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Too often do we examine the wealth gaps between black and white college graduates without examining the social processes steering these two racial groups into their respective career paths. Furthermore, not enough attention is devoted to how racial experiences and expectations shape career choices and expectations for black college students. We know why some racial groups are overrepresented (and underrepresented) in various academic disciplines and professional careers. The race socialization process can often influence the career expectations and performance of black students in higher education. This paper will examine the impact of race inside of Emory University. I provide evidence of black students finding meaning in both the practices and the presence of race-conscious black faculty.Black faculty members help black students cope with college transitions, negotiate negative racial experiences, and provide strategies to dealing with stereotype threat. My findings also demonstrate how stereotype threat colors the decisions of black students. Hence, in higher education, stereotype threat disrupts the academic performance of black students and shapes their career expectations. The conceptualization of race as a concept and category of analysis will be defined and examined through a sociological lens. Race is not a biological category; rather, it is a socially constructed category that affects the life chances and opportunities of individuals and groups. Following Myers (2005:17) definition, race is a compilation of genetic traits: skin color, hair color and texture, [and] the shapes of facial features. Myers adds that these phenotypic identifiers allow us to categorize and organize people into groups, thus creating the social phenomenon that is race. To strengthen his argument he states that race is a socially constructed category. Another framework of race, particularly racial ideology, a segment of the ideological structure of a social system that crystallizes racial notions and stereotypes (Bonilla-

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Silva 1996:474), insulates the consequences of racial disadvantage from racial privilege. Simply articulated, the benefits produced from a racialized social system are unevenly distributed amongst racial groups, with whites receiving the majority of social, material, and symbolic benefits and privileges. The opposite sentiment applies to the social repercussions created as race as a system of privilege. Non-whites do not systematically benefit from racism (Tatum 1997:10; Bonilla-Silva 2010:9). Thus, I maintain, race is a fundamental social category of analysis that should be examined with strong emphasis on the race socialization process and the constituent effects of a racialized society A cross-sectional study of 243 African American sophomores was conducted at an urban school in the Midwest; the study found positive relationships between self-perceptions and academic outcomes for black students in mostly black high schools (Saunders et. al 2004). For black females, high grade point averages were more indicative of a heightened self- efficacy than for black males; furthermore, both groups of students had stronger desires to complete their education if they had high self-perceptions. These findings, moreover, suggest that social practices in educational systems affect student achievement and are able to produce and reproduce unequal outcomes for these groups. In a longitudinal study conducted by the Eugene Anderson and Donbin Kim on Education (2006:10), researchers found that 62.5% of African American and Hispanics enrolled at a four year institution majoring in the fields of science, technology, engineering, or math attained their bachelors degree in those fields within six years. However, the white and Asian students at this institution attained their degrees at significantly higher rates, 86.7% and 94.8% respectively. One possible factor is the limited amount of black faculty within those schools. An article by Gaynelle Evans (1986) argues that there is a positive relationship

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between the presence of black faculty in predominantly white schools and blacks earning graduate degrees. This data suggests that black students benefit from black faculty mentorship in a university setting. Social factors often aid in the development of stereotype threat. Member of stigmatized groups are most susceptible to stereotype threat, often worrying about perpetuating prevailing racial or gender stereotypes. Stereotype often distracts students and influences how they perform in relation to members of non-stigmatized groups. Thus, it is safe to say that the role of stereotype threat is often salient for racial and ethnic minorities. Stereotype is often one of the causes for racial gaps in academic achievement and discrepancies between black and white students on standardized tests.

Black students in predominantly white universities often encounter multiple challenges with race. In academia, black faculty help these students cope, negotiate, and understand their experiences with race. I try to surround myself and take classes with black faculty and talk to black faculty that understand what [it is] like to be a black student. (Kathy) One black faculty member played an instrumental role in helping me choose my major. (DeAndra) These responses show the importance of black faculty in the university. Black faculty not only helped these students adjust with their college transitions but are also viewed as role models. Kathys response explicitly demonstrates how black faculties help students to define themselves in academic institutions. Kathy emphasized the importance of having black faculty as academic mentors and coaches within higher education. These black professors often help direct the careers of students.

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Black faculty, further, help black students to deal with stereotype threat. Within the classroom, Kathy said that other races had an academic advantage since their parents were often college-educated and could give them advice on how to successfully maneuver socially and academically within higher education. Kathys experiences with black faculty suggest, first, that black faculty can offset the lack of parental resources black students may not have access to in higher education and increase their self-efficacy; second, strong relationships with black faculty can influence career decisions and academic choices. Similar to Kathy, Richard, a graduate student in the school of Public Health at Emory, referenced seeing a lack of black male faculty in the Rollins School of Public Health as his motivator to attend graduate school: Marcus: Did you ever feel like race played a part in your decision to go to graduate school? Richard: I had life experiences as a black man growing up in the south At Emory, I saw there were no black men in the department [I am in] at Rollins I realized there was a need for more people that looked like me in the field of academia It motivates me because there need to be more people that are black and identify as black in these fields especially when it comes to guiding students through academic pipelines. During his undergraduate career, Richard was compelled to prove himself as a competent student. Black faculty enable black students to strengthen their self-perceptions in higher education, define their academic outcomes, and develop and oppositional identity to find acceptance and adjust to new racial terrains (Tatum 1997:63). In a predominantly and historically white university, it is a logical for stereotype threat to be present and relevant. Stereotype threat affected the academic performance of the

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respondents. In fear of perpetuating racial stereotypes of laziness or incompetence, the respondents performed at the boundaries of their success. In terms of taking Arabic and being the only black person in there, sometimes I felt like I was inferior to them I came to a realization that these people already knew Arabic. So, I say that my freshmen year was one of the hardest years adjusting to Emory I think a large part of being a minority student at Emory is knowing how to adapt socially. As I matriculated, I feel like its been a more positive experience because I learned how to operate at Emory. (Kathy)

I would say that there is a [pauses for a moment] measure of drive or motivation or success that I feel, specifically because there is a stigma about African Americans and failure, and so, I also want to succeed generally as a person. So, its not only because Im black. (DeAndra)

My feelings are sometimes a dichotomy of one another. Being a minority at Emory, I felt I had to prove myself as an able and intelligent individual. Sometimes, I felt like I wasnt up to part with other people. (Richard)

I guess you kind of have to represent your race. When people see computer science majors, youre going to be a representation of what a black male is. (Ashley) These responses emphasize the importance of what being a minority student at Emory means. Both Kathy and Richard acknowledged that they measure their success by their performance in relation to white and Asian students. Stereotype threat affected the selfesteem of Kathy and Richard. In contrast, for Ashley and DeAndra, they were aware of their

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status as stigmatized minorities but disengaged from notions of racial stereotype. DeAndra explicitly stated that she tried to avoid the negative stigmas burdening black students at Emory. While he did not explicitly mention racial stereotypes or stigmas like Deandra, Ashley expressed sentiments that race plays a part in his academic performance and how other racial groups in the field of computer science would perceive him. Ashley is a high-achieving black student (and one of very few black students) in both the math and computer science departments. Ashley performs at the boundaries of his success and interprets being a minority as a reason to represent black men in his field. Ashley then went on to explain that his performance in undergrad will be reflective of his performance in his career, stating, Its gone be the same thingjust not many black males. I may be the only black male at the job, so I have to be the success for everybody else. Stereotype threat explains Ashley responses to expectations in his career and how he makes sense of his academic success. All of the respondents mentioned moments of experience stereotype threat. The strategies used to cope with or combat stereotype threat varied by respondent. Kathy and Richard were able to work with black faculty to better understand themselves as black students in the university and disengage from their feelings of inferiority. Ashley relied on a more independent approach, which involved being simultaneously engaged and disengaged with race. Similar to Ashley, DeAndra acknowledged the prevalence of racial stigmas and but relied on her black faculty advisor to make career decisions. The results of the interview and research show the importance social practices in the academic environment. Adequate social practice in the academic environment allows all races to find a similar level of academic success. This is possible because there are significant

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benefits of relationships of staff of the same race. Having adequate academic success allows students to avoid stereotype threading and build a relationship with somebody who they view as role model. These relationships usually lead to academic success at all levels of education.

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Reference Beasley, Mary A. 2011. Opting Out. University of Chicago Press: Chicago and London. Bonilla-Silva. Eduardo. 1996. Rethinking Racism: Toward a Structural Interpretation. American Sociological Review 1996 62:465-480. Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. 2010. Racism without Racists: Color Blind Racism & Racial Inequality in Contemporary America. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Credle, Joann O. and Gary Dean. 1991. A Comprehensive Model for Enhancing Black Student Retention in Higher Education. Journal Of Multicultural Counseling & Development, 19(4) 158-165. Evans, Gaynelle. 1986. Presence of Black Faculty Members Linked to Blacks' Graduate Degrees. Chronicles of Higher Education 32(2): 22-23. Steele, Claude M., and Joshua Aronson. "Stereotype Threat and the Intellectual Test Performance of African Americans." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 69.5 (1995): 797-811. Tatum, Beverly D. 1997. Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? And Other Conversations About Race. New York, NY: BasicBooks. Tilleczek Kate C. and John H. Lewko. 2001. Factors Influencing the Pursuit of Health and Science Careers for Canadian Adolescents in Transition from School to Work. Journal Of Youth Studies 4(4): 415-428.