Authenticity
Richard Handler
Anthropology Today, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Feb., 1986), 2-4.
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Wed Oct 27 06:18:47 2004and is no doubt very necessary in the United States
‘contest. But when ane af the debaters at an open meeting
fof the Association of Black Anthropologists wryly
defined their organizational problem as being whether
to come inta Master's house or say out inthe garden,
‘ne could see what she was driving at.
‘Whether a community is most itself in its great
ceremonies or in its rundane everyday transactions is
amatter for unending debate. twas something of atelief
‘visit, two days ater, the anthropology department at
Princeton University, because this must be typical of
anthropology departments all over the world. tis housed
inoneof the moremodest buildings in Princeton, which
fs among the wealthiest American universities. The
campus magazine for that week (Weekly Nassau, 5
December) included an article on the contrast between
richand poor departments, The rich department selected
(or study is the new $29 m. ‘state of the-art’ molecular
biology facili: The poor departments... anthropology,
which is also one of thesmallest with only 7 and a half
facelty. The publications record of the staff, says the
reporter, isoutstanding, but there are problems in small
staff numbers: a student who has recently switched her
‘major from anthropology to art history observes that
professors are ‘atways coming and going [because of their
fieldwork! and ‘the department is very much its own
little island’.
Gananath Obeyesekere, the department head, is
pictured with his eyes rolled upwards, alongside a
photograph of the apparently meagre departmental
library with its nearly bare shelves, His arguments in
favour ofthe subject are reported: ‘Students ueed to be
shaken from the world in which they live .. The
administration is fully aware and determined to do
something for Anthropology: The student who
‘switched, Leste Wu, asserts that ‘t's not anthropology
Left, [really liked the professors. {found anthropology
asa fleld to be very flexible since t's basicaly the study
of life Is the department that Lett. It has to shout
‘to berecognized ard that’s a shame because it shouldn't
have t0 shout!
Jonathan Bonthall
1. St Clair Deakesimerestng Reflecions on Ancheopalogy
and che Black Experience (4nthron & Buc: Quarterly IX2.
Summer 1978, pSS¢f) is an article of considerable opica)
interest boeaue it shows thatthe complicated relaonship
Daven social antoropology andthe ant-racimoverent has
along background in the USA.
Authenticity
RICHARD HANDLER
Richard Handler is
sistant profesor at the
‘department af Sociology
‘and Anthropotoay, Lake
Forest College, Minas
The aril is based on @
per siven at aw insted
secon, Tn and Out of
Boundaries organized by
‘the Society for Humansstic
Anthropology of the
American Anthropological
‘Association annual
meeting last December
Washington, RC.
‘May I spell out ehcee initial presuppositions.
Firs, [take ‘authenticity’ to be a cultural construct
ofthe modern Western world. That ithas been acencral,
though implicit, idea in much anthropological enquiry
is a function of a Westen ontology cather than of
anything in tbe non-Western cultures we study. Our
search for authentie cultural experience - for the
unspoiled, pristine, genuine, untouched and traditional
+ says more about us than about athers. Explaining
anthropologicat notions of authenticity wll ive us yet
another example of the startling degree to which
anthropological diseaurse about others proves to be a
working-out of our owa myths.
‘Second, authenticity isa cultural construct closely ted
to Western nations of the individual. Following
Tocqueville (1835) and Dumont (1977) J take
individualism, which I define broadly to include an
aperoack the physical universes wells tothe human
‘world, to bea defining aspect of modern culture, ‘The
individual” has a central place in our understanding of
reality
Third, che bonds uniting authenticity and
individuatis: remain tight in both commonsense and
anthrapotogical ideas about culture, even though we
usually consider discussions of culture to focus on
collective aspects of human existence rather thar or
individval persons. Thisis because cultutes are imagined
as discrete, bounded unite, each unique - ike a
‘personality configuration, as one suggestive simile has
1 - and all of equal value, at least in the abstract
Cultures, in our coramon sense, are the individuated
entities of world society, just as, in our commonsense
understandiia of political reality, nations are the
individual actors of international o: World polities. This
perspective is especially transparent in nationalist and
ethnic ideologies, af which anthropological theory is
4 closely related though more sophisticated variant
(Handler 1985a). Thus nationalist ideologies as well as
anthropological thought attach authenticity to cultures
Just as the larger ‘consumer culture’ that we live it
attaches t to individual euman beings. am suggesting
thatthe same constellation of eultual ideas which allows.
aseft drink to be marketed as ‘the real ching", with the
suggestion that those wha chaose it thereby gain areal
‘or authentic existence, underlies the anthropological
search far cultural authenticity
‘Any discussion of authenticity should begin with a
profound exercise in eulture history, Lionel Trilling!’
Sincerity and Authenticity (1971). Using a comparative
hermeneutic which anthropologists will ind congenial,
“Trilling interprets ‘sincerity’ and ‘authenticity im relation
(o each other, shosing how both concepls emerge (as
an overworked ver’ images i) with the emergence of
‘re modern world from che medieval, and, further, how
authenticity teplaces sincerity asa central elerentin the
individualist world view.
Trilling defines sincerity as ‘the absence of
dissimulation or feigsing or pretence’ (013), andy
elsewhere, as ‘a congruence between avowal and actual
Feeling™ (@2)."According to Trilling,
the intense concern with sincerity which came to
‘characterize certain European national cultures at
the beginning af the modern epach would seen £0
have developed in connection with a great public
event, the extreme revision of traditional modes of
‘comriunal organization which gaveriseca the ensity
‘that iow figures in men’s minds under the name of
society (p26)
‘Thus Trilling links sincerity fo modern notions ofindivideal and society, those new ideas with which
‘Westerners used 10 imagine themselves and their place
inhistorical and, utimately, narara reality, As Cassirer
remarks, in @ comparison of Enlightenment conceptions
of natural science fo thoseof the Middle Ages, ‘the world
ceased to bea “cosmos” in the sense ofan immediately
accessible order of things’ (1932:37). To elaborate: in
the medieval world view the cosmic order was
understood as ordained and encompassed by God, as
‘a hierarchical whole in which humans and all other
features of the natural world are subordinace parts
whose ultimate reality has been assigned to diem by God,
and depends upon their relationship to the other parts
‘ofthe whole. By contrast, individualism allows people
to locate ultimate sealty within themselves. And their
social world is no longer part of the divine hierarchy,
but ‘society’, a human construction seen as the sum of
{individual energies and desires. To quote Cassirer again,
‘on the modern ontology of ‘nature’
Nature .. implies the individuality, the
Independence and particularity of objects. And trom
his characteristic force, whichradiates from every
‘object as. special center of activity, is derived also
the inalienable worth which belongs to it in eke
totality of being. All this i now summed up in the
‘word ‘nature’, which signifies the integration ofall
parts into one all-inclusive whale of activity ad life
Which, nevertheless, no longer means mere
subordination, For the part not only exists within
the whole bur asserts itself agains it, constituting
a specific element of individeality and necessity
(en)
As we shall see, thisidea ofthe part, unit, or individual
asserting itself against the rest of the world asa locus
of uhimate meaning and reality underlies modern
notions of authenticity
Rut to return for the moment to ‘sincerity: Telling
takes the social changes accompanying the rise of
individualistic culture - changes that we suromarize with
the phrase “unprecedented sacial mobility’ ~ as the
relevant backdrop to the birth of ‘sincerity’ With
individualism (in whieh, as Dumont (1977: 4] reminds
us, every person is considered equally representative of
an abstract “humankind’) and with unprecedented
‘mobility, persons are no longer necessarily defined by
their positon in the social hierarchy. They can rise or
fall, and, more important, their humanity transcends
their social place in any determination of who or what
‘they ‘eally ae’ Thus, a8 Tiling (p16) poines out, the
term ‘villain’ once ‘refered roche man who stood lowest
in the scale of fedalsociecs, whereas i eatly-modern
novels ata plays the villain is ‘a persan who soeks t0
rise above the station to which he was bora’ In other
words, as the feudal cosmos gave way ta the ideas of
society and individual, persons were no longer content
‘wdefinethemseives, orto be defined by others, in terms
‘of their social rank.
Yet such socially determined definitions of «person's
Identity did nat disappear avernight, but survived, as
it were, to do battle with more modern conceptions of
the individual. The result was he coneera for sincerity
that Trilling notes. [nthe medieval ward each human.
being ‘exprestes' not Individuality - an inviolable sel?
+ but ‘a social condition’ {p37}, By contrast, once it
‘became ipariant to foeus on the individual self apart
{op social status or position in the divine hierarchy,
people were led to ask ahout the congruence berween
‘one’s cuter position, of te role ane played, and one’s
Innes or true self. Hence the concern for sincerity, of
which the quiscessential definition is. aiven "by
Shakespeare
‘This above all: €o thine own self be true
‘And it doth fallow, as the night the day,
‘Thoe canst not then be false to any mart
(Heritet 1.79.81)
Telling suggests that the conception af sincerity
‘expressed heres ultimately ‘publi’ or social in thesense
that sincerity is demanded not for the sake of the self
‘but forthat of others, thats, asa means 0 honest social
‘clationships (p9)- And he points out that sue sincerity
is today no fonger highly valued precisely because it
privileges social relationships rather than individual
selfhood. Indeed, the early-modem obsession with
sincerity is more an obsession with insincerity, and,
according to Tiling, is closely linked to another newiy
‘mporcant idea, the idea ‘that everyonein society . acts
apart, takes “position” does bis dance, eveq the King
himseit (931). That a king can be imagined as playing
the socal role of king suggests how greatly the moder
‘outlook defers from the medieval, which, presumably,
the king simply was king, by vite ofthe essential being
God had granted him,
Society, chen, is the lacus of role-playing and of
insincerity, As Rousseau putsit, discussing theemergence
of ally formed civ society, It rew became the intrest
‘of men to appear what they really were not (1755: 86)
And, as Trilling points out, sincerity itself, when
practised because iti a social virtue, rotommended to
us by the Poloniuses of the world, leads to insineeity
‘we play the role of being ourselves, we sincerely act the
part of che sincere person, wich che result that 2
judgement may be passed upon ou sincerity that i is
not authentic’ (pid)
‘So we arrive at ‘authenticity, which has wo do with
‘our true self, our individual existence, nt a8 we might
present icto others, but asic ‘eal i} apa from any
roles we play. We should here recall Cassirr's
interpretation of the modern ontology of ‘nature’. in
‘which every objector thing in the universes seen asa
special center of activity, a ‘specific element of
individuality and necessity! Each thing is authentic
because itis it exiss, on its own as well asin a larger
universe of equally indeneedent entities. To describe
authenticity, Telling horvaws a phrase fram Roxssesu,
‘the sentiment of being’. We moderas are
‘eharacteristically anxious about being, about ‘eality,
‘oy, more particularly, about our lack of realty, about
‘our lives Which seem, es the popular term hast, "unreal
(cf. Leats 1981), To quote Tiling aga: “Thacthe word.
(axthentcity) has become part ofthe moral sang of our
day pointsto the peculiar nature of our fallen condition,
‘out aaxiety over the credibility of existence and af
individual existences" (293),
Now it is precisely anxiety about existence that
characterizes nationalist ideologies, whose fundamentel
premises always that ‘nation, bounded and distinctive,
exists. Such anziety is particularly apparent where
national or ethne groups find themselves in 2 struggle
for recognition, seeking either national sovereignty or
equal rights within a larger paliy. Thus, to aive same
‘examples frow 19th century Europe, we find Mazzini
ascccting that ‘The Tealian] cation has nat as yer existed;
therefore, ic must exist ithe future! And Renan: “The
existence of ¢ nation isa plebiscite of every day, as the
existenceof the individual isa perpetual affirmation af
life! And Hyde: ‘tis felure of the Irish people... bas
bocen largely brovalt about by therrace .. ceasing to be
Irish withour becoming English (all quoted in Kohn
1965: 119, 139, 147. All sue rhetoric, which seeks 10
prove the existence af a nation, will proceed to define