acesta e unul dintre gndurile centrale ale eseului lui Granel Les Annes trentes sont
devant nous, in tudes, Paris, Galile, 1995. n romnete: Anii treizeci ne stau n
fa (Analiz logic a situaiei concrete), traducere de Adrian T. Srbu, IDEA art +
societate #1516, 2003, p. 217227.
23. G. Granel, Monoculture? Inculture?, in Apolis, p. 78. n romnete: Monocultur?
Incultur?, in Despre Universitate, p. 21.
15. Heidegger, Letter on Humanism, p. 259.
16. M. Heidegger, What Is Called Thinking?, New York, Evanston and London, Harper
and Row Publishers, 1968, p. 13.
17. Disclosure here must not be taken for clarity, but for the simple fact that
something can appear as clear or unclear at all.
18. G. Granel, Traditionis traditio, Paris, Gallimard, 1972, p. 229.
19. Martin Heidegger, The Age of the World Picture, in Off the Beaten Track,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, p. 67.
20. B. Bouttes and G. Granel, Cartesiana, Mauvezin, T. E. R., 1982, pp. 134135.
21. Granel, De lUniversit, pp. 125126.
22. This is one of the central thoughts of Granels essay Les Annes trentes sont devant
nous, in tudes, Paris, Galile, 1995.
23. G. Granel, Monoculture? Inculture?, in Apolis, p. 78.
150
social efectiv egalitar care a remodelat fundamentele societilor tra -
diionale rneti, construind o industrie i o dezvoltare urban care
pregtise aceste societi pentru alturarea lor un pic mai trziu lumii
capitaliste n curs de dezvoltare. C aceast pregtire n-a fost pe att
de inutil pe ct ar putea sugera ura contemporan mpotriva a tot ce-i
comunist este verificat nu doar de posibilitatea enormului export de
creiere care a adus Vestului un numr semnificativ de specialiti ex-co -
muniti n toate domeniile (de la tehnologie la tiinele sociale), ci i de
faptul c, la mai mult de douzeci de ani dup cderea comunismu-
lui, infrastructura construit n acea perioad (drumuri, ci ferate, blo-
curi etc.), n pofida distrugerii i a lipsei de renovare cauzate de srcia
general tot mai mare i de dereglementare, asigur nc funcionarea
noii societi capitaliste. Asemenea detalii pe care le putem identifica prin
cea mai simpl dintre muncile de teren (o simpl plimba re prin oraele
postcomuniste e de ajuns) sugereaz c, n mod ciudat, regimul Fini-
tudinii (comuniste) a pregtit, de fapt, terenul pentru regimul Infini-
tului, care pare s-i arate natura sa adevrat ca principiu de lumire
(mo ndializare) abia dup decesul alternativei sale pe jumtate finite,
pe jumtate infinite.
Faptul decisiv rmne ns acela c 1989 anul care marcheaz, dup
Granel, intrarea noastr n cel de al treilea mileniu
23
ndeprteaz punc-
tul terminal ideologic al dezvoltrii sociale (societatea comunist) i ne
arunc ntr-o dezvoltare perpetu fr un punct terminal asignabil.
Asta nu e sfritul istoriei (dac o asemenea expresie are vreun sens),
ci marul istoriei ctre imposibila satisfacere a condiiilor sale prestabi-
lite, postulate (producia de bogie nelimitat). ntrebarea care rsa-
re din aceast nou situaie istoric este, bineneles, nu aceea dac, n
caz c ar fi rezistat, capitalismul de stat ar fi putut furniza un viitor mai
luminos dect geamnul su democrat, ci dac sfritul speranei ntr-un
aranjament social mai bun ne va deschide oare ochii pentru adevrul
limitrilor noastre celor mai banale n ce privete punerea n practic a
pro mitoarei teze a 11-a.
Ce-ar fi ns dac ar trebui s ne ntoarcem, mcar pentru o clip, de
la Marx i de la teoriile aciunii eficace la Heidegger i la adevrul fiinei?
Dac un viitor comunist ar fi la fel de ndeprtat de noi precum Atena
contemporan de cea antic? Dac a lupta pentru comunism ar nsem-
na, de fapt, s lupi pentru un nou sens al Fiinei? Dac sarcina revoluiei
ar fi mai dificil dect rsturnarea tuturor guvernelor lumii?
Cam sta ar fi, n cteva ntrebri, sensul unei re-lecturi istoriale a lui 1989.
Note:
1. De fapt, expresia filosofie contemporan nu poate reda cu destul claritate c att
Heidegger, ct i Granel snt, de asemenea, n afara filosofiei ca atare, chiar dac gn-
direa lor se ivete din tradiia filosofic i, cel mai adesea, are de-a face cu ea.
2. Vezi M. Heidegger, Die Frage nach der Technik, in Gesamtsausgabe, vol. 7, I.
Abteilung: Verffentlichte Schriften 19101976. Vortrge und Aufstze, Frankfurt amMain,
Vittorio Klostermann, 2000.
3. M. Heidegger, Brief ber den Humanismus, in Gesamtausgabe, vol. 9, I. Abteilung:
Verffentlichte Schriften 19141970. Wegmarken, Frankfurt amMain, Vittorio Kloster-
mann, 1976.
4. M. Heidegger, Wozu Dichter?, in Gesamtausgabe, vol. 5, I. Abteilung: Verffentlichte
Schriften 19141970. Holzwege, Frankfurt amMain, Vittorio Klostermann, p. 292293.
the Infinite, which seems to reveal its true nature as a principle of world(ing) only
after the demise of its half finite, half infinite alternative.
The decisive fact remains, however, that 1989 the year that marks, according
to Granel, our entrance into the third millennium
23
removes the ideological termi-
nal point of social development (communist society) and throws us into an end-
less development without any assignable terminal points. This is not the end of
history (if such an expression has a meaning at all), but historys march towards
the impossible fulfillment of its pre-established, posited conditions (production
of limitless wealth). The question arising from this new historical situation is, of
course, not if state capitalism could have actually provided a better future than
its democratic twin, but whether the end of hope in a better social arrangement
opens our eyes to the truth of our most banal limitations in enacting the promising
thesis 11.
What if we must return, for a second, from Marx and all theories of effective action
to Heidegger and the truth of Being? What if a communist future is just as far from
us as contemporary Athens is from ancient Athens? What if communism means,
in fact, the struggle for a new meaning of Being? What if the task of revolution is
more difficult than overthrowing all governments of the world?
Approximately this would be, in a few questions, the meaning of an onto-historical
re-reading of 1989.
Notes:
1. In fact, the term contemporary philosophy cannot make it clear that both
Heidegger and Granel are also outside of philosophy as such, even though their think-
ing arises from the philosophical tradition and, most of the time, deals with it.
2. See M. Heidegger, The Question Concerning Technology, in The Question Concern-
ing Technology and Other Essays, New York and London, Garland Publishing, Inc.,
1977.
3. M. Heidegger, Letter on Humanism, in Pathmarks, Cambridge, Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 1998.
4. M. Heidegger, Why Poets?, in Off the Beaten Track, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 2002, p. 219.
5. Ibidem.
6. G. Granel, LEnseignement de la philosophie, in Apolis, Mauvezin, Trans-Europ-
Repress, 2009, pp. 8990.
7. G. Granel, La Production totale, in Apolis, p. 75.
8. G. Granel, De lUniversit, Mauvezin, T. E. R., 1982, p. 126.
9. A first version of this text has been written for a seminar that took place in Paris
in October 2011.
10. G. M. Tams, A Capitalism Pure and Simple, in Genealogies of Post-Communism,
eds. Adrian T. Srbu and Alexandru Polgr, Cluj, Idea, 2009, pp. 1128.
11. G. M. Tams, Its All Over Now Baby Blue, Antikommunizmus ma,
<http://rednews.hu /a-gyakorlat-elmelete/default/its-all-over-now-baby-blue-
antikommunizmus-ma/minden-oldal.html>.
12. M. Heidegger, Introduction to Metaphysics, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2000,
p. 40.
13. Heidegger, Letter on Humanism, p. 259.
14. M. Heidegger, Being and Time, Albany, NY, State University of New York Press,
1996, pp. 354358.
Puterea de cumprare a dolarului. Sursa / Source: Observation, (ObservationsAndNotes.blogspot.com)
http://observationsandnotes.blogspot.ro/2011/04/100-year-declining-value-of-us-dollar.html
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