VILLAGE DANCE IN THE CITY:

The Transformations Of Pantomina De Sorsogon

in the Kasanggyahan Festival
By; Geri Matthew D. Carretero

This part presents the analysis based on the historical facts and oral accounts presented
previously. Moreover, this also presents a critique of the transformation of pantomina dance
based on its type and form, function, and purpose as well as the ideology and modes of
production involved.

The analysis covers the Pantomina de Sorsogon as a cultural belief system (in the
performers form, space, content and context) and the mediums of transformation such as the roles
of Kasanggayahan Festival, the Church and the Government as well as agencies, non-government
organizations, and private institutions as part of the social tensions.

The researcher asserts that the personal judgments, information and facts written and
cited below are the sole result of an extensive research and will be used and/or disseminated
responsibly for future studies in accordance to the process or revival of the dance both via
external and internal social pressures.

The Pantomina De Sorsogon: Form and Meaning

The Pantomina, as a traditional Bikol dance is a love dance with its movements
mimicking or patronizing the mating or love making of doves or the “salampati” (bikol term for
dove). As a traditional dance, it is performed as courtship and wedding dance where the couple
dances and each expresses love for each other. To the music, they sway displaying their inner
passion, the man moves with running steps after the woman, and the woman in turn flirts and
entices the man to court her. This clearly implies a rather continued courtship which eventually
ends up on bonding with each other.

From its traditional movements of Sinalampati (movements of a dove) to the courting

movements and the choreographed form as it is danced today, the Pantomina tells about the
evolving life of the people of Sorsogon. But what is really the implication of the movements, the
music and the whole dance itself? What caused the transformations in its form and function?
Many scholars and researchers on dance movements do not pay close attention on dance
and its impact on society and the history of the very people performing it. In this study however,
this area of interest will be considered. Principles about movement says that in every dance there
is rhythm and form and it needs to be established for it to be recognized and learn what mode of
imaginative process or forms of movement is involved. Thus, in a given dance form, movements
exemplifying the closed form exists where every element points back to itself as well as the open
form where movements point out beyond itself may be seen. Hence these theories about form
may be utilized to analyze the implications of movements involved in the Pantomina dance in the
sphere of ritual, art and spectacle. Thus, what the movements of the dance imply in different
contexts and what possibilities in meaning the whole dance gives will be also discussed.

According to Flaudette May Datuin of the University of the Philippines in her article,
“Dance Culture” says that dance is unique among the arts for its dependence on movements. She
further states, however, that movement alone is not enough to characterize dance for it has its
own specificities and cannot be equated with all other gestures in day-to-day life (171).Hence,
Pantomina as a dance displays this uniqueness- an artform which has its own features and
movements which tell about the Sorsoganons.

Before the Spanish came, the implication of the imitative movements dedicated to the
lovemaking of doves is truly a dichotomy between the divine and the human, with the frequent
use of the Salampati bird as a main figure when traditionally performed by newlywed couples. It
may be classified as community-based and community oriented that imitates life and responds on
nature thus promoting communal solidarity-a means for a stronger bond among its members and
their future generation’s survival. The Shaman(Parabulong) presiding over the wedding dances in
free movements show a concept of an open form where the movements look limitless because of
the Shaman’s freely created movements (as the whole community follows) while achieving a
state of ecstasy in order to discharge the spirit of the doves beyond himself but in the artistic
sense certain restrictions or parameters exist like in the sarok or salok movements where the
dancer motions his hands in a swooping manner back to itself still making the movement an
independent element of the dance ritual.
 On the other hand, the movement at the very start of the courtship ritual of the couple in
the Kurudalan and in Christian weddings (as well as in other social settings) called the pagkilala
is the introduction showing the couple’s acquaintance with each other. This is where the moving
forward and backward of the male and female dancers imitates the dove strut (Jamoralin 114).
The stooping position of the male dancer expresses humility and respect for the females while the
merest twist to the left or right, at different angle by the female dance are forms of modesty and
decency. Hence, these may be read as closed forms- the closed form focuses on the feet and the
arms enclosed in the sphere of the body while the couple or dancers group themselves in a central
axis to produce a perfect balance in the geometric patterns of the floor comprising the dance
space.

Dancing to the Pantomina tune, the

female dancer plays hard-to-get as the male
dancer soon dances in subtle circling motions
around her. The open form in a sense may be
seen in the imitative gesture as the male
dancer move in circles and at different angles
after implicating the possible improvisations
beyond the usual steps. But dancing or
conforming to the tempo of the music
therefore still makes it an independent unit.
Figure 8. “Kunday”.Personal Photograph.October2008
After the circular movements, the saludo follows symbolizing approval or acceptance by
the female dancer of the love of the male dancer, in which the male dancer turns around in
unbridled exultation and faces the female dancer as the Pantomina tune suddenly shifts tempo
(Jamoralin par.4). After the saludo, it is followed by the engaño, which is an intricate footwork
combined with the unique Bicol kunday shown in figure 8. It is where the hands of the upraised
arms of both dancers gracefully twist together with the wrists of the fingers pointing out beyond
itself ( Jamoralin 114) . It is also at this stage when the male dancer may also sometimes be seen
genuflecting in front of the dancer balancing a bottle or glass of tuba or coconut wine while at the
same time doing the kunday.

According to dance researcher Mr. Jaime Grulla in an interview, the lovers-dancers may
create their own steps like the running or chasing steps by the male dancer as the female dancer
tries to avoid him. These bold movement-displays of the male dancer reflects his decisiveness to
win the love of his life and to emphasize this part of the dance, the male dancer snaps his fingers
to the rhythm of the music imitating the sound of the wings of the doves as they make love(
Jamoralin 114).
Lastly, the focus of the pantomina still returns to the dance itself after the love pantomine
has ended therefore, makes the whole performance an integration of both the closed and open
forms embedded in the movements.

To a wider sense, the dance is so well integrated into the lives of the people of Sorsogon
that the meaning and the development of its form and purpose express their very beliefs and
reflects their sociable duality-Sorsoganons as gentle and at the same time aggressive. It is also
where the body serves as a medium to the emotional and physical aspects of love expressed
through agility, strength and excitement. Therefore the Pantomina is also not just a dance that
means of entertatinment and consecration of love of the couple in the wedding context and in
certain aspects may also be a form of karawat or karanam ( laro in Tagalog or game in English )
as well as a form poetry and music-the rawit-dawit and siday .

As in the context of kurudalan and in other social settings, the male dancers improvise or
invent steps to create variations as the female dancer playfully tries to avoid the suitor just like in
Subli as Laro and Panata by Elena Mirano of the University of the Philippines in her research
work (although not overtly a courtship dance as the author cited), contains song, dance and poetry
associated with youthful, adolescent pleasure (89). In the street parade this aspect can still be seen
as the young dancers from several schools enact what adults do in the wedding context. The street
provides certain arrangements and many possibilties in choreography in terms of the geometric
patterns of bodies moving forward in the dance space as if they are just playing a delightful game
involving dance skills.

Furthermore, the karawat aspect of Pantomina is also seen as the male dancers also
show-off or nagpapasale to demonstrate affection and seize the attention of the girl they love
while she plays hard-to-get in the dance floor. This aspect also shows how passionate and
persuasive the males once their hearts set out to win their beloved. Hence, the bold and energetic
improvisations done by the male dancers reflect the persistence and intensity they have for the
love of their lives- an idea of karawat or the delights and enjoyments of the youth while courting
and entertaining the woman they adore.
 Moving on, in a series of collected pantomina songs (which are composed locally
especially from Catanduanes, Sorsogon and Albay province) the verses following the form of
rawit-dawit are sung or recited known as siday and is danced through the accompaniment of a
musical instrument like a codyapi or any stringed instrument. Through centuries these are used in
various occasions when dancing the Pantomina in the Bicol Region even until the Spanish came.

The verses and the melody also symbolize the “dove” as a symbol of peace, that flies
around another of its kind, the groom does too and in response, the bride sways to the rhythm of
the clapping of her groom’s hands-indeed a way of reinforcing the relationship between them.
Furthermore, as the dance continues to the tune of the music, the groom gives a slight slap on the
bride’s face which is perceived as a way of flirting which of course gives a little color to the
dance and makes it rather humorous, thus reflecting the Sorsoganon’s natural happy disposition.

As the dance progresses, the relatives of both parties outdo each other in pinning on the
couple the biggest amount to use for their wedded life. The family of the bride usually pins on the
groom’s barong and the family of the groom also pins the money on the bride’s dress. This
motivates their relatives to do the same. Some of them throw money on the floor or on the banig
mats. This is called the bitor and in some cases, the newly weds would let their relatives and
guests drink or toast a tuba (a type of wine from fermented coconut water) and in return these
toasts of tuba with poetry or the tigsikan follows and after they also give them money or a
symbolic gift for the good gesture of the couple.

Here, family solidarity and loyalty to clan are manifested. This clearly indicates kinship –
meaning the families of the couple acknowledge the relationship and welcomes both to each clan.
This is a positive display of the Sorsoganons’ love for the family. As they show this gesture to the
new members of their families, all partake of the tuba and roast pig. Here, unity and oneness is
clearly exhibited. Even the padrino (godfather) and the madrina (godmother) who in
Sorsoganon’s tradition become part of the couple’s family, cajole and likewise brooch peso bills
on the wedded pair. This further implies family extensions and shows that the godparents are
second parents to the couple and that they have the responsibility to guide them as they live a new
life building their own family. Hence, on positive aspects, the dance indicated a vivid fact; that is
solidarity and establishment of strong family ties. This also mirrors the jolly dispositions of
Sorsoganon as reflected in the merrymaking the dance creates.
 On the other hand, there is a negative implication of the dance especially since it is
performed inside an exclusive area. Such may on the other hand show exclusiveness only for
those with shared relationship with the couple and not on the thrust of communal solidarity
among the non-members of the couple’s clan unlike the . Those who could only enter the dance
area are the couple and their relatives who are to outdo one another with the amount they pin on
the wedded pair. If they pin higher or bigger amount, this shows that their clan is wealthier than
the other. This would lead to rivalry and could create trouble to both parties hence it leads to
having faction and decisiveness instead of solidarity and unity. However, if such would not be the
aim of those who partake in the celebration, the dance would not defeat its real essence which is
LOVE.

But, without a doubt, these are values and customs which have been rooted in the lives of
the Sorsoganons where the effectivity and the spirit of the dance is solely at the movements of the
couple because they are the ones who give meaning to it together with the members of their clan
that come together to celebrate with the couple. Moreover, tradition is enlivened and through the
years, Pantomina de Sorsogon has been performed to bring to people the message not only of
love and solidarity but also being proud of what is theirs- which they consider as one of the
marks of their identity as a people.

The Mediums and Channels of Transformation

From the wedding venue, kurudalan, to the village stage and town plaza, the pantomina
is now a spectacular parade dance where young and old people, in droves gather in the streets to
see an “exhibition of pride and culture”. According to Msgr. Francisco Monje, parish priest of the
Our Lady of Fatima parish and chairman of the Kasanggayahan Festival Foundation, the fiesta
through the Pantomina brings to the fore the so-called an “Avowal of Local Ties” where the
Sorsoganon’s cultural aspirations carried over from the time of their great ancestors are given
importance by its very own people. Indeed, it has not been confined anymore in the celebration of
marriages but has transformed into a dance for the streets- a bigger sphere, a bigger arena for the
performance in the advent of the Kasanggayahan Festivities and in honor of their patron saints,
Sts, Peter and Paul.
 Truly, it brings to life the real essence of Kasanggayahan and elevates itself into a
provincial icon that identifies the Sorsoganon. Indeed from the mimetic to the balse Spanish
influenced movements, the change in the purpose allows the dance to evolve itself into something
that is still useful to the community otherwise it might have died. Mr. Jaime Grulla, author of the
Pantomina de Sorsogon, also said that the dance has been made into a festival feature participated
in by government entities (especially the barangays and towns of Sorsogon Province) because the
manifestations of the transformation is deeply rooted from its original purpose. It is now dying
and such a move of making the Pantomina in the context of a street dance makes the dance itself
an instrument in the promotion of culture in the celebration of peace, prosperity, and progress.
But, it has to be seen in its cultural, political and religious terms for it to be properly understood
because it transformed into varied abstract and creative movements (implying or indicating
meanings) which dancers and the audiences may or may not be aware of.

As years went by, the

Pantomina slowly found its way to
the streets caused by forces outside
the boundaries of its former space
organized mainly by the
government in collaboration with
the Church, the Kasanggayahan
Festival brought the tradition to the
open space in 1994 and the year
thereafter where politicians,

teachers, government and non-government

Figure 9. “Dancing in Unison”. Personal
employees, students and the common tao Photograph.October2008.
performed the Pantomina in downtown Sorsogon.

Since then, it has found itself as a love dance, exclusively for the married couple to being
a street dance in the Festival- a different space and social sphere, performed in by people of the
community. With these parameters, the pantomina is thus remodeled, fitted or adapted in a new
context in order to conform to the new modes of living imposed by these social tensions so that it
could still thrive and prosper but sacrificing its very fundamental form, context and function. As a
result, it becomes a spectacle because of the great number of performers dancing all together with
colorful costumes elevating itself as the entire province’s most prominent feature in the
celebration (see fig.9).

The Kasanggayahan’s visual liveliness through its activities filled with colorful
decorations and imaginative strategies to grab attention, fascinated spectators to willingly submit
themselves in the glorious celebration. These instances are really undeniably true and
nevertheless a very basic manifestation of religion and governance integrated in the festival
setting. As Reinhard Wendt noted in his essay “Philippine Fiesta and Colonial Culture” that
history affirms that even during the Spanish times, the relocation of the Filipino people in various
parts of the country led the Spanish priests to employ several strategies in order to draw more
people from far-flung areas into the main settlements of the reduccion- one of which was through
the fiesta with stage plays, religious dance presentations and competitions dedicated in
entertaining people with certain spiritual underpinnings (6-7). In the process the re-settling of the
natives especially the Bikolanos permanently into pueblos or barrios may have given them the
opportunity to integrate their own traditions in religious practices in the festive occasions
imposed by the church which resulted to the convergence of the native culture of the Filipinos
and the imperial culture of Spain.

Indeed, when the Spaniards came, the spiritual disposition of both the conquistadores and
missionaries as well as the traditions of the Bikolanos contributed also to the transformations of
certain cultural practices and one of which was the Christianization of the Pantomina aimed at
shaping the ecclesial and liturgical life (Wendt 5).Hence, considering also the Kasanggayahan
Festival from this point of view as offers a different goal for the culture of Sorsoganons therefore
a variety of problems may arise just like as a tool for uniting them as part of the one political
governance and religious power. Thus the Kasanggayahan festival in the following years may
encounter a problem on how to link the pantomina in terms of modifying but still retaining its
sole purpose in contemporary time. With its utilization as a medium or a channel of reinforcing
the power of the government and the spirituality of the church in ways that are not obviously seen
by the audiences as well as the performers themselves therefore, it is fitting to say that the
Pantomina as a wedding dance containing both sacred and entertaining elements; is placed as an
attraction strategy necessitated by religious and political interests to strengthen again the power of
government and faith of Catholic Church.
 The church may have seen the possibilities of the weakening of Catholic faith of the
Sorsoganons due to the fact that Pantomina is coming out of existence as years passed thus
making the dance less religious or matrimonial in form and has just become more social in
purpose. So they adapted it into a spectacular socio-cultural high point of Sorsogon every year to
revive it and to cater with the audience in a popular scale to demonstrate a continued
reinforcement of spiritual superiority complex of the church and the political power of the
government.
From The Barrio To The City: The Social Tensions

Looking at these instances and transformations, observers and outsiders see some
implications and possibilities to happen to the dance as it is performed in the city streets. It is true
that if you change the context there will be changes in the whole performance itself but still the
spirit is there. It’s not necessarily bad but may pose other possibilities. This may be treated here
as only apprehensions.

Hence, if objectives are not carefully defined as to its use in the festivities and these are
not well disseminated to the public especially the young generations, the real purpose and essence
of the Pantomina as part of the Kasanggayahan Festival would be defeated and almost everything
can be reduce to a mere spectacle. It is therefore proper that such observations taken from people
who are not Sorsoganons and are researchers, (some of whom are dance analysts) be considered.

Foremost is the contest, contestants coming from different towns perform before the
audiences and judges for awards usually of monetary prizes and for communal recognition thus a
visible transference of priority to compete and not to consecrate is seen due to the change in
context. In this context people are well aware that barangays and towns in the province are
enjoined to participate in the contest. With
the spirit of competition surfacing, naturally
government leaders particularly Mayors and
Barangay Captains would take initiative to
support the performers. If the intention of
the political leader is solely to give financial
as well as moral support to his constituents
and not colored in any way, by any tint of
politicizing then the objectives of the

Figure 10. “ Mayor’s Pride”.Personal Photograph.

October 2008.
Kasanggayahan Festival where the dance is performed would not be defeated. If however it is
used for self-vested interests, the pantomina would be an instrument for corruption and
electioneering. Furthermore, the sacredness of the dance as used by couples would be of no worth
anymore since it is not for the purpose of honoring the sacrament of marriage but for the
forwarding of selfish ends (see fig.10).

Likewise, the intervention of political entities into the dance and the performance makes
it a very good tool for forwarding ideologies based on social class, gender, patriarchy, and the
like. For example political leaders and their wives dancing in the streets is actually providing a
venue for hierarchy with those in the grassroots dancing after them. If they are given the
opportunity to take the front lines and the poor or the common tao next in line this probably be an
indication of a demarcation line between and among them.

Therefore, politicians dancing the pantomina in this context detached themselves from
the main concerns of the grassroots leaving their people’s legacy behind- a result of alienation of
those in the lower class. The norms of society which display such kind of this practice actually
show the classist manifestations and tensions experienced through various trajectories, in
different sectors with different interests. This is of course, is not obvious to the viewing public.
This extends therefore to superiority in power by the rich or those in the higher positions in
society over those who are in the lower class.

Moreover, if the Pantomina continues to be used by the bureaucratic system of LGUs and
private institutions and the unchanged structure of the very people occupying position in local
politics, then these may pose serious threat in carrying out the main goal of the revival of
Pantomina. If such will transpire then the performance of the pantomina in the streets would
actually not patronize what is theirs as Sorsoganons and would not develop cultural awareness
among the viewers and the performers themselves. The once sacred dance of the couple would be
turned into a tool for political validation and communal recognition (see fig.11).

Moreover, according to Gerard Lico in his book Edifice Complex: Power and Myth in
Marcos State Architecture, the utilization of urban space such as the street is deeply underpinned
with economic power and the very physicality of the institutional and commercial structures
maintain the power and status quo of its patron (157 ).In this point, the geographical setting of
Sorsogon is really much fitted for market and commercial distribution of its agricultural and
industrial products as well as the commercialization of its very own culture. An agricultural land
mostly, the legacy of the colonizers both the Spanish and Americans still crawls under where the
classic colonial and imperialist arrangement as Sorsogon must be a supplier of abaca hemp and
copra. So, the feudal manifestations are still very apparent where lands are handed down from
masters to masters of various generations especially in the landscapes of the capital city which is
now undergoing its rites of passage- from rural to urban where industrial establishments are now
rapidly built for potential market development. In this context, the Pantomina as a cultural
tradition may become just an end product of the capitalist’s mode of production in its revived
form and turns into a spectacular image all set for mass viewing as marks of progress or as a by-
product of modernity.
.
In addition, the very social nature
of the street as an industrial and
commercial space obviously determines
the position of the political leaders, the
private institutions, and agencies of global
market in relation to the dancers and the
viewers where a specific relation of power
is involved. This type of positioning of
these aforementioned institutions and
agencies in the streets as the dance goes on Figure 11.“Wedding in the Streets?”. Personal
thereafter dictates one's status and social Photograph. October 2008.

interactions with the audience and performers that comprise the said space. These patrons
sponsoring the performance of various municipalities have certain underpinnings of hegemonic
power that affects the dance which cannot be seen to a physical degree. Therefore the pantomina
in the context of spectacle functions as the sole result of the dominant mode of production. It may
lead to an actual fabrication of alienation and corresponds almost entirely to the growth of those
particular sectors of industrial system with the commercial production of the Pantomina as the
end product (Debord 23).

As the dance journeys from its former cultural sphere to its present social space, there is
the danger of sacrificing essential things because for what the spectacle expresses is just the by
and large practice of one particular economic and social structure which is to serve as channel for
the agenda of that structure ( Debord 15).Therefore, economic power implications within the
dance proper come in and as the dance draws attention from the outsiders or the non-participants,
foreigners flock, financial coffers are filled in making the dance only as something that entertains
to attract people into the consumerist culture and not really as an essential need for cultural
upliftment.

The tensions resulting from these abovementioned faculties, agencies and institutions are
linked to our historical past due to heavy imprints of social pressures, foreign influences and
colonization. Jose Maceda once quoted that, “Our native cultural practices that have transformed
into Christian ways has made the Filipino a follower of European traditions and its adaptation
of American ways of living has made these cultural practices adulterated and weakened thus
losing its original identity (Mirano 8-9).” Contrary to Maceda’s argument as in Datuin’s writing
says that in a given art form, transformation is necessary for it to continue and express a culture’s
integrity but first we must have a thorough understanding of the contexts of these traditional
forms being appropriated before anything else (180).Dance forms do transform over time and
they really cannot stay in their original form nor leave a concrete or physical record to take hold
of so they are now continually recast by the more erratic needs of the global market affecting the
attitudes and practices of societal progress in our cultural history.

Today, this traditional wedding dance is no longer practiced recurrently during weddings,
except in a few distant towns and brangays of Sorsogon like in Casiguran, Juban and also in other
few provinces of the Bikol region. There is a necessity to involve or extend oneself in the
community to understand the different cultural practices in a certain society in order to see and
appreciate the relation of dance with the people in the evolving conditions of the community.
Thus, from the communal to the spectacular mode of production, the objectification and the
demonstration of the spectacular elements of the Pantomina sa Tinampo are not just
representations of the modern aspects of Sorsoganon way of life but also of their changing
collective cultural expression in their once common habitus mediated by social pressures.

Consequently, the change in the purpose aimed at positively recreating the traditions of
the past together with its form and content, the Pantomina sa Tinampo may be an indication of an
end product of the cultural, religious, economic and political tensions not obviously seen by the
whole Sorsoganon community. But still the Pantomina as a whole is indeed a traditional ritual in
the form of a game, poetry and song- a karawat in movement, a rawit-dawit in language and a
siday in melody that reflects a symbolism, in fact which may in figurative language be a
metaphor of an evolving culture- a people, its creed, its politics or even in a deeper sense its
economy. There is therefore a need to re-educate the audience about the essence of the dance, its
significance to the society and particularly to the celebration of Kasanggayahan because it is a
legacy of the great forebears of the Sorsoganons. Definitely, it is a treasure that needs to be kept
for posterity and as such it should be safeguarded for the generations yet to come.
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___________.March 6, 2009.<http://www.hasloo.com/adbriteblog/>.

“Pantomina”. Camarines Sur Philippines. March 6,2009.

<http://www.camarinessur.gov.ph/index.php?page=3&pid=18>.
“Pantomina sa Tinampo asin Iba pa”. KASANGGAYAHAN. March 6, 2009.
<http://sorsogonupdate.blogspot.com/2009/10/pantomina-sa-tinampo-asin-iba-pa.html>.

“Sorsogon’s Kasanggayahan Festival ended with smiles”.______________.

March 6, 2009.<http://balita.ph/2008/10/29/sorsogons-kasanggayahan-festival-ended-
with-smiles/>.

“Virac”.Isla-Musika Tanog Bikol. March 6, 2009.

<http://islamusika.ueuo.com/history.htm>.

“Welcome to Sorsogon”. SORSOGON WEB. March 6, 2009.

<http://www.sorsogonweb.com/v3/index.html>.
Theses
Defeo, Josephine T. Differences in the Performance Level of Male and Female Pupils in Home
Economics. Sorsogon City: Sorsogon State College, March 2004.
Nicanor, Ace Mark. The Aesthetics ofnSpectacle in the Carabao Festival of Pulilan, Bulacan.
Quezon City: College of Arts and Letters, UP Diliman, October 2008.

Journals/Magazines
Alcedo, Patrick. Sacred Camp: Transgendering Faith in a Philippine Festival. Journal of
Southeast Asian Studies, pp. 107-132, Feb. 2007.
Jamoralin, Reynaldo T., ed. TRACING: Solsogon to Sorsogon. Sorsogon: Good News Printing
Press, Inc., 1994.
Runthru Magazine. Dance Zine Philippines. Issue no.1, April-June 2008
“What is Kasanggayahan”.Sorsogon Centennial Anniversary Launching Souvenir Magazine.
Sorsogon: October 17, 1993.