Spanish Civil War

and the Revolutionary Elements

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Contents
Articles
Spanish Civil War Spanish Revolution Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right POUM Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo International Brigades 1 25 31 34 37 55

References
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Spanish Civil War

Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War (The Crusade among Nationalists, Fourth Carlist War among Carlists, The Rebellion or Uprising among Republicans) was a major conflict fought in Spain from 17 July 1936 to 1 April 1939. An estimated total of 500,000 people lost their lives as a consequence of the War.[1] [2] The war began after a military rebellion by a group of conservative generals under the authority of Francisco Franco against the elected Government of the Second Spanish Republic, at the time under the leadership of President Manuel Azaa. The rebel coup was supported by the conservative groups including the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (Confederacin Espaola de Derechas Autnomas, or CEDA), monarchists known as Carlist groups, and the Fascist Falange (Falange Espaola de las JONS).[3] Following the only partially successful coup important cities like Madrid, Barcelona, ((Valencia)), Oviedo, Bilbao, Badajoz, and Mlaga did not join in the rebellion as did Morocco, Pamplona, Burgos, Valladolid, Cdiz, Cordoba, Seville, and Jerez Spain was left militarily and politically divided. From that moment onwards General Franco began a protracted war of attrition against the legally established government, as loyalist supporters of the centre-left Republican Government fought the rebel forces for control of the country. There were bloody purges in every piece of territory conquered from the republic in order to consolidate Franco's future regime,[4] and purges done by the communist republicans during May 1937.[5] The War ended with the victory of the rebels, who called themselves 'Nationalists', the overthrow of the Republican Government, and the exile of thousands of Spanish Republicans, many of whom ended up in refugee camps in Southern France. With the establishment of a conservative dictatorship led by General Francisco Franco in the aftermath of the Civil War, all right-wing parties were fused into the structure of the Franco regime.[3] The conservative generals (nacionales) received the support of Nazi Germany and the Fascist Italy, as well as neighbouring Portugal.[6] The Soviet Union intervened in support of the socialist Republicans, although it encouraged factional conflict to the benefit of the Soviet foreign policy, and its actions may have been detrimental to the Republican war effort as a whole.[7] Hispanist Hugh Thomas: "Had they been able to purchase and transport good arms from US, British, and French manufacturers, the socialist and republican members of the Spanish government might have tried to cut themselves loose from Stalin." [8] The new tank warfare tactics and the terror bombing of cities from the air were features of the Spanish Civil War which played a significant part in the later general European war.[9] The Spanish Civil War has been dubbed "the first media war," with several writers and journalists wanting their work "to support the cause."[10] Foreign correspondents and writers covering it included Ernest Hemingway, Georges Bernanos, Martha Gellhorn, Csar Vallejo, George Orwell, Arthur Koestler, Halfdan Rasmussen, and Robert Capa. Like most international observers, they tended to support the Republicans, with some, such as Orwell, participating directly in the fighting.[11] Like most civil wars, it became notable for the passion and political division it inspired. The Spanish Civil War often pitted family members, neighbors, and friends against each other. Apart from the combatants, many civilians were killed for their political or religious views by both sides, and after the War ended in 1939, the losing Republicans were persecuted by the victorious Nationalists.

Spanish Civil War

Background
Historical context
There were several reasons for the war, many of them having roots in long-standing tensions that had escalated over the years. The 19th Century was a turbulent time for Spain. The country had undergone several civil wars and revolts, carried out by both reformists and the conservatives, who tried to displace each other from power. A liberal tradition that first ascended to power with the Spanish Constitution of 1812 sought to abolish the monarchy of the old regime and to establish a liberal state.[12] The most traditionalist sectors of the political sphere systematically tried to avert these reforms and to sustain the monarchy. The Carlists supporters of Infante Carlos and his descendants rallied to the cry of "God, Country and King" and fought for the cause of Spanish tradition (Patrilineal monarchy and Catholicism) against the liberalism and later, the republicanism of the Spanish governments of the day.[13] The Carlists, at times (including the Carlist Wars), allied with nationalists (not to be confused with the nationalists of the Civil War) attempting to restore the historic liberties (and broad regional autonomy) granted by the fueros (regional charters) of the Basque Country and Catalonia. Further, from the mid-19th century onwards, liberalism was outflanked on its left by socialism of various types and especially by anarchism, which was far stronger in Spain than anywhere else in Europe.[14] Spain was governed under a number of different systems in the period Construction with Boiled Beans (Premonition of between the Napoleonic wars of the early 19th Century and the Civil War) outbreak of the Civil War. During most of the 19th Century, Spain was a constitutional monarchy, but in 1873, the King (Amadeo I) abdicated due to increasing political pressure.
Foreshadowing the conflict: Salvador Dal's Soft An archaeological study of a Republican bunker constructed in 1937 during the siege on Oviedo, Asturias

The First Spanish Republic that emerged was short-lived. A monarchy under Alfonso XIII lasted from 1887 to 1931, but from 1923 was held in place by the military dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera. Following the overthrow of Primo de Rivera in 1930, the monarchy was unable to maintain power and the Second Spanish Republic was declared in 1931. This Republic soon came to be led by a coalition of the left and center. A number of controversial reforms were passed, such as the Agrarian Law of 1932, distributing land among poor peasants. Millions of Spaniards had been living in poverty under the firm control of the aristocratic landowners in a quasi-feudal system. These reforms drew strong opposition from landowners and aristocrats. At the same time, the anti-clericalist acts of the Government infuriated the clergymen, while military cutbacks and reforms further alienated the military.

Spanish Civil War

Constitution of 1931 and anti-clericalism

On 14 April 1931, Spain declared itself a Second Republic and ended the monarchy.[15] Elections to a constituent Cortes in June 1931 returned a large majority of Republicans and Socialists. After a first constitutional draft prepared by ngel Ossorio y Gallardo and others was rejected, a much more daring text creating a 'democratic republic of workers of every class' , replaced it. [16] With the appearance of a Republic, after the revolutionary events of the municipal elections in 1931,[17] Spain "embraced constitutional democracy." Yet the "definition of the Republic was always ambiguous. Never a single movement, [it encompassed] liberals, radicals, federalists, and even early anarchists. The Socialist Party was Republican, but only as part of a wider political program. And to convinced monarchists, the Republic was an anathema - the Carlist militias were training in the mountains as early as 1931. The conservative Republican ngel Ossorio y Gallardo recalled that mothers would reproach a child's untidiness with the words, 'This looks like a Republic!'." [18]

Niceto Alcal Zamora in 1931.

The issues of private property, of land expropriation for reasons of social utility, of religion, -all were areas for competing claims. The constitution provided for universal suffrage and generally accorded thorough civil liberties and representation, while also removing any special Catholic rights.[19] The Constitution proclaimed religious freedom and a complete separation of Church and State. Catholic schools continued but outside the state system, and in 1933 further legislation banned all monks and nuns from teaching. "The new Republican nation was , in a sense, to be legislated into existence. But it was also to be created through a system of state education, which would be secular, obligatory, free of charge, and available to all.[20] The Republic regulated Church use of property and investments, provided for recovery and controls on the use of property the Church had obtained during past dictatorships, and banned the Vatican-controlled Society of Jesus.[21] It was the controversial articles 26 and 27 of the constitution which strictly controlled Church property and prohibited religious orders from engaging in education.[22] " Religion was to be confined to the private sphere, forcibly if need be; the public world of the Republic was resolutely secular." [23] Supporters of an established Church, and even a liberal advocate of separation of church and state like Jose Ortega y Gasset, considered the articles overreaching, "the article in which the Constitution legislates the actions of the Church seems highly improper to me." [24] Some conservatives also blamed the government for failing to suppress widespread anti-Catholic sentiment among ordinary citizens and sometimes-violent protests at monasteries.[17] [25] Catholics mustered their forces in opposition, exacerbating the conditions that led to the war. As early as October 1931 Gil Robles the leading spokesman of the parliamentary right maintained that the constitution was 'born dead' - a 'dictatorial Constitution in the name of democracy.' [26] On 3 June 1933, in the encyclical Dilectissima Nobis (On Oppression Of The Church Of Spain), Pope Pius XI condemned the Spanish Government's deprivation of the civil liberties on which the Republic was supposedly based, noting in particular the expropriation of Church property and schools and the persecution of religious communities and orders.[27] Commentators have posited that the "hostile" approach to the issues of church and state was a substantial cause of the breakdown of democracy and the onset of civil war.[28] [29] Since the far left considered moderation of the anticlerical aspects of the constitution as totally unacceptable, the commentator Stanley Payne has argued that "the Republic as a democratic constitutional regime was doomed from the outset".[19]

Spanish Civil War

1933 election and aftermath

In the 1933 elections to the Cortes Generales, the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (Confederacin Espaola de Derechas Autnomas or CEDA) won a plurality of seats; however, these were not enough to form a majority. Despite the results, then President Niceto Alcal-Zamora declined to invite the leader of the CEDA to form a government and instead invited the Radical Republican Party and its anticlerical leader Alejandro Lerroux to do so. CEDA supported the Lerroux government; it later demanded and, on 1 October 1934, received three ministerial positions. Lerroux's alliance with the right, his suppression of the revolt in 1934, and the Stra-Perlo scandal combined to leave him and his party with little support going into the 1936 election; Lerroux lost his seat in parliament.

Rising tensions and political violence

Hostility between the left and the right increased after the 1933 formation of the Government. Spain experienced general strikes and street conflicts. Noted among the strikes was the miners' revolt in northern Spain and riots in Madrid. Nearly all rebellions were crushed by the Government and political arrests followed. Tensions rose in the period before the start of the war. Radicals became more aggressive, and conservatives turned to paramilitary and vigilante actions. According to official sources, 330 people were assassinated and 1,511 were wounded in political violence; records show 213 failed assassination attempts, 113 general strikes, and the destruction (typically by arson) of 160 religious buildings.[30]

1936 Popular Front victory and aftermath

In the 1936 elections, a new coalition of Socialists (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, PSOE), left-liberals (Republican Left and the Republican Union Party), Communists, and various regional nationalist groups won the extremely tight election. The results gave 34 percent of the popular vote to the Popular Front and 33 percent to the incumbent government of the CEDA. This result, when coupled with the Socialists' refusal to participate in the new government, led to a general fear of revolution.

Azaa becomes president

Without the Socialists, Prime Minister Manuel Azaa, a liberal who favored gradual reform while respecting the democratic process, led a minority government. By the spring of 1936, Azaa found that the left was using its influence to circumvent the Republic and the constitution and was adamant about increasingly radical changes.[31] In April, parliament replaced President Niceto Alcal-Zamora with Azaa. The removal of Zamora was made on specious grounds using a constitutional technicality.[32] Although the right also voted for Zamora's removal, this was a watershed event which inspired conservatives to give up on parliamentary politics.[33] CEDA turned its campaign chest over to army plotter Emilio Mola. Monarchist Jos Calvo Sotelo replaced CEDA's Gil Robles as the right's leading spokesman in parliament.[33] Leon Trotsky wrote that Zamora had been Spain's "stable pole", and his removal made the climate revolutionary.[34] Azaa was the object of intense hatred by Spanish rightists because he had pushed a reform agenda through a recalcitrant parliament in 19311933. Joaqun Arrars, a friend of Francisco Franco, called him "a repulsive caterpillar of red Spain."[33] The Spanish generals particularly disliked Azaa because he had cut the army's budget and closed the military academy while war minister in 1931.

Spanish Civil War

Murder of Calvo Sotelo

Jos Calvo Sotelo was the leading Spanish monarchist and a prominent parliamentary conservative. He protested against agricultural reforms, expropriations, and restrictions on the authority of the Catholic Church, which he considered Bolshevist and anarchist. He instead advocated the creation of a corporative state.[35] On 12 July 1936, in Madrid, a right-wing group murdered Lieutenant Jos Castillo of the Guardia de Asalto police force, which was given the task of addressing urban violence. Castillo was a member of the Socialist party. The next day, the Assault Guards officers arrested Calvo Sotelo.[36] Calvo Sotelo is said to have been killed sometime thereafter by Guardia de Asalto officer Luis Cuenca. The killing of Sotelo, a prominent member of parliament, with involvement of the police, aroused suspicions and strong reactions among the government's opponents on the right.[37] Although the conservative Nationalist generals, with a plane en route to take Francisco Franco to the Army of Africa,[38] were already in advanced stages of a planned uprising, the event provided a catalyst and convenient public justification for their coup.

Outbreak of the war

Military revolt
The monarchist General Jos Sanjurjo was the figurehead of the rebellion, while General Emilio Mola was chief planner and second in command.[33] Mola began serious planning in the spring, but General Francisco Franco hesitated until early July, inspiring other plotters to refer to him as "Miss Canary Islands 1936".[33] Franco was a key player because of his prestige as a former director of the military academy and as the man who suppressed the Socialist uprising of 1934.[33] Fearing a military coup, Prime Minister Casares Quiroga sent General General map of the Spanish Civil War (19361939). Manuel Goded Llopis to the Balearic Islands and Franco to the Canary Islands. On 17 July 1936, the plotters signaled the beginning of the coup by broadcasting the code phrase, "Over all of Spain, the sky is clear." Goded and Franco immediately took control of the islands to which they were assigned. Warned that a coup was imminent, leftists barricaded the roads on 17 July, but Franco avoided capture by taking a tugboat to the airport.[33] Two British MI6 intelligence agents, Cecil Bebb and Major Hugh Pollard, then flew Franco to Spanish Morocco[39] to see Juan March Ordinas, where the Spanish Army of Africa, led by Nationalist officers, was unopposed.

Spanish Civil War

Government reaction
The rising was intended to be a swift coup d'tat, but the government retained control of most of the country. The rebels failed to take any major cities with the critical exception of Seville which provided a landing point for Francos African troops. In Madrid they were hemmed into the Montaa barracks. The barracks fell the next day, with much bloodshed. Republican leader Santiago Casares Quiroga was replaced by Jos Giral who ordered the distribution of weapons among the civilian population. This facilitated the defeat of the army insurrection in the main industrial centers, including Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia and other main cities in the Mediterranean area, but it allowed the anarchists to arm themselves and take control of Barcelona and large swathes of Aragon and Catalonia, so that the control of the Republican Government in those areas became tenuous at best throughout the ensuing conflict.[40] Meanwhile the Army of Africa crossed the Gibraltar Strait and met General Queipo de Llano's forces in Sevilla. Their quick movement allowed them to meet General Mola's Northern Army and secure most of northern and northwestern Spain, as well as central and western Andalusia. The Republican Government ended up with controlling almost all of the Eastern Spanish coast and central area around Madrid, as well as Asturias, Cantabria and part of the Basque Country in the north.

Combatants
The war was cast by Republican sympathizers as a struggle between "tyranny and democracy", and by Nationalist supporters as between Communist and anarchist "red hordes" and "Christian civilization". Nationalists also claimed to be protecting the establishment and bringing security and direction to an ungoverned and lawless society.[41] The active participants in the war covered the entire gamut of the political positions of the time. The Nationalist (nacionales) side included the Carlists and Legitimist monarchists, Spanish nationalists, the fascist Falange, and most conservatives and monarchist liberals. Virtually all Nationalist groups had very strong Catholic convictions and supported the native Spanish clergy. On the Republican side were Marxists, socialists, liberals, and anarchists. Spanish politics, especially on the left, were quite fragmented. At the beginning, socialists and radicals supported democracy, while the communists and anarchists opposed the institution of the republic as much as the monarchists. There were internal divisions even among the socialists: a group that adhered to classical Marxism, and a more progressive Marxist group. The former was the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), one of whose delegates to the Soviet Union challenged Stalin regarding his use of the CHEKA to rein in dissidents, and upon his return to Spain convinced the PSOE to reject affiliation with the 5th to 7th Comintern.[42] From the Comintern's point of view the increasingly powerful, if fragmented, left and the weak right were an optimum situation.[43] Their goal was to use a veil of legitimate democratic institutions to outlaw the right, converting the state into the Soviet vision of a "people's republic" with total leftist domination, a goal repeatedly voiced in Comintern instructions and in the public statements of the Communist Party of Spain.[43] The left and Basque or Catalan nationalist conservatives had many conflicting ideas. The Cortes (Spanish Parliament) consisted of 16 parties in 1931. An attempt by the communists to seize control resisted by anarchists resulted in the massacre of hundreds of rebels and civil war between communists and anarchists in Catalonia. The actions of the Republican government slowly coagulated the different people on the right.[44] The Nationals included the majority of the Catholic clergy and of practicing Catholics (outside of the Basque region), important elements of the army, most of the large landowners, and many businessmen. The Republicans included most urban workers, most peasants, and much of the educated middle class, especially those who were not entrepreneurs.

Spanish Civil War

Republicans
Republicans (also known as Spanish loyalists) received weapons and volunteers from the Soviet Union, Mexico, the international Marxists movement and the International Brigades. The Republicans ranged from centrists who supported a moderately capitalist liberal democracy to revolutionary anarchists; their power base was primarily secular and urban, but also included landless peasants, and it was particularly strong in industrial regions like Asturias and Catalonia.[45] This faction was called variously the "loyalists" by its supporters; the "Republicans", "the Popular Front" or "the Government" by all parties; and "the reds" by its enemies. Regarding the term "loyalist", Historian Stanley Payne notes: "the adjective "loyalist" is somewhat misleading, for there was no attempt to remain loyal to the constitutional Republican regime. If that had been the scrupulous policy of the left, there would have been no revolt and civil war in the first place."[46] The conservative, strongly Catholic Basque country, along with Galicia and the more left-leaning Catalonia, sought autonomy or even independence from the central government of Madrid. This option was left open by the Republican government.[47] All these forces were gathered under the People's Republican Army (Ejrcito Popular Republicano, or EPR).

Nationalists
The Nationalists (also called "insurgents", "rebels" or by opponents "Francoists" or overinclusively as "Fascists") fearing national fragmentation, opposed the separatist movements, and were chiefly defined by their anti-communism, which galvanized diverse or opposed movements like falangists or monarchists. Their leaders had a generally wealthier, more conservative, monarchist, landowning background, and (with the exception of the Carlists) favoured the centralization of state power.
Flag of the Requets

One of the Nationalists' principal stated motives was to confront the anti-clericalism of the Republican regime and to defend the Church, which had been the target of attacks, and which many on the Republican side blamed for the ills of the country. Even before the war, in the Asturias uprising of 1934 religious buildings were burnt and at least 100 clergy, religious, and police were killed, but the president and the radicals prevented the implementation of any serious sanctions against the revolutionaries.[32] [48] [49] According to Payne:

Spanish Civil War

More than 1,000 were killed, the majority revolutionaries, and there were atrocities on both sides. The revolutionaries shot nearly 100 people in cold blood, most of them policemen and priests, and an almost equal number of rebelspossibly even more--were executed out of hand by the troops that suppressed the revolt.[32] Articles 24 and 26 of the Constitution of the Republic had banned the Jesuits, which deeply offended many within the conservatives. The revolution in the republican zone at the outset of the war, killing 7,000 clergy and thousands of lay people, drove many Catholics, left then with little alternative, to the Nationalists.[50] [51] Franco's first proclamation from Tenerife however, as historian Hilari Raguer has observed, "failed to invoke a religious motive behind the Uprising. It denounces the disorder, the revolutionary atmosphere, the violation of the General Francisco Franco, leader of the Nationalists. constitution and the new emergency regulations. Leaving aside the volunteers from Navarra, the first rebel on record as having publicly declared a religious motivation was His Imperial Highness Muley Hassan ben El Mehdi, the Jalifa of the Spanish zone of the Moroccan protectorate. When blessing the first Moors to leave for the peninsula, he declared a Holy War against those evil Spaniards who did not display the sign of God on their banners."[52]

Other factions
Catalan and Basque nationalists were not univocal. Left-wing Catalan nationalists were on the Republican side. Conservative Catalan nationalists were far less vocal supporting the Republican government due to the anti-clericalism and confiscations occurring in some areas controlled by the latter (some conservative Catalan nationalists like Francesc Camb actually funded the Nationalist side). Basque nationalists, heralded by the conservative Basque nationalist party, were mildly supportive of the Republican government, even though Basque nationalists in lava and Navarre sided with the uprising for the same reasons influencing Catalan conservative nationalists. Notwithstanding the religious matters, the Basque nationalists, who nearly all sided with the Republic, were, for the most part, practicing Catholics.

Foreign involvement
The Spanish Civil War had large numbers of non-Spanish citizens participating in combat and advisory positions. Foreign governments contributed large amounts of financial assistance and military aid to forces led by Franco. Forces fighting on behalf of the Republicans also received limited aid, but support was seriously hampered by the arms embargo declared by France and the UK. These embargoes were never very effective however, and France especially was accused of allowing large shipments through to the Republicans (but the accusations often came from Italy, itself heavily involved for the Nationalists). The clandestine actions of the various European powers were at the time considered to be risking another 'Great War'.[53] The League of Nations' reaction to the war was mostly neutral and insufficient to contain the massive importation of arms and other war resources by the fighting factions. Although a Non-Intervention Committee was created, its policies were largely ineffective. Its directives were dismantled due to the policies of appeasement of both European democratic and non-democratic powers of the late 1930s: the official Spanish government of Juan Negrn was gradually abandoned within the organization during this period.[54]

Spanish Civil War

Support for Nationalists

Despite the Irish government's prohibition against participating in the war, around 700 Irishmen, followers of Eoin O'Duffy known as the "Irish Brigade", went to Spain to fight on Franco's side. The Nationalists received weapons and logistical support from Portugal. In addition approximately 8,000 Portuguese volunteers, known as Viriatos after an aborted national legion that failed to get off the ground in the early months of the war, fought in Franco's forces.[55] Romanian volunteers were led by Ion I Moa, deputy-leader of the Legion of the Archangel Michael (or Iron Guard), whose group of seven Legionaries visited Spain in December 1936 to ally their movement to the Nationalists.[56] Moa was killed in action at Majadahonda on January 13, 1937.[57] Germany Francisco Franco asked Adolf Hitler from Nazi Germany and Benito Mussolini from Fascist Italy to aid the Nationalists. Hitler agreed and ordered three major military operations in Spain during the Spanish Civil War. He authorized Operation Feuerzauber ("Fire Magic") in late July 1936. He mobilized 20 three-motor Junkers Ju 52 planes with six escort fighters, 85 Germans on the SS Usaramo ship to work on the planes, and transferred German troops stationed in Morocco to Spain. A few months later in late September, Hitler again mobilized men and materials to aid Franco for Operation Otto. He sent 24 more Panzer I light tanks, a flak, and some radio equipment. German commander Major Alexander von Scheele also converted the Junkers 52s to bombers.[58] By October, there were an estimated 600800 German soldiers in Spain.[58] Hitlers largest and last move was the Condor Legion (Legion Condor). Initiated in November 1936, he sent an additional 3,500 troops into combat and supplied the Spanish Nationalists with 92 new planes.[58] Hitler kept the Condor Legion in Spain until the end of the war in May 1939. At its zenith, The German force numbered about 12,000 men, and as many as 19,000 Germans fought in Spain. In total Nazi Germany provided Nationalists with 600 planes, 200 tanks, and 1,000 artillery pieces.[59] Scholars such as Robert Whealey have published books on interactions between Nazis and Spain during this time.[60] Italy After Francos request and in response to Adolf Hitler's encouragement, Benito Mussolini joined the war, partly because he did not want to be outdone by Hitler.[58] While Mussolini sent more ground troops than Hitler, he initially supplied fewer materials. At the beginning of war in September 1936, Mussolini had only supplied 68 aircraft and several hundred small arms to the Nationalists.[58] However, the Royal Italian Navy (Regia Marina Italiana) played a major role in the Mediterranean blockade and ultimately Italy supplied machine guns, artillery, aircraft, tankettes, the "Legionary Air Force" (Aviazione Legionaria), and the "Corps of Volunteer Troops" (Corpo Truppe Volontarie, or CTV).[61] The Italian CTV reached a high of about 50,000 men and, by rotation, more than 75,000 Italians were to fight for the Nationalists in Spain. In total fascist Italy provided Nationalists with 660 planes, 150 tanks and 1,000 artillery pieces.[59] Portugal Salazar's Estado Novo played a most important role in supplying Francos forces with ammunition and many other logistical resources.[62] Despite its discreet direct military involvement restrained to a somewhat "semi-official" endorsement, by its authoritarian regime, of an 8,00012,000-strong volunteer force,[63] the so-called "Viriatos" for the whole duration of the conflict, Portugal was instrumental in providing the Nationalists with a vital logistical organization and by reassuring Franco and his allies that no interference whatsoever would hinder the supply traffic directed to the Nationalists, crossing the borders of the two Iberian countries the Nationalists used to refer to Lisbon as "the port of Castile".[64]

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10

Support for Republicans

International Brigades Many non-Spanish people, often affiliated with radical, communist or socialist parties or groups, joined the International Brigades, believing that the Spanish Republic was the front line of the war against fascism. The troops of the International Brigades represented the largest foreign contingent of those fighting for the Republicans. Roughly 30,000 foreign nationals from up to 53 nations fought in the brigades. Most of them were communists or trade unionists, and while organised by communists guided or controlled by Moscow, they were almost all individual volunteers. Likely more than 1,000 volunteers came from each of France, Italy, Flag of the Hungarian International Brigades. Germany, Poland, USSR, USA, UK, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Ireland, Yugoslavia, Hungary and Canada . The Thlmann Battalion was a group of German, Swiss, Austrian and Scandinavian volunteers who distinguished themselves during the Siege of Madrid. The American volunteers fought in units such as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and Canadians in the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion. Over five hundred Romanians fought on the Republican side, including Romanian Communist Party members Petre Boril and Valter Roman.[65] Some Chinese joined the international brigades. At the end of the war, the majority returned to China, while some went to prison, others went to refugee camps in southern France, and a handful remained in Spain, including about ten who married Spanish women.[66] Soviet Union The Soviet Union primarily provided material assistance to the Republican forces. In total the USSR provided Spain with 806 planes, 362 tanks, and 1,555 artillery pieces. [67] The Soviet Union ignored the League of Nations embargo and sold arms to the Republic when few other nations would do so; thus it was the Republic's only important source of major weapons. Stalin had signed the Non-Intervention Agreement but decided to break the pact. However, unlike Hitler and Mussolini who openly violated the pact, Stalin tried to do so secretly.[68] He created a section X of the Soviet Union military to head the operation, coined Operation X. However, while a new branch of the military was created especially for Spain, most of the weapons and artillery sent to Spain were antiques. Stalin did not want the arms to be traceable to the Soviet Union, so most were taken from museums from around the country. He also used weapons captured from past conflicts.[68] However, modern weapons such as BT-5 tanks and I-16 fighter aircraft were also supplied to Spain. Many of the Soviets deliveries were lost or smaller than Stalin had ordered. He only gave short notice, which meant many weapons were lost in the delivery process.[68] Lastly, when the ships did leave with supplies for the Republicans, the journey was extremely slow. Stalin ordered the builders to include false decks in the original design of the boat. Then, once the ship left shore it was required to change its flag and change the color of parts of the ship to minimize capture by the Nationalists.[68] However in 1938, Stalin withdrew his troops and tanks as government ranks floundered. The Republic had to pay for Soviet arms with the official gold reserves of the Bank of Spain, in an affair that would become a frequent subject of Francoist propaganda afterward (see Moscow Gold). The cost to the Republic of Soviet arms was more than US $500 million, two-thirds of the gold reserves that Spain had at the beginning of the war. The Soviet Union also sent a number of military advisers to Spain (2,000[69] -3,000[70] ).[71] While Soviet troops amounted to no more than 700 men, Soviet "volunteers" often operated Soviet-made Republican tanks and aircraft.

Spanish Civil War In addition, the Soviet Union directed Communist parties around the world to organize and recruit the International Brigades. Another significant Soviet involvement was the pervasive activities of the NKVD all along the Republican rearguard. Communist figures like Vittorio Vidali ("Comandante Contreras"), Iosif Grigulevich and, above all, Alexander Orlov led those not-so-secret operations, that included murders like those of Andreu Nin and Jos Robles. Mexico Unlike the United States and major Latin American governments such as the ABC Powers and Peru, the Mexican government supported the Republicans. Mexico refused to follow the French-British non-intervention proposals. Mexico furnished $2,000,000 in aid and provided some material assistance, which included 20,000 rifles, 28 million cartridges, 8 artillery pieces and small number of American-made aircraft such as the Bellanca CH-300 and Spartan Zeus that served in the Mexican Air Force. However, Mexico's most important contributions to the Spanish Republic were diplomatic and to provide sanctuary for Republican refugees including many Spanish intellectuals and orphaned children from Republican families.

11

Course of the war

1936
Coup leader Sanjurjo was killed in a plane crash on 20 July, leaving an effective command split between Mola in the North and Franco in the South.[33] On 21 July, the fifth day of the rebellion, the Nationalists captured the main Spanish naval base at Ferrol in northwestern Spain. A rebel force under Colonel Beorlegui Canet, sent by General Emilio Mola, undertook the Campaign of Guipzcoa from July to September. The capture of Guipzcoa isolated the Republican provinces in the north. On 5 September, after heavy fighting the force took Irn, closing the French border to the Republicans. On 13 September, the Basques surrendered San Sebastin to the Nationalists, who then advanced toward their capital, Bilbao. The Republican militias on the border of Vizcaya halted these forces at the end of September.

Situation of the fronts in AugustSeptember 1936.

Franco was chosen overall Nationalist commander at a meeting of ranking generals at Salamanca on 21 September.[33] Franco won another victory on 27 September when they relieved the Alczar at Toledo. A Nationalist garrison under Colonel Moscardo had held the Alczar in the center of the city since the beginning of the rebellion, resisting thousands of Republican troops who completely surrounded the isolated building. The Republic's inability to take the Alczar was a serious blow to its prestige in view of its overwhelming numerical superiority in the area. Two days after relieving the siege, Franco proclaimed himself Generalsimo and Caudillo ("chieftain"), while forcibly unifying the various and diverse Falangist, Royalist and other elements within the Nationalist cause. In October, the Francoist troops launched a major offensive toward Madrid, reaching it in early November and launching a major assault on the city on 8 November. The Republican government was forced to shift from Madrid to Valencia, out of the combat zone, on 6 November. However, the Nationalists' attack on the capital was repulsed in fierce fighting between 8 November and 23 November. A contributory factor in the successful Republican defense was the arrival of the International Brigades, though only around 3,000 of them participated in the battle. Having failed to take the capital, Franco bombarded it from the air and, in the following two years, mounted several offensives to try to encircle Madrid. Many surrounding settlrments were devastated, as mentioned in the History of Las Rozas

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12

1937
With his ranks swelled by Italian troops and Spanish colonial soldiers from Morocco, Franco made another attempt to capture Madrid in January and February 1937, but again failed.

Situation of the fronts in October 1937.

On 21 February the League of Nations Non-Intervention Committee ban on foreign national "volunteers" went into effect. The large city of Mlaga was taken on 8 February. On 7 March, the German Condor Legion equipped with Heinkel He 51 biplanes arrived in Spain; on 26 April the Legion bombed the town of Guernica, killing hundreds. Two days later, Franco's army overran the town. Pablo Picasso was commissioned by the Spanish Republican Government to paint Guernica (painting) for the Exposition Internationale des Arts et Techniques dans la Vie Moderne (1937) in Paris. [72]

Ruins of Guernica

After the fall of Guernica, the Republican government began to fight back with increasing effectiveness. In July, they made a move to recapture Segovia, forcing Franco to pull troops away from the Madrid front to halt their advance. Mola, Franco's second-in-command, was killed on 3 June, and in early July, despite the fall of Bilbao in June, the government launched a strong counter-offensive in the Madrid area, which the Nationalists repulsed with difficulty. The clash was called "Battle of Brunete" after a town in the province of Madrid. Franco invaded Aragn in August and then took the city of Santander. With the surrender of the Republican army in the Basque territory and after two months of bitter fighting in Asturias (Gijn finally fell in late October) Franco had effectively won in the north. At the end of November, with Franco's troops closing in on Valencia, the government had to move again, this time to Barcelona.

1938

Spanish Civil War

13

The Battle of Teruel was an important confrontation. The city belonged to the Nationalists at the beginning of the battle, but the Republicans conquered it in January. The Francoist troops launched an offensive and recovered the city by 22 February, but in order to do so Franco relied heavily on German and Italian air support and repaid them with extensive mining rights.[73] On 7 March, the Nationalists launched the Aragon Offensive. By 14 April, they had pushed through to the Mediterranean, cutting the Republican-held portion of Spain in two. The Republican government tried to sue for peace in May,[74] but Franco demanded unconditional Situation of the fronts in November 1938. surrender; the war raged on. In July, the Nationalist army pressed southward from Teruel and south along the coast toward the capital of the Republic at Valencia but was halted in heavy fighting along the XYZ Line, a system of fortifications defending Valencia. The Republican government then launched an all-out campaign to reconnect their territory in the Battle of the Ebro, from 24 July until 26 November. The campaign was unsuccessful, and was undermined by the Franco-British appeasement of Hitler in Munich with the concession of Czechoslovakia. This effectively destroyed Republican morale by ending hope of an anti-fascist alliance with the Western powers. The retreat from the Ebro all but determined the final outcome of the war. Eight days before the new year, Franco threw massive forces into an invasion of Catalonia.

1939
Franco's troops conquered Catalonia in a whirlwind campaign during the first two months of 1939. Tarragona fell on 14 January, followed by Barcelona on 26 January and Girona on 5 February. Five days after the fall of Girona, the last resistance in Catalonia was broken. On 27 February, the United Kingdom and France recognized the Franco regime. Only Madrid and a few other strongholds remained for the Republican forces. Then, on 28 March, with the help of pro-Franco forces inside the city, Madrid fell to the Nationalists. The next day, Valencia, which had held out under their guns for close to two years, also surrendered. Franco proclaimed victory in a radio speech aired on 1 April, when the last of the Republican forces surrendered. After the end of the War, there were harsh reprisals against Franco's former enemies;[75] thousands of Republicans were imprisoned and at least 30,000 executed.[76] Other calculations of these deaths range from 50,000[77] to 200,000. Many others were put to forced labour, building railways, drying out swamps, digging canals, etc. Hundreds of thousands of Republicans fled abroad, some 500,000 to France.[78] Refugees were confined in internment camps of the French Third Republic, such as Camp Gurs or Camp Vernet, where 12,000 Franco declares the end of the war. However, Republicans were housed in squalid conditions. Of the 17,000 refugees small pockets of Republicans fight on. housed in Gurs, the farmers and ordinary people who could not find relations in France were encouraged by the Third Republic, in agreement with the Francoist government, to return to Spain. The great majority did so and were turned over to the Francoist authorities in Irn. From there they were transferred to the Miranda de Ebro camp for "purification" according to the Law of Political Responsibilities. After the proclamation by Marshal Philippe Ptain of the Vichy

Spanish Civil War regime, the refugees became political prisoners, and the French police attempted to round up those who had been liberated from the camp. Along with other "undesirables", they were sent to the Drancy internment camp before being deported to Nazi Germany. About 5,000 Spaniards thus died in Mauthausen concentration camp.[79] After the official end of the war, guerrilla war was waged on an irregular basis well into the 1950s, being gradually reduced by military defeats and scant support from the exhausted population. In 1944, a group of republican veterans, who also fought in the French resistance against the Nazis, invaded the Val d'Aran in northwest Catalonia, but were defeated after ten days.

14

Evacuation of children
As war proceeded on the Northern front, the Republican authorities arranged the evacuation of children. These Spanish War children were shipped to Britain, Belgium, the Soviet Union, other European countries and Mexico. These children were referred to as 'Basque refugees,' even though they were a diverse group. Those in Western European countries were able to return to their families after the war, but those in the Soviet Union, from Communist families, were forbidden to return - by Stalin and by Franco. The first opportunity for most of them to do so came in 1956, three years after Stalin's death. They lived in Soviet orphanages and were regularly transferred from one orphanage to another according to the progress of the Second World War. Thus they experienced the War and its effects on the Soviet Union at first hand.

Residents of the War Resisters' International (WRI) children's refuge in the French Pyrenees, some time between 1937 and 1939, warden Jos Brocca standing third from left.

The Nationalist side also arranged evacuations of children, women and elderly from war zones. Refugee camps for those civilians evacuated by the Nationalists were set up in Portugal, Italy, Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium.

Stoneham Camp in England

One example of a large refugee camp was located in Great Britain. Over 4,000 children arrived at the Southhampton Docks on 23 May 1937. They traveled to Britain on the steamship Habana. The ship had been equipped to accommodate 800 passengers, but this voyage consisted of 3840 children, 80 teachers, 120 assistants, 15 Catholic priests, and 2 doctors. These refugees were moved to a camp at North Stoneham that been constructed only two days prior to their arrival. Building had begun two weeks before, but the estimated numbers had been only 2,000. The camps were overcrowded with dozens of children staying in the same tent. Sanitation was also a problem in the beginning as the children had been living through war and their hygienic habits had been disrupted by their turbulent lives. Even with the cramped conditions illness was not a large problem within the camp.[80] The plan was to move the refugees out of the camps and disperse them into villages throughout Britain. By September all of the children were actually moved into these villages, mostly into residential homes. A few were taken in by The Salvation Army, the Catholic Church, and other volunteers. After the war was over the displaced children were allowed to return to Spain. Those age 16 and above were allowed to decide whether or not they wanted to leave the country. Some were forced to stay because their parents had been killed or imprisoned, others stayed by choice.[81]

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15

Atrocities
At least 50,000 people were executed during the war.[82] [83] In his updated history of the Spanish Civil War, Antony Beevor writes, "Franco's ensuing 'white terror' claimed 200,000 lives. The 'red terror' had already killed 38,000."[84] Julius Ruiz concludes that "although the figures remain disputed, a minimum of 37,843 executions were carried out in the Republican zone with a maximum of 150,000 executions (including 50,000 after the war) in Nationalist Spain."[85] Csar Vidal puts the number of Republican victims at 110,965.[86] In 2008 a Spanish judge, Baltasar Garzn, opened an investigation into the executions and disappearances of 114,266 people between 17 July 1936 and December 1951 (he has since been indicted for violating a 1977 amnesty by these actions). Among the executions investigated was that of the poet and dramatist Federico Garca Lorca.[1] [87] In the early days of the war, executions of people who were caught on the "wrong" side of the lines became widespread in conquered areas. The outbreak of the war provided an excuse for settling accounts and resolving longstanding feuds. In these paseos ("strolls"), as the executions were called, the victims were taken from their refuges or jails to be shot outside of town. The corpses were abandoned or interred in graves dug by the victims themselves. Local police just noted the appearance of the corpses.

Nationalists
The atrocities of the Nationalists, frequently ordered by authorities in order to eradicate any trace of leftism in Spain, were common. According to historian Paul Preston, the minimum number of those executed by the rebels is 130,000, and is likely to be far higher. The violence carried out in the rebel zone was carried out by the military, the "Civil Guard", the Falange in the name of the regime and legitimized by the Catholic Church.[88]

Nationalist aircraft bomb Madrid in late November 1936.

Many such acts were committed by reactionary groups during the first weeks of the war. This included the execution of school teachers[89] (because the efforts of the Second Spanish Republic to promote laicism and to displace the Church from the education system by closing religious schools were considered by the Nationalists as an attack on the Roman Catholic Church); the massive killings of civilians in the cities they captured;[90] the execution of unwanted individuals (including non-combatants[91] such as trade-unionists and known Republican sympathisers etc.).[92]

Bombing in Barcelona, 1938.

Nationalist forces committed massacres in Seville, where some 10,000 people were shot. In Granada, about 8000 people were murdered.[93] After the capture of Almendralejo, about 1000 prisoners were shot, including 100 women. Some 2000 were shot when Badajoz was conquered by Yague. In February 1937, over 4000 were killed after the capture of Malaga. When Bilbao was conquered, some 1000 people were executed.[94] The numbers of people killed as the African columns raped, looted, and murdered their way through Seville and Madrid are particularly difficult to calculate.[95] Nationalists murdered Catholic clerics. In one particular incident, following the capture of Bilbao, hundreds of people, including 16 priests who had served as chaplains for the Republican forces, were taken to the countryside or

Spanish Civil War to graveyards to be murdered.[96] Franco's forces persecuted Protestants. They murdered Protestant ministers. Franco's forces were determined to remove from Spain the "Protestant heresy". Pastor Miguel Blanco of Seville was shot as was Pastor Jose Garcia Fernandez of Granada. In Zaragoza, on August 18, the church was attacked by Franco's forces. They destroyed furniture, burned Bibles and books and stole valuables. Many Protestants were imprisoned and tortured.[97] The Nationalists also persecuted the Basque people. They were determined to eradicate Basque culture. According to Basque sources, some 22,000 Basques were murdered by Nationalists immediately after the Civil War.[98] The Nationalist side also conducted aerial bombing of cities in Republican territory, carried out mainly by the Luftwaffe volunteers of the Condor Legion and the Italian air force volunteers of the Corpo Truppe Volontarie (Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Guernica, and other cities). The most notorious example of this tactic of terror bombings was the Bombing of Guernica.

16

Republicans
An estimated 55,000 civilians died in Republican-held territories. The Republican government was anticlerical and supporters attacked and murdered Roman Catholic clergy in reaction to news of the military revolt. In Republican held territories, Roman Catholic churches, convents, monasteries, and cemeteries were desecrated. Through the war, nearly all segments of the Republicans, Basques being a notable exception, took part in semi-organized anti-Roman Catholic, anticlerical killing of 6,832 members of the Catholic clergy and religious orders (including 13 bishops, 4,172 priests, 2,364 monks and friars, and 283 nuns).[101] [102] By the end of the war 20 percent of the nation's clergy had been killed.[103] As well as clergy, civilians were executed in Republican areas. Some Communist militiamen at Cerro de los ngeles civilians were executed as suspected fifth columnists. Others died in near Madrid, on 7 August 1936, was the most infamous of the widespread desecration of revenge due to news of the massacres carried out in the Nationalist [99] religious property. The photograph in the zone. Air raids committed against Republican cities were another London Daily Mail had the caption the "Spanish factor.[104] Historian Paul Preston emphasizes that Republican [100] Reds' war on religion." [88] authorities did not order such measures to be taken. As pressure mounted with increasing success of the Nationalists, many civilians were executed by councils and tribunals controlled by competing Communist and Anarchist groups. Some anarchists were executed by Soviet-advised communist functionaries in Catalonia [105] as described by George Orwell's description of the purges in Barcelona in 1937 in Homage to Catalonia.,[106] which followed a period of increasing tension between Competing elements of the Catalan political scene.
"Execution" of the Sacred Heart of Jesus by

Spanish Civil War

17 Republicans initially reacted to the attempted coup by arresting and executing actual and perceived Nationalists. In the Andalusian town of Ronda, 512 alleged Nationalists were executed in the first month of the war.[105] Communist Santiago Carrillo Solares has been accused of the killing of Nationalists in the Paracuellos massacre near Paracuellos del Jarama and Torrejn de Ardoz. However, the extent to which (in particular) Carrillo was responsible remains a source of debate.[107] The Pro-Soviet Communists committed numerous atrocities against fellow Republicans, including other Marxists: Andr Marty, known as the Butcher of Albacete, was responsible for the deaths of some 500 members of the International Brigades.[108] Andreu Nin, leader of the POUM (Workers' Party of Marxist Unification), and many prominent POUM members were murdered by the Communists.[109]

Puente Nuevo, the bridge that links together the two parts of Ronda in Spain. Behind the window near the center of the bridge is a prison cell. During the Civil War, both Nationalists and Republicans are claimed to have thrown prisoners from the bridge to their deaths in the [105] canyon.

Social revolution
In the anarchist-controlled areas, Aragn and Catalonia, in addition to the temporary military success, there was a vast social revolution in which the workers and peasants collectivised land and industry, and set up councils parallel to the paralyzed Republican government. This revolution was opposed by both the Soviet-supported communists, who ultimately took their orders from Stalin's politburo (which feared a loss of control), and the Social Democratic Republicans (who worried about the loss of civil property rights). The agrarian collectives had considerable success despite opposition and lack of resources.[110] As the war progressed, the government and the communists were able to leverage their access to Soviet arms to restore government control over the war effort, through both diplomacy and force. Anarchists and the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (Partido Obrero de Unificacin Marxista, or POUM) were integrated into the regular army, albeit with resistance; the POUM was outlawed and falsely denounced as an instrument of the fascists. In the May Days of 1937, many thousands of anarchist and communist republican soldiers fought for control of strategic points in Barcelona. The pre-war Falange was a small party of some 3040,000 members. It also called for a social revolution that would have seen Spanish society transformed by National Syndicalism. Following the execution of its leader, Jos Antonio Primo de Rivera, by the Republicans, the party swelled in size to over 400,000. The leadership of the Falange suffered 60% casualties in the early days of the civil war and the party was transformed by new members and rising new leaders, called camisas nuevas ("new shirts"), who were less interested in the revolutionary aspects of National Syndicalism.[111] Subsequently, Franco united all rightist parties into the ironically named Falange Espaola Tradicionalista de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS), or the Traditionalist Spanish Falange of the Unions of the National-Syndicalist Offensive. The 1930s also saw Spain become a focus for pacifist organizations including the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the War Resisters League and the War Resisters' International. Many people including, as they are now called, the 'insumisos' ('defiant ones', conscientious objectors) argued and worked for non-violent strategies. Prominent Spanish pacifists such as Amparo Poch y Gascn and Jos Brocca supported the Republicans. Brocca argued that Spanish pacifists had no alternative but to make a stand against fascism. He put this stand into practice by various means including organizing agricultural workers to maintain food supplies and through humanitarian work with war refugees.[112]

Spanish Civil War

18

References
Notes
[1] "Spanish judge opens case into Franco's atrocities" (http:/ / www. iht. com/ articles/ 2008/ 10/ 16/ europe/ spain. php). New York Times. 16 October 2008. . Retrieved 28 July 2009. [2] The number of casualties is disputed; estimates generally suggest that between 500,000 and 1 million people were killed. Over the years, historians kept lowering the death figures and modern research concludes that 500,000 deaths is the correct figure. Thomas Barria-Norton, The Spanish Civil War (2001), pp. xviii & 899901, inclusive. [3] Payne, Stanley Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=NiD3UeOCSGsC& pg=PA197& vq=mola& hl=es& source=gbs_search_r& cad=0_1#PPA203,M1), pp. 200-203, 1999 Univ. of Wisconsin Press [4] The Spanish Civil War - Imperial War Museum (http:/ / www. iwm. org. uk/ upload/ package/ 5/ spanish/ MainText. pdf) [5] http:/ / struggle. ws/ spain/ souchy_may. html [6] Martins, Herminio. "Portugal" in S.J. Woolf (ed). European Fascism, London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1968 pp. 322-3

Almost as soon as the Civil War started, the Portuguese Government cast its lot with the rebel forces and decided to support them by all means short of actual participation in the war.
quoted in Gallagher, Tom. Portugal: a twentieth-century interpretation (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=-xu8AAAAIAAJ& pg=PA86). Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983 p.86 [7] Newsinger, John (1994). "Orwell and the Spanish Revolution" (http:/ / pubs. socialistreviewindex. org. uk/ isj62/ newsinger. htm). International Socialism Journal (Socialist Review) (62). . [8] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War, Penguin, 4th revised edition, 2003 p.683 [9] Tierney, Dominic. FDR and the Spanish Civil War: Neutrality and Commitment in the Struggle That Divided America, pp. 67-8, Duke University Press, 2007 [10] "New light shed on Capa's "Falling Soldier" photo" (http:/ / www. reuters. com/ article/ lifestyleMolt/ idUSTRE4AA05220081111?pageNumber=2& virtualBrandChannel=0). Reuters. 11 November 2008. . [11] Orwell and the Spanish Revolution http:/ / pubs. socialistreviewindex. org. uk/ isj62/ newsinger. htm [12] Blood of Spain P.38-39 Ronald Fraser ISBN 0-7126-6014-3 [13] Blood of Spain P.38-39 Ronald Fraser ISBN 0-7126-6014-3 [14] Blood of Spain P.38-39 Ronald Fraser ISBN 0-7126-6014-3 [15] p.1 Mary Vincent, Catholicism in the Second spanish republic ISBN 0-19-820613-5 [16] Frances Lannon, Privilege, Persecution, and Prophecy, p.181 [17] "The revolution of 1931 that established the Second Republic brought to power an anticlerical government", Anticlericalism in Spain (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 27867/ anticlericalism/ 337/ Spain) Britannica Online Encyclopedia article [18] Mary Vincent, Spain 1833-2002, p.120 [19] Payne, Stanley G. (1973). "A History of Spain and Portugal (Print Edition)" (http:/ / libro. uca. edu/ payne2/ payne25. htm). University of Wisconsin Press (Library of Iberian resources online): 632. . Retrieved 30 May 2007. [20] Mary Vincent, Spain 1833-2002, P.122 [21] Torres Gutirrez, Alejandro , Religious minorities in Spain: A new model of relationships? (http:/ / www. cesnur. org/ 2002/ slc/ torres. htm) Center for Study on New Religions 2002 [22] Smith, Angel, Historical Dictionary of Spain (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=IFuxO9NO-voC& dq), p. 195, Rowan & Littlefield 2008 [23] Vincent, p.122 [24] Paz, Jose Antonio Souto Perspectives on religious freedom in Spain (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_qa3736/ is_200101/ ai_n8951721/ pg_4) Brigham Young University Law Review Jan. 1, 2001 [25] Mary Vincent, Spain, 1833-2002, p.127 [26] Gil Robles, No fue posible la paz, quoted in Mary Vincent, Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic, p. 182 [27] Dilectissima Nobis [28] Stepan, Alfred, Arguing Comparative Politics (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=nR2tF4k1PXUC& dq), p. 221, Oxford University Press [29] Martinez-Torron, Javier Freedom of religion in the case law of the Spanish Constitutional court (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_qa3736/ is_200101/ ai_n8950497/ pg_2) Brigham Young University Law Review 2001 [30] The statistics on assassinations, destruction of religious buildings, etc. immediately before the start of the war come from The Last Crusade: Spain: 1936 by Warren Carroll (Christendom Press, 1998). He collected the numbers from Historia de la Persecucin Religiosa en Espaa (19361939) by Antonio Montero Moreno (Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 3rd edition, 1999). [31] Payne, Stanley G. (1973). "A History of Spain and Portugal (Print Edition)" (http:/ / libro. uca. edu/ payne2/ payne25. htm). University of Wisconsin Press (Library of Iberian resources online): 643. . Retrieved 30 May 2007. [32] Payne, Stanley G. (1973). "A History of Spain and Portugal (Print Edition)" (http:/ / libro. uca. edu/ payne2/ payne25. htm). University of Wisconsin Press (Library of Iberian resources online): 642. . Retrieved 30 May 2007.

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[33] Preston, Paul, Franco and Azaa (http:/ / www. historytoday. com/ dt_main_allatonce. asp?gid=13944& aid=& tgid=& amid=13944& g13944=x& g10713=x& g30026=x& g20991=x& g21010=x& g19965=x& g19963=x), Volume: 49 Issue: 5, May 1999, pp. 1723 [34] Trotsky, Leon, " The Task in Spain (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ trotsky/ 1936/ 04/ spain01. htm)", April 1936. [35] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War, (1987), p. 8. [36] Zhooee, TIME Magazine, 20 July 1936 http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,771840,00. html [37] Bulln de Mendoza, Alfonso Calvo Sotelo: Vida y muerte (2004) Barcelona. Thomas, Hugh The Spanish Civil War (1961, rev. 2001) New York pp. 196198 and p.309. Conds was a close personal friend of Castillo. His squad had originally sought to arrest Gil Robles as a reprisal for Castillo's murder, but Robles was not at home, so they went to the house of Calvo Sotelo. Thomas concluded that the intention of Conds was to arrest Calvo Sotelo and that Cuenca acted on his own initiative, although he acknowledges other sources that dispute this finding. [38] Beevor, Anthony. The Spanish Civil War. London: Penguin, 1982. p 49. [39] Alpert, Michael BBC History Magazine April 2002 [40] Chomsky, Noam. "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship (1969)" in Chomsky on Anarchism. AK Press, Oakland CA, 2005. [41] Beevor, The Battle for Spain, (2006) ("Chapter 21: The Propaganda War and the Intellectuals") [42] Antony Beevor, The Spanish Civil War, pp 32-3. [43] Payne, Stanley George The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism p. 118 (2004 Yale University Press) [44] Antony Beevor, The Spanish Civil War, pp 42-43. [45] Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain (2006), pp 30-33 [46] Payne, Stanley G. (1973). "A History of Spain and Portugal (Print Edition)" (http:/ / libro. uca. edu/ payne2/ payne26. htm). University of Wisconsin Press (Library of Iberian resources online): 64647. . Retrieved 15 May 2007. [47] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War, (1987), pp. 8690. [48] Coverdale, John F., Uncommon faith: the early years of Opus Dei, 1928-1943 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=bPhSpqRI4kQC& dq), p. 148, Scepter 2002 [49] Martyrs of Turon (http:/ / db. cbconf. org/ cbc. nsf/ pages/ 222A1C2E18EE0B8B86256F230055FBB7) [50] Payne, Stanley Franco and Hitler: Spain, Germany, and World (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=KPgPFqXub14C& vq), p. 13, 2008 Yale Univ. Press [51] Rooney, Nicola "The role of the Catholic hierarchy in the rise to power of General Franco" (http:/ / www. qub. ac. uk/ sites/ QUEST/ FileStore/ Issue4PerspectiviesonPowerPapers/ Filetoupload,71752,en. pdf) [52] Hilari Raguer, Gunpowder and Incense p.48 [53] Business & Blood (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,757619-1,00. html). Time, Monday, 19 April 1937 [54] Peace and Pirates (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ printout/ 0,8816,771949,00. html), TIME Magazine, 27 September 1937 [55] Othen, Christopher. Franco's International Brigades (Reportage Press, 2008) p79 [56] Othen, Christopher. Op cit p102 [57] John R. Lampe and Mark Mazower, Ideologies and national identities, at p. 38 [58] Hitler and Spain Robert H Whealey [59] Thomas, Hugh. The spanish civil war. Penguin Books. London. 2001. p.944 [60] "... good books available on the Spanish Civil War" (http:/ / www. historum. com/ homework-help/ 6407-spanish-civil-war. html). The Historum. 2010-01-05. . Retrieved 2010-01-05. "Robert H. Whealey, Hitler and Spain: The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939." [61] The Spanish Civil War Antony Beevor [62] Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil War, 19361939 (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2006), pp 116, 133,143, 148, 174, 427. [63] Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain (2006), pp 198 [64] Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain (2006), pp 116 [65] Deletant, Dennis (1999). Communist terror in Romania: Gheorghiu-Dej and the Police State, 1948-1965 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=hRn56_qAwiYC& pg=PA20& dq="spanish+ civil+ war"+ romanian+ volunteers). C. Hurst & Co.. p.20. ISBN9781850653868. . [66] Gregor Benton, Frank N. Pieke (1998). The Chinese in Europe (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_aqcIT11ShsC& pg=PA215& dq=spanish+ women+ chinese& hl=en& ei=Db5ATOnmN8T68AaM8r3cDw& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=4& ved=0CEEQ6AEwAw#v=onepage& q=spanish women chinese& f=false). Macmillan. p.390. ISBN0333669134. . Retrieved 2010-07-14. [67] Academy of Sciences of the USSR, International Solidarity with the Spanish Republic, 1936-1939 (Moscow: Progress, 1974), 329-30 [68] Arms for Spain Gerald Howson [69] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain. Penguin Books. 2006. London. p.163 [70] Graham, Helen. The Spanish Civil War. A very short introduction. Oxford University Press. New York. 2005. p.92 [71] Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War. Penguin Books. London. 2003. p.944 [72] Arnheim, Rudolf. (1973). The Genesis of a Painting: Picasso's Guernica. London: University of California Press. ISBN 9780520250079 [73] "Nazi Germany and Francoist Spain" by Christian Leitz, pp. 127150, Spain and the Great Powers in the 20th Century Routledge, New York, 1999, edited by Sebastian Balfour and Paul Preston. [74] Thomas, p. 820-821 [75] Professor Hilton (27 October 2005). "Spain: Repression under Franco after the Civil War" (http:/ / cgi. stanford. edu/ group/ wais/ cgi-bin/ index. php?p=1843). Cgi.stanford.edu. . Retrieved 24 June 2009. [76] Tremlett, Giles (1 December 2003). "Spain torn on tribute to victims of Franco" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ spain/ article/ 0,2763,1096841,00. html). London: Guardian. . Retrieved 24 June 2009.

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Spanish Civil War

[77] Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Penguin Books. 2006. London. p.405 [78] Caistor, Nick (28 February 2003). "Spanish Civil War fighters look back" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ programmes/ from_our_own_correspondent/ 2809025. stm). BBC News. . Retrieved 24 June 2009. [79] Film documentary (http:/ / www. histoire-immigration. fr/ index. php?lg=fr& nav=20& flash=0) on the website of the Cit nationale de l'histoire de l'immigration (French) [80] Title: Typhoid Fever In The Basque Refugee Camp Author(s): Richard Taylor Source: The British Medical Journal, Vol. 2, No. 4006 (Oct. 16, 1937), pp. 760-761 Publisher(s): BMJ Publishing Group Stable URL: http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 25367539 [81] http:/ / www. basquechildren. org/ node/ 5 [82] "Spanish Civil War" (http:/ / concise. britannica. com/ ebc/ article-9379223/ Spanish-Civil-War). Concise.britannica.com. . Retrieved 24 June 2009. [83] Published: 12:01AM BST 11 Jun 2006 (11 June 2006). "A revelatory account of the Spanish civil war" (http:/ / www. telegraph. co. uk/ arts/ main. jhtml?xml=/ arts/ 2006/ 06/ 11/ bobee11. xml). London: Telegraph.co.uk. . Retrieved 24 June 2009. [84] "Men of La Mancha" (http:/ / www. economist. com/ books/ displaystory. cfm?story_id=7081116). Rev. of Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain. The Economist (22 June 2006). [85] Julius Ruiz, "Defending the Republic: The Garca Atadell Brigade in Madrid, 1936" (http:/ / jch. sagepub. com/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 42/ 1/ 97). Journal of Contemporary History 42.1 (2007):97. [86] Csar Vidal, Checas de Madrid: Las crceles republicanas al descubierto. ISBN 978-84-9793-168-7 [87] Decision of Juzgado Central de Instruccion No. 005, Audiencia Nacional, Madrid (16 October 2008) (http:/ / www. latinreporters. com/ espagneGarzonFrancoLorca16102008M. pdf) [88] Spain and Germany: Franco and Hitler, Paul Preston (http:/ / cgi. stanford. edu/ group/ wais/ cgi-bin/ ?p=38123) [89] Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil War, 19361939 (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2006), p.89. [90] Preston 2007, p.121 [91] Preston 2007, p.120 [92] Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil War, 19361939 (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2006), pp 88-89. [93] Franco and the Spanish Civil War By Filipe Ribeiro De Meneses (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=r6La2ttR7jEC& pg=PA89& dq=Franco+ massacre+ civil+ war+ seville& lr=& ei=I8IxS7SHJ5OkkASA1oS7AQ& cd=3#v=onepage& q=& f=false) [94] Franco and the Spanish Civil WarBy Filipe Ribeiro De Meneses (http:/ / www. google. es/ search?hl=es& q=Julio+ de+ la+ Cueva+ guerra& btnG=Buscar& meta=cr=countryES& aq=& oq=Julio+ de+ la+ Cueva+ guer) [95] The Spanish Civil War: reaction, revolution and revenge By Paul Preston (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=2vioVIdend4C& pg=PA120& dq=franco+ moors+ massacre& lr=& ei=4MsxS9TaMpuMlASX04i8AQ& cd=8#v=onepage& q=raped& f=false) [96] John Bieter, Mark Bieter, An Enduring Legacy: The Story of Basques in Idaho (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=gPQZsu0Ma0cC& pg=PA91& dq=Franco+ executed+ basque+ priests& ei=Qr4xS83NAZqIkATAwNTPAQ& cd=4#v=onepage& q=Franco executed basque priests& f=false) [97] http:/ / www. iee-es. org/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view& id=36& Itemid=1 [98] Spanish Best: The Fine Shotguns of Spain By Terry Wieland (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=7OGih6t_0DgC& pg=PA47& dq=Basques+ executed+ franco& lr=& ei=DsAxS6WWE6OKkATdm_iuAQ& cd=14#v=onepage& q=Basques executed franco& f=false) [99] Ealham, Chris and Michael Richards, The Splintering of Spain (http:/ / books. google. com/ books/ cambridge?id=ypBS6N0aFJgC& pg=PA80& dq="most+ famous+ ritual+ destruction"), p. 80, 168, Cambridge University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-521-82178-9, 9780521821780 [100] "Shots of War: Photojournalism During the Spanish Civil War" (http:/ / orpheus. ucsd. edu/ speccoll/ swphotojournalism/ m629-f02-19. html). Orpheus.ucsd.edu. . Retrieved 24 June 2009. [101] "Religious Persecution, Anticlerical Tradition and Revolution: On Atrocities against the Clergy during the Spanish Civil War" (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0022-0094(199807)33:3<355:RPATAR>2. 0. CO;2-O) Journal of Contemporary History 33.3 (July 1998): 355. [102] Payne, Stanley G., A History of Spain and Portugal, Vol. 2, Ch. 26, (Print Edition: University of Wisconsin Press, 1973) (LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE (http:/ / libro. uca. edu/ payne2/ payne26. htm) p. 649. [103] Bowen, Wayne H., Spain During World War II (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=zVx2rFJIyQQC& dq), p. 222, University of Missouri Press 2006 [104] The Spanish Civil War: reaction, revolution and revenge By Paul Preston (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=2vioVIdend4C& dq=Paul+ Preston+ spanish+ civil+ war& printsec=frontcover& source=bl& ots=jzdMK80Ak1& sig=GwMah-lm8lvneFpxsjFVyZ7NaNA& hl=en& ei=SMYxS-usHJHCsgOO_MjEBA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CAoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=executed& f=false) [105] Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War, (1961) [106] George Orwell, Homage to Catalonia, 1938 [107] Ian Gibson, "Paracuellos. Cmo fue". 1983, Plaza y Jans. Barcelona. [108] Anthony Beevor, Battle for Spain p. 161 [109] Arnuad Imatz, "Espagne: la guerre des mmoires" (2009) 40 25-30, at 25 [110] Noam Chomsky. "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship" (http:/ / question-everything. mahost. org/ Archive/ chomskyspain. html). Question-everything.mahost.org. . Retrieved 24 June 2009. [111] Arnaud Imatz, "La vraie mort de Garcia Lorca" 2009 40 NRH, 31-34, at p. 32-33).

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Spanish Civil War

[112] Bennett, Scott, Radical Pacifism: The War Resisters League and Gandhian Nonviolence in America, 19151963, Syracuse NY, Syracuse University Press, 2003; Prasad, Devi, War is A Crime Against Humanity: The Story of War Resisters' International, London, WRI, 2005. Also see Hunter, Allan, White Corpsucles in Europe, Chicago, Willett, Clark & Co., 1939; and Brown, H. Runham, Spain: A Challenge to Pacifism, London, The Finsbury Press, 1937.

21

Bibliography
Phase 1. 1930s1980 Bolloten, Burnett (1979). The Spanish Revolution. The Left and the Struggle for Power during the Civil War. University of North Carolina. ISBN1842122037. Brenan, Gerald (1943). The Spanish Labyrinth: an account of the social and political background of the Civil War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1993). ISBN9780521398275. OCLC38930004. Carr, Sir Raymond (1977). The Spanish Tragedy: The Civil War in Perspective. Phoenix Press (2001). ISBN1-84212-203-7. Cowles, Virginia. Looking for Trouble. Faber Finds, 2010. ISBN 978-0-571-27091-0 [Re-issue of 1941 book] Cox, Geoffrey (1937). The Defence of Madrid. London: Victor Gollancz. ISBN1 877372 3 84 ( reprinted 2006 (http://www.otago.ac.nz/press/booksauthors/2006/defence_madrid.html) review (http://www.listener.co. nz/issue/3481/artsbooks/7953/madrid_midnight_of_the_century. html;jsessionid=C8F5DD17257A84A136886D599DB9D5F9)). Ibarruri, Dolores (1976). They Shall Not Pass: the Autobiography of La Pasionaria (translated from El Unico Camino by Dolores Ibarruri). New York: International Publishers. ISBN0-7178-0468-2. OCLC9369478. Jackson, Gabriel (1965). The Spanish Republic and the Civil War, 19311939. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN0-691-00757-8. OCLC185862219. Jellinek, Frank (1938). The Civil War in Spain. London: Victor Gollanz (Left Book Club). Low, Mary (1979 reissue of 1937). Red Spanish Notebook. San Francisco: City Lights Books (originally by Martin Secker & Warburg). ISBN0-87286-132-5. OCLC4832126. Orwell, George (2000, first published in 1938). Homage to Catalonia. London: Penguin Books in association with Martin Secker & Warburg. ISBN0-14-118305-5. OCLC42954349. Payne, Stanley, G. (1970). The Spanish Revolution. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN0297001248. Puzzo, Dante Anthony (1962). Spain and the Great Powers, 19361941. Freeport, N.Y: Books for Libraries Press (originally Columbia University Press, N.Y.). ISBN0-8369-6868-9. OCLC308726. Rust, William (2003 Reprint of 1939 edition). Britons in Spain: A History of the British Battalion of the XV International Brigade. Pontypool, Wales (NP4 7AG): Warren and Pell. Southworth, Herbert Rutledge (1963). El mito de la cruzada de Franco. Paris: Ruedo Ibrico. ISBN8483465744. Taylor, F. Jay (1956, 1971). The United States and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. New York: Bookman Associates. ISBN978-0-374-97849-5. Thomas, Hugh (1961). The Spanish Civil War. London: Penguin (3rd edition, 2003). ISBN0-14-101161-0. OCLC248799351. Phase 2. 19811999 Anderson, James M. (2003). The Spanish Civil War: A History and Reference Guide. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ISBN0-313-32274-0. Beevor, Antony (1982). The Spanish Civil War. London: Penguin (2001). ISBN0-14-100148-8. OCLC185343606. Brou, Pierre (1988). The Revolution and the Civil War in Spain. Chicago: Haymarket. OCLC1931859515. Howson, Gerald (1998). Arms for Spain. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN0-312-24177-1. OCLC231874197. Koestler, Arthur (1983). Dialogue with death. London: Macmillan. ISBN0-333-34776-5. OCLC16604744. Monteath, Peter (1994). The Spanish Civil War in literature, film, and art : an international Bibliography of secondary literature. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ISBN0-313-29262-0.

Spanish Civil War Monteath, Peter (1994). Writing the Good Fight. Political Commitment in the International Literature of the Spanish Civil War. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ISBN0-313-28766-X. Preston, Paul (1978). The Coming of the Spanish Civil War. London: Macmillan. ISBN0-333-23724-2. OCLC185713276. Preston, Paul (1996). A Concise history of the Spanish Civil War. London: Fontana. ISBN978-0006863731. OCLC231702516. Wilson, Ann (1986). Images of the Civil War. London: Allen & Unwin. Phase 3. 20002008 Alpert, Michael (2004). A New International History of the Spanish Civil War. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN1-4039-1171-1. OCLC155897766. Beevor, Antony (2006). The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 19361939. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN978-0297-848325. OCLC185382508. Doyle, Bob (2006). Brigadista an Irishman's fight against fascism. Dublin: Currach Press. ISBN1-85607-939-2. OCLC71752897. Francis, Hywel (2006). Miners against Fascism: Wales and the Spanish Civil War. Pontypool, Wales (NP4 7AG): Warren and Pell. Graham, Helen (2002). The Spanish republic at war, 19361939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-45932-X. OCLC231983673. Greening, Edwin (2006). From Aberdare to Albacete: A Welsh International Brigader's Memoir of His Life. Pontypool, Wales (NP4 7AG): Warren and Pell. Kowalsky, Daniel (2004). La Union Sovietica y la Guerra Civil Espanola. Barcelona: Critica. ISBN84-8432-490-7. OCLC255243139. O'Riordan, Michael (2005). The Connolly Column. Pontypool, Wales (NP4 7AG): Warren and Pell. Othen, Christopher (2008). Franco's International Brigades: Foreign Volunteers and Fascist Dictators in the Spanish Civil War. London: Reportage Press. Payne, Stanley (2004). The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism. New Haven; London: Yale University Press. ISBN0-300-10068-X. OCLC186010979. Prasad, Devi (2005). War is a Crime Against Humanity: The Story of War Resisters' International. London: War Resisters' International, wri-irg.org. ISBN0-903517-20-5. OCLC255207524. Preston, Paul (2007). The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, Revolution, and Revenge. New York: W. W. Norton and Company. ISBN0393329879. Radosh, Ronald; Mary Habeck, Grigory Sevostianov (2001). Spain betrayed: the Soviet Union in the Spanish Civil War. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN0-300-08981-3. OCLC186413320. Wheeler, George; Jack Jones (foreword), David Leach (editor) (2003). To Make the People Smile Again: a Memoir of the Spanish Civil War. Newcastle upon Tyne: Zymurgy Publishing. ISBN1-903506-07-7. OCLC231998540. Williams, Alun Menai (2004). From the Rhondda to the Ebro: The Story of a Young Life. Pontypool, Wales: Warren & Pell.

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23

External links
Primary documents
Magazines and journals published during the war (http://magazinesandwar.com/), an online exhibit maintained by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign A collection of essays (http://www.weisbord.org) by Albert and Vera Weisbord with about a dozen essays written during and about the Spanish Civil War. Constitucin de la Repblica Espaola (1931) (http://www.ateneo.unam.mx/textoconstitucion.htm) La Cucaracha, The Spanish Civil War Diary (http://www.lacucaracha.info/scw/diary/), a detailed chronicle of the events of the war Ronald Hilton, Spain, 193136, From Monarchy to Civil War, An Eyewitness Account (http:// historicaltextarchive.com/books.php?op=viewbook&bookid=11) Mary Low and Juan Bre: Red Spanish Book. A testimony by two surrealists and trotskytes (http://www. benjamin-peret.org/benjamin-peret/bibliotheque/carnets-de-la-guerre-d_espagne.html) Spanish Civil War and Revolution text archive (http://libcom.org/library/spanish-civil-war-19361939) in the libcom.org library The Nyon Agreement, 14 September 1937 Agreement between 9 Powers for collective measures to be taken to suppress attacks by submarines against merchant vessels (http://historicalresources.org/2008/11/13/ the-nyon-agreement-14-september-1937/) Southworth Spanish Civil War Collection (http://libraries.ucsd.edu/locations/mscl/collections/ southworth-spanish-civil-war-collection.html), books, pamphlets, periodicals, newspapers, posters, and manuscripts housed at Mandeville Special Collection Library, University of California, San Diego

Images and films

Spain in Revolt 1, newsreel documentary (Video Stream) (http://blip.tv/file/413638/) Spain in Revolt 2, newsreel documentary (Video Stream) (http://blip.tv/file/413689/) Revistas y Guerra 19361939: La Guerra Civil Espanola y la Cultura Impresa (http://www.revistasyguerra. com/) online exhibition Imperial War Museum Collection of Spanish Civil War Posters (http://www.vads.ahds.ac.uk/collections/ IWMSCW.html) hosted online by Visual Arts Data Service (VADS) (http://vads.ahds.ac.uk/index.php) Posters of the Spanish Civil War from UCSD's Southworth collection (http://orpheus.ucsd.edu/speccoll/ visfront/vizindex.html) Civil War Documentaries made by the Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo (http://www.tvhastings.org/ documents/home.html) Spanish Civil War and Revolution image gallery (http://www.libcom.org/gallery/v/history/we/ spanish-civil-war-images/) photographs and posters from the conflict Aircraft of the Spanish Civil War (http://www.zi.ku.dk/personal/drnash/model/spain/index.html) "spanish+civil+war") 64 "spanish civil war" objects (http://www.theeuropeanlibrary.org/portal/?lang=en& coll=collections:a0077&q=() in The European Library Harvest Battle of Rio Segre Photographs (http://museum.icp.org/mexican_suitcase/gallery_capa.html) Capa, Robert (1938) International Center of Photography. Retrieved 2010-09-23.

Spanish Civil War

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Academics and governments

A History of the Spanish Civil War (http://unx1.shsu.edu/~his_ncp/SpanCW.html), excerpted from a U.S. government country study. Columbia Historical Review Dutch Involvement in the Spanish Civil War (http://www.columbia.edu/cu/ history/pdf/chr_vol1.pdf) "The Spanish Civil War causes and legacy" (http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/inourtime/ inourtime_20030403.shtml) on BBC Radio 4's In Our Time featuring Paul Preston, Helen Graham and Dr Mary Vincent

Other
Spanish Civil War (http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/system/topicRoot/The_Spanish_Civil_War/) Original reports from The Times The Anarcho-Statists of Spain (http://www.gmu.edu/departments/economics/bcaplan/spain.htm), a different view of the anarchists in the Spanish Civil War, George Mason University Spanish Civil War information (http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/Spanish-Civil-War.htm), from Spartacus Educational American Jews in Spanish Civil War (http://web.archive.org/web/20051208010127/www. jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/sugar12.html), by Martin Sugarman The Spanish Revolution, 193639 (http://recollectionbooks.com/anow/history/spain/) articles & links, from Anarchy Now! The Revolutionary Institutions: The Central Committee of Anti-Fascist Militias (http://www.negations.net/ ?p=88), by Juan Garca Oliver Warships of the Spanish Civil War (http://www.kbismarck.com/mgl/spanishcivwar.htm) No Pasarn! Speech Dolores Ibrruri's famous rousing address for the defense of the Second Republic Spanish Civil War Forum (http://forum.axishistory.com/viewforum.php?f=32) New Zealand and the Spanish Civil War (http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/node/13669) Spanish Civil War tours in Barcelona (http://iberianature.com/barcelona/history-of-barcelona/ spanish-civil-war-tour-in-barcelona/) Covers themes such as Anarchism, George Orwell, the realities of daily life and bombing.

Spanish Revolution

25

Spanish Revolution
Spanish Revolution
Location Goal Various regions of Spain primarily Catalonia, Aragon, Andalusia, and parts of the Levante. Anarchist social revolution; elimination of all institutions of state power; worker control of industrial production; implementation of libertarian socialist economy; elimination of social influence from Catholic Church; international spread of revolution to neighboring regions.

Characteristics Violent uprising; work place collectivization; political assassination; Result Suppressed after ten month period.

The Spanish Revolution was a workers' social revolution that began during the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and resulted in the widespread implementation of anarchist and more broadly socialist organizational principles throughout various portions of the country for two to three years, primarily Catalonia, Aragon, Andalusia, and parts of the Levante. Much of Spain's economy was put under worker control; in anarchist strongholds like Catalonia, the figure was as high as 75%, but lower in areas with heavy Communist Party influence, as the Soviet-allied party actively resisted attempts at collectivization enactment. Factories were run through worker committees, agrarian areas became collectivised and run as libertarian communes. Even places like hotels, barber shops, and restaurants were collectivized and managed by their workers. Sam Dolgoff estimated that about eight million people participated directly or at least indirectly in the Spanish Revolution,[1] which he claimed "came closer to realizing the ideal of the free stateless society on a vast scale than any other revolution in history."[2] Dolgoff quotes the French anarchist historian Gaston Leval (who was an active participant) to summarize the anarchist conception of the social revolution:[3] In Spain during almost three years, despite a civil war that took a million lives, despite the opposition of the political parties (republicans, left and right Catalan separatists, socialists, Communists, Basque and Valencian regionalists, petty bourgeoisie, etc.), this idea of libertarian communism was put into effect. Very quickly more than 60% of the land was collectively cultivated by the peasants themselves, without landlords, without bosses, and without instituting capitalist competition to spur production. In almost all the industries, factories, mills, workshops, transportation services, public services, and utilities, the rank and file workers, their revolutionary committees, and their syndicates reorganized and administered production, distribution, and public services without capitalists, high salaried managers, or the authority of the state. Even more: the various agrarian and industrial collectives immediately instituted economic equality in accordance with the essential principle of communism, 'From each according to his ability and to each according to his needs.' They coordinated their efforts through free association in whole regions, created new wealth, increased production (especially in agriculture), built more schools, and bettered public services. They instituted not bourgeois formal democracy but genuine grass roots functional libertarian democracy, where each individual participated directly in the revolutionary reorganization of social life. They replaced the war between men, 'survival of the fittest,' by the universal practice of mutual aid, and replaced rivalry by the principle of solidarity.... This experience, in which about eight million people directly or indirectly participated, opened a new way of life to those who sought an alternative to anti-social capitalism on the one hand, and totalitarian state bogus socialism on the other. The collectivization effort was primarily orchestrated by the rank-and-file members of the Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo (CNT; English: National Confederation of Labor) and the Federacin Anarquista Ibrica (FAI; English: Iberian Anarchist Federation), with the two often abbreviated as CNT-FAI due to the affinity between the two

Spanish Revolution organizations and the major role of the latter within the former in maintaining anarchist "purity." The non-anarchist socialist Unin General de Trabajadores (UGT; English: General Union of Workers) also participated in the implementation of collectivization, albeit to a far lesser degree.

26

Orwell's account
The British author George Orwell, best known for his anti-authoritarian works Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, was a soldier in the militia of the CNT-allied Partido Obrero Unificacin Marxista (POUM; English: Workers' Party of Marxist Unification). Orwell meticulously documented his first-hand observations of the civil war, and expressed admiration for the social revolution in his book Homage to Catalonia.[4] I had dropped more or less by chance into the only community of any size in Western Europe where political consciousness and disbelief in capitalism were more normal than their opposites. Up here in Aragon one was among tens of thousands of people, mainly though not entirely of working-class origin, all living at the same level and mingling on terms of equality. In theory it was perfect equality, and even in practice it was not far from it. There is a sense in which it would be true to say that one was experiencing a foretaste of Socialism, by which I mean that the prevailing mental atmosphere was that of Socialism. Many of the normal motives of civilized lifesnobbishness, money-grubbing, fear of the boss, etc.had simply ceased to exist. The ordinary class-division of society had disappeared to an extent that is almost unthinkable in the money-tainted air of England; there was no one there except the peasants and ourselves, and no one owned anyone else as his master. Continuing, Orwell describes the general feeling of the new society that was built within the shell of the old, offering specific elaborations on the effective destruction of hierarchical arrangements that he'd perceived in anarchist Spain. This was in late December 1936, less than seven months ago as I write, and yet it is a period that has already receded into enormous distance. Later events have obliterated it much more completely than they have obliterated 1935, or 1905, for that matter. I had come to Spain with some notion of writing newspaper articles, but I had joined the militia almost immediately, because at that time and in that atmosphere it seemed the only conceivable thing to do. The Anarchists were still in virtual control of Catalonia and the revolution was still in full swing. To anyone who had been there since the beginning it probably seemed even in December or January that the revolutionary period was ending; but when one came straight from England the aspect of Barcelona was something startling and overwhelming. It was the first time that I had ever been in a town where the working class was in the saddle. Practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers and was draped with red flags and with the red and black flag of the Anarchists; every wall was scrawled with the hammer and sickle and with the initials of the revolutionary parties; almost every church had been gutted and its images burnt. Churches here and there were being systematically demolished by gangs of workmen. Every shop and cafe had an inscription saying that it had been collectivized; even the bootblacks had been collectivized and their boxes painted red and black. Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily disappeared. Nobody said 'Senor' or 'Don' or even 'sted'; everyone called everyone else 'Comrade' or 'Thou', and said 'Salud!' instead of 'Buenos das'. Tipping had been forbidden by law since the time of Primo de Rivera; almost my first experience was receiving a lecture from a hotel manager for trying to tip a lift-boy. There were no private motor-cars, they had all been commandeered, and the trams and taxis and much of the other transport were painted red and black. The revolutionary posters were everywhere, flaming from the walls in clean reds and blues that made the few remaining advertisements look like daubs of mud. Down the Ramblas, the wide central artery of the town where crowds of people streamed constantly to and fro, the loud-speakers were bellowing revolutionary songs all day and far into the night. And it was the aspect of the crowds that was the queerest thing of all. In outward appearance it was a town in which the

Spanish Revolution wealthy classes had practically ceased to exist. Except for a small number of women and foreigners there were no 'well-dressed' people at all. Practically everyone wore rough working-class clothes, or blue overalls or some variant of militia uniform. All this was queer and moving. There was much in this that I did not understand, in some ways I did not even like it, but I recognized it immediately as a state of affairs worth fighting for...so far as one could judge the people were contented and hopeful. There was no unemployment, and the price of living was still extremely low; you saw very few conspicuously destitute people, and no beggars except the gypsies. Above all, there was a belief in the revolution and the future, a feeling of having suddenly emerged into an era of equality and freedom. Human beings were trying to behave as human beings and not as cogs in the capitalist machine." Orwell was a democratic socialist and a libertarian sympathizer who expressed solidarity with the anarchist movement and social revolution, later commenting, "I had told everyone for a long time past that I was going to leave the P.O.U.M. As far as my purely personal preferences went I would have liked to join the Anarchists."[5]

27

Social revolution
The most notable aspect of the social revolution was the establishment of a libertarian socialist economy based on coordination through decentralized and horizontal federations of participatory industrial collectives and agrarian communes. This was accomplished through widespread expropriation and collectivization of privately owned productive resources (and some smaller structures), in adherence to the anarchist belief that private property is authoritarian in nature. Spanish Civil War scholar (and anti-socialist) Burnett Bolloten writes of this process: The economic changes that followed the military insurrection were no less dramatic than the political. In those provinces where the revolt had failed the workers of the two trade union federations, the Socialist UGT and the Anarchosyndicalist CNT, took into their hands a vast portion of the economy. Landed properties were seized; some were collectivized, others were distributed among the peasants, and notarial archives as well as registers of property were burnt in countless towns and villages. Railways, tramcars and buses, taxicabs and shipping, electric light and power companies, gasworks and waterworks, engineering and automobile assembly plants, mines and cement works, textile mills and paper factories, electrical and chemical concerns, glass bottle factories and perfumeries, food-processing plants and breweries, as well as a host of other enterprises, were confiscated or controlled by workmen's committees, either term possessing for the owners almost equal significance in practice. Motion-picture theatres and legitimate theatres, newspapers and printing shops, department stores and bars, were likewise sequestered or controlled as were the headquarters of business and professional associations and thousands of dwellings owned by the upper class.
[6]

The economic policies of the anarchist collectives were primarily operated according to the basic communist principle of "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need". In some places, money was entirely eliminated, to be replaced with vouchers and coupons distributed on the basis of needs rather than individual labor contributions. Bolloten writes of this process also:[7] In many communities money for internal use was abolished, because, in the opinion of Anarchists, 'money and power are diabolical philtres, which turn a man into a wolf, into a rabid enemy, instead of into a brother.' 'Here in Fraga [a small town in Aragon], you can throw banknotes into the street,' ran an article in a Libertarian paper, 'and no one will take any notice. Rockefeller, if you were to come to Fraga with your entire bank account you would not be able to buy a cup of coffee. Money, your God and your servant, has been abolished here, and the people are happy.' In those Libertarian communities where money was suppressed, wages were paid in coupons, the scale being determined by the size of the family. Locally produced goods, if abundant, such as bread, wine, and olive oil, were distributed freely, while other articles could be obtained by means of coupons at the communal depot. Surplus goods were

Spanish Revolution exchanged with other Anarchist towns and villages, money being used only for transactions with those communities that had not adopted the new system. Bolloten supplements this analysis through quotation of anarchist journalist Augustin Souchy's remark that "The characteristic of the majority of CNT collectives is the family wage. Wages are paid according to the needs of the members and not according to the labor performed by each worker."[7] This focus on provision for the needs of members rather than individual remuneration effectively rendered these conditions anarcho-communist in nature. Despite the critics clamoring for "maximum efficiency" rather than revolutionary methods, anarchist collectives often produced more than before the collectivization. In Aragon, for instance, the productivity increased by 20%.[8] The newly liberated zones worked on entirely libertarian principles; decisions were made through councils of ordinary citizens without any sort of bureaucracy (it should be noted that the CNT-FAI leadership was at this time not nearly as radical as the rank and file members responsible for these sweeping changes). In addition to the economic revolution, there was a spirit of cultural revolution. Traditions some viewed as oppressive were done away with. For instance, women were legally permitted to have abortions, and the idea of "free love" became widely prevalent. In many ways, this spirit of cultural liberation prefigured that of the "New Left" movements of the 1960s. As the war dragged on, the spirit of the revolution's early days flagged. In part, this was due to the policies of the Communist Party of Spain, which took its cues from the foreign ministry of Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union, the source of most of the foreign aid received by the Republican side. The Communist policy was that the war was not the time for the revolution, that until victory in the war was won the goal had to be the defeat of the Francisco Franco forces, not the abolition of capitalism, which was to be addressed once the war had been won. The other left-wing parties, particularly the anarchists and POUM, disagreed vehemently with this; to them the war and the revolution were one and the same. Militias of parties and groups which had spoken out too vociferously in opposition to the Soviet position on the war soon found further aid to have been cut off. Partially because of this, the situation in most Republican-held areas slowly began to revert largely to its prewar conditions; in many ways the "revolution" was over well before the triumph of the Franco forces in early 1939.

28

Criticism
Criticism of the Spanish Revolution has primarily centered around allegations of coercion by anarchist participants (primarily in the rural collectives of Aragon), which critics charge run contrary to libertarian organizational principles. Bolloten claims that CNT-FAI reports overplayed the voluntary nature of collectivization, and ignored the more widespread realities of coercion of outright force as the primary characteristic of anarchist organization.[9] "Although CNT-FAI publications cited numerous cases of peasant proprietors and tenant farmers who had adhered voluntarily to the collective system, there can be no doubt that an incomparably larger number doggedly opposed it or accepted it only under extreme duress...The fact is...that many small owners and tenant farmers were forced to join the collective farms before they had an opportunity to make up their minds freely." He also emphasizes the generally coercive nature of the war climate and anarchist military organization and presence in many portions of the countryside as being an element in the establishment of collectivization, even if outright force or blatant coercion was not used to bind participants against their will.[10] "Even if the peasant proprietor and tenant farmer were not compelled to adhere to the collective system, there were several factors that made life difficult for recalcitrants; for not only were they prevented from employing hired labor and disposing freely as their crops, as has already been seen, but they were often denied all benefits enjoyed by members...Moreover, the tenant farmer, who had believed himself freed from the payment of rent by the execution or flight of the landowner or of his steward, was often compelled to continue such payment to the village committee. All these factors combined to exert a pressure almost as powerful as the butt of the rifle, and eventually forced the small owners and tenant farmers in many villages to relinquish their land and other possessions to the collective farms."

Spanish Revolution This charge had previously been made by historian Ronald Fraser in his Blood of Spain: An Oral History of the Spanish Civil War, who commented that direct force was not necessary in the context of an otherwise coercive war climate.[11] "[V]illagers could find themselves under considerable pressure to collectivize - even if for different reasons. There was no need to dragoon them at pistol point: the coercive climate, in which 'fascists' were being shot, was sufficient. 'Spontaneous' and 'forced' collectives existed, as did willing and unwilling collectivists within them. Forced collectivization ran contrary to libertarian ideals. Anything that was forced could not be libertarian. Obligatory collectivization was justified, in some libertarians' eyes, by a reasoning closer to war communism than to libertarian communism: the need to feed the columns at the front." Anarchist sympathizers counter that the presence of a "coercive climate" was an unavoidable aspect of the war that the anarchists cannot be fairly blamed for, and that the presence of deliberate coercion or direct force was minimal, as evidenced by a generally peaceful mixture of collectivists and individualist dissenters who had opted not to participate in collective organization. The latter sentiment is expressed by historian Antony Beevor in his Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939.[12] "The justification for this operation (whose very harsh measures shocked even some Party members) was that since all the collectives had been established by force, Lister was merely liberating the peasants. There had undoubtedly been pressure, and no doubt force was used on some occasions in the fervor after the rising. But the very fact that every village was a mixture of collectivists and individualists shows that the peasants had not been forced into communal farming at the point of a gun." Historian Graham Kelsey also maintains that the anarchist collectives were primarily maintained through libertarian principles of voluntary association and organization, and that the decision to join and participate was generally based on a rational and balanced choice made after the destabilization and effective absence of capitalism as a powerful factor in the region.[13] "Libertarian communism and agrarian collectivization were not economic terms or social principles enforced upon a hostile population by special teams of urban anarchosyndicalists, but a pattern of existence and a means of rural organization adopted from agricultural experience by rural anarchists and adopted by local committees as the single most sensible alternative to the part-feudal, part-capitalist mode of organization that had just collapsed." There is also focus placed by pro-anarchist analysts on the many decades of organization and shorter period of CNT-FAI agitation that was to serve as a foundation for high membership levels throughout anarchist Spain, which is often referred to as a basis for the popularity of the anarchist collectives, rather than any presence of force or coercion that allegedly compelled unwilling persons to involuntarily participate.

29

Notes
[1] Dolgoff, S. (1974), The Anarchist Collectives: Workers' Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution. In The Spanish Revolution, the Luger P08 was used as a weapon of choice by the Spanish., ISBN978-0914156031 [2] Dolgoff (1974), p. 5 [3] Dolgoff (1974), p. 6 [4] Orwell, George (1980) [1938]. "chapter 1". Homage to Catalonia. San Diego: Harcourt Brace & Co.. pp.46. ISBN0-15642-117-8. [5] Orwell, 1938, p. 116 [6] Bolloten, Burnett (1984-11-15). The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution. University of North Carolina Press. p.1107. ISBN978-0807819067. [7] Bolloten (1991), p. 66 [8] G. Helsey, Anarcosindicalismo y estado en el Pas Valenciano, 1930-1938, Madrid (1994) [9] Bolloten (1991), p. 74 [10] Bolloten (1991), p. 75 [11] Fraser, Ronald (1979). Blood of Spain: An Oral History of the Spanish Civil War. New York: Pantheon Books.. p.349. ISBN0-39448-982-9. [12] Beevor, Antony (2006). Battle for Spain the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. New York: Penguin Books. p.295. ISBN0-14303-765-X.

Spanish Revolution
[13] Kelsey, Graham (1991). Anarchosyndicalism, Libertarian Communism, and the State: The CNT in Zaragoza and Aragon, 1930-1937. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, International Institute of Social History. p.161. ISBN0-79230-275-3.

30

References
Bolloten, Burnett (1991). The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina. ISBN0-80781-906-9. Dolgoff, Sam (1974). The Anarchist Collectives: Workers' Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936-1939. Montreal-New York: Black Rose Books. ISBN(Hardback: ISBN 0-919618-21-9 Paperback: ISBN 0-919618-20-0).

External links
The Spanish Civil War: Anarchism in Action (http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/spain/pam_intro.html) essay on Anarchism in the Spanish Civil War, hosted on Pierre J. Proudhon memorial computer. Collectives in the Spanish Revolution (http://libcom.org/library/collectives-spanish-revolution-gaston-leval) by Gaston Leval, perhaps the best study of the anarchist collectives created during the Spanish Revolution. With the Peasants of Aragon (http://www.anarchosyndicalism.net/archive/display/158/index.php) by Augustin Souchy, classic study of libertarian collectivisation in the countryside. Spanish Revolution articles (http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/8gtj74) from the Kate Sharpley Library

Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right

31

Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right

Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right Confederacin Espaola de Derechas Autnomas

Leader Founded Dissolved Ideology

Jos Mara Gil-Robles y Quiones February 1933 April 1937 Christian right Conservatism Anti-communism

Political position Right-wing Religion Roman Catholicism

The Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (Spanish: Confederacin Espaola de Derechas Autnomas, CEDA) was a Spanish political party in the Second Spanish Republic.[1] A Roman Catholic conservative force, it was the political heir to Angel Herrera Oria's Accin Popular and defined itself in terms of the 'affirmation and defence of the principles of Christian civilization,' translating this theoretical stand into a practical demand for the revision of the republican constitution. The CEDA saw itself as a defensive organisation, formed to protect religion, family, and property. [2] It has also been described as accidentalist , in that it gave no ideological support to republicanism, but merely accepted it as the constitutional structure of the timemany of its supporters advocated a return to monarchy.

The CEDA eclipses the republican centre

The CEDA was founded in February 1933 and was led from its inception by Jos Mara Gil Robles. Despite dismissing the idea of a party as a 'rigid fiction', the CEDA leaders created a stable party organisation which would lead the Spanish right into the age of mass politics. [3] The CEDA was constructed around organisational units known as Derechas Autnomas, the first of which had been established in Salamanca in December 1932. Having accepted the 'principles of Christian civilization' confederated bodies retained full freedom both of thought and of action - such a definition was framed with the Carlists in mind. The right would work together for 'the radical transformation of the regime.' [4] The announcement of a general election in November 1933 brought about an unprecedented mobilization of the Spanish right. El Debate instructed its readers to make the coming elections into an "obsession", the " sublime culmination of citizenly duties," so that victory in the polls would bring an end to the nightmare of the republican bienio rojo. Great emphasis was placed on the techniques of electoral propaganda. Gil Robles visited Nazi Germany to study modern methods, including the Nuremburg rally. A national electoral committee was established, comprising CEDA, Alfonsist, Traditionalist, and Agrarian representatives - but excluding Miguel Maura's Conservative Republicans. The CEDA swamped entire localities with electoral publicity. The party produced ten million leaflets, together with some two hundred thousand coloured posters and hundreds of cars were used to distribute this material through the provinces. In all of the major cities propaganda films were

Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right shown around the streets on screens mounted on large lorries. [5]

32

The polarization of political opinions and the CEDA

The need for unity was the constant theme of the campaign fought by the CEDA and the election was presented as a confrontation of ideas, not of personalities. The electors' choice was simple: they voted for redemption or revolution and they voted for Christianity or Communism. The fortunes of Republican Spain, according to one of its posters had been decided by 'immorality and anarchy'. Catholics who continued to proclaim their republicanism were moved into the revolutionary camp and many speeches argued that the Catholic republican option had become totally illegitimate. 'A good Catholic may not vote for the Conservative Republican party' declared a Gaceta Regional editorial and the impression was given that Conservative Republicans, far from being Catholics, were in fact anti-religious. In this all-round attack on the political centre, the mobilization of women also became a major electoral tactic of the Catholic right. The Asociacin Feminina de Educacin had been formed in October 1931. As the 1933 general election approached women were warned that unless they voted correctly communism would come " which will tear your children from your arms, your parish church will be destroyed, the husband you love will flee from your side authorized by the divorce law, anarchy will come to the countryside, hunger and misery to your home." [6] AFEC orators and organisers urged women to vote 'For God and for Spain!' Mirroring the female qualities emphasized by AFEC the CEDA's self-styled seccon de defensa brought young male activists to the fore. In one incident in the last week of the campaign, in Guijuelo the efforts of a group of left wing sympathisers to prevent people entering the bullring, where Jos Mara Lamami de Clairac was speaking, led to a running battle with CEDA's seccin de defensa. Later stopped and searched they were found to be carrying a quantity of pizzle whips (whips made from the dried penises of bulls) - taken along to 'fend off the violence which had been promised.' It was one example of the polarisation of political opinions which had occurred in the province of Salamanca, Robles's province, since the early days of the Republic. This new CEDA squad was also very much in evidence on election day itself, when its members patrolled the streets and polling stations in the provincial capital, supposedly to prevent the left from tampering with the ballot boxes. [7] In the 1933 elections, the CEDA won the most seats in the Cortes. President Niceto Alcal Zamora refused to ask its leader, Jos Maria Gil Robles, to form a government, and instead assigned the task to Alejandro Lerroux of the Radical Republican Party. CEDA supported the centrist government led by Lerroux; it later demanded and, on October 1, 1934, received three ministerial positions. They suspended most of the reforms of the previous Manuel Azaa government, provoking an armed miners' rebellion in Asturias on October 6, and an autonomist rebellion in Cataloniaboth rebellions were suppressed (Asturias rebellion by young General Francisco Franco), being followed by mass political arrests and trials. The Juventudes de Accin Popular , the youth wing within the CEDA, " soon developed its own character. The JAP emphasized sporting and political activity. It had its own fortnightly paper, the first issue of which proclaimed : 'We want a new state.' The JAP's distaste for the principles of universal suffrage was such that internal decisions were never voted upon. As the thirteenth point of the JAP put it : 'Anti-parliamentarianism. Anti-dictatorship. The people participating in Government in an organic manner, not by degenerate democracy.' The line between Christian corporatism and fascist statism became very thin indeed. [8] The fascist tendencies of the JAP were vividly demonstrated in the series of rallies held by the CEDA youth movement during the course of 1934. Using the title jefe, the JAP created an intense and often disturbing cult around the figure of Gil Robles. Robles himself had returned from Nuremberg in 1933 and spoken of its " youthful enthusiasm, steeped in optimism, so different to the desolate and enervating scepticism of our defeatists and intellectuals."

Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right

33

Rifts, moving further to the right

Between November 1934 and March 1935, the CEDA minister for agriculture, Manuel Gimenez Fernandez, introduced into parliament a series of agrarian reform measures designed to better conditions in the Spanish countryside. These moderate proposals met with a hostile response from reactionary elements within the Cortes , including the conservative wing of the CEDA and the proposed reform was defeated. A change of personnel in the ministry also followed. The agrarian reform bill proved to be a catalyst for a series of increasingly bitter divisions within the Catholic right, rifts that indicated that the broad based CEDA alliance was disintegrating. Partly as a result of the impetus of the JAP, the Catholic party had been moving further to the right, forcing the resignation of moderate government figures, including Filiberto Villalobos.[9] Gil Robles was not prepared to return the agriculture portfolio to Gimenez Fernandez. "For all the social Catholic rhetoric, the extreme right had won the day." [10] In elections on February 16, 1936, CEDA lost power to the left-wing Popular Front. Support for Gil Robles and his party evaporated almost overnight. The CEDA haemorrhaged members to the Falange. Disillusioned with the failure of their jefe the JAP went over en masse to the fascist party. This rapid radicalization of the CEDA youth movement effectively meant that all attempts to save parliamentary Catholicism were doomed to failure. Many of the party's supporters welcomed the military rebellion in the summer of 1936 which led to the Spanish Civil War, and many of them joined Franco's National Movement. However, General Franco was determined not to have competing right-wing parties in Spain and, in April 1937, CEDA was dissolved. It was not active throughout the Franco dictatorship, but its roots led to the establishment of an Alianza Popular, formed during the transition period that followed Franco's death. Alianza was to be the basis for the successful Partido Popular.

References
[1] Beevor, Antony (June 2006). The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. Penguin Group. p.xxx. ISBN9780143037651. [2] Mary Vincent , Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic, Chapter 9, p.202 [3] Vincent, p.202 [4] Gaceta Regional, 27 December 1932, 9 January 1933, quoted, M.Vincent, 203 [5] Gil Robles, No fue posible la paz p.100 [6] Gaceta Regional, 5 and 8 November 1933 [7] Vincent p.212. [8] M.Vincent, Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic [9] Preston, Coming of the Spanish Civil war, 153-54 (2nd edn , 184) [10] Vincent, p.235

POUM

34

POUM
Partido Obrero de Unificacin Marxista

Leader Ideology Political position Official colours

Joaqun Maurn Communism far left Red

The POUM or Partido Obrero de Unificacin Marxista (Catalan: Partit Obrer d'Unificaci Marxista; English: Workers' Party of Marxist Unification) was a Spanish communist political party formed during the Second Republic and mainly active around the Spanish Civil War. It was formed by the fusion of the Trotskyist Communist Left of Spain (Izquierda Comunista de Espaa, ICE) and the Workers and Peasants' Bloc (BOC, affiliated with the Right Opposition) against the will of Leon Trotsky, with whom the former broke. The writer George Orwell served with the party and witnessed the Stalinist repression of the movement, which would form his anti-totalitarian ideas in later life.[1]

Plaque honoring Andreu Nin at the historical site of the POUM headquarters on La Rambla, Barcelona

Formation
In 1935, POUM was formed as a communist opposition to Stalinism by the revolutionaries Andreu Nin and Joaqun Maurn. The two were heavily influenced by the thinking of Leon Trotsky, particularly his Permanent Revolution thesis. It resulted from the merging of the Trotskyist Communist Left of Spain and the Workers and Peasants' Bloc against the wishes of Trotsky, with whom the former broke.

Position
The party grew larger than the official Communist Party of Spain (PCE) both nationally and in the communist hotbeds of Catalonia and the Valencian Country, where the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC) represented the PCE. The POUM was highly critical of the Popular Front strategy advocated by Joseph Stalin and the Comintern; nevertheless, it participated in the Spanish Popular Front initiated by Manuel Azaa, leader of Accin Republicana. The POUM attempted to implement some of its radical policies as part of the Popular Front government, but they were resisted by the more centrist factions.

POUM George Orwell, who fought with the POUM in the civil war, reports that its membership was roughly 10,000 in July 1936, 70,000 in December 1936, and 40,000 in June 1937, although he notes that the numbers are from POUM sources and are probably exaggerated.[1]

35

Conflict with the Popular Front

The POUM's independent communist position, including opposition to Stalin, caused huge ruptures with the PCE, which remained fiercely loyal to the Comintern. Moreover, these divisions, which included accusations of Trotskyism (and even Fascism) by the Communists, resulted in actual fighting between their supporters; most notably, in 1937, a primarily-Communist coalition of government forces attacked the POUM during the Barcelona May Days. While the larger CNT initially supported the POUM, its more militant memberssuch as Juan Garca Oliver and the Friends of Durrutiwere pushed towards conciliation by the moderate leadership. This left the POUM, along with the purely Trotskyist Seccion Bolshevik-Leninista, isolated, and both organizations were driven underground. Nin was detained and tortured to death by NKVD agents in Madrid, and his party consistently labeled as provocateur in Stalinist propaganda. Unlike the other leftist parties of the Popular Front, the POUM was never reconstituted during or after the Spanish transition to democracy.

International links
The POUM was a member of the "London Bureau" of socialist parties that rejected both the reformism of the Second International and the pro-Moscow orientation of the Third International. Other members included the Independent Labour Party in Britain, the Workers and Peasants' Socialist Party (PSOP) in France, and Poale Zion. Its youth wing was affiliated to the International Bureau of Revolutionary Youth Organizations, through which it recruited the ILP Contingent in the Civil War. Foreign supporters of POUM during the Civil War included Lois Orr.

Cultural references
British author George Orwell fought alongside members of the Independent Labour Party as part of POUM militias; he recounted the experience in his book Homage to Catalonia. Likewise, the film Land and Freedom, directed by Ken Loach, tells of a group of POUM soldiers fighting in the war from the perspective of a British member of the British Communist Party. In particular, the film deals with his disillusionment with the Soviet Union's policies in the war. The POUM is briefly mentioned in Joe Haldeman's science fiction novel The Forever War as a militia where "(y)ou obeyed an order only after it had been explained in detail; you could refuse if it didn't make sense."[2]

References
[1] Orwell, George (1980). "V". Homage To Catalonia. introd. by Lionel Trilling. New York, New York: Harcourt Brace & Company. p.60. ISBN978-0-15-642117-1. OCLC9517765. "The figure for P.O.U.M. membership are given as: July 1936, 10,000; December 1936, 70,000; June 1937, 40,000." [2] Haldeman, Joe (1974). The Forever War (First Avon Books Printing: May, 1991. ed.). New York: Avon Books. p.209. ISBN0380708213.

Sources
The Fundacin Andreu Nin (http://www.fundanin.org/) has a Spanish-language site containing an extensive collection of documents, biographical notes, and links related to the POUM. English texts include: Wilebaldo Solano The Spanish Revolution: The Life of Andreu Nin ILP, Leeds, 1974 (http://www.fundanin. org/solano29.htm)

POUM Hernndez, Jess, How the NKVD Framed the POUM (http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/Pages/Pamph/ NKVD.html). Memoir of PCE minister in Republican Governments of Largo Caballero and Juan Negrn. Translated. Excerpted from Yo fui un ministro de Stalin. 339 pages. G. del Toro, Mexico, 1974. ISBN 84-312-0187-8. Reprinted online by What Next? (http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/Pages/Pubs.html) Marxist journal. Retrieved May 11, 2005. Nin, Andrs, The May Days in Barcelona (http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/Pages/History/Maydays.html). Originally published as El significado y alcance de las jornadas de mayo frente a la contrarrevolucin. Central Committee of the Partido Obrero de Unificacin Marxista (POUM). Retrieved May 11, 2005. Nin, Andrs, The Political Situation and the Tasks of the Proletariat (http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/ Pages/History/Nin2.html). June 1937. Translation by David Beetham, ed., Marxists in Face of Fascism. Manchester University Press, 1983. ISBN 0-389-20485-4. Retrieved May 11, 2005.

36

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo

37

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo

CNT

National Confederation of Labour Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo Founded Members Country Affiliation Key people 1910 50,000 Spain International Workers Association Alfonso lvarez, secretary general

Office location Crdoba, Spain - Location changes with the secretary general Website www.cnt.es
[1]

The Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo (CNT; English: "National Confederation of Labour") is a Spanish confederation of anarcho-syndicalist labor unions affiliated with the International Workers Association (IWA; Spanish: AIT - Asociacin Internacional de los Trabajadores). When working with the latter group it is also known as CNT-AIT. Historically, the CNT has also been affiliated with the Federacin Anarquista Ibrica (Iberian Anarchist Federation - FAI). In this capacity it was referred to as the CNT-FAI. Throughout its history, it has played a major role in the Spanish labor movement. Founded in 1910 in Barcelona[2] from groups brought together by the trade union Solidaridad Obrera, it significantly expanded the role of anarchism in Spain, which can be traced to the creation of the Federacin de Trabajadores de la Regin Espaola, the successor organization to the Spanish chapter of the IWA. Despite several decades when the organization was illegal in Spain, today the CNT continues to participate in the Spanish worker's movement, focusing its efforts on the principles of workers' self-management, federalism, and mutual aid.

Organization and function

Membership
The CNT says of its membership, "We make no distinction at the time of admission, we require only that you are a worker, student or unemployed. The only people who cannot join are those belonging to repressive organisations (police, military, security guards), employers or other exploiters".[3]

Objectives
As a union organization, and in accordance with its bylaws, the aims of the CNT are to "develop a sense of solidarity among workers" hoping to improve their conditions under the current social system, and prepare them for future emancipation, when the means of production have been attained, to practice mutual aid amongst CNT collectives,

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo and maintain relationships with other like-minded groups, hoping for emancipation of the entire working class.[4] The CNT is also concerned with issues beyond the working class, desiring a radical transformation of society through revolutionary syndicalism.[5] To achieve their goal of social revolution the organisation has outlined a social-economic system through the confederal concept of anarchist communism, which consists of a series of general ideas proposed for the organisation of an anarchist society.[6] The CNT draws inspiration from anarchist ideas, and also identifies with the struggles of different social movements. The CNT is internationalist, but also supports communities' right of self-determination and their sovereignty over the state.[7]

38

Structure
The organisational structure of the CNT is based on direct democracy.[8] Industrial union and various posts union The industrial unions (sometimes referred to as "branch unions") form the base structure of the CNT. Each industrial union groups together workers of different crafts within an industry. When there are fewer than 25 people working in one particular industry, a various posts union is formed for that industry, rather than multiple industry unions. A various posts union can include workers from different crafts and industries; it Diagram of the CNT organizational structure requires a minimum of five people.[9] If this number cannot be reached, four or fewer workers can form a confederal group. Due to the small size of the CNT, a majority of its unions are various posts unions.[10] The decision-making power of the industry and various posts unions resides in the union assembly: decisions are taken by all of the workers of the union in question via a system of direct democracy and consensus. These assemblies may address any number of issues, whether "local, provincial, regional, national or international".[11] Union sections Union sections are assemblies of union workers who work in the same work centre or small business. The assembly of the union section chooses a delegation for the union section, which is usually rotated and which will represent the opinions of the union section in meetings with other entities, although it does not have decision-making powers. Committees and secretaryships The assembly chooses a committee to carry out routine or administrative duties that do not require the discussion of all members; the committee does not have decision-making powers. Committees can organise themselves through different departments, including propaganda, culture and archives; press and information; treasury and economic affairs; legal and prisoner advocacy; union action; social action and general secretariat. The number of secretaryships can vary, sometimes two or more overlapping on a single one if considered necessary. Delegations from the union sections of the branch businesses are also part of the committee.

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo Federations and confederations Unlike organizations that are organized from the top down, the CNT organises itself in an anarchistic fashion, from the bottom up, through different levels of confederations, following the Principle of Federation. The reason for favoring this structure is intended to limit homogeneity in committees, and keep them from having politics or programs. It is also intended to minimize the power of individuals who may be more active in the organization.[12] Local and comarcal federations The different industry and various posts unions of a particular municipality constitute the local federation[13] of unions that are coordinated by means of a local committee which has the same characteristics and powers as the union committees. The local committee is selected in the local plenary assembly to which every industry and various posts union can send delegations with written agreements previously adopted in their assembly. Because of the CNT's relatively small membership, it has only managed to form Local Federations in Granada and Seville.[14] In turn, the unions of neighbouring municipalities can group together into a comarcal federation. Regional confederations A regional confederation brings together several local unions within a geographic regional zone. The structure is the same again: a regional committee with a Secretary General and the rest of the Secretariats in a regional plenary to which the local unions send delegations with written agreements previously made in the assembly. The regional division of the CNT has undergone changes through time. National confederation The regional confederations send representative delegationsagain on the same basisto the national plenary assembly, which constitutes the national Regional map of the CNT confederation. The national plenary of regional confederations elects a national General Secretary, who moves the CNT headquarters to his/her place of residence. Hence, the CNT has no fixed headquarters. The local plenary of the local federation chosen as headquarters gathers to designate the rest of the secretarial offices. The General Secretary and the rest of the secretaries form the Permanent Secretariat of the National Committee (SPCN, in Spanish) of the CNT, along with the General Secretariats of each of the regions. As in every committee in the CNT, their capacities are technical or administrative: they have no authority to make decisions for others. Congress of the CNT Direct representatives of the industry and various posts unions attend the CNT Congress with agreements from their own assemblies, independently from the local and regional levels. Among its duties, the Congress has to decide upon the CNT general line of action, and can appoint new National Committees. Since the foundation of the CNT in 1910 and the initial constitutional congress in September 1911[15] , nine congresses have taken place, five prior to the Spanish Civil War, and four since the Spanish transition to democracy. The Congress is convoked by the National Committee a year beforehand when there is an imperative need or there are new issues to assess. The discussion subjects are presented after being confirmed in a national plenary session, and then seven months before the Congress each member union starts its own debate which culminates with the

39

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo presentation of their ideas to the Congress. Plenarias and plenary assemblies The meetings of the various committees (local, regional, national) are called plenarias. Plenarias cannot take decisions, only develop technical and administrative issues, as they are constituted by committees without decision-making powers. Another method of decision-making is through local and regional plenaries (or plenary assemblies), and congresses, in which industry and various posts unions take active part sending delegations with previously reached and written agreements. The National Plenary does not follow this rule, as in this case the delegations with the written agreements come from the regional confederations. Parallel Structures Conferences CNT conferences are open meetings in which matters are discussed and themes proposed; they serve to take the pulse of general opinion within the organization at any given moment. The discussions are later passed on to the local unions for their perusal. Persons representing themselves or another group or trade union may attend, but they cannot pass resolutions. Industry federations Industry federations are organized by branch of production, not geographically. All CNT unions in a particular branch of production form the national industry federation of that branch, differing from the structure of branch unions organized by local and regional federations and confederations. Industry federations exist on a regional level as well. Industry federations are empowered to act regarding matters lying within their area of responsibility. They send representatives that can speak, but not vote, at the national and regional confederations. Relationship with the IWA The International Workers Association (IWA, AIT in Spanish) is a transnational organization which consists of delegations from a number of countries. The national anarcho-syndicalist organizations, each of which operates only in its home country, are known as the sections of the IWA. As such, the CNT is the IWA's Spanish section.[16] The IWA has an international secretariat elected by the various sections and can be structured by continent through the industry federations' system. Other organisms Media
Logo of the Spanish Regional Federation of the IWA.

40

The CNT journal CNT, or Peridico CNT (CNT Journal),[17] operates autonomously. Its directorship and headquarters are chosen in a congress or national plenary. The directorship manages its distribution, printing, sales, and subscriptions, as well as selecting from among articles submitted. The chosen director attends the CNT National Committee's meetings on a non-voting basis. The Secretary General of the CNT is responsible for writing Peridico CNT's editorial page. Peridico CNT is published monthly, under a Creative Commons copyleft license and it is available in printed and online format.

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo All organs and trade unions within the CNT may have their own media. Solidaridad Obrera ("Workers' Solidarity") is the journal of the Regional Confederation of Labour of Catalonia. It was established in 1907,[18] being the oldest communication medium of the CNT. Other media are La tira de papel, the Graphic Arts, Media and Shows National Coordinator bulletin; the Cenit, newspaper of the Regional Committee of the Exterior;[19] and BICEL, edited by the Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation,[20] which was created in 1987.[21] The Foundation works autonomously, and its directorship is elected in a national plenary congress. Some of its duties are to maintain, catalogue and publicly display historic properties of the CNT, to publish books and other media, including BICEL, the Internal Bulletin of Centers of Anarchist Studies, to prepare cultural events during CNT or AIT congresses: lectures, debates, conferences, videoforums, book presentations, etc., and to coordinate with other similar projects.

41

Voting
The CNT generally avoids bringing matters to a vote, preferring consensus decision-making, which it considers to be more in tune with its anarchist principles. While pure consensus is plausible for individual base unions, higher levels of organizations cannot completely avoid the need for some type of vote, which is always done openly by a show of hands.[22]
Size of union From 1 51 101 301 601 1,001 1,501 2,500 [23] Votes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

To 50 100 300 600 1,000 1,500 2,500 more

The problem arises when decisions have to be made in local or regional plenaries or congresses. It has already been explained that the basic structure of the CNT is the industrial union branch, or where these do not exist, the union of various occupations. Well then, there is no completely fair method for making decisions through voting: If each union gets one vote, a union of 1,000 members would have the same voice in decisions as a union of 50. Two unions of 25 (2 votes) could impose their will upon a union of 1,000 (1 vote). If votes are by the number of members, a union of 2,000 members would have 2,000 votes, and 100 unions of 20 members would have the same voice in decisions as just one union. The geographical distribution of 100 unions is wider than that of just one, but an agreement obligates all unions equally even though a small union would have the same responsibility to enforce it as a big union, in spite of the greater difficulty for the small one. We find besides the problem of minorities. For example, union A decides to go on strike by 400 votes against 350, and would have to support its decision to strike, since that was the outcome of its assembly. Union B of the same local federation says no to the strike by 100 votes to 25. Union C of the local federation says yes by a unanimous 15 votes. There are thus two unions in favour of the strike and one against, so a strike would be called if based on one vote per union. But adding the negative votes together, 450 voted against the strike, leaving 440 in favour. Basic Anarcho-syndicalism[24]

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo The CNT attempts to minimize this problem by a system of limited proportional voting. Even so, this system has some failures and may discriminate against unions with larger memberships. As an example, "ten unions with 25 adherents would total 250 members having 10 votes. This would be more votes than a union of 2,500, which with 10 times more members would only have the right to 7 votes."[22] Within the CNT this isn't considered a major problem, because agreements tend to reach consensus after long discussions. However, due to the nature of consensus decision-making, the final agreements consensed to may bear little resemblance to the initial proposals brought to the table.[22]

42

Methods
The CNT is rooted in three basic principles: workers' self-management or autogestion, federalism and mutual aid,[25] and considers that work conflicts must be settled between employers and employees without the action of such intemediaries as official state organisms or professional unionists. This is why the union criticizes union elections and works councils as means of control for managers, preferring workers' assemblies, union sections and direct action.[26] Also, when possible, the CNT avoids taking legal action through the courts. Administrative positions in the union rotate and are unpaid.[27] They prefer linear salary raises to increases that are percentage based, because the former increase equality of salaries. (That is, they prefer that all workers have their pay raised by the same absolute amount rather than the same percentage of their previous wage.)

CNT militants carrying a banner written in Catalan.

The CNT's usual methods of action include exhibiting banners in front of the headquarters of companies with which the union has a conflict, and calls for consumer boycotts of their products and for social solidarity with the aggrieved workers. During strikes, resistance funds are created to help strikers and their families economically. The CNT is organized around craft unions. This practice was adopted around 1918 in times of great class struggle under the reign of Alfonso XIII: There were detentions aplenty in both crafts, so the pasta-makers craft, which included four hundred skilled workers, was disabled to act for lack of people. But then the whole food craft solidarizes: the furnacers, confectioners, millers, did the work of their arrested colleagues. And the carpenters, lathe operators, varnishers, the whole wood craft were set to relieve the saboteurs. The cabinet-makers' strike lasted seventeen weeks. Until the employers acceded It was an overwhelming success. And the solidarity lesson was, rigorously, what impulsed the creation of The One Wood Union - the one that was famous -, and the Food one, comprising all the sector unions. Joan Ferrer, in Baltasar Porcel's La revuelta permanente

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo

43

History
The early years
The Spanish anarchist movement lacked a stable national organization during its early years. The anarchist Juan Gmez Casas described the evolution of the anarchist organization prior to the creation of the CNT: After a period of drift, the Worker's Federation of the Spanish Region disappeared and was replaced by the Anarchist Organization of the Spanish Region This organization then changed, in 1890, to the Aid and Solidarity Pact, which The 1910 Congress. dissolved itself in 1896 due to repressive legislation against anarchism, splitting into several autonomous workers' societies and entities Those who still remained from the WFSR founded Solidaridad Obrera in 1907, the direct ancestor of the CNT. Juan Gmez Casas At the beginning of the 20th century there was a consensus among anarchists that a new national labor organization was necessary, to bring coherence and strength to the movement. During the Bourbon restoration (18741931), carried out by the traditional and dynastic parties represented by Cnovas del Castillo and Mateo Sagasta, a large portion of the workers' movement united around the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party as a political force, and around the Unin General de Trabajadores (UGT, "Workers' General Union") for collective bargaining purposes. There were also republican movements with a stronger parliamentary emphasis, which was supported by a portion of the new bourgeoisie. In 1910, in the middle of the restoration, the CNT was founded in Barcelona in a congress of the Catalonian trade union Solidaridad Obrera (Workers' Solidarity) with the objective of constituting an opposing force to the then-majority trade union, the socialist UGT and "to speed up the economic emancipation of the working class through the revolutionary expropriation of the bourgeoisie". The CNT started small, counting 26,571 members represented through several trade unions and other confederations.[15] In 1911, coinciding with its first congress, the CNT initiated a general strike that provoked a Barcelona judge to declare the union illegal[15] until 1914. That same year of 1911, the trade union officially received its name. In 1916 the CNT changed its strategy respecting the UGT, establishing new relations that allowed the two unions to initiate the general strike of 1917 jointly. The second congress of the CNT in 1919 studied the possibility of merging both organizations to unify the Spanish labor movement. That same congress approved linking the CNT to the Third International, but after ngel Pestaa's visit to the Soviet Union, and on his advice, they broke definitively from the Third International in 1922.

Peak of the CNT

From 1918 on the CNT grew stronger. The CNT had an outstanding role in the events of the La Canadiense general strike, which paralyzed 70% of industry in Catalonia in 1919, the year the CNT reached a membership of 700,000.[28] Around that time, panic spread among employers, giving rise to the practice of pistolerismo (employing thugs to intimidate active unionists), causing a spiral of violence which significantly affected the trade union. These pistoleros are credited with killing 21 union leaders in 48 hours.[29] In 1922 the International Workingmen's Association (later International Workers' Association) was founded in Berlin; the CNT joined immediately. However, the following year, with the rise of Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship, the labor union was outlawed, once again.[30]

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo In 1927 with the "moderate" positioning of some cenetistas (CNT members) the Federacin Anarquista Ibrica (FAI), an association of anarchist affinity groups, was created in Valencia. The FAI would play an important role during the following years through the so-called trabazn (connection) with the CNT, that is, the presence of FAI elements in the CNT, encouraging the labor union not to move away from its anarchist principles, an influence that continues today.[31]

44

The Second Republic

After the fall of the monarchy in 1931, the CNT offered minimal support to the Second Republic. This support decreased progressively during the years between 1931 and 1933 because of constant confrontations with the republican authorities in the successive general strikes. The end of that period was marked by so-called revolutions of January and December, both of which were swiftly suppressed by the government. In those days the CNT functioned primarily Evolution of the number of affiliates in the CNT from 1911 to 1937 in Catalonia, but was also gaining importance in other regions, such as Andalusia and Aragon (where it had a higher membership than the UGT). Tensions between the radical fastas, or FAI members, and the moderate non-fastas were constant and difficult to analyze because of the decentralized and sectorial nature of the organization. Finally, in 1931 a group of moderates published the Manifesto of the Thirty, which would give rise to treintism (from treinta, thirty in Spanish), and in 1932 ngel Pestaa split from the CNT to create the Syndicalist Party.[32] The two years governed by the coalition of the center-left Partido Republicano Radical and the center-right CEDA were marked by mostly clandestine CNT activity, in the face of severe government repression. During the socialist October Revolution of 1934 (at which point membership in the CNT reached 1.58 million)[33] the CNT participated only from the background. However, the CNT's Regional Confederation of Labour of Asturias, Len and Palencia actively participated in the revolution because of its loyalty to workers' alliances, this time formalized through the Unos Hermanos Proletarios (UHP; United Brothers of the Proletariat)[34] in the pact with the UGT and the Asturian Socialist Federation. Thus, in La Felguera and in El Llano district of Gijn there were short periods when anarchist communism was put into practice: In the El Llano barricade they proceeded to regularize life according CNT postulates: socialization of wealth and abolition of authority and capitalism. It was a brief experience of great interest, as the revolutionaries did not rule the town. [] A procedure was followed similar to the one in La Felguera. For organization of consumption a Supply Committee was created, with street delegates established in the grocery stores who controlled the number of neighbors in each street and produced the distribution of food. This street-by-street control made it easy to determine the amount of bread and other goods needed. The Supply Committee managed the general control over the available stock, especially flour. Manuel Villar,Anarchism in the Asturian Insurrection: The CNT and FAI in October 1934 It is believed that 30,000 people were imprisoned during this period. The successful transportation strike in Zaragoza, followed by a more-than-two-week general strike, was convoked in 1935 jointly with the UGT. However, this collaboration was not to be repeated in later actions. After Lerroux's government crumbled, the 1936 elections placed the CNT at a crossroads. Opinions inside the organization were split among the supporters of abstentionism, those who wanted to allow the workers to choose

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo whether or not to vote, or those directly advocating a vote for the Popular Front. This coalition party promised amnesty for prisoners, and part of the growth of the Front appears to have been thanks to the anarchist vote. The CNT held a congress in Saragossa on May 1, ratifying the position that the union should make no pacts with any political party, despite UGT leader Largo Caballero's attempts to persuade the union to stand in unity with the UGT.[35] On June 1, the CNT joined the UGT in declaring a strike of "building workers, mechanics, and lift operators." A demonstration was held, 70,000 workers strong. Members of the Falange attacked the strikers. The strikers responded by looting shops, and the police reacted by attempting to suppress the strike. By the beginning of July, the CNT was still fighting, while the UGT had agreed to arbitration. In retaliation to the attacks by the Falangists, anarchists killed three bodyguards of the Falangist leader Jos Antonio Primo de Rivera. The government then closed the CNT's centers in Madrid, and arrested David Antona and Cipriano Mera, two CNT militants.[36]

45

The Civil War

1936 After periods of clandestine operation followed by other shorter periods of legalization, in 1936 the CNT was finally legalized, and would remain legal until the end of the Civil War. During the war, the union collaborated with other republican groups opposed to the Nationalists. As the war developed, members of the CNT came to form part of the government of the Republic, holding various ministries and high positions within the administration. In Barcelona, the anarchists came to control the majority of the functions of society, collectivizing a large part of the activity of the city, as George Orwell described: It was the first time I had ever been in a town where the working class was in the saddle. Practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers and was draped with red flags or with the red and black flag of the Anarchists; every wall was scrawled with the hammer and sickle and with the initials of the revolutionary parties; almost every church had been gutted and its images burnt. Churches here and there were being systematically demolished by gangs of workmen. Every shop and caf had an inscription saying that it had been collectivised; even the bootblacks had been collectivised and their boxes painted red and black. Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily disappeared. Nobody said Seor or Don or even Usted; everyone called everyone else Comrade and Thou, and even said Salud! instead of Buenos dias. George Orwell,Homage to Catalonia, ch. I Across the border from Catalonia in the nominally Republican eastern portion of the divided Aragon, the republican state was similarly powerless. The CNT militias, which occupied Lower Teruel and Huesca, established defense committees that replaced the old city councils. In zones that had more anarchist presence before the war, collectivization of the land was carried out with great success. These first collectivizations were voluntary and were established from the lands that belonged to the members and those which had been requisitioned from those who were fugitive or missing. Those property-owners who wanted to keep possession of their land were not allowed to hire outside their families, and those lands they could not farm passed under community control. George Orwell wrote of the nature of the new society that arose in the communities: I had dropped more or less by chance into the only community of any size in Western Europe where political consciousness and disbelief in capitalism were more normal than their opposites. Up here in Aragn one was among tens of thousands of people, mainly though not entirely of working-class origin, all living at the same level and mingling on terms of equality. In theory it was perfect equality, and even in practice it was not far from it. There is a sense in which it would be true to say that one was experiencing a foretaste of Socialism, by which I mean that the prevailing mental atmosphere was that of Socialism. Many of the normal motives of civilised life snobbishness, money-grubbing, fear of the boss, etc. had simply ceased to exist. The ordinary

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo class-division of society had disappeared to an extent that is almost unthinkable in the money-tainted air of England; there was no one there except the peasants and ourselves, and no one owned anyone else as his master. George Orwell,Homage to Catalonia, ch. VII Some of the most important communities in this respect were those of Alcaiz, Calanda, Alcorisa, Valderrobres, Fraga or Alcampel. Not only were the lands collectivized, but collective labours were also undertaken, like the retirement home in Fraga, the collectivization of some hospitals (such as in Barbastro or Binfar), and the founding of schools such as the School of Anarchist Militants. These institutions would be destroyed by the Nationalist troops during the war. The Committee held an extraordinary regional plenary session to protect the new rural organization, gathering all the union representatives from the supporting villages and backed by Buenaventura Durruti. Against the will of the mainly Catalonian CNT National Committee, the Regional Council for the Defense of Aragon was created. The Civil War era also showed a spirit of sexual revolution. The anarchist women's organization Mujeres Libres established an equal opportunity for women in a society that traditionally had held women in lower regard. Women acquired power they had not previously had in Spanish society, fighting at the front and doing heavy jobs, things that had been forbidden to them until then. Free love became popular, although some parents' distrust produced the creation of the revolutionary weddings, informal ceremonies where the couples declared their status, and that could be annulled if both parties didn't want to continue their relationship.[37] Following Largo Caballeros assumption of the position of Prime Minister of the government, he invited the CNT to join in the coalition of groups making up the national government. The CNT proposed instead that a National Defense Council should be formed, led by Largo Caballero, and containing five members each from the CNT and UGT, and four liberal republicans. When this proposal was declined, the CNT decided not to join the government. However, in Catalonia, the CNT joined the Central Committee of the Anti-Fascist Militias, which joined the Generalitat on September 26. For the first time, three members of the CNT were also members of the government.[38] In November, Caballero once again asked the CNT to become part of the government. The leadership of the CNT requested the finance and war ministries, as well as three others, but were given four posts, the ministries of health, justice, industry, and commerce. With Federica Montseny became Minister of Health, the first female minister in Spain. Juan Garca Oliver, as minister of justice, abolished legal fees and destroyed all criminal files. Shortly afterwards, despite the disapproval of the anarchist ministers, the capital was moved from Madrid to Valencia.[39] On December 23, 1936, after receiving in Madrid a retinue formed by Joaqun Ascaso, Miguel Chueca and three republican and independent leaders, the government of Largo Caballero, which by then had four anarchists as ministers (Garca Oliver, Juan Lpez, Federica Montseny and Joan Peir), approved the formation of the National Defense Committee. It was a revolutionary body which represented anarchists as much as socialists and republicans. 1937 Halfway through February 1937, a congress took place in Caspe with the purpose of creating the Regional Federation of Collectives of Aragon. 456 delegates, representing more than 141,000 collective members, attended the congress. The congress was also attended by delegates of the National Committee of the CNT.[40] At a plenary session of the CNT in March 1937, the national committee asked for a motion of censure to suppress the Aragonese Regional Council. The Aragonese regional committee threatened to resign, which thwarted the censure effort. Though there had always been disagreements, that spring also saw a great escalation in confrontations between the CNT-FAI and the Communists. In Madrid, Melchor Rodrguez, who was then a member of the CNT, and director of prisons in Madrid, published accusations that the Communist Jos Cazorla, who was then overseeing public order, was maintaining secret prisons to hold anarchists, socialists, and other republicans, and either executing, or torturing them as "traitors". Soon after, on this pretext, Largo Caballero dissolved the

46

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo Communist-controlled Junta de Defensa.[41] Cazorla reacted by closing the offices of Solidaridad Obrera.[42] In Catalonia, the Catalan Communists in the Catalan government made several demands that provoked the ire of the anarchists, in particular the call for turning all weapons over to the control of the government. The April 8, 1937 issue of Solidaridad Obrera opined, "We have made too many concessions and have reached the moment of turning off the tap,"[43] while the May 2 issue urged workers to prevent the government from disarming them. On the 25th, Juan Negrn sent security forces to take over posts on the French border in the Pyrenees that had until then been controlled by the CNT, anarchists in Bellver de Cerdanya fought with Negrn's carabineros, and Roldn Cortada, the Communist leader of the UGT was killed, allegedly by an anarchist. Cortada's funeral was used by the PSUC as an anti-CNT demonstration. Because of all the conflict, the UGT and CNT agreed with the Generalitat to cancel any celebrations on May Day. On May 3, Assault Guards of the government attempted to take over the CNT-controlled telephone exchange building in Barcelona, but were held off by gunfire. The assault guard laid siege to the building, and fighting between the anarchists and POUM on one side, and Communists and the government forces on the other began. Leaders of the CNT attempted to acquire the resignation of the Communists they felt were responsible for the conflict, but to no avail. The next day CNT's regional committee declared a general strike. The CNT controlled the majority of the city, including the heavy artillery on the hill of Montjuc overlooking the city. CNT militias disarmed more than 200 members of the security forces at their barricades, allowing only CNT vehicles to pass through.[44] After unsuccessful appeals from the CNT leadership to end the fighting, the government began transferring Assault Guard from the front to Barcelona, and even destroyers from Valencia. On May 5, the Friends of Durruti issued a pamphlet calling for "disarming of the paramilitary police dissolution of the political parties" and declared "Long live the social revolution! - Down with the counter-revolution!" The pamphlet was quickly denounced by the leadership of the CNT.[45] The next day, the government agreed to a proposal by the leadership of the CNT-FAI, that called for the removal of the Assault Guards, and no reprisals against libertarians that had participated in the conflict, in exchange for the dismantling of barricades, and end of the general strike. However, neither the PSUC or the Assault Guards gave up their positions, and according to historian Anthony Beevor "carried out violent reprisals against libertarians"[46] By May 8, the fighting was over. These events, the fall of Largo Caballero's government, and the new prime ministership of Juan Negrn soon led to the collapse of much that the CNT had achieved immediately following the rising the previous July. At the beginning of July, the Aragonese organizations of the Popular Front publicly declared their support for the alternative council in Aragon, led by their president, Joaqun Ascaso. Four weeks later the 11th Division, under Enrique Lster, entered the region. On August 11, 1937, the Republican government, now situated in Valencia, dismissed the Regional Council for the Defense of Aragon.[47] Lster's division was prepared for an offensive on the Aragonese front, but they were also sent to subdue the collectives run by the CNT-UGT and in dismantling the collective structures created the previous twelve months. The offices of the CNT were destroyed, and all the equipment belonging to its collectives was redistributed to landowners.[47] The CNT leadership not only refused to allow the anarchist columns on the Aragon front to leave the front to defend the collectives, but they failed to condemn the government's actions against the collectives, causing much conflict between it and the rank and file membership of the union.[48] 1938-1939 In April 1938, Juan Negrn was asked to form a government, and included Segundo Blanco, a member of the CNT, as minister of education, and by this point, the only CNT member left in the cabinet. At this point, many in the CNT leadership were critical of participation in the government, seeing it as dominated by the Communists. Prominent CNT leaders went so far as to refer to Blanco as "sop of the libertarian movement"[49] and "just one more Negrnist."[50] On the other side, Blanco was responsible for installing other CNT members into the ministry of education, and stopping the spread of "Communist propaganda" by the ministry.[51] In March 1939, with the war nearly over, CNT leaders participated in the National Defense Council's coup overthrowing the government of the Communist Juan Negrn.[52] Those involved included the CNT's Eduardo Val

47

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo and Jos Manuel Gonzlez Marn serving on the council, while Cipriano Mera's 70th Division provided military support, and Melechor Rodrquez became mayor of Madrid.[53] The Council attempted to negotiate a peace with Franco, though he granted virtually none of their demands.

48

The CNT during the Franco dictatorship

In 1939 the Law of Political Responsibilities outlawed the CNT[54] and expropriated its assets.[55] At that time the organization had a million members and a large infrastructure. According to one estimate, roughly 160-180,000 members of the CNT were killed by the Franco government.[56] The CNT acted clandestinely inside Spain during the Franco years, as well as conducting activities from exile, and some members kept on fighting the regime of Francisco Franco until 1948 through the guerrilla actions of maquis. There was much disagreement amongst factions of the CNT during these years. There was a major split after the National Committee inside Spain chose to support members of the Republican government in exile, while members of the Libertarian Movement in Exile (MLE) (basically the CNT-in-exile) stood against further collaboration with the government. Even Federica Montseny, who had joined the Republic as Minister of Health changed her stance on collaboration, describing the "futility of...participation in the government."[57] In January 1960, the MLE was formed by the CNT, the FAI, and the FIJL. In September of the next year, a congress was held in Limoges, at which the Seccin Defensa Interior (DI) was created, to be partially funded by the CNT. By this point, a great majority of the CNT-in-exile had given up on political action as a tool, and one of the main goals of the DI was to assassinate Franco.[58] These divergent attitudes combined with Franco's repression to weaken the organization, and the CNT lost influence among the population inside Spain.[59] In 1961 it began to regain strength, consolidating itself during the 1960s and 1970s thanks to penetration of anarcho-syndicalist ideology into Catholic anti-Francoist workers' organizations such as the Hermandad Obrera de Accin Catlica (HOAC, "Worker Brethren of Catholic Action") or Juventud Obrera Catlica (JOC, "Catholic Worker Youth").

During the "transition"

After Franco's death in November 1975 and the beginning of Spain's transition to democracy, the CNT was the only social movement to refuse to sign the 1977 Moncloa Pact,[60] an agreement amongst politicians, political parties, and trade unions to plan how to operate the economy during the transition. In 1979, the CNT held its first congress since 1936 as well as several mass meetings, the most remarkable one in Montjuc. Views put forward in this congress would set the pattern for the CNT's line of action for the following decades: no participation in union elections, no acceptance of state subsidies,[61] no acknowledgment of works councils, and support of union sections. In this first congress, held in Madrid,[62] a minority sector in favor of union elections split from the CNT, initially calling themselves CNT Valencia Congress (referring to the alternative congress held in this city), and later Confederacin General del Trabajo (CGT) after an April 1989 court decision determined that they could not use the CNT initials.[63] In 1990, a group of CGT members left this union to be able to receive the same government subsidies that other unions receive,

The Barcelona offices of the CNT.

founding Solidaridad Obrera.

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo One year before, the 1978 Scala Case affected the CNT. An explosion killed three people in a Barcelona night club.[64] The authorities alleged that striking workers "blew themselves up", and arrested surviving strikers, implicating them in the crime.[65] CNT members declared that the prosecution sought to criminalize their organization:[66] It was evident that the police weren't looking for anything nor anyone they already had the culprits it was just about intimidating the cenetistsa and scaring away from the organization thousands of affiliate workers that, although they identified with the syndical line of the anarcho-syndicalists, they weren't determined to go a long way in their support, let alone to defy such police repression. Things weren't a joke, the news of new arrests created an insecurity atmosphere among great part of the members. On the other hand, the certainty of the implication of the CNT in the attack kept consolidating in the public opinion, which caused serious deterioration in the organization's image, and thus the anarchists'. If we add news of aggressions and assaults by fascist groups, which considerably increased those days, we can more or less picture the situation. Being an anarchist those days turned very unpleasant. The media made it unpopular; the police and ultra-rightwing groups made it dangerous. Revista Polmica,The Scala case. A trial against anarcho-syndicalism. After its legalization, the CNT began efforts to recover the expropriations of 1939. The basis for such recovery would be established by Law 4/1986, which required the return of the seized properties, and the unions' right to use or yield the real estate. Since then the CNT has been claiming the return of these properties from the State. In 1996, the Economic and Social Council facilities in Madrid were squatted by 105 CNT militants.[67] This body is in charge of the repatriation of the accumulated union wealth. In 2004 an agreement was reached between the CNT and the District Attorney's Office, through which all charges were dropped against the hundred prosecuted for this occupation.

49

Current status
Today the CNT has about 35,000 members,[68] compared to about one million in the communist Workers' Commissions (CCOO) and about 840,000 in the socialist Workers' General Union (UGT).[69] The regions with the largest CNT membership are the Centre (Madrid and surrounding area), the North (Basque country), Andaluca and Catalonia (including the Balearic Islands).[70] The CNT opposes the model of union elections and workplace committees[71] and is critical of labor reforms and the UGT and the CCOO,[72] standing instead on a platform of reivindicacin, that is, "return of what is due", or social revolution.[73]

CNT members picketing outside a Mercadona store in Barcelona, June 2006.

In 2005, the government of Spain continued the return of the union endowments seized during and after the Civil War to the UGT and CNT. According to some social groups and media reports, this return was seen to be a show of favoritism to the UGT, because in 1936, the anarcho-syndicalist trade unions had about as many members as other unions, but the government returned about four million euros to the CNT while the UGT received a much larger amount. The CNT has continued to demand the full return of their seized historical endowment.[74] July 2006 marked the 70th anniversary of the Spanish Revolution, and in commemoration the CNT and FAI organized commemorative celebrations, with speeches, debates, film screenings, exhibitions and musical performances.[75]

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo

50

Symbols and culture

The CNT, owing to its interests in the radical transformation of society, has sought to make free knowledge and culture accessible to workers, a task which has been developed through the support of the anarchist academies. The School of Anarchist Militants was an institution which, by means of anarchist pedagogy, sought to ensure that "groups of teenagers could acquire the knowledge and the personal responsibility essential to work in collectives such as those of entertainers and accountants." Through the Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation, the CNT Movie ticket for a theatre managed by the CNT manages its cultural heritage, edits books, and organizes conferences and colloquies. Also, some sections of the CNT have supported and promoted Esperanto. The flag of the CNT is the traditional flag of anarcho-syndicalism, which joins diagonally the red color of the labour movement and the black color of anarchism, as a negation of nationalism and reaffirmation of internationalism. The anthem of the CNT is A las barricadas (To the Barricades), composed by the Polish poet Wacaw wicicki in 1883. wicicki's work, called Warszawianka, was given Spanish lyrics by Valeriano Orobn Fernndez and published with some musical arrangements for mixed choir by ngel Miret in 1933. Several postage stamps were issued by the CNT during the Spanish Civil War.[76] Other surviving artifacts of this period are posters,[77] movie tickets, and other objects related to the companies which were collectivized during the Spanish Revolution of 1936. George Orwell fought in the Spanish Civil War in the militia of Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), a revolutionary Marxist party (though opposed to the Soviet Union line) whose militants were allied with the CNT during the revolution and to which Andrs Nin, the former Secretary General of the CNT, belonged. Orwell described in his book Homage to Catalonia the time during which Barcelona rose up with the CNT and anarchism. In the ninth chapter of his book, Orwell commented that "As far as my purely personal preferences went I would have liked to join the Anarchists."[78] In Ernest Hemmingway's 1940 book For Whom the Bell Tolls, Maria's fascist captors print U.H.P. on her forehead with iodine after cutting her hair. Robert Capa photographed the death of the Valencian Columna Alcoiana militiaman Federico Borrell Garca during the Spanish Civil War in the snapshot called "Death of a Loyalist Soldier".[79] This photograph has become a famous image which shows the calamity of war.[80] In 1936, the film industry was collectivized[81] and produced short films such as En la brecha (In the Gap, 1937). The CNT has been portrayed in recent Spanish filmmaking by the Vicente Aranda's film Libertarias (1996), which shows a group of militiamen (and especially militiawomen) at the Aragon front during the Spanish Civil War.

References
[1] http:/ / www. cnt. es [2] Woodcock 1962, p.312 [3] "No hacemos distincin a la hora de la afiliacin, los requisitos son: que seas trabajador o estudiante, en paro o en activo. Las nicas personas que no pueden afiliarse son aquellas que pertenecen algn cuerpo represivo (policas, militares, guardias de seguridad) ni empresarios u otros explotadores." CNT website. (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ node/ 3) [4] (Spanish) Estatutos de la CNT de 1977 (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ Documentos/ congresosCNT/ estatutos. htm) ("1977 Statutes of the CNT"), accessed online on Wikisource 31 January 2007. [5] Roca Martnez 2006, p.106 [6] CNT 1998 [7] CNT 1998

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo Anarcho-syndicalism is internationalist; it sees the world as a whole in spite of racial, language or cultural differences. In this sense, it opposes the oppression that the states exert over the people. We are against the Spanish state oppressing the Basque people, in favor of the Basque, Catalan, Palestine, Saharan, Tibetan, or Kurdish people being responsible for their own destinies, settling on more or less delimited territories, participating in the richness of the society as a whole, federating as they like, becoming independent from the states; but we would oppose just as strongly the creation of a Basque, Palestinian, Saharan or Kurdish state, with its police, army, currency, government and repressive instrument.
[8] Roca Martnez 2006, p.109 [9] Roca Martnez 2006, p.109 [10] Roca Martnez 2006, p.110 [11] Roca Martnez 2006, pp.109110 [12] CNT 1998, p.14 [13] Roca Martnez 2006, p.110 [14] Roca Martnez 2006, p.115 [15] Geary 1989, p.261 [16] Roca Martnez 2006, p.110 [17] "Peridico CNT" (http:/ / www. periodicocnt. org/ ). . Retrieved 2008-02-02. [18] Gmez Casas 1986, p.49 [19] Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo, International Workingmen's Association (1983). Cenit : rgano de la CNT-AIT Regional del Exterior : portavoz de la CNT de Espaa, CeNiT [20] "REVISTA BICEL" (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ fal/ ?q=node/ 577) (in Spanish). Fundacin de Estudios Libertarios Anselmo Lorenzo. . Retrieved 2008-02-02. [21] "Origen de la Fundacin de Estudios Libertarios Anselmo Lorenzo" (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ fal/ ?q=node/ 1) (in Spanish). . Retrieved 2008-02-02. [22] CNT 1998, p.21 [23] Roca Martnez 2006, p.111 [24] CNT 1998, p.20 [25] Roca Martnez 2006, p.109 [26] Roca Martnez 2006, p.109 [27] (Spanish) CNT: otra forma de hacer sindicalismo (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ Documentos/ DocOtra. htm) ("CNT: another form of doing unionism"), official CNT site. Accessed online 6 January 2007. [28] Beevor 2006, p.13 [29] Beevor 2006, p.15 [30] Beevor 2006, p.17 [31] Roca Martnez 2006, p.116 [32] Horn 1996, p.56 [33] Beevor 2006, p.24 [34] Behind the Spanish barricades: reports from the Spanish Civil War (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ExpwlomPe6cC& pg=PT2& lpg=PT2& dq=spanish+ civil+ war+ uhp& source=bl& ots=JEdZ19t-zs& sig=ryF9IGnJDyrxtGjamf03zQ2eiZU& hl=en& ei=kB1KS9mNMIr20wT3tf3kAQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=7& ved=0CBYQ6AEwBg#v=onepage& q=& f=false), John Langdon-Davies, 1937 [35] Beevor 2006, p.46 [36] Beevor 2006, p.48 [37] Ackelsberg 2005, p.167 [38] Beevor 2006, pp.146147 [39] Beevor 2006, p.170 [40] Alexander 1999, p.361 [41] Beevor 2006, p.260 [42] Beevor 2006, p.263 [43] Beevor 2006, p.261 [44] Beevor 2006, pp.263264 [45] Beevor 2006, pp.266267 [46] Beevor 2006, p.267 [47] Beevor 2006, p.295 [48] Beevor 2006, p.296 [49] Alexander 1999, p.976

51

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo

[50] Alexander 1999, p.977 [51] Alexander 1999, p.978 [52] Alexander 1999, p.1055 [53] Beevor 2006, p.490 [54] Bowen 2006, p.248 [55] Aguilar Fernndez 2002, p.155 [56] Alexander 1999, p.1095 [57] Gurin 2005, p.674 [58] Christie 2002, p.214 [59] Aguilar Fernndez 2002, p.155 [60] Roca Martnez 2006, p.108 [61] Roca Martnez 2006, p.109 [62] Aguilar Fernndez 2002, p.110 [63] "FAQ" (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ Documentos/ faq. htm#diferencia). . ""Un sector minoritario que es partidario de las elecciones sindicales se escinde y pasa a llamarse CNT congreso de valencia (en referencia al Congreso alternativo realizado en esa ciudad) y posteriormente, perdidas judicialmente las siglas, a CGT."" [64] Alexander 1999, p.1094 [65] Meltzer 1996, p.265 [66] (Spanish) A series of three articles about the Scala Case from the CNT point of view: (1) El Caso Scala. Un proceso contra el anarcosindicalismo (http:/ / www. polemica. org/ modules/ news/ article. php?storyid=95), ("The Scala Case. A trial against anarcho-syndicalism"), Jess Martnez, Revista Polmica online, 1 February 2006; (2) Segunda parte. El proceso (http:/ / www. polemica. org/ modules/ news/ article. php?storyid=94) ("Second part: the trial") 31 January 2006; (3) Tercera parte. El canto del Grillo (http:/ / www. polemica. org/ modules/ news/ article. php?storyid=93) ("Third part: Grillo's song") 31 January 2006. All accessed online 6 January 2008. [67] "Los 117 detenidos de la CNT, en libertad tras prestar declaracin" (http:/ / www. elmundo. es/ papel/ hemeroteca/ 1996/ 12/ 07/ economia/ 186681. html) (in Spanish). El Mundo. 1996-12-07. . Retrieved 2008-01-14. [68] Anarcho-Syndicalist Review (http:/ / www. syndicalist. org/ archives/ llr14-24/ 21f. shtml) [69] Federation of European Employers (http:/ / www. fedee. com/ tradeunions. html#Spain) [70] Beltrn Roca Martnez, "Anarchism, Anthropology and Andalucia", Anarchist Studies (http:/ / docs. google. com/ viewer?a=v& q=cache:NIRASUplu5cJ:www. lwbooks. co. uk/ journals/ anarchiststudies/ articles/ Mart%EDnez. pdf+ how+ many+ members+ has+ the+ cnt"?& hl=en& sig=AHIEtbReHIKIpPB5S7iAVk49A1GJC-Uc_A) [71] (Spanish) Que son las elecciones sindicales? (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ Documentos/ panf_elecc_sind. htm), official CNT site. Accessed online 6 January 2008. [72] (Spanish) Otra reforma laboral Y ahora qu? (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ Documentos/ Reforma/ reforma. htm), official CNT site. Accessed online 6 January 2008. [73] (Spanish) Plataforma Reivindicativa (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ Documentos/ plataforma/ plataforma. htm), official CNT site. Accessed online 6 January 2008. [74] (Spanish) Reivindicacin de nuestro patrimonio | recuperaacin de la memoria histrica (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ patrimonio/ ), a collection of articles on the official CNT site. See especially (1) Reivindicacin del patrimonio sindical acumulado (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ noticia. php?id=3394), CNT de Toledo, 9 September 2007 and (2) La CNT ha presentado hoy una demanda ante el Tribunal Supremo sobre Patrimonio Histrico (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ noticia. php?id=3390), Secretara de Prensa y Comunicacin del Comit Nacional de CNT-AIT (Secretary of Press and Communication of the National Committee of the CNT-AIT), 6 September 2007. All accessed online 6 January 2008. [75] (Spanish) Jornadas Conmemorativos del 70 Aniversario de la Revolucin Social Anarquista; Semana del 10 al 22 de Julio (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ sovmadrid/ 1936. htm). ("Commemorative Days of the 70th Anniversary of the Anarchist Social Revolution: week of 10 to 22 July" (and interactive schedule (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ sovmadrid/ tablageneral. htm), which is an active image map). On official CNT site. Accessed 6 January 2008. [76] (French) Les trimbres dits par la CNT et la FAI entre 1936 et 1939 (http:/ / www. increvablesanarchistes. org/ album_photo/ timbres/ 3639_timbrcntfai. htm) ("The stamps issued by the CNT and FAI between 1936 and 1939"), Increvables Anarchistes (http:/ / www. increvablesanarchistes. org). Includes images of many stamps. Accessed 6 January 2008. [77] "Spain 1936/1939, what are the anarchist posters during the civil war?" (http:/ / www. increvablesanarchistes. org/ articles/ 1936_45/ spanish_posters_1936-1939. htm). . Retrieved 2008-01-07. [78] Orwell 1969, p.116 [79] The picture, taken September 5, 1936, is known by various similar names: "Death of a militiaman", "Loyalist Militiaman at the Moment of Death, Cerro Muriano, September 5, 1936." See Federico Borrell Garca for image. [80] Proving that Robert Capa's Falling Soldier is Genuine: a Detective Story (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wnet/ americanmasters/ database/ capa_r. html), Richard Whelan, American Masters, PBS Website. Accessed 5 January 2008. [81] (Spanish) Cine y Anarquismo. 1936: colectivizacin de la industria cinematogrfica. (http:/ / www. cnt. es/ Documentos/ cineyanarquismo/ ) ("Film and anarchism. 1936: Collectivisation of the film industry"), official CNT site. Accessed 5 January 2008.

52

Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo

53

Sources
CNT (2001) (in Spanish). Anarcosindicalismo bsico. Seville: Federacin Local de Sindicatos de Sevilla de la CNT-AIT. ISBN8492069848. CNT; Jeff Stein (1998) (PDF). Basic Anarcho-Syndicalism (http://www.zabalaza.net/pdfs/varpams/ basic_anarcho_syndic_js.pdf). Johannesburg, South Africa: Zabalaza Books. Retrieved 2008-01-07. Excerpts from the 1998 edition of Anarcosindicalismo bsico were translated by Jeff Stein and published first in the Anarcho-Syndicalist Review, then as a pamphlet (PDF linked). Direct quotations in this article follow Stein's wording for passages he has translated. Note that the pagination of the linked PDF places two pages of the pamphlet on each PDF page; cited page numbers follow the pamphlet itself. Aguilar Fernndez, Palomar (2002). Memory and Amnesia: The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy. Berghahn Books. ISBN1571814965. Ackelsberg, Martha A. (2005). Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women. Oakland: AK Press. ISBN1902593960. Alexander, Robert (1999). Anarchists in the Spanish Civil War. Janus Publishing Company. ISBN185756412X. ISBN 185756412X. Beevor, Antony (2006). The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN978-0297-848325.

Bowen, Wayne H. (2006). Spain During World War II. University of Missouri Press. ISBN0826216587. Christie, Stuart (2002). My Granny Made Me an Anarchist: The Cultural and Political Formation of a west of Scotland baby-boomer. Christie Books. ISBN1873976143. Christie, Stuart (2003). General Franco Made Me A Terrorist. Christie Books. ISBN1873976194. Fernndez, Frank, Cuban Anarchism: The History of a Movement, See Sharp Press. Gmez Casas, Juan (1986). Anarchist Organisation: The History of the F.A.I.. Black Rose Books Limited. ISBN0920057381. Geary, Dick (1989). Labour and Socialist Movements in Europe Before 1914. Berg Publishers. ISBN0854967052. Horn, Gerd-Rainer (1996). European Socialists Respond to Fascism: Ideology, Activism and Contingency in the 1930s. Oxford University Press US. ISBN0195093747. Meltzer, Albert (1996). I Couldn't Paint Golden Angels: Sixty Years of Commonplace Life and Anarchist Agitation. Oakland: AK Press. ISBN1873176937. Orwell, George (1938). Homage to Catalonia. ISBN0905712455. Porcel, Baltasar (1978) (in Spanish). La revuelta permanente. Barcelona: Editorial Planeta. ISBN843205643X. Roca Martnez, Beltrn (2006). "Anarchism, anthropology and Andalucia: an analysis of the CNT and 'New Capitalism'" (http://www.lwbooks.co.uk/journals/anarchiststudies/articles/Martnez.pdf) (PDF). Anarchist Studies (London: Lawrence & Wishart) 14 (2): 106130. ISSN0967 3393. Retrieved 2007-12-27. Villar, Manuel (1994) (in Spanish). El anarquismo en la insurreccin de Asturias: la CNT y la FAI en octubre de 1934. Madrid: Fundacin Anselmo Lorenzo. ISBN8486864151. Woodcock, George (1962). Anarchism: A History Of Libertarian Ideas And Movements. Broadview Press. ISBN1551116294.

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54

External links
(Spanish) CNT Official Website (http://www.cnt.es/) (Spanish) Fundacin de Estudios Libertarios Anselmo Lorenzo (FAL) (http://www.cnt.es/fal) (Spanish) Directorio de Sindicatos, Federaciones y Confederaciones de la CNT (http://www.cnt.es/Director/ ) (Directory of unions, federations, and confederations of the CNT) (Spanish) Peridico CNT (http://www.periodicocnt.org/) (CNT Journal) (Spanish) Asociation Internationales de los Trabajadores AIT-IWA-IAA (http://www.iwa-ait.org) Instituto de crencias Econmicas y de la Autogestion (http://www.iceautogestion.org) (Spanish) Libreria Libertaria La Malatesta, Madrid (http://www.lamalatesta.net) (Spanish) Vivir la Utopa. El anarquismo en Espaa (http://www.paradocs.es/JuanGamero.htm) (Living the Utopia. Anarchism in Spain), documentary film by Juan A. Gamero. Arte-TVE, Spain, 1997. see the film via AgoraTV in Spanish: (http://www.revolutionvideo.org/agoratv/secciones/memoria/vivir_lautopia1.html). Here a link to the film with English subtitels: (http://en.anarchopedia.org/Vivir_la_utopia) Articles on the CNT (http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/qftvkg) from the Kate Sharpley Libarry

Posters
(French) Images of numerous CNT-related posters can be seen on the French-language site Increvables Anarchistes

(http://www.increvablesanarchistes.org): La rvolution et la guerre en Espagne 1936-1939: Les affiches des colonnes et milices libertaires et les combats contre le fascisme (http://www.increvablesanarchistes.org/affiches/aff1936_45/affespagn_combat.htm) ("Revolution and war in Spain 19361939: Posters of the libertarian columns and militias and fight against fascism") Affiches de la rvolution espagnole 1936 - 1939: les collectivisations et la socialisation des transports (http:// www.increvablesanarchistes.org/affiches/aff1936_45/affespagn_collecti.htm) "Posters of the Spanish Revolution 19361939: The collectivisations and socialisation of transport" Les affiches de la rvolution espagnole 1936 - 1939: les collectivisations et le communisme libertaire la campagne (http://www.increvablesanarchistes.org/affiches/aff1936_45/36colect_paysan.htm) "Posters of the Spanish Revolution 19361939: The collectivisations and libertarian communism in the countryside" La rvolution espagnole 1936 - 1939: Affiches sur l'ducation et la culture (http://www.increvablesanarchistes. org/affiches/aff1936_45/36affi_educacultur.htm): "Posters of the Spanish Revolution 19361939: Posters on education and culture" Les affiches de la guerre et de la rvolution espagnole 1936 - 1939: la CNT (Confederation National del Trabajo), FAI (Federation Anarquista Iberica), AIT (Associacion International de los Trabadores) (http://www. increvablesanarchistes.org/affiches/aff1936_45/36aff_cntfai.htm) Affiches de la rvolution espagnole 1936 - 1939: Mujeres Libres (Femmes Libres) (http://www. increvablesanarchistes.org/affiches/aff1936_45/36mujeres_libres.htm): "Posters of the Spanish Revolution 19361939: Mujeres Libres (Free women)" Guerre et rvolution en espagne libertaire 1936 - 1939: Affiches sur les usines et les industries socialises (http:// www.increvablesanarchistes.org/affiches/aff1936_45/36colec_indus.htm): "Posters of the Spanish Revolution 19361939: Posters for socialized factories and industries"

International Brigades

55

International Brigades
The International Brigades (Spanish: Brigadas Internacionales) were military units made up of anti-fascist socialist, communist and anarchist volunteers from different countries, who traveled to Spain to defend the Second Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1939. An estimated 32,000[1] people from a claimed "53 nations"[1] volunteered. They fought against the Spanish Nationalist forces led by General Francisco Franco and assisted by German and Italian forces.

Formation and recruitment

Using foreign Communist Parties to recruit volunteers for Spain was first proposed in the Soviet Union in September 1936apparently at the suggestion of Maurice Thorez[2] by Willi Mnzenberg, chief of Comintern propaganda for Western Europe. As a security measure, non-Communist volunteers would first be interviewed by an NKVD agent. By the end of September, the Italian and French Communist Parties had decided to set up a column. Luigi Longo, ex-leader of the Italian Communist Youth, was charged to make the necessary arrangements with the Spanish government. The Soviet Ministry of Defense also helped, since they had experience of dealing with corps of international volunteers during the Russian Civil War. The idea was initially opposed by Largo Caballero, but after the first setbacks of the war, he changed his mind, and finally agreed to the operation on 22 October. However, the Soviet Union did not withdraw from the Non-Intervention Committee, probably to avoid diplomatic conflict with France and the United Kingdom.

The flag of the International Brigades was the Spanish Republican flag with the three-pointed star in the center

The flag of the Popular Front, the political organization that hosted the International Brigades.

The main recruitment centre was in Paris, under the supervision of Polish communist colonel Karol "Walter" wierczewski. On 17 October 1936, an open letter by Joseph Stalin to Jos Daz was published in Mundo Obrero, arguing that victory for the Spanish second republic was a matter not Flag of the Hungarian International Brigades. only for Spaniards, but also for the whole of "progressive humanity"; in a matter of days, support organisations for the Spanish Republic were founded in most countries, all more or less controlled by the Comintern. Entry to Spain was arranged for volunteers: for instance, a Yugoslavian, Josip Broz, who would became famous as Marshal Josip Broz Tito, was in Paris to provide assistance, money and passports for volunteers from Eastern Europe. Volunteers were sent by train or ship from France to Spain, and sent to the base at Albacete. However, many

International Brigades of them also went by themselves to Spain. The volunteers were under no contract, nor defined engagement period, which would later prove a problem. Also many Italians, Germans, and people from other countries joined the movement, with the idea that combat in Spain was a first step to restore democracy or advance a revolutionary cause in their own country. There were also many unemployed workers (especially from France), and adventurers. Finally, some 500 communists who had been exiled to Russia were sent to Spain (among them, experienced military leaders from the First World War like "Klber" Stern, "Gomez" Zaisser, "Lukacs" Zalka and "Gal" Galicz, who would prove invaluable in combat). The operation was met by communists with enthusiasm, but by anarchists with skepticism, at best. At first, the anarchists who controlled the borders with France were told to refuse communist volunteers, and reluctantly allowed their passage after protests. A group of 500 volunteers (mainly French, with a few exiled Poles and Germans) arrived in Albacete on 14 October 1936. They were met by international volunteers who had already been fighting in Spain: Germans from the Thlmann Battalion, Italians from Centuria Gastone Sozzi and French from Commune de Paris Battalion. Among them was British poet John Cornford. Men were sorted according to their experience and origin, and dispatched to units. Albacete soon became the International Brigades headquarters and its main depot. It was run by a troika of Comintern heavyweights: Andr Marty was commander; Luigi Longo (Gallo) was Inspector-General; and Giuseppe Di Vittorio (Nicoletti) was chief political commissar.[3] The French Communist Party provided uniforms for the Brigades. Discipline was extreme. For several weeks, the Brigades were locked in their base while their strict military training was under way.

56

Service
First engagements: Siege of Madrid
The Battle of Madrid was a major success for the Republic. It staved off the prospect of a rapid defeat at the hands of Francisco Franco's forces. The role of the International Brigades in this victory was generally recognised, but was exaggerated by Comintern propaganda, so that the outside world heard only of their victories, and not those of Spanish units. So successful was such propaganda that the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Chilton, declared that there were no Spaniards in the army which had defended Madrid. The International Brigade forces that fought in Madrid arrived after other successful Republican fighting. Of the 40,000 Republican troops in the city, the foreign troops numbered less than 3,000.[4] Even though the International Brigades did not win the battle by themselves, nor significantly change the situation, they certainly did provide an example by their determined fighting, and improved the morale of the population by demonstrating the concern of other nations in the fight. Many of the older members of the International Brigades provided valuable combat experience having fought during the First World War (Spain remained neutral in 1914-18) and the Irish War of Independence (Some fought in the IRA while others fought in the British army). One of the strategic positions in Madrid was the Casa de Campo. There the Nationalist troops were Moroccans, commanded by General Jos Enrique Varela. They were excellent fighters in the open, but were ill-trained for urban warfare, a role in which the Republican militia had shown prowess in from the early days of the war. They were stopped by III and IV Brigades of the regular Republican Army. On 9 November 1936, the XI International Brigade - comprising 1,900 men from the Edgar Andr Battalion, the Commune de Paris Battalion and the Dabrowski Battalion, together with a British machine-gun company took up position at the Casa de Campo. In the evening, its commander, General Klber, launched an assault on the Nationalist positions. This lasted for the whole night and part of the next morning. At the end of the fight, the Nationalist troops had been forced to retreat, abandoning all hopes of a direct assault on Madrid by Casa de Campo, while the XIth Brigade had lost a third of its personnel.

International Brigades On 13 November, the 1,550-man strong XII International Brigade, made up of the Thlmann Battalion, the Garibaldi Battalion and the Andr Marty Battalion, deployed. Commanded by General "Lukacs", they assaulted Nationalist positions on the high ground of Cerro de los Angeles. As a result of language and communication problems, command issues, lack of rest, poor coordination with armoured units, and insufficient artillery support, the attack failed. On November 19, the anarchist militias were forced to retreat, and Nationalist troops Moroccans and Spanish Foreign Legionnaires, covered by the Nazi Condor Legion captured a foothold in the University City. The 11th Brigade was sent to drive the Nationalists out of the University City. The battle was extremely bloody, a mix of artillery and aerial bombardment, with bayonet and grenade fights, room by room. Anarchist leader Buenaventura Durruti was shot there on 19 November 1936, and died the next day. The battle in the University went on until three quarters of the University City was under Nationalist control. Both sides then started setting up trenches and fortifications. It was then clear that any assault from either side would be far too costly; the nationalist leaders had to renounce the idea of a direct assault on Madrid, and prepare for a siege of the capital. On 13 December 1936, 18,000 nationalist troops attempted an attack to close the encirclement of Madrid at Guadarrama an engagement known as the Battle of the Corunna Road. The Republicans sent in a Soviet armoured unit, under General Dmitry Pavlov, and both XI and XII International Brigades. Violent combat followed, and they stopped the Nationalist advance. An attack was then launched by the Republic on the Cordoba front. The battle ended in a form of stalemate; a communique was issued, saying: "[t]oday, our advance continued without loss of land". Poets Ralph Winston Fox and John Cornford were killed. Eventually, the Nationalists advanced, taking the hydro electric station at El Campo. Andr Marty accused the commander of the Marseillaise Battalion, Gaston Delasalle, of espionage and treason and had him executed. (It is doubtful that Delasalle would have been a spy for Francisco Franco; he was denounced by his own second-in-command, Andr Heussler, who was subsequently executed for treason during World War II by the French Resistance.) Further Nationalist attempts after Christmas to encircle Madrid met with failure, but not without extremely violent combat. On 6 January 1937, the Thlmann Battalion arrived at Las Rozas, and held its positions until it was destroyed as a fighting force. On January 9, only 10km had been lost to the Nationalists, when the XIII International Brigade and XIV International Brigade and the 1st British Company, arrived in Madrid. Violent Republican assaults were launched in attempt to retake the land, with little success. On January 15, trenches and fortifications were built by both sides, resulting in a stalemate. The Nationalists did not take Madrid until the very end of the war, in March 1939. There were also some pockets of resistance during the consecutive months.

57

Battle of Jarama
On 6 February 1937, following the fall of Mlaga, the nationalists launched an attack on the Madrid-Andalusia road, south of Madrid. The Nationalists quickly advanced on the little town Ciempozuelos, held by the XV International Brigade, which was composed of the British Battalion (British Commonwealth and Irish), the Dimitrov Battalion (miscellaneous Balkan nationalities), the 6 Fvrier Battalion (Belgians and French), the Canadian Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion and the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (Americans, including African-American). An independent 80-men-strong (mainly) Irish unit, known as the Connolly Column, made up of people from both sides of the Irish border also fought. Several histories of the Irish in Spain record that they included an ex-Catholic Christian Brother and an ordained Church of Ireland (Anglican Protestant) Clergyman, fighting and dying on the same side. (These battalions were not composed entirely of one nationality or another, rather they were for the most part a mix of many) On 11 February 1937, a Nationalist brigade launched a surprise attack on the Andr Marty Battalion (XIV International Brigade), stabbing its sentries and crossing the Jarama. The Garibaldi Battalion stopped the advance

International Brigades with heavy fire. At another point, the same tactic allowed the Nationalists to move their troops across the river. On 12 February, the British Battalion, XV International Brigade took the brunt of the attack, remaining under heavy fire for seven hours. The position became known as "Suicide Hill". At the end of the day, only 225 of the 600 members of the British battalion remained. One company was captured by ruse, when Nationalists advanced among their ranks singing The Internationale. On 17 February, the Republican Army counter-attacked. On February 23 and 27, the International Brigades were engaged, but with little success. The Lincoln Battalion was put under great pressure, with no artillery support. It suffered 120 killed and 175 wounded. Amongst the dead was the Irish poet Charles Donnelly[5] and Leo Greene. There were heavy casualties on both sides, and although "both claimed victory ... both suffered defeats".[6] It resulted in a stalemate, with both sides digging in, creating elaborate trench systems. On 22 February 1937 the League of Nations Non-Intervention Committee ban on foreign volunteers went into effect.

58

Battle of Guadalajara
After the failed assault on the Jarama, the Nationalists attempted another assault on Madrid, from the North-East this time. The objective was the town of Guadalajara, 50km from Madrid. The whole Italian expeditionary corps 35,000 men, with 80 battle tanks and 200 field artillery was deployed, as Benito Mussolini wanted the victory to be credited to Italy. On 9 March 1937, the Italians made a breach in the Republican lines, but did not properly exploit the advance. However, the rest of the Nationalist army was advancing, and the situation appeared critical for the Republicans. A formation drawn from the best available units of the Republican army, including the XI and XII International Brigades, was quickly assembled. At dawn on 10 March, the Nationalists closed in, and by noon, the Garibaldi Battalion counterattacked. Some confusion arose from the fact that the sides were not aware of each other's movements, and that both sides spoke Italian; this resulted in scouts from both sides exchanging information without realising they were enemies.[7] The Republican poster featuring the International Republican lines advanced and made contact with XI International Brigades. The text reads We the Internationals, Brigade. Nationalist tanks were shot at and infantry patrols came into united with the Spanish people, fight the invader. action. There was reportedly an incident in which a Nationalistofficer asked why Italian soldiers were shooting at his party, and they responded Noi siamo Italiani di Garibaldi (literally: "we are Garibaldi Italian"), at which point the Nationalists surrendered. The common language was used to advantage by the Republicans, who used loudspeakers and dropped leaflets from planes, to broadcast propaganda messages, including a promise to pay Nationalist deserters. On March 11, the Nationalist army broke the front of the Republican army. The Thlmann Battalion suffered heavy losses, but succeeded in holding the Trijueque-Torija road. The Garibaldi also held its positions. On March 12, Republican planes and tanks attacked. The Thlmann Battalion attacked Trijuete in a bayonet charge and re-took the town, capturing numerous prisoners. The International Brigades also saw combat in the Battle of Teruel in January 1938. The 35th International Division suffered heavily in this battle from aerial bombardment as well as shortages of food, winter clothing and ammunition. The XIV International Brigade fought in the Battle of Ebro in July 1938, the last Republican offensive of the war.

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Disbandment
In October 1938, at the height of the Battle of the Ebro, the Non-Intervention Committee ordered the withdrawal of the International Brigades which were fighting on the Republican side, while turning a blind eye on the fact that the Fascist Italian and Nazi German expeditionary forces were fighting on the Nationalist side, effectively helping General Franco to win the war.[8] The Republican government of Juan Negrn, announced the decision in the League of Nations on 21 September 1938. The disbandment was part of an ill-advised effort to get the Nationalist's foreign backers to withdraw their troops and to persuade the western democracies such as France and Britain to end their arms embargo on the Republic. This action sealed the fate of the Spanish Republic which was not allowed to prevail by the European powers.

Bronze plaque honoring the British soldiers of the International Brigades who died defending the Spanish Republic at the monument on Hill 705, Serra de Pndols.

By this time there were about an estimated 10,000 foreign volunteers still serving in Spain for the Republican side, and about 50,000 foreign conscripts for the Nationalists (excluding another 30,000 Moroccans).[9] Perhaps half of the International Bridgadists came from Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy or other countries, such as Hungary, which had authoritarian right-wing governments at the time. These men could not safely return home and parts of them were instead given honorary Spanish citizenship and integrated in to Spanish units of the Popular Army. The remainder were repatriated to their own countries. The Belgian volunteers lost their citizenship because they had served in a foreign army.[10]

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Composition
Overview
For a military overview, see International Brigades order of battle The first brigades were composed mostly of French, Belgian, Italian, and German volunteers, backed by a sizeable contingent of Polish miners from Northern France and Belgium. The XIth, XIIth and XIIIth were the first brigades formed. Later, the XIVth and XVth Brigades were raised, mixing experienced soldiers with new volunteers. Smaller Brigades the 86th, 129th and 150th - were formed in late 1937 and 1938, mostly for temporary tactical reasons. About 32,000 [1] people volunteered to defend the Spanish Republic. Many were veterans of World War I. Their early engagements in 1936 during the Siege of Madrid amply demonstrated their military and propaganda value. The international volunteers were mainly socialists, communists, or under communist authority, and a high proportion were Jewish. Some were involved in the fighting in Barcelona against Republican opponents of the Communists: the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) (Partido Obrero de Unificacin Marxista, an anti-Stalinist Marxist party) and anarchists. These Republican poster featuring the International Brigades. more libertarian groups like the POUM fought together on the The text reads All the peoples of the world are in the front with the anarchist federations of the CNT (CNT, International Brigades supporting the Spanish people. The three figures are those of a "yellow", "black" and Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo) and the FAI (FAI, Iberian "white" soldier, as to represent the whole of humanity Anarchist Federation) who had large support in the area of Catalonia. However, overseas volunteers from anarchist, socialist, liberal and other political positions also served with the international brigades. To simplify communication, the battalions usually concentrated people of the same nationality or language group. The battalions were often (formally, at least) named after inspirational people or events. From Spring 1937 onwards, many battalions contained one Spanish volunteer company (about 150 men). Later in the war, military discipline tightened and learning Spanish became mandatory. By decree of 23 September 1937, the International Brigades formally became units of the Spanish Foreign Legion.[11] This made them subject to the Spanish Code of Military Justice. However the Spanish Foreign Legion itself sided with the Nationalists throughout the coup and the civil war.[12] The same decree also specified that non-Spanish officers in the Brigades should not exceed Spanish ones by more than 50 per cent[13]

Data
Brigades' composition by nationality

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Nationality French Italians / Poles Soviets Americans British Belgians Czechoslovakians Yugoslavs Hungarians Canadians Swedes Other Scandinavians Swiss Dutch Bulgarians Irish Estonians Mexicans Greeks Cypriots 9,000 3,350 [1] [14]

Thomas

[1] [14]

Others 9,000 3,000 5,000 3,000 [15] [15] [15] [15]

Germans/Austrians 3,000 [1] 3,000 [1] [1]

2,000-3,000 2,800 2,000 1,500 1,500 1,500 1,000 500 700 at least 400 [14] [1] [1] [1] [14] [14] [14]

2,800 1,800 1,600 1,500 1,660 2,000 500 c. 800

[15] [15] [15] [15] [15]

[15]

[16]

[17]

462

250 (served in the Abraham Lincoln Battalion) 90 [1] [17] 200 [18]

160 60

Casualties Killed in action: 9,934 (16%) Wounded in action: 7,686 (12.9%) Missing in Action: unknown Prisoners-of War: unknown

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Non-Spanish battalions
Abraham Lincoln Battalion: from the United States, Canada and Irish Free State, with some British, Cypriots and Chilean who lived in New York and were members of the Chilean worker club of New York. Connolly Column: This mostly Irish republican group fought as a section of the Lincoln Battalion Mickiewicz Battalion: predominantly Polish. Andr Marty Battalion: predominantly French and Belgian, named after Andr Marty. British Battalion: Mainly British but with many from the Irish Free State, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Cyprus and other Commonwealth countries. Checo-Balcnico Battalion: Czechoslovakian and Balkan. Commune de Paris Battalion: predominantly French.

Spanish Civil War Medal awarded to the International Brigades

Deba Blagoiev Battalion: predominantly Bulgarian, later merged into the Djakovic Battalion. Dimitrov Battalion: Greek, Yugoslavian, Bulgarian, Czechoslovakian, Hungarian and Romanian. Named after Georgi Dimitrov. Djuro Djakovic Battalion: Yugoslav, Bulgarian, anarchist, named after the former Yugoslav communist party secretary uro akovi. Dabrowski Battalion: mostly Polish and Hungarian. Also Czechoslovakian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Palestinian Jews. See also Dbrowszczacy. Edgar Andr Battalion: mostly German. Also Austrian, Yugoslavian, Bulgarian, Albanian, Romanian, Danish, Swedish, Norwegian and Dutch. Espaol Battalion: Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Chilean, Argentinian and Bolivian. Figlio Battalion: mostly Italian; later merged with the Garibaldi Battalion. Garibaldi Battalion: Raised as the Italoespaol Battalion and renamed. Mostly Italian and Spanish, but contained some Albanians. George Washington Battalion: the second U.S. battalion. Later merged with the Lincoln Battalion, to form the Lincoln-Washington Battalion. Hans Beimler Battalion: mostly German; later merged with the Thlmann Battalion. Henri Barbusse Battalion: predominantly French. Henri Vuilleman Battalion: predominantly French. Louise Michel Battalions: French-speaking, later merged with the Henri Vuillemin Battalion. Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion: the "Mac-Paps", predominantly Canadian. Marseillaise Battalion: predominantly French-commanded by George Nathan. Incorporated one separate British company. Palafox Battalion: Yugoslavian, Polish, Czechoslovakian, Hungarian, Jewish and French. Naftali Botwin Company: a Jewish unit formed within the Palafox Battalion in December 1937. Pierre Brachet Battalion: mostly French. Rakosi Battalion: mainly Hungarian, also Czechoslovakians, Ukrainians, Poles, Chinese, Mongolians and Palestinian Jews. Nine Nations Battalion (also known as the Sans nons and Neuf Nationalits: French, Belgian, Italian, German, Austrian, Dutch, Danish, Swiss and Polish. Six Fvrier Battalion ("Sixth of February"): French, Belgian, Moroccan, Algerian, Libyan, Syrian, Iranian, Iraqi, Chinese, Japanese, Indian and Palestinian Jewish.

International Brigades Thlmann Battalion: predominantly German, named after German communist leader Ernst Thlmann. Tom Mann Centuria: A small, mostly British, group who operated as a section of the Thlmann Battalion. Thomas Masaryk Battalion: mostly Czechoslovakian. Tschapaiew Battalion: Ukrainian, Polish, Czechoslovakian, Bulgarian, Yugoslavian, Turkish, Italian, German, Austrian, Finnish, Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, Belgian, French, Greek, Albanian, Dutch, Swiss and Baltic. Vaillant-Couturier Battalion: French, Belgian, Czechoslovakian, Bulgarian, Swedish, Norwegian and Danish. Veinte Battalion: American, British, Italian, Yugoslavian and Bulgarian. Zwlfte Februar Battalion: mostly Austrian.

63

Status after the war

Since the Civil War was eventually won by the Nationalists, the Brigadiers were initially on the "wrong side" of history, especially since most of their home countries had a right-wing government (in France, for instance, the Popular Front was not in power any more). However, since most of these countries found themselves at war with the very powers which had been supporting the Nationalists, the Brigadists gained some prestige as the first guard of the democracies, having fought a prophetical combat. Retrospectively, it was clear that the war in Spain was as much a precursor of the Second World War as a Spanish civil war. Some glory was therefore accredited to the volunteers (a great deal of the survivors also fought gallantly during World War II), but this soon faded in the fear that it would promote (by association) communism. An exception is among groups to the left of the Communist Parties, for example anarchists. Among these groups the Brigades, or at least their leadership, are criticised for their alleged role in suppressing the Spanish Revolution. An example of a modern work which promotes this view is Ken Loach's film Land and Freedom. A well-known contemporary account of the Spanish Civil War which also takes this view is George Orwell's book Homage to Catalonia.

Czechoslovak poster celebrating the 25th anniversary of establishing the International Brigades.

East Germany
After the Second World War, the German Democratic Republic found itself in need of a 'founding myth' going beyond the conquest of eastern Nazi Germany by the Red Army. The Spanish Civil War, and especially the role of the International Brigades, were considered ideal, and became a substantial part of East Germany's memorial rituals, because of the substantial numbers of German communists who had served in the brigades.[19]

East German stamp honoring Hans Beimler with a fight scene of the International Brigades in the background

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Canada
Survivors of the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion were often investigated by the RCMP and denied employment when they returned to Canada. Some were prevented from serving in the military during the Second World War due to "political unreliability".

Switzerland
In Switzerland, public sympathy was high for the Republican cause, but the federal government banned all fundraising and recruiting activities a month after the start of the war so as to preserve Swiss neutrality.[16] Around 800 Swiss volunteers joined the International Brigades, among them a small number of women.[16] Sixty percent of Swiss volunteers identified as communists, while the others included socialists, anarchists and antifascists.[16] Some 170 Swiss volunteers were killed in the war.[16] The survivors were tried by military courts upon their return to Switzerland for violating the criminal prohibition on foreign military service.[16] [20] The courts pronounced 420 sentences which ranged from around two weeks to four years in prison, and often also stripped the convicts of their political rights. In the judgment of Swiss historian Mauro Cerutti, volunteers were punished more harshly in Switzerland than in any other democratic country.[16] Motions to pardon the Swiss brigadists on the account that they fought for a just cause have been repeatedly introduced in the Swiss federal parliament. A first such proposal was defeated in 1939 on neutrality grounds.[16] In 2002, Parliament again rejected a pardon of the Swiss war volunteers, with a majority arguing that they did break a law that remains in effect to this day.[21] In March 2009, Parliament adopted a third bill of pardon, retroactively rehabilitating Swiss brigadists, only a handful of whom were still alive.[22]

United States
In the United States, the volunteers were labeled as "premature anti-fascists" by the FBI, denied promotion during service in the US military during World War II, and pursued by Congressional committees during the Red Scare.[23]
[24]

Recognition
Spain
On 26 January 1996, the Spanish government gave Spanish citizenship to the Brigadists. At the time, roughly 600 remained. At the end of 1938, Prime Minister Juan Negrn had promised Spanish citizenship to the Brigadists, a promise which he could not personally keep as the Republic had lost the war.

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France
In 1996, Jacques Chirac, then French President, granted the former French members of the International Brigades the legal status of former service personnel ("anciens combattants") following the request of two French communist Members of Parliament, Lefort and Asensi, both children of volunteers. Before 1996, the same request was turned down several times including by Franois Mitterrand, the former Socialist President.

Monuments

Barcelona

Canberra (erected 1993)

East Berlin

Kirkcaldy, Scotland

London

Ottawa

Reading, BerkshireReading

San Francisco

Seattle

Stockholm

Victoria, British Columbia

The monument honouring the French Brigadists in Pre Lachaise cemetery

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Symbolism and heraldry

The International Brigades were inheritors of a socialist aesthetic. The flags featured the colours of the Spanish Republic : red, yellow and purple, often along with socialist symbols (red flags, hammer and sickle, fist). The emblem of the brigades themselves was the three-pointed red star, which is often featured.

Notable associated people

Anton Ackermann - Leader of the Political School of the Int. Brigades. Todor Angelov Shapour Bakhtiar Koa Popovi - Yugoslav surrealist, Partisan Commander, General of the JNA, and Vice-President of Yugoslavia. Hans Beimler - After his death the XI International Brigade was named in his honour. Norman Bethune - Canadian doctor with Mac-Paps Herman Bottcher - Awarded two Distinguished Service Crosses during World War II Willy Brandt - West German Chancellor from 19691974, Nobel Peace Prize 1971, 1976 until 1992 Leader of the Socialist International Ernst Busch - singer of broadcasted battle songs - "Voice of the XI Brigade" Robert Capa war photographer Edward A. Carter, Jr. - Earned the Medal of Honor in World War II. Fred Copeman Vladimir opi - 1937 commander of the XV Int. Brigade John Cornford Carmelo Delgado Delgado - Puerto Rican Nationalist Charles Donnelly - poet Janos Galicz - General "Gal" Bill Gannon - Irish Republican Pierre Georges - Colonel "Fabien" Nordahl Grieg - Norwegian writer David Guest Ernest Hemingway - author and war reporter Jack Jones (trade union leader) James Robertson Justice - British actor Hans Kahle - Nov. 1936 commander of the XI Int. Brigade, later of the People's army's 17th and of the 45th division. Ali Kelmendi - Albanian Communist Bernard Knox - English classicist; moved to the United States and joined the United States Army after the conclusion of the Civil War Frantiek Kriegel - Czechoslovak politician Arthur H. Landis - fantasy and non-fiction author, wrote Spain! The Unfinished Revolution, Order of Friendship of Peoples recipient

International Brigades Oliver Law Laurie Lee Harry LidzHeroic, eccentric uncle in Franz Lidz's 1991 memoir Unstrung Heroes and his 2003 urban historical Ghosty Men: The Strange But True Story of the Collyer Brothers[25] Luigi Longo Petro Marko - Albanian novelist (Hasta la Vista) Andr Marty - Stalinist chief commissar, nicknamed "Butcher of Albacete" Guido Nonveiller Jack Nalty - Irish [26] Ferenc Mnnich (political commissar of Rakosi Battalion) became Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Hungary from 1958 to 1961.[27] Conlon Nancarrow - American-born composer George Nathan Michael O'Riordan [28] George Orwell - British writer Abe Osheroff - American activist Ezekias Papaioannou - later general secretary of AKEL Lszl Rajk -(political commissar of the Rakosi Battalion) became Hungarian foreign secretary, was accused of espionage, and shot after a show trial in Hungary in 1949.[29] Heinrich Rau - 1938 commander of the XI International Brigade Pat Read - Irish anarchist [30] Ludwig Renn - German writer - 1936 commander of the Thlmann Battalion in the Battle of Madrid, then chief of staff XI International Brigade Paul Robeson - troop entertainer/fundraiser/honorary member Henri Rol-Tanguy - Colonel Rol Valter Roman Esmond Romilly - English upper-class communist Frank Ryan - Irish Republican Army man led the Connolly Column Mehmet Shehu - Later Albanian Communist Prime Minister Humphrey (Hugh) Slater George Sossenko ikica Jovanovi panac - Serb Yugoslav activist Stephen Spender Manfred Stern - General "Klber" - 1936 commander of the first ("XI") Int. Brigade called "Savior of Madrid" by the international press, then quietly replaced and his name later no longer mentioned. Karol Swierczewski - General "Walter" Gerda Taro war photographer Asim Vokshi - Albanian commander of the Garibaldi Battalion Simone Weil Tom Wintringham

67

International Brigades Milton Wolff - last commander of the Abraham Lincoln Battalion Wilhelm Zaisser - General "Gomez" - 1936 commanding XIII International Brigade, 1937 the international forces in Spain Mate Zalka - General "Lukacs" - 1936 commander XII International Brigade

68

References
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Thomas (2003), pp 941-3 Beevor, Antony. The Spanish Civil War. p. 124. ISBN 0-911745-11-4 Thomas (2003), 443 Beevor. (1982) The Spanish Civil War, p 137; Anderson (2003) The Spanish Civil War: A History and Reference Guide, p 59. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ 20050404023818/ http:/ / www. ajoderse. com/ varios/ red/ red. htm) April 4, 2005 at the Wayback Machine. [6] Thomas (2003), 579 [7] Beevor. (1982) The Spanish Civil War, p 158. [8] La Pasionaria's Farewell Message to the International Brigade fighters (http:/ / www. eroj. org/ biblio/ ibarruri/ adios. htm#mensaje) [9] Exit (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,760250,00. html) - Time, Monday, 03 October 1938 [10] Orwell(1938) 'A Homage to Catalonia' [11] Beevor (2006), p309. [12] Beevor (2006), passim. [13] (Spanish) Castells, Los Brigadas Internacionales, pp 258-9 [14] Thomas (1961), Appendix III [15] Marty attrib. S lvarez [16] Daniele Mariani (February 27, 2008). "No pardon for Spanish civil war helpers" (http:/ / www. swissinfo. org/ eng/ news/ social_affairs/ No_pardon_for_Spanish_civil_war_helpers. html?siteSect=201& sid=8751871). Swissinfo. . [17] Thomas (2001) p 574 [18] (1965) Hispaania tules. Mlestusi ja dokumente faismivastasest vitlusest Hispaanias 1936.-1939. aastal. Editors: Olaf Kuuli, V.Riis, O.Utt. Tallinn: Eesti raamat. [19] The Cult of the Spanish Civil War in East Germany (abstract) (http:/ / jch. sagepub. com/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 39/ 4/ 531) - Krammer, Arnold, Texas A&M University. Retrieved 2008-05-14. [20] Swiss Military Penal Code , SR/RS 321.0 ( E (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ e/ rs/ c321_0. html) D (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ d/ sr/ c321_0. html) F (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ f/ rs/ c321_0. html) I (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ i/ rs/ c321_0. html)), art. 94 ( E (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ e/ rs/ 321_0/ a94. html) D (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ d/ sr/ 321_0/ a94. html) F (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ f/ rs/ 321_0/ a94. html) I (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ i/ rs/ 321_0/ a94. html)) [21] Report of the Judicial Committee of the National Council (http:/ / www. admin. ch/ ch/ d/ ff/ 2002/ 7781. pdf), Off. J. 2002 pp. 7786 et seq. [22] "Parliament pardons Spanish Civil War fighters" (http:/ / www. swissinfo. org/ eng/ news_digest/ Parliament_pardons_Spanish_Civil_War_fighters. html?siteSect=104& sid=10442150). Swissinfo. . Retrieved 2009-03-13. [23] Premature antifascists and the Post-war world (http:/ / www. alba-valb. org/ resources/ lessons/ world-war-ii-letters-from-the-abraham-lincoln-brigade/ premature-antifascists-and-the-post-war-world/ ?searchterm=bill susman), Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives Bill Susman Lecture Series. King Juan Carlos I of Spain Center at New York University, 1998. Retrieved 2009-08-09. [24] Premature Anti-Fascist (http:/ / www. english. illinois. edu/ maps/ scw/ knox. htm), Bill Knox, reprinted from The Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives Bill Susman Lecture Series. King Juan Carlos I of Spain Center New York University, 1998. Retrieved 2009-08-09. [25] "Paid Notice: Deaths LIDZ, HARRY H" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 1999/ 04/ 08/ classified/ paid-notice-deaths-lidz-harry-h. html?pagewanted=1). The New York Times. 8 April 1999. . [26] http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20091028150613/ http:/ / geocities. com/ irelandscw/ ibvol-NaltyBook. htm [27] Thomas, p 927. [28] http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20091028150406/ http:/ / geocities. com/ irelandscw/ ibvol-ORiordan. htm [29] Thomas, p 926. [30] http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20091028150404/ http:/ / geocities. com/ irelandscw/ obit-PatRead. htm

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External links
IBMT the international brigade memorial trust (http://www.international-brigades.org.uk/) Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives (http://www.alba-valb.org/) Reproduction of International Brigades flags, badges and t-shirts (http://www.socialistproductions.org) Freedom fighters or Comintern army? The International Brigades in Spain by Andy Durgan (http://pubs. socialistreviewindex.org.uk/isj84/durgan.htm) International Solidarity With the Spanish Republic: 1936-1939 (http://leninist.biz/en/1975/ISSR389/index. html) Media asso.acer.free.fr (http://asso.acer.free.fr/Documents/Fond documentaire/photos/galeriephotos.htm) english.uiuc.edu (http://www.english.uiuc.edu/maps/scw/photessay.htm)

Article Sources and Contributors

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Article Sources and Contributors

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Zigger, Zoz, Zulu, King Of The Dwarf People, Zurishaddai, Zydekopete, Zzyzx11, ^demon, , 1956 anonymous edits Spanish Revolution Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=424702596 Contributors: 96T, Agnapostate, Aratuk, BD2412, Basketballboy12345, Bdodo1992, Belovedfreak, Beta m, BillMasen, Bryan Derksen, Cast, Chaikney, Che y Marijuana, CommonsDelinker, DNewhall, Dahn, Debney2009, Deenoe, Delirium, DerRichter, Earth, Error, Estevoaei, Fang 23, Flauto Dolce, Francis Tyers, Fumitol, Gilliam, Gobonobo, Gogo Dodo, Ground Zero, HarisX, Hertz1888, Jaraalbe, Kmaster, Koavf, La goutte de pluie, Lapsed Pacifist, Lejzy, LogC, Longwayround, Matt Deres, Melsaran, Michalis Famelis, Mikaey, Mmmmtmmmm, Mr.Rocks, Nat Krause, Nbarth, Nikodemos, NittyG, Obscure1nfinity, Owen, PanchoS, Pearle, Petrb, Picus viridis, Pinkville, Pj13, Popperipopp, R'n'B, RJII, Rich Farmbrough, Rlquall, Ronhjones, Sardanaphalus, Skomorokh, SomeDudeWithAUserName, Strangelv, Technopat, Texture, The Anome, The Ungovernable Force, Tim!, Tomorrowsashes, Tothebarricades.tk, Tzartzam, Wobble, 66 anonymous edits Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=425899085 Contributors: BRUTE, BanyanTree, BillMasen, Cyrius, DagosNavy, Dahn, Darolew, Darwinek, Escriva, Everyking, Good Olfactory, Henrygb, JASpencer, Jaraalbe, Jayjg, Kaihsu, Keresaspa, Luka Jaov, MMcCallister, P0per, PaulVIF, R-41, Rjwilmsi, Rocastelo, Sayerslle, Sperez65, Unyoyega, Wik, Wmahan, Zeisseng, Zeno Gantner, 55, 8 anonymous edits POUM Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=423882801 Contributors: Auntof6, BillMasen, Bobfrombrockley, Bronks, Celeron, CommonsDelinker, DJ Silverfish, Dahn, Duckwalk-KRG, Dudeman5685, Evil Monkey, Falcorian, Grant65, Ground Zero, Gunnernett, Hailey C. Shannon, HenryLarsen, Hvitlys, Jersey Devil, Jerzy, Jmabel, Joan sense nick, JorgeGG, Joy, Lairor, Lapsed Pacifist, Lquilter, Magioladitis, MartinCollin, Mlc, Mnation2, Mr.Rocks, Msrasnw, Mrio, Nave.notnilc, Ndubin, Ospalh, PatGallacher, Paulleake, Pgan002, Plastikspork, Qwertyus, Raymond Cruise, Red Clydeside, Red King, RepublicanJacobite, Rjwilmsi, Rotget, Saforrest, Samchallis, Shizhao, SimonArlott, Skysmith, Soman, Stephen Compall, Th.geros, Thue, ValenShephard, Viator slovenicus, Walkiped, Wik, Woohookitty, , 49 anonymous edits Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=419298844 Contributors: Andycyca, Anonymous Dissident, Barticus88, BillMasen, Colonies Chris, Commissarusa, CommonsDelinker, D6, Descendall, East718, Eric Shalov, Estevoaei, Eumolpo, Fang 23, Father Inire, Gary King, Ground Zero, Humphrey Jungle, Huoob, Jed, Jlaramee, Jmabel, Jrtayloriv, Koavf, Lapsed Pacifist, LilHelpa, Ling.Nut, Ljpernic, Lquilter, MBisanz, Marshall46, Mlc, Mountolive, Murderbike, Nihilo 01, Otolemur crassicaudatus, Pinethicket, R'n'B, Randomlychaotic, Ransdy, Rjwilmsi, Rmky87, Rrburke, Salavat, Sardanaphalus, Skomorokh, Skoosh, Stemonitis, Tbtommyb, Technopat, Tim Q. Wells, Wafry, WhiteShark, Wildsoi5, William Avery, 40 anonymous edits International Brigades Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=426715177 Contributors: -js-, A Geek Tragedy, A2Kafir, AaronS, Adam Bishop, Adam Keller, Akamuski, Albrecht, Aldis90, Anarkitekt, Anotherclown, Aoas, Apeloverage, Argyll Lassie, Arwel Parry, Axeman89, Badgerpatrol, Balcer, Baldeadly, Bamber Gascoigne, Barticus88, Bastin, Bengalski, Biruitorul, Bluedenim, Bobblewik, Bobfrombrockley, Boothferry, BrainyBabe, Bronks, Brunislav, C S, CR85747, CanisRufus, CannedLizard, Carlossuarez46, Catherine Huebscher, Cavie78, Ccairns,

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Ccasey1, Che4libertad, Clich Online, Coelacan, Coentor, Colonies Chris, CommonsDelinker, Conversion script, Covington, Czolgolz, DMorpheus, Dahveed323, Damac, Danny Yee, Darklilac, Darwinek, Degen Earthfast, Descendall, Diyetre, Dodo19, Dudeman5685, Ehistory, Ejte, El Raki, Emceesquared, Erik Jesse, Evil Monkey, Flamingkilt88, Fledgist, Formeruser-81, Fotisaros, Foxhunt king, Fratrep, Friviere, Gaius Cornelius, Gamaliel, Gangaleo, Gc214, Gdo01, Geraldkelly, Glicul, GrahamN, Grant65, Greatestrowerever, Ground Zero, Guliolopez, Gusweill, Henrig, HenryLarsen, Hestemand, Hmains, Hu, Hut 8.5, Ineuw, Ingolfson, Iof76, JIP, JLaTondre, Jan.derijke, Japanese Searobin, Jdorney, Jeff3000, Jerzy, Jogers, Jonathan.s.kt, Jooler, JorgeGG, Joseph Solis in Australia, JoshuaZ, Josve05a, Jwillbur, KF, KNewman, KTo288, Katefan0, Lapsed Pacifist, Leyo, Lihaas, Linuxlad, Llywrch, Lockesdonkey, Lserni, MER-C, Magicmonster, Magioladitis, Mamalujo, Mancunius, Marine 69-71, Masonpatriot, Mavros, Mboverload, Mentatus, Mewasul, Miasnikov, Miborovsky, Miguelin, Mistereamonn, Mlaffs, Mongol, Moshe Constantine Hassan Al-Silverburg, MrOllie, Mrbuddhafreak, Mrdie, Mwyler, Naraht, NatusRoma, Navisliburnia, Nazgul02, Neilc, Nick Number, NikolaM, Nobs01, NotMuchToSay, Nzd, Obersachse, Ohthelameness, Open2universe, Palmiro, Paul haynes, Pc wall, Pebblespring, Pekinensis, Peter Ellis, Pgcnz, Phanou toshi, PhilKnight, Pibwl, Pinkville, Piotrus, Plrk, Pobremancebo, Pramoedya, QuentinUK, Qwarto, R-41, RamBow, Rama, Rbarreira, Red King, Reedy, Remember the dot, Renewolf, RepublicanJacobite, Rettetast, Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ), Roger Davies, Rui Gabriel Correia, SDC, SalJyDieBoereKomLei, Sandstein, ShelfSkewed, Sherpa, Shoeofdeath, SingleDay66998, Sn3 person, Soman, SpuriousQ, Sq178pv, Stifle, Tassedethe, Tazmaniacs, Technomad, Technopat, The Anome, Thomas Blomberg, Thomas W. Richardson, Thuresson, Timo Honkasalo, Tobias Conradi, TodorBozhinov, Tom, Tomtom9041, Tothebarricades.tk, Travelbird, TriniSocialist, Trust Is All You Need, Unyoyega, Uscbino, Vald, Vihelik, WOSlinker, Will Beback Auto, WolfgangFaber, Woohookitty, Xdamr, Xufanc, Yonaka, Zdravko mk, Zscout370, , 311 anonymous edits

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Image:Oviedo-gce.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Oviedo-gce.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: User:quique-ast Image:SalvadorDali-SoftConstructionWithBeans.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:SalvadorDali-SoftConstructionWithBeans.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Aratuk, Jmabel, Justin Foote, Modernist, Obradovic Goran, 1 anonymous edits File:Bundesarchiv Bild 102-12783, Alcala Zamora.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-12783,_Alcala_Zamora.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Albertomos, Ecemaml, Hohum, Lucarelli, RoyFocker 12, 1 anonymous edits File:Guerra Civil Espaola.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Guerra_Civil_Espaola.svg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: User:Tyk File:Flag of Traditionalist Requetes.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Traditionalist_Requetes.svg License: Creative Commons Zero Contributors: User:R-41 Image:Franco.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Franco.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Dantadd, Gennarous, Ilmari Karonen, Nard the Bard, PACO, 2 anonymous edits Image:International brigades hungary flag.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:International_brigades_hungary_flag.svg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: User:Med Image:Spanish Civil War August September 1936.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Spanish_Civil_War_August_September_1936.png License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Booshank (talk) Original uploader was Booshank at en.wikipedia File:Octubre 1937.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Octubre_1937.png License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: User:PACO Image:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-H25224, Guernica, Ruinen.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-H25224,_Guernica,_Ruinen.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: ALE!, Andy1982, HBR, Hystrix, Manxruler, Poxnar, Zarateman, 2 anonymous edits Image:Spanish Civil War November 1938.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Spanish_Civil_War_November_1938.png License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Booshank (talk) Original uploader was Booshank at en.wikipedia Image:Spain final-guerra-civil.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Spain_final-guerra-civil.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Francisco Franco Image:Prats-de-Mollo Children's Home.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Prats-de-Mollo_Children's_Home.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: WRI and Brocca family. 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